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PRINCIPLES OF MACRO

ECONOMICS
FRANK • BERNANKE • ANTONOVICS • HEFFETZ

EIGHTH EDITION
PRINCIPLES OF
MACRO
ECONOMICS
Eighth Edition

ROBERT H. FRANK
Cornell University

BEN S. BERNANKE
Brookings Institution [affiliated]
Former Chair, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System

KATE ANTONOVICS
University of California, San Diego

ORI HEFFETZ
Cornell University and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
PRINCIPLES OF MACROECONOMICS
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ISBN 978-1-264-36475-6
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D E D I C AT I O N

For Ellen
R. H. F.

For Anna
B. S. B.

For Fiona and Henry


K. A.

For Katrina, Eleanor, Daniel, and Amalia


O. H.
ABO U T T H E AUTHOR S

ROBERT H. FRANK in 2005. His introductory microeconomics course has


graduated more than 7,000 enthusiastic economic natural-
Robert H. Frank is the H. J. ists over the years.
Louis Professor of Management
and Professor of Economics,
emeritus, at Cornell’s Johnson
School of Management, where
he taught from 1972 to 2020.
BEN S. BERNANKE
After receiving his B.S. from Professor Bernanke received his
Georgia Tech in 1966, he taught B.A. in economics from Harvard
math and science for two years University in 1975 and his Ph.D.
as a Peace Corps Volunteer in in economics from MIT in 1979.
Courtesy of Robert H. Frank rural Nepal. He received his He taught at the Stanford
M.A. in statistics in 1971 and Graduate School of Business
his Ph.D. in economics in 1972 from The University of California from 1979 to 1985 and moved to
at Berkeley. He also holds honorary doctorate degrees from the Princeton University in 1985,
University of St. Gallen and Dalhousie University. During leaves where he was named the Howard
of absence from ­Cornell, he has served as chief economist for Harrison and Gabrielle Snyder
the Civil Aeronautics Board (1978–1980), a Fellow at the Center Courtesy of Ben S. Bernanke Beck Professor of Economics
for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (1992–1993), and Public Affairs and where he
Professor of American Civilization at l’Ecole des Hautes Etudes served as chair of the Economics Department. Professor Bernanke
en Sciences Sociales in Paris (2000–2001), and the Peter and is currently a Distinguished Fellow in Residence with the Economic
Charlotte Schoenfeld Visiting Faculty Fellow at the NYU Stern Studies Program at the Brookings Institution.
School of Business in 2008–2009. His papers have appeared in Professor Bernanke was sworn in on February 1, 2006, as
the American Economic Review, Econometrica, the Journal of Polit- chair and a member of the Board of Governors of the Federal
ical Economy, and other leading professional journals, and for Reserve System; his second term expired January 31, 2014.
more than two decades, his economics columns appeared regu- ­Professor Bernanke also served as chair of the Federal Open
larly in The New York Times. Market Committee, the Fed’s principal monetary policymaking
Professor Frank is the author of a best-selling interme- body. Professor Bernanke was also chair of the President’s
diate economics textbook—Microeconomics and Behavior, Council of Economic Advisers from June 2005 to January
Tenth ­Edition (McGraw Hill, 2021). His research has focused 2006.
on rivalry and cooperation in economic and social behavior. Professor Bernanke’s intermediate textbook, with
His books on these themes include Choosing the Right Pond Andrew Abel and Dean Croushore, Macroeconomics, Ninth
(Oxford, 1985), Passions Within Reason (W. W. Norton, Edition (Addison-Wesley, 2017), is a best seller in its field.
1988), What Price the Moral High Ground? (Princeton, 2004), He has authored numerous scholarly publications in macro-
Falling Behind (University of California Press, 2007), The economics, macroeconomic history, and finance. He has
Economic Naturalist (Basic Books, 2007), The Economic done significant research on the causes of the Great Depres-
Naturalist’s Field Guide (Basic Books, 2009), The Darwin sion, the role of financial markets and institutions in the
Economy (Princeton, 2011), Success and Luck (Princeton, business cycle, and measurement of the effects of monetary
2016), and Under the Influence (Princeton, 2020), which have policy on the economy.
been translated into 24 languages. The Winner-Take-All Society Professor Bernanke has held a Guggenheim Fellowship
(The Free Press, 1995), co-authored with Philip Cook, and a Sloan Fellowship, and he is a Fellow of the Econometric
received a Critic’s Choice Award, was named a Notable Book Society and of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
of the Year by The New York Times, and was included in He served as the director of the Monetary Economics Program
BusinessWeek’s list of the 10 best books of 1995. Luxury Fever of the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) and as
(The Free Press, 1999) was named to the Knight-Ridder Best a member of the NBER’s Business Cycle Dating Committee.
Books list for 1999. From 2001 to 2004 he served as editor of the American
Professor Frank is a co-recipient of the 2004 Leontief ­Economic Review, and as president of the American Economic
Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought. Association in 2019. Professor Bernanke’s work with civic and
He was awarded the Johnson School’s Stephen Russell professional groups includes having served two terms as a mem-
Distinguished Teaching Award in 2004, 2010, 2012, and ber of the Montgomery Township (New Jersey) Board of
2018, and the School’s Apple Distinguished Teaching Award ­Education.

iv
ABOUT THE AUTHORS v

KATE ANTONOVICS ORI HEFFETZ


Professor Antonovics received Professor Heffetz received his
her B.A. from Brown Univer- B.A. in physics and philosophy
sity in 1993 and her Ph.D. in from Tel Aviv University in 1999
economics from the University and his Ph.D. in economics from
of Wisconsin in 2000. Shortly Princeton University in 2005. He
thereafter, she joined the fac- is an Associate Professor of Eco-
ulty in the Economics Depart- nomics at the Samuel Curtis
ment at the University of Johnson Graduate School of
California, San Diego. Professor Management at Cornell Univer-
Courtesy of Kate Antonovics
Antonovics is also currently sity, and at the Economics
Courtesy of Ori Heffetz
serving as the Provost of UC Department at the Hebrew Uni-
San Diego’s Seventh College. versity of Jerusalem.
Professor Antonovics is known for her excellence in teach- Bringing the real world into the classroom, Professor
ing and her innovative use of technology in the classroom. Her Heffetz has created a unique macroeconomics course that
popular introductory-level microeconomics courses have regu- introduces basic concepts and tools from economic theory and
larly enrolled over 900 students each fall. She also teaches labor applies them to current news and global events. His popular
economics at both the undergraduate and graduate level. She classes are taken by hundreds of students every year on
has received numerous teaching awards, including the UCSD Cornell’s Ithaca and New York City campuses and via live
Department of Economics award for Best Undergraduate videoconferencing in dozens of cities across the United States,
Teaching, the UCSD Academic Senate Distinguished Teaching Canada, and Latin America.
Award, and the UCSD Chancellor’s Associates Faculty Professor Heffetz’s research studies the social and cultural
Excellence Award in Undergraduate Teaching. aspects of economic behavior, focusing on the mechanisms that
Professor Antonovics’s research has focused on racial dis- drive consumers’ choices and on the links between economic
crimination, gender discrimination, affirmative action, intergen- choices, individual well-being, and policymaking. He has pub-
erational income mobility, learning, and wage dynamics. Her lished scholarly work on household consumption patterns, indi-
papers have appeared in the American Economic Review, the vidual economic decision making, and survey methodology and
Review of Economics and Statistics, the Journal of Labor Economics, measurement. He was a visiting researcher at the Bank of Israel
and the Journal of Human Resources. She is a member of both during 2011, is currently a Research Associate at the National
the American Economic Association and the Society of Labor Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), and serves on the
Economists. editorial board of Social Choice and Welfare.
PRE FACE

FOCUSED ON SEVEN CORE ­ rinciples do most of the heavy lifting in economics, and that
p
if we focus narrowly and repeatedly on those principles, stu-
PRINCIPLES TO PRODUCE dents can actually master them in just a single semester. The
ECONOMIC NATURALISTS enthusiastic reactions of users of previous editions of our
THROUGH ACTIVE LEARNING textbook affirm the validity of this premise. Avoiding exces-
sive reliance on formal mathematical derivations, we present
Our eighth edition arrives in the midst of some of the most concepts intuitively through examples drawn from familiar
dramatic upheavals ever witnessed, both in the economy contexts. We rely throughout on a well-articulated list of seven
generally and in higher education in particular. The Core Principles, which we reinforce repeatedly by illustrating
COVID-19 pandemic has produced levels of unemployment and applying each principle in numerous contexts. We ask
not seen since the Great Depression and has created dra- students periodically to apply these principles themselves to
matic changes in the ways we teach across educational insti- answer related questions, exercises, and problems.
tutions at every level. Another distinguishing feature of this text is its explicit
These developments have reinforced our confidence in recognition of the pedagogical challenge posed by the broad
the instructional philosophy that motivated us to produce variance in students’ quantitative backgrounds and in instruc-
our first edition—the need to strip away clutter and focus tor preferences about the optimal level of mathematical
more intensively on central concepts. This approach, we detail for the course. We confront this challenge by relegating
believe, is especially well suited for the new environment. more detailed mathematical treatment of selected topics to
In earlier editions, we noted that although many mil- chapter appendices. For example, Chapter 13, Spending and
lions of dollars are spent each year on introductory econom- Output in the Short Run, uses diagrams and numerical exam-
ics instruction in American colleges and universities, the ples to convey the main ideas behind the basic Keynesian
return on this investment has been disturbingly low. Studies model (the “Keynesian cross”), saving a more general alge-
have shown, for example, that several months after having braic analysis to Appendix A and a derivation of the multi-
taken a principles of economics course, former students are plier formula to Appendix B—again providing flexibility to
no better able to answer simple economics questions than instructors. Many adopters have cited this additional flexibil-
others who never even took the course. Most students, it ity as a reason for having chosen our book.
seems, leave our introductory courses without having learned Throughout the body of the text, however, our principal
even the most important basic economic principles. Such focus is not on quantitative detail, but rather on students to
dismal performance, never defensible, has become even become “economic naturalists,” people who employ basic
more difficult to justify in the face of looming resource economic principles to understand and explain what they
shortages in higher education. observe in the world around them. An economic naturalist
The problem, in our view, has almost always been that understands, for example, that infant safety seats are required
courses try to teach students far too much. In the process, in cars but not in airplanes because the marginal cost of space
really important ideas get little more coverage than minor to accommodate these seats is typically zero in cars but often
ones, and everything ends up going by in a blur. The human hundreds of dollars in airplanes. Scores of such examples are
brain tends to ignore new information unless it comes up sprinkled throughout the book. Each one, we believe, poses
repeatedly. That’s hardly surprising, since only a tiny fraction a question that should make any curious person eager to learn
of the terabytes of information that bombard us each day is the answer. These examples stimulate interest while teaching
likely to be relevant for anything we care about. Only when students to see each feature of their economic landscape as
something comes up a third or fourth time does the brain the reflection of one or more of the Core Principles. Students
start laying down new circuits for dealing with it. Yet when talk about these examples with their friends and families.
planning their lectures, many instructors ask themselves, Learning economics is like learning a language. In each case,
“How much can I cover today?” And because modern elec- there is no substitution for actually speaking. By inducing
tronic media enable them to click through upwards of 100 students to speak economics, The Economic Naturalist exam-
PowerPoint slides in an hour, they feel they better serve their ples serve this purpose.
students when they put more information before them. But For those who would like to learn more about the role
that’s not the way learning works. Professors should instead of examples in learning economics, Bob Frank’s lecture on
be asking, “How much can my students absorb?” this topic is posted on YouTube’s “Authors@Google” series
Our approach to this text was inspired by our conviction (www.youtube.com/watch?v=QalNVxeIKEE), or search
that students will learn far more if we attempt to cover much “Authors@Google Robert Frank”.
less. Our basic premise is that a small number of basic
vii
viii CONTENTS
PREFACE

KEY THEMES AND FEATURES Economic Naturalist Video Series: We are very excited to offer
an expanded video series based on Economic Naturalist exam-
Emphasis on Seven Core Principles ples. A series of videos covering some of our favorite micro-
Because a few Core Principles do most of the work in eco- and macro-focused examples can be used as part of classroom
nomics, focusing almost exclusively on these principles presentations or assigned for homework along with accompa-
ensures that students leave the course with a deep mastery nying questions within McGraw Hill ­Connect®. These fasci­
of them. In contrast, traditional encyclopedic texts so over- nating, fun, and thought-provoking applications of economics
whelm students with detail that they often leave the course in everyday life encourage students to think like an economist.
with little useful working knowledge at all. Refer to the distinguishing features pages of the preface for
1. The Scarcity Principle: Although we have boundless additional information. You can view one of these dynamic
needs and wants, the resources available to us are lim- videos here: http://econeveryday.com/why-do-cooked-rotisserie-
ited. So having more of one good thing usually means chickens-cost-less-than-fresh-uncooked-chickens/.
having less of another.
2. The Cost-Benefit Principle: An individual (or a firm or Active Learning Stressed
a society) should take an action if, and only if, the extra The only way to learn to hit an overhead smash in tennis is
benefits from taking the action are at least as great as through repeated practice. The same is true for learning
the extra costs. economics. Accordingly, we consistently introduce new
3. The Incentive Principle: A person (or a firm or a society) ideas in the context of simple examples and then follow
is more likely to take an action if its benefit rises, and less them with applications showing how they work in familiar
likely to take it if its cost rises. In short, incentives matter. settings. At frequent intervals, we pose self-tests that both
test and reinforce the understanding of these ideas. The end-
4. The Principle of Comparative Advantage: Everyone does of-chapter questions and problems are carefully crafted to
best when each concentrates on the activity for which help students internalize and extend basic concepts and are
his or her opportunity cost is lowest. available within Connect as assignable content so that
5. The Principle of Increasing Opportunity Cost: In expand- instructors can require students to engage with this material.
ing the production of any good, first employ those Experience with earlier editions confirms that this approach
resources with the lowest opportunity cost, and only after- really does prepare students to apply basic economic prin-
ward turn to resources with higher opportunity costs. ciples to solve economic puzzles drawn from the real world.

6. The Efficiency Principle: Efficiency is an important Learning Glass Lecture Videos: A collection of brief instruc-
social goal because when the economic pie grows larger, tional videos featuring the authors Kate Antonovics and
everyone can have a larger slice. Ori Heffetz utilize learning glass technology to provide
students with an overview of important economic concepts.
7. The Equilibrium Principle: A market in equilibrium leaves Perfect for an introduction to basic concepts before coming
no unexploited opportunities for individuals but may not to class, or as a quick review, these videos, with accompa-
exploit all gains achievable through collective action. nying questions, can be assigned within Connect or used as
part of classroom discussion.

Economic Naturalism Both The Economic Naturalist and Learning Glass videos
Our ultimate goal is to produce economic naturalists—people and accompanying multiple-choice questions that test stu-
who see each human action as the result of an implicit or dents’ understanding of the principles illustrated in the videos
explicit cost-benefit calculation. The economic naturalist have become valued tools for instructors who incorporate
sees mundane details of ordinary existence in a new light elements of the flipped-classroom approach in their teach-
and becomes actively engaged in the attempt to understand ing, or those who are relying more heavily on other forms
them. Some representative examples: of remote learning.

• Why does the average Argentine hold more U.S. dollars


than the average U.S. citizen? Modern Macroeconomics
Both the Great Recession and the COVID-19 pandemic
• Why does news of inflation hurt the stock market?
have renewed interest in cyclical fluctuations without
• Why do almost all countries provide free public ­challenging the importance of such long-run issues as
­education? growth, productivity, the evolution of real wages, and capital
CONTENTS
PREFACE ix

formation. Our treatment of these issues is organized as • Updated appendix on working with equations, graphs,
follows: and tables based on electric scooter rentals
• A five-chapter treatment of long-run issues, followed by Chapter 2
a modern treatment of short-term fluctuations and stabi- • Updated student-centered examples, such as interior
lization policy, emphasizes the important distinction designer Kelly Wearstler
between short- and long-run behavior of the economy. • Updated section on comparative advantage and out-
• Designed to allow for flexible treatment of topics, these sourcing, including updates related to the United States-
chapters are written so that short-run material Mexico-Canada Agreement
(Chapters 12–15) can be used before long-run material • New end-of-chapter problem related to outsourcing
(Chapters 7–11) with no loss of continuity.
Chapter 3
• The analysis of aggregate demand and aggregate supply • Updated student-centered examples, such as digital
relates output to inflation, rather than to the price level, versus print ads and Marvel Studio films
sidestepping the necessity of a separate derivation of
• New Economic Naturalist, “Why was there a shortage
the link between the output gap and inflation. The dis- of toilet paper during the COVID-19 pandemic?”
cussion of monetary policy has two parts. It starts with
a standard supply and demand analysis of the market • Three new end-of-chapter questions that reinforce the
for money that is centered on the short-run interest chapter’s learning objectives, including a question
rate. It then introduces the new tools of monetary pol- related to the drop in crude oil prices during the coro-
icy, such as quantitative easing and forward guidance, navirus pandemic
that have been so important since 2008, and that again Chapter 4
took center stage in the 2020 response to the pandemic. • Updated discussion of growth that reflects higher Internet
• This book places a heavy emphasis on globalization, and cell phone penetration
starting with an analysis of its effects on real wage • Updated discussion of recessions and expansions that
inequality and progressing to such issues as the costs mentions the COVID-19 economic disruptions
and benefits of—and the likely winners and losers from—
trade, the causes and effects of protectionism, the role Chapter 5
of capital flows in domestic capital formation, the link • Updated discussion of the correlation between per cap-
between exchange rates and monetary policy, and the ita GDP and health outcomes such as life expectancy
sources of speculative attacks on currencies. that now mentions that within high-income countries,
the relationship can even reverse, with examples of data
from the U.S., Canada, and Japan
CHANGES IN THE EIGHTH EDITION Chapter 6
Changes Common to All Chapters • Updated discussion of the development of real wages
In all chapters, the narrative has been tightened. Many of for production workers and for highly paid baseball
the examples have been updated, with a focus on student- players over time that is now linked together, in the
centered examples that connect to current topics such as context of a new discussion about increasing wage
the COVID-19 pandemic and the rise of the gig economy. inequalities between the highest- and lowest-paid U.S.
The examples, self-tests, and end-of-chapter material from workers
the previous edition have been redesigned to provide
more clarity and ease of use. Data have been updated Chapter 7
­throughout. • Updated examples, data, and figures

Chapter 8
Chapter-by-Chapter Changes • Clarification throughout the chapter of the difference
Chapter 1 between trends in average incomes and trends in income
• Updated student-centered examples, such as Netflix, inequality
wireless keyboards, dogwalking, and Jeff Bezos
• Updated discussion of globalization that now includes
• New and updated end-of-chapter problems that rein- recent developments, including the political opposition
force the chapter’s learning objectives to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement and
x CONTENTS
PREFACE

the Trump administration’s resistance to increased eco- Chapter 13


nomic integration of the U.S. with China • Revised Economic Naturalist 13.5 that discusses the
U.S. government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic
• New Economic Naturalist, “Can technology hurt and covers details of the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and
­workers?,” that includes what was previously a para- Economic Security (CARES) Act of 2020 and their
graph on workers’ resistance to new technology (with economic rationale
anecdotes on Ned Ludd and the tale of John Henry);
the new EN highlights workers’ concerns about auto- • Other COVID-19-related updates
mation, robotics, and artificial intelligence (AI)
• New Economic Naturalist, “How did the COVID-19 Chapter 14
pandemic affect the demand for U.S. jobs,” that dis- • Updates related to COVID-19: in the context of banks’
cusses the different effects the epidemic is having on excess reserves, in the context of the Fed’s quick cuts
different jobs in different sectors of the federal funds rate, in the context of quantitative
easing (QE) and the Fed’s special landing in 2020, and
• New discussion of European labor markets that high- in the context of the Fed’s return to forward guidance
lights the deregulation in southern Europe following the in 2020; the chapter highlights the unprecedented speed
global financial crisis and that, on some metrics, Europe’s and severity of the pandemic’s economic hit, and there-
labor market does better than the U.S. labor market fore the unprecedented speed and size of the policy
response
Chapter 9
• Revisions throughout the chapter that reflect recent
• Updates related to the COVID-19 economic downturn
developments in thinking about QE, forward guid-
that include the discussion of U.S. household saving
ance, and other methods; when introduced in 2008,
early in the chapter and the discussion of the U.S. gov-
these methods were viewed as “unconventional”
ernment deficit later in the chapter
and “temporary”; the chapter now observes that
• New Economic Naturalist, “Why have real interest rates such methods are increasingly recognized as a “new
declined globally in recent decades?,” that discusses the normal”
combination of higher global saving and lower global
investment that helps explain the downward trend in Chapter 15
real interest rates • Updates to The Economic Naturalist 15.5, “Can infla-
tion be too low?,” to cover the Fed’s unprecedented
Chapter 10 response to COVID-19
• New discussion of the Fed’s role in stabilizing financial
markets and as lender of last resort, which took center Chapter 16
stage in recent episodes of financial panic; the discus- • Revised Economic Naturalist that discusses the
sion covers Section 13(3) landing during the 2008 and U.S.-China trade war that started in 2018, highlighting
2020 crises that there is more to trade than the exchange of goods
and services and its supply and demand analysis in this
Chapter 11 chapter; also covers issues such as intellectual property
• Updates related to recent U.S.-China trade frictions, in and national security
the discussion of the saving rate and the trade deficit
Chapter 17
• Updates related to the COVID-19 pandemic and finan-
• New The Economic Naturalist 17.2, “What is a safe
cial markets
haven currency?,” (such as the U.S. dollar, the Swiss
franc, and the Japanese yen), and how they tend to
Chapter 12 appreciate in periods of uncertainty; includes specific
• Updates related to the COVID-19 downturn examples from the 2008 global financial crisis and the
2020 global coronavirus crisis
• Revised Economic Naturalist 12.3 that includes discus-
sion of the gig economy in the context of the natural • Updated The Economic Naturalist 17.4 that covers the
rate of unemployment in the U.S. IMF’s COVID-19-related landing in early 2020
CONTENTS
PREFACE xi

A NOTE ON THE WRITING Donald L. Alexander, Western Michigan University


OF THIS EDITION Jason Aimone, Baylor University
Ben Bernanke was sworn in on February 1, 2006, as chair Chris Azevedo, University of Central Missouri
and a member of the Board of Governors of the Federal Narine Badasyan, Murray State University
Reserve System, a position to which he was reappointed
Sigridur Benediktsdottir, Yale University
in January 2010. From June 2005 until January 2006, he
served as chair of the President’s Council of Economic Robert Blewett, St. Lawrence University
Advisers. These positions have allowed him to play an Brian C. Brush, Marquette University
active role in making U.S. economic policy, but the rules
Christopher Burkart, University of West Florida
of government service have restricted his ability to partic-
ipate in the preparation of previous editions. Since his Colleen Callahan, American University
second term as chair of the Federal Reserve has com- Giuliana Campanelli Andreopoulos, William Paterson
pleted, we are happy that Ben is actively involved in the University
revision of the macro portion of this edition.
J. Lon Carlson, Illinois State University
David Chaplin, Northwest Nazarene University
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Monica Cherry, Saint John Fisher College
Our thanks first and foremost go to our portfolio director, Joni Charles, Texas State University
Anke Weekes, and our product developer, Christina
Kouvelis. Anke encouraged us to think deeply about how to Anoshua Chaudhuri, San Francisco State University
improve the book and helped us transform our ideas into Nan-Ting Chou, University of Louisville
concrete changes. Christina shepherded us through the revi- Maria Luisa Corton, University of South Florida–
sion process with intelligence, sound advice, and good St. Petersburg
humor. We are grateful as well to the production team,
whose professionalism (and patience) was outstanding: Manabendra Dasgupta, University of Alabama
Christine Vaughan, content project manager; Keri Johnson, at Birmingham
assessment project manager; Matt Diamond, lead designer; Craig Dorsey, College of DuPage
and all of those who worked on the production team to turn
Dennis Edwards, Coastal Carolina University
our manuscript into the text you see now. Finally, we also
thank Bobby Pearson, marketing manager, for getting our Tracie Edwards, University of Missouri–St. Louis
message into the wider world. Roger Frantz, San Diego State University
Special thanks to Per Norander, University of North
Mark Frascatore, Clarkson University
Carolina at Charlotte, for his energy, creativity, and help in
refining the assessment material in Connect; Sukanya Amanda Freeman, Kansas State University
Kemp, University of Akron, for her detailed accuracy check Greg George, Macon State College
of the learning glass and economic naturalist videos; Alvin
Seth Gershenson, Michigan State University
Angeles and team at the University of California, San Diego,
for their efforts in the production and editing of the learning Amy D. Gibson, Christopher Newport University
glass videos; and Kevin Bertotti and the team at ITVK for Rajeev Goel, Illinois State University
their creativity in transforming Economic Naturalist exam-
ples into dynamic and engaging video vignettes. Mehdi Haririan, Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania
Finally, our sincere thanks to the following teachers Susan He, Washington State University
and colleagues, whose thorough reviews and thoughtful John Hejkal, University of Iowa
suggestions led to innumerable substantive improvements to
Principles of Macroeconomics, 8/e. Kuang-Chung Hsu, Kishwaukee College
Greg Hunter, California State University–Pomona
Mark Abajian, San Diego Mesa College Nick Huntington-Klein, California State University–Fullerton
Richard Agesa, Marshall University Andres Jauregui, Columbus State University
Seemi Ahmad, Dutchess Community College David W. Johnson, University of Wisconsin–Madison
xii CONTENTS
PREFACE

Derek Johnson, University of Connecticut Thomas Rhoads, Towson University


Sukanya Kemp, University of Akron Bill Robinson, University of Nevada–Las Vegas
Brian Kench, University of Tampa Brian Rosario, University of California–Davis
Fredric R. Kolb, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire Elyce Rotella, Indiana University
Daniel D. Kuester, Kansas State University Jeffrey Rubin, Rutgers University
Valerie Lacarte, American University Naveen Sarna, Northern Virginia Community College
Donald J. Liu, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Henry Schneider, Queen’s University
Brian Lynch, Lake Land College Sumati Srinivas, Radford University
Christine Malakar, Lorain Community College Thomas Stevens, University of Massachusetts
Ida Mirzaie, The Ohio State University Carolyn Fabian Stumph, Indiana University and
Thuy Lan Nguyen, Santa Clara University Purdue University–Fort Wayne

Jelena Nikolic, Northeastern University Albert Sumell, Youngstown State University

Anthony A. Noce, State University of New York Markland Tuttle, Sam Houston State University
(SUNY)–Plattsburgh David Vera, California State University–Fresno
Diego Nocetti, Clarkson University Nancy Virts, California State University–Northridge
Stephanie Owings, Fort Lewis College Gilbert J. Werema, Texas Woman’s University
Dishant Pandya, Spalding University Elizabeth Wheaton, Southern Methodist University
Martin Pereyra, University of Missouri Amanda Wilsker, Georgia Gwinnett College
Tony Pizelo, Northwest University William C. Wood, James Madison University
Ratha Ramoo, Diablo Valley College
D IST I N G UI S H I NG F EATUR ES
466 CHAPTER 17 EXCHANGE RATES AND THE OPEN ECONOMY

ECONOMIC
NATURALIST The Economic Naturalist 17.1

EXAMPLES Does a strong currency imply a strong economy?


Politicians and the public sometimes take pride in the fact that their national cur-
rency is “strong,” meaning that its value in terms of other currencies is high or rising.
Each Economic Natural-
®

⊲ Visit your instructor’s Connect Likewise, policymakers sometimes view a depreciating (“weak”) currency as a sign
ist example starts with a course and access your eBook to
view this video.
of economic failure. Does a strong currency necessarily imply a strong economy?

question to spark curios- Contrary to popular impression, there is no simple connection between the
strength of a country’s currency and the strength of its economy. For example,
ity and interest in learn- Figure 17.1 shows that the value of the U.S. dollar relative to other major currencies
ing an answer. These was greater in the year 1973 than in the 1990s, though U.S. economic performance
was considerably better in the 1990s than in 1973, a period of deep recession
examples fuel interest and rising inflation. Indeed, the one period shown in Figure 17.1 during which the
while teaching students dollar rose the most in value, 1980–1985, was a time of recession and high unem-
ployment in the United States.
to see ­economics in the One reason a strong currency does not necessarily imply a strong economy
is that an appreciating currency (an increase in e) tends to raise the real exchange
world around them. Videos of rate (equal to eP/P f), which may hurt a country’s net exports. For example, if the
select and new Economic ­Naturalist dollar strengthens against the yen (that is, if a dollar buys more yen than before),
Japanese goods will become cheaper in terms of dollars. The result may be that
examples are denoted in the margin Americans prefer to buy Japanese goods rather than goods produced at home.
Likewise, a stronger dollar implies that each yen buys fewer dollars, so exported
of the material to which they per- U.S. goods become more expensive to Japanese consumers. As U.S. goods
tain and they are housed within become more expensive in terms of yen, the willingness of Japanese consumers
to buy U.S. exports declines. A strong dollar may therefore imply lower sales and
Connect. A full list of ­Economic profits for U.S. industries that export, as well as for U.S. industries (like automobile
manufacturers) that compete with foreign firms for the domestic U.S. market.
Naturalist examples and videos can
be found in the following pages.
RECAP
EXCHANGE RATES
4 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST
• The nominal exchange rate between two currencies is the rate at which
NUMBERED EXAMPLES the currencies can be traded for each other. More precisely, the nominal
exchange
EXA MPL rateE e1.1
for any given country Costs
Comparing is the number
and Benefits of units of foreign
currency that can be bought for one unit of the domestic currency.
Throughout the text, numbered and titled • An appreciation is an increase Shouldin the
youvalue of a currency
walk downtown relative
to save $10 on toaother
$25 wireless keyboard?
examples are referenced and called out to fur- currencies (a rise in e); a depreciation
Imagine you areisabouta decline
to buy a $25 in awireless
currency’s
keyboard value
at the nearby campus store
when a friend tells you that the same keyboard is on sale at a downtown store for
(a fall in e).
ther illustrate concepts. Our engaging questions only $15. If the downtown store is a 30-minute walk away, where should you buy
• An exchange rate can be flexible—meaning
the keyboard?
that it varies freely accord-
ing to supply and demand for the currency in the foreign exchange
and examples from everyday life highlight how market—or fixed—meaning that
Cost-Benefit
Theits
Cost-Benefit
value isPrinciple tells us that
established byyou should buy
official gov- it downtown if the benefit
of doing so exceeds the cost. The benefit of taking any action is the dollar value
each human
32
action is the result of an implicit
CHAPTER 2 COMPARATIVE ADVANTAGE ernment policy. (While not ofour focus you
everything in gain
thisbychapter, an exchange
taking it. Here, the benefit ofratebuying downtown is exactly
can also combine the two $10, approaches.)
because that’s the amount you’ll save on the price of the keyboard. The cost
or explicit cost-benefit calculation. • The real exchange rate is ofthe taking any action
price of the is the dollar value
average of everything
domestic goodyou give
or up by taking it. Here,
The alternative to a system in which everyone is a the cost of buying downtown is the dollar value you assign to the time and trouble
service relative to the price itoftakes
thetoaverage
make the foreign
trip. But howgood or service,
do we estimate thatwhenvalue?
jack-of-all-trades is one in which people specialize in par-
ticular goods and services and then satisfy their needs by prices are expressed in termsOne of way
a common
is to perform currency.
the following Ahypothetical
useful formula
auction. Imagine that a stranger
trading among themselves. Economic systems based on for the real exchange rate(perhaps
has eP/Pf, towhere
is offered pay youe toisdothe an errand
nominal that exchange
involves the same walk downtown
to drop offf a package for her at the post office). If she offered you a pay-
specialization and the exchange of goods and services are rate, P is the domestic price level, and P is the foreign price level.
ment of, say, $1,000, would you accept? If so, we know that your cost of walking
generally far more productive than those with little spe- • An increase in the real exchange downtownrate implies
and back must be that
lessdomestic goods
than $1,000. Now areher offer being reduced
imagine
Courtesy of Robert H. Frank

cialization. Our task in this chapter is to investigate why becoming more expensivein relative to foreign
small increments until you goods,
finally refusewhich
the lasttends toexample, if you’d agree
offer. For
this is so. to walk downtown and back for $9 but not for $8.99, then your cost of making
reduce exports and stimulate imports. Conversely, a decline in the real
the trip is $9. In this case, you should buy the keyboard downtown because the
As this chapter will show, the reason that specializa- exchange rate tends to increase net exports.
$10 you’ll save (your benefit) is greater than your $9 cost of making the trip.
tion is so productive is comparative advantage. Roughly, But suppose your cost of making the trip had been greater than $10. In that
a person has a comparative advantage at producing a case, your best bet would have been to buy the keyboard from the nearby cam-
particular good or service (say, haircuts) if that person pus store. Confronted with this choice, different people may choose differently,
is relatively more efficient at producing haircuts than at Did this man perform most of his depending on how costly they think it is to make the trip downtown. But although
there is no uniquely correct choice, most people who are asked what they would
producing other goods or services. We will see that we own services because he was
poor, or was he poor because do in this situation say they would buy the keyboard downtown.
can all have more of every good and service if each of us he performed most of his own
specializes in the activities at which we have a compara- services?
tive fra6475x_ch17_459-492.indd
advantage. 466 21/10/20 1:37 PM
ECONOMIC SURPLUS
This chapter also will introduce the production possibilities curve, which is a graphical
method of describing the combinations of goods and services that an economy can pro- Suppose that in Example 1.1 your “cost” of making the trip downtown was $9. Compared
duce. This tool will allow us to see more clearly how specialization enhances the produc-to the alternative of buying the keyboard at the campus store, buying it downtown
economic surplus the resulted in an economic surplus of $1, the difference between the benefit of making the
tive capacity of even the simplest economy.

CORE PRINCIPLES
trip and its cost. In general, your goal as an economic decision maker is to choose those
benefit of taking an action
minus its cost actions that generate the largest possible economic surplus. This means taking all actions
that yield a positive total economic surplus, which is just another way of restating the Cost-
Cost-Benefit
EXCHANGE AND OPPORTUNITY COST Benefit Principle.

There are seven Core Principles that we


Note that the fact that your best choice was to buy the keyboard downtown doesn’t imply
The Scarcity Principle (see Chapter 1, Thinking Like an Economist) reminds us that the that you enjoy making the trip, any more than choosing a large class means that you prefer
Scarcity
opportunity cost of spending more time on any one activity is having less time available large classes to small ones. It simply means that the trip is less unpleasant than the prospect
focus on to ensure student mastery.
of paying $10 extra for the keyboard. Once again, you’ve faced a trade-off. In this case, the
to spend on others. As the following example makes clear, this principle helps explain choice was between a cheaper keyboard and the free time gained by avoiding the trip.
why everyone can do better by concentrating on those activities at which he or she per- Throughout the text, these principles
forms best relative to others. OPPORTUNITY COST
areauction
Of course, your mental called out
could have and
produced areoutcome.
a different denoted
Suppose, for by an

E XA MPLE 2 .1 Scarcity Principle iconday. Orin the margin.


watching one ofAgain, theon seven
example, that the time required for the trip is the only time you have left to study for a
difficult test the next suppose you are your favorite shows
opportunity cost the value Netflix, or that you are tired and would love a short nap. In such cases, we say that the
of what must be forgone to opportunity cost ofCore
making thePrinciples are:
trip—that is, the value scarcity,
of what cost-benefit,
you must sacrifice to walk
Should Kelly Wearstler design her own web page?
undertake an activity downtown and back—is high and you are more likely to decide against making the trip.
Kelly Wearstler is among the most famous and influential interior designers in the incentive, comparative advantage, increas-
United States today. She has received numerous accolades for her commercial
and residential design work, has completed projects for top celebrities such as
ing opportunity cost, efficiency, and equi-
Cameron Diaz, Gwen Stefani, and Ben Stiller, and boasts more than 700,000 librium.
followers on Instagram. fra32893_ch01_001-030.indd 4 7/20/20 10:21 AM

Although Kelly devotes most of her time and talent to interior design, she
is well equipped to do a broad range of other design work. Suppose Kelly
could design her own web page in 300 hours, half the time it would take any
xiii
other web designer. Does that mean that Kelly should design her own web
page?
Suppose that on the strength of her talents as an interior designer, Kelly earns
more than $1 million a year, implying that the opportunity cost of any time she
reservation price must be only $2.
SUPPLY AND DEMAND We defined the demand curve for any good as a schedule telling how much of it
consumers wish to purchase at various prices. This is called the horizontal interpretation
of the demand curve. Using the horizontal interpretation, we start with price on the
xiv CONTENTS
DISTINGUISHING FEATURES vertical axis and read the corresponding quantity demanded on the horizontal axis. Thus,
Supply
at a price of $4 per slice, the demand curve in Figure 3.1 tells us that the quantity of
pizza demanded will be 8,000 slices per day.
4
The demand curve also can be interpreted in a second way, which is to start with
Price ($/slice)
3
quantity on the horizontal axis and then read the marginal buyer’s reservation price on
Excess demand = 8,000
slices/day the vertical axis. Thus, when the quantity of pizza sold is 8,000 slices per day, the demand
Price ceiling = 2 curve in Figure 3.1 tells us that the marginal buyer’s reservation price is $4 per slice. This
second way of reading the demand curve is called the vertical interpretation.
Demand
SELF-TESTS
SELF-TEST 3.1
These self-test questions 0 in the 8body 12 of16the chapter
In Figure 3.1, what is the marginal buyer’s reservation price when the quantity
Quantity (1,000s of slices/day)
enable students to determine whether the preced- of pizza sold is 10,000 slices per day? For the same demand curve, what will
ing material has been understood and reinforce be the quantity of pizza demanded at a price of $2.50 per slice?
The very idea of not being able to buy a pizza seems absurd, yet precisely such things
understanding before reading further. Detailed
happen routinely in markets in which prices are held below the equilibrium levels. For
answers to the
example, prior self-test
to the questions
collapse of communist are found itatwasthe
governments, consideredTHE SUPPLY
normal in CURVE
end
thoseof each for
countries chapter.
people to stand in line for hours to buy bread and other basic goods,
supply curve a graph or In the market for pizza, the supply curve is a simple schedule or graph that tells us,
while the politically connected had first choice of those goods that were available.
schedule showing the for each possible price, the total number of slices that all pizza vendors would be
quantity of a good that sellers
RECAP
willing to sell at that price. What does the supply curve of pizza look like? The answer
wish to sell at each price R to
E Cthis
A Pquestion is based on the logical assumption that suppliers should be willing to
MARKET EQUILIBRIUM sell additional slices as long as the price they receive is sufficient to cover their oppor-
Sprinkled
tunity cost of supplying throughout
them. Thus, each could
if what someone chapter
earn are Recap
by selling boxes
a slice of
Market equilibrium, the situation in which all buyers and sellers are satisfied
pizza is insufficientthat underscore
to compensate and
her for summarize
what the
she could have importance
earned if she had of the
spent
with their respective quantities at the market price, occurs at the intersection
of the supply and demand curves. The corresponding price and quantity are
her time and invested her moneymaterial
preceding in some other
and way,
keyshe will not takeaways.
concept sell that slice. Oth-
called the equilibrium price and the equilibrium quantity. erwise, she will.
Unless prevented by regulation, prices and quantities are driven toward Just as buyers differ with respect to the amounts they are willing to pay for pizza,
their equilibrium values by the actions of buyers and sellers. If thesellers price also
is differ with respect to their opportunity cost of supplying pizza. For those with
initially too high, so that there is excess supply, frustrated sellers willlimited
cut theireducation and work experience, the opportunity cost of selling pizza is relatively
price in order to sell more. If the price is initially too low, so thatlow there is
(because such individuals typically do not have a lot of high-paying alternatives). For
excess demand, competition among buyers drives the price upward. others,This
the opportunity cost of selling pizza is of moderate value, and for still others—like
process continues until equilibrium is reached. rock stars and professional athletes—it is prohibitively high. In part because of these dif-
ferences in opportunity cost among people, the daily supply curve of pizza will be
upward-sloping with respect to price. As an illustration, see Figure 3.2, which shows a
hypothetical supply curve for pizza in the Chicago market on a given day.
PREDICTING AND EXPLAINING CHANGES IN
WORKED PROBLEM
PRICES AND VIDEOS
QUANTITIES
If we know how the factors that govern supply and demand curves are changing, we can
Brief videos predictions
make informed work through
about how end-of-chapter problems
prices and the corresponding quantities will change.
toButaid in describing
when studentchanging
understanding
circumstances ofincore economic
the marketplace, we must take care to
recognize some important terminological distinctions.60For example, we must distinguish
concepts and offer assistance with more
fra32893_ch03_055-088.indd
challeng-
between the meanings of the seemingly similar expressions change in the quantity demanded
8/4/20 10:07 AM

ing
and material. The When
change in demand. videos are ofavailable
we speak a “change inas thehints
quantity demanded,” this
means the
within change in the quantity that people wish to buy that occurs in response to a
Connect.
change in price. For instance, Figure 3.10(a) depicts an increase in the quantity demanded
that occurs in response to a reduction in the price of tuna. When the price falls from $2
to $1 per can, the quantity demanded rises from 8,000 to 10,000 cans per day. By contrast,
a shift of
when we speak of a “change in demand,” this means a shift in the entire demand curve.
For example, Figure 3.10(b) depicts an increase in demand, meaning that at every price
the quantity demanded is higher than before. In summary, a “change in the quantity
demanded” refers to a movement along the demand curve and a “change in demand”
means a shift of the entire curve.

LEARNING GLASS VIDEOS


Dozens of lecture videos featuring authors Kate
8/4/20 10:07 AM
Antonovics and Ori Heffetz utilize learning glass
technology to provide you with an overview of
important concepts. These videos can be accessed
as resources within SmartBook® or as assignable
content via McGraw Hill Connect®
ECONOMIC NATURALIST VIDEO SERIES

Commercial Banking: Why can it be more expensive to Inflation: Can inflation be too low?
­transfer funds between banks electronically than it is to Menu Costs: Will new technologies eliminate menu costs?
send a check through the mail? Money and Its Uses: Is there such a thing as private, or
Comparative Advantage: iPhones: Designed in California, but ­communicably traded, money?
assembled in China Saving: Why do American households save so little while
Cost Benefit 1: Why does the light come on when you open ­Chinese households save so much?
the refrigerator door but not when you open the freezer? Sources of Increasing Inequality: Why have the salaries of
Cost Benefit 2: Why are child safety seats required in auto- top earners been growing so much faster than everyone
mobiles but not in airplanes? else’s?
Economy Strength and Currency Value: Does a strong Supply and Demand: Why are rotisserie chickens less
­currency imply a strong economy? ­expensive than fresh chickens?
Human Capital: Why do almost all countries provide free Tariffs: Why do consumers in the United States often pay
­education? more than double the world price for sugar?
Inflation: Do official inflation figures overstate actual increases The Demand for Money: Why does the average Argentine
in our living costs? ­citizen hold more U.S. dollars than the average U.S. citizen?

xv
EC ON O M I C N ATUR A LI ST EXA MPL E S

1.1 Why do many hardware manufacturers include more than 5.1 Can nominal and real GDP ever move in different
$1,000 worth of “free” software with a computer selling directions?
for only slightly more than that? 5.2 Why do people work fewer hours today than their great-
1.2 Why don’t auto manufacturers make cars without grandparents did?
­heaters? 5.3 Why do far fewer children complete high school in poor
1.3 Why do the keypad buttons on drive-up automated teller countries than in rich countries?
machines have Braille dots? 6.1 Every few years, there is a well-publicized battle in
2.1 Where have all the .400 hitters gone? Congress over whether the minimum wage should be
2.2 What happened to the U.S. lead in the television market? raised. Why do these heated legislative debates recur so
2.3 If trade among nations is so beneficial, why are free- regularly?
trade agreements so controversial? 7.1 Why did West Germany and Japan recover so
2.4 Is PBS economics reporter Paul Solman’s job a likely successfully from the devastation of World War II?
candidate for outsourcing? 7.2 Why did U.S. labor productivity grow so rapidly in the
3.1 When the federal government implements a large pay late 1990s?
increase for its employees, why do rents for apartments 7.3 Why did medieval China stagnate economically?
located near Washington Metro stations go up relative to 7.4 Why do almost all countries provide free public education?
rents for apartments located far away from Metro 8.1 Can new technology hurt workers?
stations? 8.2 How did the COVID-19 pandemic affect the demand for
3.2 Why do major term papers go through so many more U.S. jobs?
revisions today than in the 1970s? 9.1 How did many American households increase their
3.3 Why do the prices of some goods, like airline tickets to wealth in the 1990s and 2000s while saving very little?
Europe, go up during the months of heaviest 9.2 Why do Chinese households save so much?
consumption, while others, like sweet corn, go down? 9.3 Why do U.S. households save so little?
3.4 Why was there a shortage of toilet paper during the 9.4 Why have real interest rates declined globally in recent
COVID-19 pandemic? decades?

xvi
ECONOMIC NATURALIST EXAMPLES xvii

10.1 From Ithaca Hours to Bitcoin: what is private money, 14.4 Why does news of inflation hurt the stock market?
communally created money, and open-source money? 14.5 Should the Federal Reserve respond to changes in asset
10.2 Why did the banking panics of 1930–1933 reduce the prices?
national money supply? 14.6 What is the Taylor rule?
11.1 What happens to national economies during banking 15.1 How did inflation get started in the United States in the
crises? 1960s?
11.2 Why did the U.S. stock market rise sharply and fall 15.2 Why did oil price increases cause U.S. inflation to
sharply in the 1990s and again in the 2000s? escalate in the 1970s but not in the 2000s and
11.3 Why is the U.S. trade deficit so large? 2010s?
12.1 Do economic fluctuations affect presidential elections? 15.3 Why was the United States able to experience rapid
12.2 How was the 2007 recession called? growth and low inflation in the latter part of the 1990s?
12.3 Why has the natural rate of unemployment in the United 15.4 How was inflation conquered in the 1980s?
States declined? 15.5 Can inflation be too low?
12.4 Why did the Federal Reserve act to slow down the 16.1 What is the China trade shock?
economy in 1999 and 2000? 16.2 Why did the U.S. start a trade war with China?
13.1 Will new technologies eliminate menu costs? 16.3 What is fast track authority?
13.2 How did the decline in U.S. stock market values from 17.1 Does a strong currency imply a strong economy?
2000–2002 affect consumption spending? 17.2 What is a safe haven currency?
13.3 What caused the 2007–2009 recession in the United 17.3 Why did the dollar appreciate nearly 50 percent in the
States? first half of the 1980s and nearly 40 percent in the
13.4 Does military spending stimulate the economy? second half of the 1990s?
13.5 Why did the federal government temporarily cut taxes in 17.4 What were the causes and consequences of the East
2001, 2009, and 2020? Asian ­crisis of 1997–1998?
14.1 Why does the average Argentine hold more U.S. dollars 17.5 What is the IMF, and how has its mission evolved over
than the average U.S. citizen? the years?
14.2 How did the Fed respond to recession and the terrorist 17.6 How did policy mistakes contribute to the Great
attacks in 2001? Depression?
14.3 Why did the Fed raise interest rates 17 times in a row 17.7 Why have 19 European countries adopted a common
between 2004 and 2006? currency?
SUP P LE M E N TS

The following ancillaries are available for quick download PowerPoints


and convenient access via the Instructor Resource material Presentation slides contain a detailed, chapter-by-chapter
available through McGraw Hill Connect®. review of the important ideas presented in the textbook,
accompanied by animated graphs and slide notes. You
Solutions Manual can edit, print, or rearrange the slides to fit the needs of
Prepared by the authors with assistance from Per Norander, your course.
University of North Carolina at Charlotte, this manual pro-
vides detailed answers to the end-of-chapter review questions Writing Assignment
and problems. Available within McGraw Hill Connect® and McGraw Hill
Connect® Master, the Writing Assignment tool delivers a
Test Bank learning experience to help students improve their written
The test bank has been carefully revised and reviewed for communication skills and conceptual understanding. As an
accuracy. Thousands of questions have been categorized by instructor you can assign, monitor, grade, and provide feed-
chapter learning objectives, AACSB learning categories, back on writing more efficiently and effectively.
Bloom’s Taxonomy objectives, and level of difficulty.
Remote Proctoring & Browser-Locking
Test Builder in Connect Capabilities
Available within Connect, Test Builder is a cloud-based tool
that enables instructors to format tests that can be printed
or administered within an LMS. Test Builder offers a mod-
ern, streamlined interface for easy content configuration New remote proctoring and browser-locking capabilities,
that matches course needs, without requiring a download. hosted by Proctorio within Connect, provide control of the
Test Builder allows you to: assessment environment by enabling security options and
• access all test bank content from a particular title. verifying the identity of the student.
Seamlessly integrated within Connect, these services
• easily pinpoint the most relevant content through robust allow instructors to control students’ assessment experience
filtering options. by restricting browser activity, recording students’ activity,
• manipulate the order of questions or scramble questions and verifying students are doing their own work.
and/or answers. Instant and detailed reporting gives instructors an at-a-
glance view of potential academic integrity concerns,
• pin questions to a specific location within a test. thereby avoiding personal bias and supporting evidence-based
• determine your preferred treatment of algorithmic claims.
­questions.
FOR MORE INFORMATION ABOUT CONNECT AND
• choose the layout and spacing. ITS AVAILABLE RESOURCES, REFER TO THE PAGES
• add instructions and configure default settings. THAT FOLLOW.

Test Builder provides a secure interface for better pro-


tection of content and allows for just-in-time updates to flow
directly into assessments.

xix
Connect Economics
Asset Alignment with
Bloom’s Taxonomy
Principles of Macroeconomics, 8e

We Take Students Higher

As a learning science company we create content that supports higher order thinking skills. Within
Connect®, we tag assessments accordingly so you can filter your search, assign it, and receive reporting
on it. These content asset types can be associated with one or more levels of Bloom’s Taxonomy.

The chart below shows a few of the key assignable economics assets with McGraw Hill Connect
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Econ
ECON Application- Writing
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Math preparedness assignments help students refresh important prerequisite topics
necessary to be successful in economics. New Adaptive Math Prep Tool provides
students just-in-time math remediation that are prerequisite to success in Principles
of Economics courses and adapt to each student.

Videos
Worked examples and real-world application videos help students learn economics.
Learning Glass videos reinforcing challenging topics featuring the authors and innovative
learning glass technology. Economic Naturalist videos bring examples to life showing
interesting applications of economic concepts. Worked Problem videos work through
select end-of-chapter questions for extra help and guidance through challenging material.

Exercises
Exercises with algorithmic variations provide ample opportunities for students to practice
and hone quantitative skills. Graphing Exercises provide opportunities for students to draw,
interact with, manipulate, and analyze graphs.

Interactive Graphs
Interactive Graphs provide visual displays of real data and economic concepts for students
to manipulate. All graphs are accompanied by assignable assessment questions and
feedback to guide students through the experience of learning to read and interpret graphs
and data.

Application-Based Activities
Immersive real-life scenarios engage students and put them in the role of everyday
economists. Students practice their economic thinking and problem-solving skills as they
apply course concepts and see the implications of their decisions as they go. Each activity
is designed as a 15-minute experience, unless students eagerly replay for a better outcome.

ECON Everyday Current Events Blog*


Our Econ Everyday blog saves instructors time bringing current, student-centered content
into their course all semester long. Short articles, written for principles-level students, is
tagged by topic to bring currency into your course. We also provide discussion questions
to help you drive the conversation forward. Visit www.econeveryday.com and subscribe for
updates. (*Outside of Connect.)

Writing Assignment Plus


Writing Assignment Plus delivers a learning experience that helps students improve their
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For more information, please visit: www.mheducation.com/highered/economics


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C O MPA R I S O N G U IDE F OR F RANK , BE RNANKE,
A N TO N OV I C S , AND HE F F E T Z PRODUC TS
Principles of Economics provides enhanced coverage, offers more topics, and more mathematical rigor. Principles of Economics: A Streamlined Approach is a stripped
down version of the big book featuring core content with a less is more approach. See which product is right for you!

Comparison Guide
Principles of Economics, 8th edition Principles of Economics: A Streamlined Approach, 4th edition
Econ Micro Macro Streamlined Streamlined Streamlined
Chapter Title 8e 8e 8e Chapter Title 4e Econ 4e Micro 4e Macro
Thinking Like an Economist 1 1 1 Thinking Like An Economist 1 1 1
Comparative Advantage 2 2 2
Supply and Demand 3 3 3 Supply and Demand 2 2 2
Elasticity 4 4
Demand and Elasticity 3 3
Demand 5 5
Perfectly Competitive Supply 6 6 Perfectly Competitive Supply 4 4
Efficiency, Exchange, and 7 7 Efficiency, Exchange, and 5 5
the Invisible Hand in Action the Invisible Hand in Action
Monopoly, Oligopoly, and 8 8 Monopoly, Oligopoly, and 6 6
Monopolistic Competition Monopolistic Competition
Games and Strategic 9 9 Games and Strategic 7 7
Behavior Behavior
An Introduction to 10 10 An Introduction to Behavioral 8 8
Behavioral Economics Economics (NEW)
Externalities, Property 11 11 Externalities and Property 9 9
Rights, and the Environment Rights
The Economics of Information 12 12
Using Economics to Make
Labor Markets, Poverty, and 13 13 10 10
Better Policy Decisions
Income Distribution
Public Goods and Tax Policy 14 14
International Trade and 15 15 16 International Trade and 11 11 12
Trade Policy Trade Policy
Macroeconomics: The Bird’s- 16 4 Macroeconomics: The Bird’s 12 3
Eye View of the Economy Eye View of the Economy
Measuring Economic Activity: 17 5
Measuring Economic Activity:
GDP and Unemployment
GDP, Unemployment, and 13 4
Measuring the Price Level 18 6
Inflation
and Inflation
Economic Growth, Produc- 19 7 Economic Growth, Produc- 14 5
tivity, and Living Standards tivity, and Living Standards
The Labor Market: Workers, 20 8 The Labor Market: Workers, 15 6
Wages, and Unemployment Wages, and Unemployment
Saving and Capital Formation 21 9 Saving and Capital Formation 16 7
Money, Prices, and the 22 10
Money, The Federal
Federal Reserve
Reserve, and Global 17 8
Financial Markets and 23 11
Financial Markets
International Capital Flows
Short-Term Economic Fluc- 24 12
tuations: An Introduction Short-Term Economic Fluc-
18 9
Spending and Output in the 25 13 tuations and Fiscal Policy
Short Run
Stabilizing the Economy: 26 14 Stabilizing the Economy: 19 10
The Role of the Fed The Role of the Fed
Aggregate Demand, Aggre- 27 15 Aggregate Demand, Aggre- 20 11
gate Supply, and Inflation gate Supply, and Inflation
Exchange Rates and the 28 17 Exchange Rates and the 21 13
Open Economy Open Economy

xxiv
BRIE F CON TENTS

PART 1 Introduction 10 Money, Prices, and the Federal


Reserve 249
1 Thinking Like an Economist 1
11 Financial Markets and International Capital
2 Comparative Advantage 31 Flows 271
3 Supply and Demand 55
PART 4 The Economy in the Short Run
PART 2 Macroeconomic: Issues and Data 12 Short-Term Economic Fluctuations: An
Introduction 295
4 Macroeconomics: The Bird’s-Eye View of
the Economy 89 13 Spending and Output in the Short Run 315
5 Measuring Economic Activity: GDP and 14 Stabilizing the Economy: The Role of the
Unemployment 107 Fed 353
6 Measuring the Price Level and 15 Aggregate Demand, Aggregate Supply, and
Inflation 137 Inflation 393

PART 3 The Economy in the Long Run PART 5 The International Economy
7 Economic Growth, Productivity, and Living 16 International Trade and Trade Policy 431
Standards 163
17 Exchange Rates and the Open
8 The Labor Market: Workers, Wages, and Economy 459
Unemployment 191

9 Saving and Capital Formation 219

xxv
C ON T E N TS

PART I Introduction THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 2.4 49


Summary 51 • Core Principles 51
Chapter 1 Thinking Like an Economist 1 • Key Terms 51 • Review Questions 52
Economics: Studying Choice in a World of Scarcity 2 • Problems 52 • Answers to Self-Tests 53
Applying the Cost-Benefit Principle 3
Economic Surplus 4 Chapter 3 Supply and Demand 55
Opportunity Cost 4 What, How, and for Whom? Central Planning
The Role of Economic Models 5 versus the Market 57
Three Important Decision Pitfalls 6 Buyers and Sellers in Markets 58
Pitfall 1: Measuring Costs and Benefits as The Demand Curve 59
Proportions rather than Absolute Dollar The Supply Curve 60
Amounts 6 Market Equilibrium 62
Pitfall 2: Ignoring Implicit Costs 7 Rent Controls Reconsidered 65
Pitfall 3: Failing to Think at the Margin 8 Pizza Price Controls? 67
Normative Economics versus Positive Economics 13 Predicting and Explaining Changes in Prices
Economics: Micro and Macro 13 and Quantities 68
The Approach of This Text 14 Shifts in Demand 69
Economic Naturalism 14 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 3.1 71
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 1.1 15 Shifts in the Supply Curve 72
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 1.2 15 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 3.2 75
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 1.3 16 Four Simple Rules 75
Summary 17 • Core Principles 17 • Key Terms 17 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 3.3 78
• Review Questions 18 • Problems 18 • Answers to Efficiency and Equilibrium 78
Self-Tests 19 • Appendix: Working with Equations, Cash on the Table 79
Graphs, and Tables 20 Smart for One, Dumb for All 80
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 3.4 81
Chapter 2 Comparative Advantage 31
Summary 82 • Core Principles 83
Exchange and Opportunity Cost 32 • Key Terms 83 • Review Questions 83
The Principle of Comparative Advantage 33 • Problems 83 • Answers to Self-Tests 85
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 2.1 35
• Appendix: The Algebra of Supply and Demand 86
Sources of Comparative Advantage 36
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 2.2 36
Comparative Advantage and Production Possibilities 37 PART 2 Macroeconomic: Issues and Data
The Production Possibilities Curve 37
How Individual Productivity Affects the Slope and Chapter 4 Macroeconomics: The Bird’s-Eye View
Position of the PPC 40 of the Economy 89
The Gains from Specialization and Exchange 41 The Major Macroeconomic Issues 91
A Production Possibilities Curve for a Many-Person Economic Growth and Living Standards 91
Economy 43 Productivity 93
A Note on the Logic of the Fruit Picker’s Rule 44 Recessions and Expansions 94
Factors That Shift the Economy’s Production Unemployment 94
Possibilities Curve 45 Inflation 96
Why Have Some Countries Been Slow to Economic Interdependence among Nations 97
Specialize? 46 Macroeconomic Policy 98
Can We Have Too Much Specialization? 47 Types of Macroeconomic Policy 98
Comparative Advantage and Outsourcing 48 Positive versus Normative Analyses of
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 2.3 48 Macroeconomic Policy 99
Outsourcing 48 Aggregation 100
xxvii
xxviii CONTENTS

Studying Macroeconomics: A Preview 103 “Noise” in the Price System 150


Summary 104 • Key Terms 104 • Review Distortions of the Tax System 151
Questions 104 • Problems 105 • Answers to “Shoe-Leather” Costs 152
Self-Tests 105 Unexpected Redistributions of Wealth 152
Interference with Long-Term Planning 153
Chapter 5 Measuring Economic Activity: Hyperinflation 153
GDP and Unemployment 107 Inflation and Interest Rates 155
Gross Domestic Product: Measuring the Inflation and the Real Interest Rate 155
Nation’s Output 108 The Fisher Effect 158
Market Value 109 Summary 159 • Key Terms 159 • Review
Final Goods and Services 111 Questions 160 • Problems 160 • Answers to
Produced in a Country during a Given Period 114 Self-Tests 161
Methods for Measuring GDP 115
The Expenditure Method for Measuring GDP 115 PART 3 The Economy in the Long Run
GDP and the Incomes of Capital and Labor 118
Nominal GDP versus Real GDP 121 Chapter 7 Economic Growth, Productivity,
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 5.1 123 and Living Standards 163
Real GDP and Economic Well-Being 123 The Remarkable Rise in Living Standards:
Why Real GDP Isn’t the Same as Economic The Record 165
Well-Being 124 Why “Small” Differences in Growth Rates
Leisure Time 124 Matter 167
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 5.2 124 Why Nations Become Rich: The Crucial Role of Average
Nonmarket Economic Activities 125 Labor Productivity 169
Environmental Quality and Resource Depletion 125 The Determinants of Average Labor Productivity 171
Quality of Life 125 Human Capital 171
Poverty and Economic Inequality 126 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 7.1 172
But GDP Is Related to Economic Well-Being 126 Physical Capital 173
Availability of Goods and Services 126 Land and Other Natural Resources 175
Health and Education 127 Technology 176
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 5.3 128 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 7.2 177
Unemployment and the Unemployment Rate 129 Entrepreneurship and Management 178
Measuring Unemployment 129 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 7.3 179
The Costs of Unemployment 131 The Political and Legal Environment 179
The Duration of Unemployment 132 The Costs of Economic Growth 181
The Unemployment Rate versus “True” Promoting Economic Growth 181
Unemployment 132 Policies to Increase Human Capital 182
Summary 133 • Key Terms 134 • Review THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 7.4 182
Questions 134 • Problems 134 • Answers to Policies That Promote Saving and Investment 182
Self-Tests 136 Policies That Support Research and
Development 183
Chapter 6 Measuring the Price Level The Legal and Political Framework 183
and Inflation 137 The Poorest Countries: A Special Case? 183
The Consumer Price Index and Inflation 138 Are There Limits to Growth? 184
Inflation 141 Summary 186 • Key Terms 187 • Review
Adjusting for Inflation 142 Questions 187 • Problems 187 • Answers to
Deflating a Nominal Quantity 142 Self-Tests 189
Indexing to Maintain Buying Power 145
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 6.1 146 Chapter 8 The Labor Market: Workers, Wages,
Does the CPI Measure “True” Inflation? 147 and Unemployment 191
The Costs of Inflation: Not What You Think 149 Five Important Labor Market Trends 192
The True Costs of Inflation 150 Trends in Real Wages 192
CONTENTS xxix

Trends in Employment and Chapter 10 Money, Prices,


Unemployment 193 and the Federal Reserve 249
Supply and Demand in the Labor Market 194 Money and Its Uses 250
Wages and the Demand for Labor 194 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 10.1 251
Shifts in the Demand for Labor 196 Measuring Money 252
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 8.1 200 Commercial Banks and the Creation of
The Supply of Labor 200 Money 253
Shifts in the Supply of Labor 202 The Money Supply with Both Currency
Explaining the Trends in Real Wages and Employment 202 and Deposits 256
Large Increases in Real Wages in The Federal Reserve System 258
Industrialized Countries 203 The History and Structure of the Federal
Real Wage Growth in the United States Has Reserve System 259
Stagnated since the Early 1970s, while Employment Controlling the Money Supply: Open-Market
Growth Has Been Rapid 203 Operations 259
Increasing Wage Inequality: The Effects of The Fed’s Role in Stabilizing Financial Markets:
Globalization and Technological Change 205 Banking Panics 261
Globalization 205 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 10.2 261
Technological Change 207 Money and Prices 264
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 8.2 209 Velocity 264
Unemployment 210 Money and Inflation in the
Types of Unemployment and Their Costs 211 Long Run 265
Frictional Unemployment 211 Summary 267 • Key Terms 268 • Review
Structural Unemployment 212 Questions 268 • Problems 268 • Answers to
Cyclical Unemployment 212 Self-Tests 269
Impediments to Full Employment 212
Summary 215 • Key Terms 215 • Review
Chapter 11 Financial Markets and International
Questions 216 • Problems 216 • Answers to
Capital Flows 271
Self-Tests 217
The Financial System and the Allocation of Saving
to Productive Uses 272
Chapter 9 Saving and Capital Formation 219 The Banking System 273
Saving and Wealth 220 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 11.1 274
Stocks and Flows 221 Bonds and Stocks 274
Capital Gains and Losses 222 Bonds 275
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 9.1 223 Stocks 276
Why Do People Save? 225 Bond Markets, Stock Markets, and the Allocation
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 9.2 225 of Savings 279
Saving and the Real Interest Rate 226 The Informational Role of Bond and
Saving, Self-Control, and Demonstration Effects 228 Stock Markets 279
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 9.3 229 Risk Sharing and Diversification 280
National Saving and Its Components 231 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 11.2 281
The Measurement of National Saving 231 International Capital Flows 282
Private and Public Components of Capital Flows and the Balance of
National Saving 233 Trade 283
Public Saving and the Government Budget 234 The Determinants of International
Is Low Household Saving a Problem? 236 Capital Flows 285
Investment and Capital Formation 237 Saving, Investment, and Capital Inflows 286
Saving, Investment, and Financial Markets 239 The Saving Rate and the Trade Deficit 288
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 9.4 242 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 11.3 289
Summary 244 • Key Terms 244 • Review Summary 291 • Key Terms 291 • Review
Questions 245 • Problems 245 • Answers to Questions 291 • Problems 292 • Answers to
Self-Tests 246 Self-Tests 293
xxx CONTENTS

PART 4 The Economy in the Short Run Fiscal Policy as a Stabilization Tool: Three
Qualifications 340
Chapter 12 Short-Term Economic Fluctuations: Fiscal Policy and the Supply Side 341
An Introduction 295 The Problem of Deficits 341
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 12.1 296 The Relative Inflexibility of Fiscal Policy 341
Recessions and Expansions 297 Summary 342 • Key Terms 343 • Review
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 12.2 299 Questions 344 • Problems 344 • Answers to
Some Facts about Short-Term Economic Self-Tests 345 • Appendix A: An Algebraic
Fluctuations 300 Solution of the Basic Keynesian Model 347 • Appendix B:
Output Gaps and Cyclical Unemployment 303 The Multiplier in the Basic Keynesian Model 350
Potential Output 303
The Output Gap 304
The Natural Rate of Unemployment and Chapter 14 Stabilizing the Economy: The Role
Cyclical Unemployment 305 of the Fed 353
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 12.3 306 The Federal Reserve and Interest Rates:
Okun’s Law 308 The Basic Model 354
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 12.4 309 The Demand for Money 355
Why Do Short-Term Fluctuations Occur? A Preview Macroeconomic Factors That Affect the Demand
and a Tale 310 for Money 358
Alice’s Ice Cream Store: A Tale about Short-Run The Money Demand Curve 359
Fluctuations 311 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 14.1 360
Summary 312 • Key Terms 313 • Review The Supply of Money and Money Market
Questions 313 • Problems 313 • Answers to Equilibrium 362
Self-Tests 314 How the Fed Controls the Nominal
Interest Rate 363
The Role of the Federal Funds Rate in
Chapter 13 Spending and Output in the Monetary Policy 365
Short Run 315 Can the Fed Control the Real Interest Rate? 366
The Keynesian Model’s Crucial Assumption: Firms Meet The Federal Reserve and Interest Rates:
Demand at Preset Prices 317 A Closer Look 367
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 13.1 318 Can the Fed Fully Control the Money
Planned Aggregate Expenditure 319 Supply? 367
Planned Spending versus Actual Affecting Bank Reserves through Open-Market
Spending 319 Operations 368
Consumer Spending and the Economy 321 Affecting Bank Reserves through Discount
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 13.2 322 Window Lending 368
Planned Aggregate Expenditure and Output 323 Setting and Changing Reserve Requirements 368
Short-Run Equilibrium Output 326 Excess Reserves: The Norm since 2008 369
Finding Short-Run Equilibrium Output: Numerical Do Interest Rates Always Move Together? 370
Approach 327 The Zero Lower Bound and the Need for
Finding Short-Run Equilibrium Output: Graphical “Unconventional” Monetary Policy 371
Approach 328 Quantitative Easing 371
Planned Spending and the Output Gap 330 Forward Guidance 371
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 13.3 332 Interest on Reserves and the New Tools of
The Multiplier 333 Monetary Policy 372
Stabilizing Planned Spending: The Role of Fiscal The Effects of Federal Reserve Actions on the
Policy 334 Economy 374
Government Purchases and Planned Planned Aggregate Expenditure and the Real
Spending 334 Interest Rate 374
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 13.4 336 The Fed Fights a Recession 377
Taxes, Transfers, and Aggregate Spending 337 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 14.2 378
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 13.5 339 The Fed Fights Inflation 379
CONTENTS xxxi

THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 14.3 380 PART 5 The International Economy


THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 14.4 381
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 14.5 381 Chapter 16 International Trade and
The Feds Policy Reaction Function 383 Trade Policy 431
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 14.6 383 Comparative Advantage as a Basis for Trade 432
Monetary Policymaking: Art or Science? 386 Production and Consumption Possibilities and
Summary 386 • Key Terms 388 • Review the Benefits of Trade 433
Questions 388 • Problems 388 • Answers to The Two-Worker Production Possibilities
Self-Tests 390 • Appendix: Monetary Policy Curve 433
in the Basic Keynesian Model 391 The Many-Worker Production Possibilities
Curve 436
Consumption Possibilities with and without
Chapter 15 Aggregate Demand, Aggregate
International Trade 438
Supply, and Inflation 393
A Supply and Demand Perspective on Trade 441
Inflation, Spending, and Output: The Aggregate Winners and Losers from Trade 444
Demand Curve 394 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 16.1 444
Inflation, the Fed, and Why the AD Curve Slopes Protectionist Policies: Tariffs and Quotas 446
Downward 395 Tariffs 446
Other Reasons for the Downward Slope of Quotas 448
the AD Curve 396 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 16.2 450
Factors That Shift the Aggregate Demand The Inefficiency of Protectionism 451
Curve 396 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 16.3 451
Changes in Spending 397 Summary 452 • Key Terms 453 • Review
Changes in the Fed’s Policy Reaction Questions 453 • Problems 454 • Answers to
Function 398 Self-Tests 455 • Appendix: An Algebraic Approach to Trade
Shifts of the AD Curve versus Movements along Analysis 456
the AD Curve 398
Inflation and Aggregate Supply 400
Inflation Inertia 401 Chapter 17 Exchange Rates and the Open
Inflation Expectations 401 Economy 459
Long-Term Wage and Price Contracts 402 Exchange Rates 461
The Output Gap and Inflation 403 Nominal Exchange Rates 461
No Output Gap: Y = Y* 404 Flexible versus Fixed Exchange Rates 463
Expansionary Gap: Y > Y* 404 The Real Exchange Rate 463
Recessionary Gap: Y < Y* 404 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.1 466
The Aggregate Demand–Aggregate Supply The Determination of the Exchange Rate in the
Diagram 405 Long Run 467
The Self-Correcting Economy 407 A Simple Theory of Exchange Rates: Purchasing
Sources of Inflation 408 Power Parity (PPP) 467
Excessive Aggregate Spending 408 Shortcomings of the PPP Theory 469
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 15.1 410 The Determination of the Exchange Rate in the
Inflation Shocks 411 Short Run 470
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 15.2 412 The Foreign Exchange Market: A Supply and
Shocks to Potential Output 414 Demand Analysis 471
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 15.3 415 The Supply of Dollars 471
Controlling Inflation 417 The Demand for Dollars 472
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 15.4 419 The Equilibrium Value of the Dollar 472
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 15.5 420 Changes in the Supply of Dollars 473
Summary 422 • Key Terms 423 • Review Changes in the Demand for
Questions 423 • Problems 424 • Answer to Dollars 474
Self-Test 425 • Appendix: The Algebra of THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.2 474
Aggregate Demand and Aggregate Supply 428 Monetary Policy and the Exchange Rate 475
xxxii CONTENTS

THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.3 476 Should Exchange Rates Be Fixed or


The Exchange Rate as a Tool of Monetary Flexible? 486
Policy 477 THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.7 487
Fixed Exchange Rates 477 Summary 488 • Key Terms 489 • Review
How to Fix an Exchange Rate 478 Questions 489 • Problems 490 • Answers to
Speculative Attacks 481 Self-Tests 491
Monetary Policy and the Fixed Exchange Rate 482
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.4 483
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.5 484
Glossary G-1
THE ECONOMIC NATURALIST 17.6 484 Index I-1
CHAPTER
1
Thinking Like
an Economist

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After reading this chapter,
you should be able to:

LO1 E
 xplain and apply the
Scarcity Principle,
which says that having
more of any good
thing necessarily
requires having less
of something else.

LO2 E
 xplain and apply the
Cost-Benefit Principle,
which says that an

Nick Dolding/Cultura/Corbis
action should be taken
if, but only if, its benefit
is at least as great as
its cost.

LO3 D
 iscuss three important
pitfalls that occur when
People often make bad decisions because they fail to compare the relevant costs applying the Cost-
and benefits. Benefit Principle
inconsistently.

LO4 E
 xplain and apply the
ow many students are in your introductory economics class? Some classes have
H
Incentive Principle,
just 20 or so. Others average 35, 100, or 200 students. At some schools, introduc- which says that if you
tory economics classes may have as many as 2,000 students. What size is best? want to predict people’s
If cost were no object, the best size might be a single student. Think about it: the behavior, a good place
whole course, all term long, with just you and your professor! Everything could be custom-­ to start is by examining
tailored to your own background and ability. You could cover the material at just the right their incentives.
pace. The tutorial format also would promote close communication and personal trust
between you and your professor. And your grade would depend more heavily on what you
actually learned than on your luck when taking multiple-choice exams. Let’s suppose, for
the sake of discussion, that students have been shown to learn best in the tutorial format.
Why, then, do so many introductory classes still have hundreds of students? The
simple reason is that costs do matter. They matter not just to the university administrators
who must build classrooms and pay faculty salaries, but also to you. The direct cost of
providing you with your own personal introductory economics course might easily top
$50,000. Someone has to pay these costs. In private universities, a large share of the cost
would be recovered directly from higher tuition payments. In state universities, the burden
1
2 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST

would be split between higher tuition payments and higher tax payments. But, in either
case, the course would be unaffordable for most students.
With larger classes, of course, the cost per student goes down. For example, an intro-
ductory economics course with 300 students might cost as little as $200 per student. But
a class that large could easily compromise the quality of the learning environment. Com-
pared to the custom tutorial format, however, it would be dramatically more affordable.
In choosing what size introductory economics course to offer, then, university admin-
istrators confront a classic economic trade-off. In making the class larger, they risk low-
ering the quality of instruction—a bad thing. At the same time, they reduce costs and
hence the tuition students must pay—a good thing.
In this chapter, we’ll introduce three simple principles that will help you understand
and explain patterns of behavior you observe in the world around you. These principles
also will help you avoid three pitfalls that plague decision makers in everyday life.

ECONOMICS: STUDYING CHOICE


IN A WORLD OF SCARCITY
Even in rich societies like the United States, scarcity is a fundamental fact of life. There
is never enough time, money, or energy to do everything we want to do or have everything
we’d like to have. Economics is the study of how people make choices under conditions
of scarcity and of the results of those choices for society.
In the class-size example just discussed, a motivated economics student might defi-
nitely prefer to be in a class of 20 rather than a class of 100, everything else being
Are small classes “better” than
equal. But other things, of course, are not equal. Students can enjoy the benefits of
large ones?
having smaller classes, but only at the price of having less money for other activities.
economics the study of how The student’s choice inevitably will come down to the relative importance of competing
people make choices under activities.
conditions of scarcity and of That such trade-offs are widespread and important is one of the core principles of
the results of those choices economics. We call it the Scarcity Principle because the simple fact of scarcity makes
for society trade-offs necessary. Another name for the scarcity principle is the No-Free-Lunch Principle
(which comes from the observation that even lunches that are given to you are never
really free—somebody, somehow, always has to pay for them).

The Scarcity Principle (also called the No-Free-Lunch Principle): Although we


Scarcity
have boundless needs and wants, the resources available to us are limited. So
having more of one good thing usually means having less of another.

Inherent in the idea of a trade-off is the fact that choice involves compromise between
competing interests. Economists resolve such trade-offs by using cost-benefit analysis,
which is based on the disarmingly simple principle that an action should be taken if, and
only if, its benefits exceed its costs. We call this statement the Cost-Benefit Principle, and
it, too, is one of the core principles of economics:

The Cost-Benefit Principle: An individual (or a firm or a society) should take an


Cost-Benefit
action if, and only if, the extra benefits from taking the action are at least as great
as the extra costs.

With the Cost-Benefit Principle in mind, let’s think about our class-size question
again. Imagine that classrooms come in only two sizes—100-seat lecture halls and 20-seat
classrooms—and that your university currently offers introductory economics courses to
classes of 100 students. Question: Should administrators reduce the class size to 20 stu-
dents? Answer: Reduce if, and only if, the value of the improvement in instruction out-
weighs its additional cost.
This rule sounds simple. But to apply it we need some way to measure the rele-
vant costs and benefits, a task that’s often difficult in practice. If we make a few
Applying the Cost-Benefit Principle 3

simplifying assumptions, however, we can see how the analysis might work. On the
cost side, the primary expense of reducing class size from 100 to 20 is that we’ll
now need five professors instead of just one. We’ll also need five smaller classrooms
rather than a single big one, and this too may add slightly to the expense of the
move. Let’s suppose that classes with 20 cost $1,000 per student more than those
with 100. Should administrators switch to the smaller class size? If they apply the
Cost-Benefit Principle, they will realize that doing so makes sense only if the value of
Cost-Benefit
attending the smaller class is at least $1,000 per student greater than the value of
attending the larger class.
Would you (or your family) be willing to pay an extra $1,000 for a smaller class? If
not, and if other students feel the same way, then sticking with the larger class size makes
sense. But if you and others would be willing to pay the extra tuition, then reducing the
class size makes good economic sense.
Notice that the “best” class size, from an economic point of view, will generally not be the
same as the “best” size from the point of view of an educational psychologist. That’s because
the economic definition of “best” takes into account both the benefits and the costs of
different class sizes. The psychologist ignores costs and looks only at the learning benefits
of different class sizes.
In practice, of course, different people feel differently about the value of smaller
classes. People with high incomes, for example, tend to be willing to pay more for
the advantage. That helps explain why average class size is smaller, and tuition
higher, at private schools whose students come predominantly from high-income
families.
The cost-benefit framework for thinking about the class-size problem also suggests a
possible reason for the gradual increase in average class size that has been taking place
in American colleges and universities. During the last 30 years, professors’ salaries have
risen sharply, making smaller classes more costly. During the same period, median family
income—and hence the willingness to pay for smaller classes—has remained roughly con-
stant. When the cost of offering smaller classes goes up but willingness to pay for smaller
classes does not, universities shift to larger class sizes.
Scarcity and the trade-offs that result also apply to resources other than money. Jeff
Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
Bezos is one of the richest people on Earth. His wealth is estimated at more than $180
billion. That’s more than the combined wealth of the poorest 54 percent of Americans.
Bezos could buy more houses, cars, vacations, and other consumer goods than he could
possibly use. Yet he, like the rest of us, has only 24 hours each day and a limited amount
of energy. So even he confronts trade-offs. Any activity he pursues—whether it be build-
ing his business empire or redecorating his mansion—uses up time and energy that he
could otherwise spend on other things. Indeed, someone once calculated that the value If Jeff Bezos saw a $100 bill
of Bezos’s time is so great that pausing to pick up a $100 bill from the sidewalk simply lying on the sidewalk, would it
wouldn’t be worth his while. be worth his time to pick it up?

APPLYING THE COST-BENEFIT PRINCIPLE


In studying choice under scarcity, we’ll usually begin with the premise that people are
rational, which means they have well-defined goals and try to fulfill them as best they rational person someone
can. The Cost-Benefit Principle is a fundamental tool for the study of how rational people with well-defined goals who
make choices. tries to fulfill those goals as
As in the class-size example, often the only real difficulty in applying the cost-­benefit best he or she can
rule is to come up with reasonable measures of the relevant benefits and costs. Only in
rare instances will exact dollar measures be conveniently available. But the cost-benefit
framework can lend structure to your thinking even when no relevant market data are
available.
To illustrate how we proceed in such cases, the following example asks you to decide
whether to perform an action whose cost is described only in vague, qualitative terms.
4 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST

E XA MP LE 1.1 Comparing Costs and Benefits


Should you walk downtown to save $10 on a $25 wireless keyboard?
Imagine you are about to buy a $25 wireless keyboard at the nearby campus store
when a friend tells you that the same keyboard is on sale at a downtown store for
only $15. If the downtown store is a 30-minute walk away, where should you buy
the keyboard?

The Cost-Benefit Principle tells us that you should buy it downtown if the b ­ enefit
Cost-Benefit
of doing so exceeds the cost. The benefit of taking any action is the dollar value
of everything you gain by taking it. Here, the benefit of buying downtown is exactly
$10, because that’s the amount you’ll save on the price of the keyboard. The cost
of taking any action is the dollar value of everything you give up by taking it. Here,
the cost of buying downtown is the dollar value you assign to the time and trouble
it takes to make the trip. But how do we estimate that value?
One way is to perform the following hypothetical auction. Imagine that a stranger
has offered to pay you to do an errand that involves the same walk downtown
(perhaps to drop off a package for her at the post office). If she offered you a pay-
ment of, say, $1,000, would you accept? If so, we know that your cost of walking
downtown and back must be less than $1,000. Now imagine her offer being reduced
in small increments until you finally refuse the last offer. For example, if you’d agree
to walk downtown and back for $9 but not for $8.99, then your cost of making
the trip is $9. In this case, you should buy the keyboard downtown because the
$10 you’ll save (your benefit) is greater than your $9 cost of making the trip.
But suppose your cost of making the trip had been greater than $10. In that
case, your best bet would have been to buy the keyboard from the nearby cam-
pus store. Confronted with this choice, different people may choose differently,
depending on how costly they think it is to make the trip downtown. But although
there is no uniquely correct choice, most people who are asked what they would
do in this situation say they would buy the keyboard downtown.

ECONOMIC SURPLUS
Suppose that in Example 1.1 your “cost” of making the trip downtown was $9. Compared
to the alternative of buying the keyboard at the campus store, buying it downtown
economic surplus the resulted in an economic surplus of $1, the difference between the benefit of making the
benefit of taking an action trip and its cost. In general, your goal as an economic decision maker is to choose those
minus its cost actions that generate the largest possible economic surplus. This means taking all actions
that yield a positive total economic surplus, which is just another way of restating the Cost-­
Cost-Benefit
Benefit Principle.
Note that the fact that your best choice was to buy the keyboard downtown doesn’t imply
that you enjoy making the trip, any more than choosing a large class means that you prefer
large classes to small ones. It simply means that the trip is less unpleasant than the prospect
of paying $10 extra for the keyboard. Once again, you’ve faced a trade-off. In this case, the
choice was between a cheaper keyboard and the free time gained by avoiding the trip.

OPPORTUNITY COST
Of course, your mental auction could have produced a different outcome. Suppose, for
example, that the time required for the trip is the only time you have left to study for a
difficult test the next day. Or suppose you are watching one of your favorite shows on
opportunity cost the value Netflix, or that you are tired and would love a short nap. In such cases, we say that the
of what must be forgone to opportunity cost of making the trip—that is, the value of what you must sacrifice to walk
undertake an activity downtown and back—is high and you are more likely to decide against making the trip.
Applying the Cost-Benefit Principle 5

Strictly speaking, your opportunity cost of engaging in an activity is the value of


everything you must sacrifice to engage in it. For instance, if seeing a movie requires not
only that you buy a $10 ticket, but also that you give up a $20 dogwalking job that you
would have been willing to do for free, then the opportunity cost of seeing the film is $30.
Under this definition, all costs—both implicit and explicit—are opportunity costs.
Unless otherwise stated, we will adhere to this strict definition.
We must warn you, however, that some economists use the term opportunity cost to
refer only to the implicit value of opportunities forgone. Thus, in the example just dis-
cussed, these economists wouldn’t include the $10 ticket price when calculating the oppor-
tunity cost of seeing the film. But virtually all economists would agree that your
opportunity cost of not doing the dogwalking job is $20.
In the previous example, if watching another hour of your favorite show on Netflix
is the most valuable opportunity that conflicts with the trip downtown, the opportunity
cost of making the trip is the dollar value you place on pursuing that opportunity. It is
the largest amount you’d be willing to pay to avoid watching your show at another time.
Note that the opportunity cost of making the trip is not the combined value of all possi-
ble activities you could have pursued, but only the value of your best alternative—the one
you would have chosen had you not made the trip.
Throughout the text we’ll pose self-tests like the one that follows. You’ll find that
pausing to answer them will help you to master key concepts in economics. Because
doing these self-tests isn’t very costly (indeed, many students report that they’re actu-
ally fun), the Cost-Benefit Principle indicates that it’s well worth your while to do
Cost-Benefit
them.

SELF-TEST 1.1
You would again save $10 by buying the wireless keyboard downtown rather
than at the campus store, but your cost of making the trip is now $12, not $9.
By how much would your economic surplus be smaller if you bought the
keyboard downtown rather than at the campus store?

THE ROLE OF ECONOMIC MODELS


Economists use the Cost-Benefit Principle as an abstract model of how an idealized
rational individual would choose among competing alternatives. (By “abstract model” we
mean a simplified description that captures the essential elements of a situation and allows
us to analyze them in a logical way.) A computer model of a complex phenomenon like
climate change, which must ignore many details and includes only the major forces at
work, is an example of an abstract model.
Noneconomists are sometimes harshly critical of the economist’s cost-benefit model
on the grounds that people in the real world never conduct hypothetical mental auctions
before deciding whether to make trips downtown. But this criticism betrays a fundamen-
tal misunderstanding of how abstract models can help explain and predict human behav-
ior. Economists know perfectly well that people don’t conduct hypothetical mental
auctions when they make simple decisions. All the Cost-Benefit Principle really says is
that a rational decision is one that is explicitly or implicitly based on a weighing of costs
and benefits.
Most of us make sensible decisions most of the time, without being consciously aware
that we are weighing costs and benefits, just as most people ride a bike without being
consciously aware of what keeps them from falling. Through trial and error, we gradually
learn what kinds of choices tend to work best in different contexts, just as bicycle riders
internalize the relevant laws of physics, usually without being conscious of them.
Even so, learning the explicit principles of cost-benefit analysis can help us make
better decisions, just as knowing about physics can help in learning to ride a bicycle. For
instance, when a young economist was teaching his oldest son to ride a bike, he followed
6 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST

the time-honored tradition of running alongside the bike and holding onto his son, then
giving him a push and hoping for the best. After several hours and painfully skinned
elbows and knees, his son finally got it. A year later, someone pointed out that the trick
to riding a bike is to turn slightly in whichever direction the bike is leaning. Of course!
The economist passed this information along to his second son, who learned to ride
almost instantly. Just as knowing a little physics can help you learn to ride a bike, know-
ing a little economics can help you make better decisions.

RECAP
COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS
Scarcity is a basic fact of economic life. Because of it, having more of one
good thing almost always means having less of another (the scarcity princi-
ple). The Cost-Benefit Principle holds that an individual (or a firm or a society)
should take an action if, and only if, the extra benefit from taking the action
is at least as great as the extra cost. The benefit of taking any action minus
the cost of taking the action is called the economic surplus from that action.
Hence, the Cost-Benefit Principle suggests that we take only those actions
that create additional economic surplus.

THREE IMPORTANT DECISION PITFALLS1


Rational people will apply the Cost-Benefit Principle most of the time, although prob-
ably in an intuitive and approximate way, rather than through explicit and precise cal-
culation. Knowing that rational people tend to compare costs and benefits enables
economists to predict their likely behavior. As noted earlier, for example, we can predict
that students from wealthy families are more likely than others to attend colleges that
offer small classes. (Again, while the cost of small classes is the same for all families,
their benefit, as measured by what people are willing to pay for them, tends to be higher
for wealthier families.)
Yet researchers have identified situations in which people tend to apply the Cost-­
Benefit Principle inconsistently. In these situations, the Cost-Benefit Principle may not
predict behavior accurately. But it proves helpful in another way, by identifying specific
strategies for avoiding bad decisions.

PITFALL 1: MEASURING COSTS AND BENEFITS AS PROPORTIONS


RATHER THAN ABSOLUTE DOLLAR AMOUNTS
As the next example makes clear, even people who seem to know they should weigh the
pros and cons of the actions they are contemplating sometimes don’t have a clear sense
of how to measure the relevant costs and benefits.

E XA MP LE 1.2 Comparing Costs and Benefits

Should you walk downtown to save $10 on a $2,020 laptop


computer?
You are about to buy a $2,020 laptop computer at the nearby campus store when
a friend tells you that the same computer is on sale at a downtown store for only
$2,010. If the downtown store is half an hour’s walk away, where should you buy
the computer?
1
The examples in this section are inspired by the pioneering research of Daniel Kahneman and the late Amos
Tversky. Kahneman was awarded the 2002 Nobel Prize in Economics for his efforts to integrate insights from
psychology into economics. You can read more about this work in Kahneman’s brilliant 2011 book, Thinking
Fast and Slow (New York: Macmillan).
THREE IMPORTANT DECISION PITFALLS 7

Assuming that the laptop is light enough to carry without effort, the ­structure
of this example is exactly the same as that of Example 1.1. The only difference is
that the price of the laptop is dramatically higher than the price of the wireless
keyboard. As before, the benefit of buying downtown is the dollar amount you’ll
save, namely, $10. And because it’s exactly the same trip, its cost also must be
the same as before. So if you are perfectly rational, you should make the same
decision in both cases. Yet when people are asked what they would do in these
situations, the overwhelming majority say they’d walk downtown to buy the key-
board but would buy the laptop at the campus store. When asked to explain, most
of them say something like, “The trip was worth it for the keyboard because you
save 40 percent, but not worth it for the laptop because you save only $10 out
of $2,020.”
This is faulty reasoning. The benefit of the trip downtown is not the propor-
tion you save on the original price. Rather, it is the absolute dollar amount you
save. The benefit of walking downtown to buy the laptop is $10, exactly the
same as for the wireless keyboard. And because the cost of the trip must also
be the same in both cases, the economic surplus from making both trips must
be exactly the same. That means that a rational decision maker would make the
same decision in both cases. Yet, as noted, most people choose differently.

The pattern of faulty reasoning in the decision just discussed is one of several decision
pitfalls to which people are often prone. In the discussion that follows, we will identify
two additional decision pitfalls. In some cases, people ignore costs or benefits that they
ought to take into account. On other occasions they are influenced by costs or benefits
that are irrelevant.

SELF-TEST 1.2
Which is more valuable: saving $100 on a $2,000 plane ticket to Tokyo or
saving $90 on a $200 plane ticket to Chicago?

PITFALL 2: IGNORING IMPLICIT COSTS


Sherlock Holmes, Arthur Conan Doyle’s legendary detective, was successful because he
saw details that most others overlooked. In Silver Blaze, Holmes is called on to investigate
the theft of an expensive racehorse from its stable. A Scotland Yard inspector assigned
to the case asks Holmes whether some particular aspect of the crime requires further
study. “Yes,” Holmes replies, and describes “the curious incident of the dog in the night-
time.” “The dog did nothing in the nighttime,”2 responds the puzzled inspector. But, as
Holmes realized, that was precisely the problem! The watchdog’s failure to bark when
Silver Blaze was stolen meant that the watchdog knew the thief. This clue ultimately
proved the key to unraveling the mystery.
Just as we often don’t notice when a dog fails to bark, many of us tend to overlook
the implicit value of activities that fail to happen. As discussed earlier, however, intelligent
decisions require taking the value of forgone opportunities properly into account.
The opportunity cost of an activity, once again, is the value of all that must be forgone
in order to engage in that activity. If buying a wireless keyboard downtown means not
watching another hour of your favorite show on Netflix, then the value to you of watching
the show is an implicit cost of the trip. Many people make bad decisions because they
tend to ignore the value of such forgone opportunities. To avoid overlooking implicit costs,
economists often translate questions like “Should I walk downtown?” into ones like
“Should I walk downtown or watch another hour of my favorite show?” Implicit costs are like dogs
that fail to bark in the night.
2
Arthur Conan Doyle, “The Adventure of Silver Blaze,” The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes (London: George Many of us tend to overlook
Newnes Ltd., 1893). activities that fail to happen.
8 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST

E XA MP LE 1.3 Implicit Cost


Should you use your frequent-flyer coupon to fly to Cancun for spring
break?
With spring break only a week away, you are still undecided about whether to go
to Cancun with a group of classmates at the University of Iowa. The round-trip
airfare from Cedar Rapids is $500, but you have a frequent-flyer coupon you could
use for the trip. All other relevant costs for the vacation week at the beach total
exactly $1,000. The most you would be willing to pay for the Cancun vacation is
$1,350. That amount is your benefit of taking the vacation. Your only alternative
use for your frequent-flyer coupon is for a trip to Boston the weekend after spring
break to attend your brother’s wedding. (Your coupon expires shortly thereafter.)
If the Cedar Rapids–Boston round-trip airfare is $400, should you use your
­frequent-flyer coupon to fly to Cancun for spring break?
Cost-Benefit The Cost-Benefit Principle tells us that you should go to Cancun if the bene-
fits of the trip exceed its costs. If not for the complication of the frequent-flyer
coupon, solving this problem would be a straightforward matter of comparing your
benefit from the week at the beach to the sum of all relevant costs. And because
your airfare and other costs would add up to $1,500, or $150 more than your
benefit from the trip, you would not go to Cancun.
But what about the possibility of using your frequent-flyer coupon to make
Bkindler/E+/Getty Images

the trip? Using it for that purpose might make the flight to Cancun seem free,
suggesting you’d reap an economic surplus of $350 by making the trip. But doing
so also would mean you’d have to fork over $400 for your airfare to Boston. So
the implicit cost of using your coupon to go to Cancun is really $400. If you use
it for that purpose, the trip still ends up being a loser because the cost of the
Is your flight to Cancun “free”
vacation, $1,400, exceeds the benefit by $50. In cases like these, you’re much
if you travel on a frequent-flyer more likely to decide sensibly if you ask yourself, “Should I use my frequent-flyer
coupon? coupon for this trip or save it for an upcoming trip?”

We cannot emphasize strongly enough that the key to using the Cost-Benefit
Principle correctly lies in recognizing precisely what taking a given action prevents
us from doing. Self-Test 1.3 illustrates this point by modifying the details of Example 1.3
slightly.

SELF-TEST 1.3
Refer to given information in Example 1.3, but this time your frequent-flyer
coupon expires in a week, so your only chance to use it will be for the C
­ ancun
trip. Should you use your coupon?

PITFALL 3: FAILING TO THINK AT THE MARGIN


When deciding whether to take an action, the only relevant costs and benefits are those
that would occur as a result of taking the action. Sometimes people are influenced by
costs they ought to ignore. Other times they compare the wrong costs and benefits. The
only costs that should influence a decision about whether to take an action are those we can
sunk cost a cost that is avoid by not taking the action. Similarly, the only benefits we should consider are those that
beyond recovery at the would not occur unless the action were taken. As a practical matter, however, many decision
moment a decision must makers appear to be influenced by costs or benefits that would have occurred no matter
be made what. Thus, people are often influenced by sunk costs—costs that are beyond recovery at the
THREE IMPORTANT DECISION PITFALLS 9

moment a decision is made. For example, money spent on a nontransferable, nonrefundable


airline ticket is a sunk cost.
As the following example illustrates, sunk costs must be borne whether or not an action
is taken, so they are irrelevant to the decision of whether to take the action.

E XA MP LE 1 .4 Sunk Cost

How much should you eat at an all-you-can-eat restaurant?


Sangam, an Indian restaurant in Philadelphia, offers an all-you-can-eat lunch
­buffet for $10. Customers pay $10 at the door, and no matter how many times
they refill their plates, there is no additional charge. One day, as a goodwill ges-
ture, the owner of the restaurant tells 20 randomly selected guests that they can
eat at the all-you-can-eat buffet for free. The remaining guests pay the usual
price. If all diners are rational, will those who are able to eat at the buffet for
free consume a different amount of food, on average, than those who have to
pay $10 for the buffet?

Having eaten their first helping, diners in each group confront the following
question: “Should I go back for another helping?” For rational diners, if the ben-
efit of doing so exceeds the cost, the answer is yes; otherwise it is no. Note that
at the moment of decision, the $10 charge for the lunch is a sunk cost. Those
who paid it have no way to recover it. Thus, for both groups, the (extra) cost of
another helping is exactly zero. And because the people who received the free
lunch were chosen at random, there’s no reason their appetites or incomes should
be any different from those of other diners. The benefit of another helping thus
should be the same, on average, for people in both groups. And because their
respective costs and benefits are the same, the two groups should eat the same
number of helpings, on average.
Psychologists and economists have experimental evidence, however, that
people in such groups do not eat similar amounts.3 In particular, those who have
to pay for the all-you-can eat buffet tend to eat substantially more than those for
whom the buffet is free. People in the former group seem somehow determined
to “get their money’s worth.” Their implicit goal is apparently to minimize the
average cost per bite of the food they eat. Yet minimizing average cost is not a
particularly sensible objective. The irony is that diners who are determined to get
their money’s worth usually end up eating too much.

The fact that the cost-benefit criterion failed the test of prediction in Example 1.4
does nothing to invalidate its advice about what people should do. If you are letting sunk
costs influence your decisions, you can do better by changing your behavior.
In addition to paying attention to costs and benefits that should be ignored, people
often use incorrect measures of the relevant costs and benefits. This error often occurs
marginal cost the increase
when we must choose the extent to which an activity should be pursued (as opposed to
in total cost that results from
choosing whether to pursue it at all). We can apply the Cost-Benefit Principle in such
carrying out one additional
situations by repeatedly asking the question, “Should I increase the level at which I am
unit of an activity
currently pursuing the activity?”
In attempting to answer this question, the focus should always be on the benefit and marginal benefit the
cost of an additional unit of activity. To emphasize this focus, economists refer to the cost increase in total benefit that
of an additional unit of activity as its marginal cost. Similarly, the benefit of an additional results from carrying out one
unit of the activity is its marginal benefit. additional unit of an activity

3
See, for example, Richard Thaler, “Toward a Positive Theory of Consumer Choice,” Journal of Economic Behavior
and Organization 1, no. 1 (1980).
10 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST

When the problem is to discover the proper level for an activity, the cost-benefit rule
is to keep increasing the level as long as the marginal benefit of the activity exceeds its
marginal cost. As the following example illustrates, however, people often fail to apply
this rule correctly.

E XA MP LE 1.5 Focusing on Marginal Costs and Benefits


Should SpaceX expand its launch program from four launches per
year to five?
SpaceX accountants have estimated that the gains from the company’s jumbo
rocket launch program are currently $24 billion a year (an average of $6 billion
per launch) and that its costs are currently $20 billion a year (an average
$5 billion per launch). On the basis of these estimates, they have recommended
that the company should increase its number of launches. Should SpaceX CEO
Elon Musk follow their advice?

To discover whether the advice makes economic sense, we must compare


the marginal cost of a launch to its marginal benefit. The accountants’ estimates,
average cost the total cost however, tell us only the average cost and average benefit of the program. These
of undertaking n units of an are, respectively, the total cost of the program divided by the number of launches
activity divided by n and the total benefit divided by the number of launches.
Knowing the average benefit and average cost per launch for all rockets
average benefit the total
launched thus far is simply not useful for deciding whether to expand the program.
benefit of undertaking n units
Of course, the average cost of the launches undertaken so far might be the same
of an activity divided by n
as the cost of adding another launch. But it also might be either higher or lower
than the marginal cost of a launch. The same holds true regarding average and
marginal benefits.
Suppose, for the sake of discussion, that the benefit of an additional launch is
in fact the same as the average benefit per launch thus far, $6 billion. Should
SpaceX add another launch? Not if the cost of adding the fifth launch would be
more than $6 billion. And the fact that the average cost per launch is only $5 billion
simply does not tell us anything about the marginal cost of the fifth launch.
Suppose, for example, that the relationship between the number of rockets
launched and the total cost of the program is as described in Table 1.1. The aver-
age cost per launch (third column) when there are four launches would then be
$20 billion/4 = $5 billion per launch, just as the accountants reported. But note
in the second column of the table that adding a fifth launch would raise costs
from $20 billion to $32 billion, making the marginal cost of the fifth launch
$12 billion. So if the benefit of an additional launch is $6 billion, increasing the
number of launches from four to five would make absolutely no economic sense.

TABLE 1.1
How Total Cost Varies with the Number of Launches
Number of Total cost Average cost
launches ($ billions) ($ billion/launch)
0 0 0
1 3 3
2 7 3.5
3 12 4
4 20 5
5 32 6.4
THREE IMPORTANT DECISION PITFALLS 11

The following example illustrates how to apply the Cost-Benefit Principle correctly in
this case.

E XA MP LE 1 .6 Focusing on Marginal Costs and Benefits

How many rockets should SpaceX launch?


SpaceX must decide how many rockets to launch. The benefit of each launch is
estimated to be $6 billion, and the total cost of the program again depends on the
number of launches as shown in Table 1.1. How many rockets should SpaceX launch?

SpaceX should continue to launch its jumbo rockets as long as the marginal
benefit of the program exceeds its marginal cost. In this example, the marginal
benefit is constant at $6 billion per launch, regardless of the number of rockets
launched. SpaceX should thus keep launching rockets as long as the marginal
cost per launch is less than or equal to $6 billion.
Applying the definition of marginal cost to the total cost entries in the second
column of Table 1.1 yields the marginal cost values in the third column of Table 1.2.
(Because marginal cost is the change in total cost that results when we change
the number of launches by one, we place each marginal cost entry midway
between the rows showing the corresponding total cost entries.) Thus, for exam-
ple, the marginal cost of increasing the number of launches from one to two is
$4 billion, the difference between the $7 billion total cost of two launches and
the $3 billion total cost of one launch.

TABLE 1.2
How Marginal Cost Varies with the Number of Launches
Number of Total cost Marginal cost
launches ($ billions) ($ billion/launch)
0 0
3
1 3
4
2 7
5
3 12
8
4 20
12
5 32

As we see from a comparison of the $6 billion marginal benefit per launch


with the marginal cost entries in the third column of Table 1.2, the first three
launches satisfy the cost-benefit test, but the fourth and fifth launches do not.
SpaceX should thus launch three rockets.

SELF-TEST 1.4
If the marginal benefit of each launch had been not $6 billion but $9 billion,
how many rockets should SpaceX have launched?

The cost-benefit framework emphasizes that the only relevant costs and benefits in
deciding whether to pursue an activity further are marginal costs and benefits—measures
that correspond to the increment of activity under consideration. In many contexts, ­however,
12 CHAPTER 1 THINKING LIKE AN ECONOMIST

people seem more inclined to compare the average cost and benefit of the activity. As
Example 1.5 made clear, increasing the level of an activity may not be justified, even though
its average benefit at the current level is significantly greater than its average cost.

SELF-TEST 1.5
Should a basketball team’s best player take all the team’s shots?
A professional basketball team has a new assistant coach. The assistant
notices that one player scores on a higher percentage of her shots than other
players. Based on this information, the assistant suggests to the head coach
that the star player should take all the shots. That way, the assistant reasons,
the team will score more points and win more games.
On hearing this suggestion, the head coach fires her assistant for incom-
petence. What was wrong with the assistant’s idea?

RECAP
THREE IMPORTANT DECISION PITFALLS
1. The pitfall of measuring costs or benefits proportionally. Many decision
makers treat a change in cost or benefit as insignificant if it constitutes
only a small proportion of the original amount. Absolute dollar amounts,
not proportions, should be employed to measure costs and benefits.
2. The pitfall of ignoring implicit costs. When performing a cost-benefit
analysis of an action, it is important to account for all relevant costs,
including the implicit value of alternatives that must be forgone in order
to carry out the action. A resource (such as a frequent-flyer coupon) may
have a high implicit cost, even if you originally got it “for free,” if its best
alternative use has high value. The identical resource may have a low
implicit cost, however, if it has no good alternative uses.
3. The pitfall of failing to think at the margin. When deciding whether to
perform an action, the only costs and benefits that are relevant are those
that would result from taking the action. It is important to ignore sunk
costs—those costs that cannot be avoided even if the action isn’t taken.
Even though a ticket to a concert may have cost you $100, if you’ve
already bought it and cannot sell it to anyone else, the $100 is a sunk
cost and shouldn’t influence your decision about whether to go to the
concert. It’s also important not to confuse average costs and benefits
with marginal costs and benefits. Decision makers often have ready
information about the total cost and benefit of an activity, and from these
it’s simple to compute the activity’s average cost and benefit. A common
mistake is to conclude that an activity should be increased if its average
benefit exceeds its average cost. The Cost-Benefit Principle tells us that
the level of an activity should be increased if, and only if, its marginal
benefit exceeds its marginal cost.

Some costs and benefits, especially marginal costs and benefits and implicit costs,
are important for decision making, while others, like sunk costs and average costs and
benefits, are essentially irrelevant. This conclusion is implicit in our original statement
of the Cost-Benefit Principle (an action should be taken if, and only if, the extra ben-
Cost-Benefit
efits of taking it exceed the extra costs). When we encounter additional examples of
decision pitfalls, we will flag them by inserting the icon for the Cost-Benefit Principle
as shown here.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
but the description given of the field in which the tournament was
held, corresponds, in a most minute manner, with the “Tournament
Field,” still so called, at the neighbouring village of Smisby, and has
for ages been identified with that famous “Passage of Arms.” Eight
miles south-east of Repton this very interesting “habitation among
the ash trees” is situated.
The first authentic mention we have of it is about the year 1066,
when William the Conqueror granted the Manor to Hugh de
Grentemaisnel, one of his most valiant captains at the battle of
Hastings. In Domesday Book we read of its having a priest and
church. Soon afterwards it fell into the hands of Robert de Beaumeis,
another Norman, whose successor, Philip, granted “the church of St.
Helen of Ashby, with the church of Blackfordby,” &c., &c., to the
Abbey of Lilleshall, Salop. Philip de Beaumeis, having no son to
succeed him, left his estates to his daughter Adeliza, who married
Alan la Zouche, a descendant of the Earls of Brittany. Alan settled at
Ashby, and added the family name to it, to distinguish it from the
other towns of that name. Alan was succeeded by his son Roger,
who was succeeded by his son Alan, the last of the real Zouches, in
the male line, who held the Manor of Ashby, he granted it to Sir
William Mortimer, a distant relative, who assumed the name, and
passed it on to his son Alan, who fought at the battle of Creçy, 1346,
and died in that year, he was succeeded by his son Hugh, who died
in 1399, leaving no heir, with him the name, finally, became extinct.
Plate 16.

Ashby Castle. (Page 92.)

Staunton Harold. (Page 135.)


The property was held by Sir Hugh Burnett for about twenty years,
when James Butler, Earl of Ormond (a Lancastrian noble), by some
means or other, obtained possession of the land, he was executed at
Newcastle after the battle of Towton Moor in 1461. In that year
Edward, Duke of York, became King, and rewarded his partisans
with titles and grants of land. Among them was Sir William Hastings,
whom he created Baron Hastings of Ashby, &c., Steward of
Leicester, and ambassador, with the Earl of Warwick, to treat for
peace with Louis XI., King of France, who gave him a pension of
2000 crowns per annum. The first payment was made in gold, which
Lord Hastings is said to have received with these words, “Put it here
into my sleeve; for other testimonial (receipt) you shall get none: no
man shall say that King Edward’s Lord Chamberlain hath been
pensioner to the French King.” This may be the origin of the crest of
the Hastings’ family, a maunch or sleeve. King Edward also gave
him “licence to enclose and impark 3000 acres of land and wood at
Ashby-de-la-Zouch,” and to erect and fortify houses, &c., there and
elsewhere. In the year 1474 he built Ashby Castle, nine years later
the Protector (Richard, Duke of Gloucester) accused him of high
treason, and, without trial, had him beheaded on a log of wood on
Tower Green. His remains were interred in Windsor Castle, where a
splendid monument was erected to his memory.
As we are not writing a history of the Hastings family, we must
confine ourselves to those members of that family connected with
the history of the place, which for two centuries centred round its
castle and church. Ashby Castle was, as we have seen, built by the
first Lord Hastings in 1474. It stands on the south side of the town.
Judging by its ruins, it must have been indeed a stately pile. Entering
from the west we see the remains of the kitchen, with its fire-places,
&c.; it had a groined roof, over which were rooms, with another
storey over them, access to these was obtained by a spiral staircase
in the north-east corner of the kitchen. The west front of this block
has been destroyed, so nothing can be written about its chief
entrance, its height is about seventy feet, the dimensions of the
kitchen are fifty feet long, by twenty-seven broad, and thirty-seven
feet high.
In the kitchen are two doorways leading into the “servants hall,”
from this two doorways lead into the Great Hall, and from this
admission was obtained to a “drawing room.” At the end of this room,
a little to the south, is the chapel, lit by four windows, on either side,
and an east window. At the west end, over the west door, is a gallery,
to which a spiral staircase leads. Adjoining the east end, to the south
of it, were rooms for the chaplain. On the south is a courtyard formed
by the chapel, chaplain’s rooms, a thick wall, and the Great Tower.
This tower must have been an imposing building of, at least, four
storeys, with cellar, kitchen, dining hall, drawing room, and sleeping
apartments. Its southern half is destroyed, but what is left on the
north side—turrets, windows, fire-place, armorial bearings, &c.,
prove how richly the fabric was sculptured over. Very probably there
was a wall from the Great Tower on its west side, like that on its east
side, which met a wall built out from the kitchen. The ground plan of
the Castle would form a parallelogram with kitchen, servants’ hall,
great hall, drawing room, and chapel on the north side, chaplain’s
room at the east end, Great Tower, with walls on the south side, and
a wall and kitchen at the west end. A subterraneous passage
connects the kitchen with the Great Tower.
The chief historical events connected with the Castle are the visit
of Mary, Queen of Scots, in November of the year 1569. She was on
her way from Tutbury to Coventry. Anne, wife of James I., and Prince
Henry were entertained at the Castle in June, 1603, and King James
himself paid the Earl a visit in the year 1617. The expenses of this
visit were so great, the Earl’s income became seriously diminished,
as one of his descendants, Lady Flora, daughter of the 1st Marquis
of Hastings wrote, a propos of the visit,

The bells did ring,


The gracious King
Enjoyed his visit much;
And we’ve been poor
Ere since that hour
At Ashby-de-la-Zouch.
Again in May, 1645, another Stuart was a guest at Ashby. Charles
I., flushed with the success of his army at Leicester, spent a short
time at the Castle. Fifteen days later, June 14th, he came again, this
time a fugitive from the fatal and final battle of Naseby Field. The
Royalist garrison yielded Leicester, and marched out, the Governor
Hastings (Lord Loughborough) to Ashby, the officers and men to
Lichfield. For months the Parliamentary army, under Sir Thomas
Fairfax, beseiged the town and castle, which held out bravely for the
Royal cause. On the 28th February, 1646, articles of agreement
were drawn up, and signed by Lord Loughborough, and Colonel
Needham. The articles consisted of eleven “items.” The officers and
soldiers were “to march away to Bridgenorth or Worcester, with their
horses, arms, and ammunition, bag, and baggage, trumpets
sounding, drums beating, colours flying,” &c., or they might “lay
down their arms, and have protection to live at home if they please,”
“and the works and fortifications of the town and garrison should be
sleighted,” “after which the sequestrations of Colonel General
Hastings, the Earl of Huntingdon, should be taken off,” or “the
Colonel General, with the said gentlemen, could go to Hull or Bristol
to have a ship provided to transport them to France or Holland,
whither they please.” In 1648 the “sleighting” of the Castle was
performed, only too well, by one William Bainbrigg, of Lockington, in
the county of Leicester. On the north side of the Castle was a green,
on the south a garden, a wall, still existing, surrounded it with towers
of brick, with stone facings, used as summer-houses, or “look outs.”
On the east of the Castle is a triangular tower, triangular in shape,
called the “Mount House,” it is said to be connected with the kitchen
by a subterraneous passage. The “Manor House” on the north-east
side, occupies the site of a suite of apartments made to
accommodate King James I. in the year 1617.
Ashby Church, dedicated to St. Helen, occupies the site of an
earlier building, probably Norman. During the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries it was rebuilt, and consisted of chancel, nave, north and
south aisles, with tower at the west end. During the last twenty-three
years nearly £16,000. have been spent in enlarging and restoring it.
Now it consists of nave with two aisles on its north and south sides,
all the galleries have been removed, and the old pews have been
replaced by well-designed oak seats. The choir stalls are placed at
the east end of the nave, leaving the chancel unoccupied. Over the
altar there is a fine reredos of oak, ascribed to Grinling Gibbons. On
the south side of the chancel is the mortuary chapel of the
Huntingdon family. A most magnificent tomb of Francis, 2nd Earl of
Huntingdon, and his wife Katherine, occupies the centre of it. Every
detail of it is well worth a very close inspection. There are also many
mural tablets in the chapel.
Within a sculptured recess in the north wall of the church is a finely
executed figure of a pilgrim. Lying on his back, the head rests on a
cushion, just above the right shoulder a portion of a pilgrim’s hat with
scallop-shell is seen. Round the shoulders, and over the breast, is
the collar of SS. The figure is clothed with a long cloak, the feet,
which rest on a dog, are shod with laced boots with pointed toes.
Across the body is a pilgrim’s staff, clasped by the left fore-arm, the
hands meet over the breast, pressed together in the attitude of
prayer, his scrip, ornamented with scallop-shells, is suspended,
diagonally, from his right shoulder. The statue is supposed to be a
Hastings, at least the family claim it, and have had their badge—the
maunch—sculptured on the wall of the recess. Among other
monuments in the church are those to Robert Mundy and his two
wives, a very curious one to Mrs. Margery Wright with high-crowned
hat, ruffles and ermine muff! and many modern ones. The most
curious relic of mediæval days is an old finger pillory, formerly used
for the punishment of disorderly-behaved persons in church. It is in
front of the screen which separates the nave from the tower. The
windows of the church are nearly all of stained glass, and illustrate
scenes in the life of our Lord.
The town of Ashby is well known for its baths. In the year 1822
they were opened, but the great expectations of converting the town
into a fashionable health resort have not been realized. The water is
not found at Ashby, but is pumped from deep coal pits at Moira,
some three miles distant, and conveyed to the baths in tanks
specially constructed for that purpose.
Ashby received quite an unusual class of visitors in the year 1804.
During the prolonged wars between England and France many
thousands of prisoners were landed on our shores. According to Sir
Archibald Alison there were no less than 50,000 French prisoners in
Great Britain. For the accommodation of “the rank and file” such
places as Dartmoor prison were erected, but the officers were
quartered in different towns. On Friday, September 26th, 1804, the
first detachment, consisting of forty-two officers, arrived in Ashby,
other detachments followed, till about two hundred found lodgings
there, among them were officers of the army and navy, and about
thirty others described as merchants. They lived on excellent terms
with the good people of Ashby for ten years, they were allowed
liberty to walk a mile in any direction out of the town. Some escaped,
and some were exchanged for English officers imprisoned in France.
Canon Denton, Vicar of Ashby-de-la-Zouch, has written a most
interesting account of its castle, and this French occupation in
“Bygone Leicestershire.” He obtained the information about the
latter, from the lips of one of his parishioners (Mrs. Whyman), who
lived at the time, and saw them. He also had access to a diary kept
by an Ashby physician (Dr. Kirkland). The church registers contain
entries of marriages contracted between the officers and residents,
also entries of baptisms and burials, which, as the Canon writes,
“show, among other things, that the prisoners of war, who were
quartered at Ashby, did not allow national prejudices to prevent them
forming the closest ties with the inhabitants of the place of their
captivity.”
Little more remains to be written about this interesting town. Its
Grammar School, founded in 1567 by the Earl of Huntingdon and
others, augmented about thirty years after its foundation, by an
inhabitant who is said to have lost his way, and was guided to his
home by the sound of the church bell. In gratitude for this he
conveyed to the trustees of the school certain property on condition
that the bells “should be rung for a quarter of an hour at four o’clock
in the morning.” This custom was kept up till 1807, when it was
discontinued. The property is still known as the “Day Bell Houses.”
One of the Headmasters was Dr. Samuel Shaw, son of Thomas
Shaw, of Brook End, Repton, blacksmith, and was at Repton School
under Dr. Ullock. At the age of 15 Samuel Shaw was admitted as a
sizar at St. John’s College, Cambridge. In 1658 he was Rector of
Long Whatton, ejected in 1661, and was elected Headmaster of
Ashby Grammar School in 1668.

Plate 17.

Barrow-on-Trent Church. (Page 99.)


Swarkeston House. (Page 101.)

On Thursday, July 24th, 1879, a memorial cross, in design like


Queen Eleanor’s cross at Northampton, was unveiled. It bears the
following inscription, written by the late Earl of Beaconsfield: “In
memory of Edith Maud Countess of Loudoun in her own right,
Baroness Botreux, Hungerford, De Moleyns and Hastings, who
sprung from an illustrious ancestry herself possessed their noblest
qualities, the people of Ashby-de-la-Zouch and the neighbourhood
have raised this cross as a tribute of admiration and of love.” The
cross was designed by the late Sir Gilbert Scott, R.A., and executed
by Messrs. Farmer and Brindley at a cost of £4,500.

BARROW, SWARKESTON, AND STANTON-BY-


BRIDGE.
One of our pleasantest walks from Repton is to Barrow, down
Brook End, up Monsel Lane, past the (Canons’) Meadow Farm, and,
by a field path to the left, to the river Trent, over which there is a
ferry, to Twyford village. After passing through Twyford, turn to the
right along the road, or by a field path, and the picturesque old
village of Barrow will soon be reached. Barrow, most probably,
derived its name from a barrow within the parish, which parish
includes the villages of Arleston, Sinfin, Stenson and Twyford. Of
these villages little can be written, Arleston has some ancient
buildings and ruins which belonged to the preceptory of the Knights
Templars or Hospitallers. Sinfin is noted only for its moor, on which
the Derby races were formerly run. In the year 1804, it was enclosed
by Act of Parliament, and divided among the adjoining townships.
Stenson and Twyford were manors belonging to the Ferrars at the
time of the Domesday Survey, later on they passed to the Curzons,
Findernes, and Harpurs.
The church at Twyford, dedicated to St. Andrew, is a chapelry of,
and held by, the Vicars of Barrow. A Norman arch divides the nave
from the chancel, the rest of the church is of the Decorated period. It
has a tower terminated by an octagonal spire. There are three bells,
and a few mural monuments to the Harpur, Vernon, and Bristowe
families.
Barrow-on-Trent, as it is usually called, dates back to Norman
days, when it had a priest and a church. One portion of the manor
formed part of the endowment of the bishopric of Carlisle, the other,
and proper manor, including the church, belonged to the ancient
family of Bakepuz, one of whom, Robert de Bakepuz, gave the
church to the Priory of St. John of Jerusalem, Knights Templars, or
Hospitallers, who had a preceptory, as we have seen, at Arleston in
the parish of Barrow. For a full and interesting account of the
connection between Barrow and the Knights, see “Cox’s Churches of
Derbyshire,” Vol. IV., pp. 11-19.
When the Order was dissolved in the reign of Henry VIII., the
manor and advowson of the vicarage were granted to the family of
Beaumont, and remained with them till 1638, since that time the
advowson has very frequently changed hands, by sale, or otherwise.
In 1638 Daniel Shelmerdine (an O.R.) was chosen and elected by
the parishioners, and held the living till he was ejected in 1662. The
church, dedicated to St. Wilfred, consists of nave, chancel, north and
south aisles, south porch, and tower at the west end. There are now
no remains of the Norman church. During the reign of Henry III.
(1216-1272), the church was probably rebuilt, and again, in the
Decorated and Perpendicular periods, alterations and additions were
made. There are monuments in memory of the Bothes, Beaumonts,
and Sales.

SWARKESTON.

At the time of the Domesday Survey, Swarkeston (Suerchestune


or Sorchestun) was divided between the King and Henry de Ferrers.
In the reign of Edward I. it belonged to John de Beke, or Beck, and
Robert de Holland. Joan, wife of John de Beck, left it to her son and
heir. In the fourteenth century the manor and advowson was
purchased by the Rollestons, of Rolleston, in Staffordshire, with
whom they remained till about the middle of the sixteenth century
when the manor passed into the family of the Finderns. Jane
Findern, daughter and heiress of George Findern, conveyed it, by
marriage, to Richard Harpur, who built a mansion at Swarkeston.
This mansion was fortified, and the bridge defended by earth-works,
for the King, by Colonel Hastings in 1642. In January, 1643, Sir John
Gell marched against it with Sir George Gresley’s troops, the house
was abandoned on their approach, but the defenders of the bridge
only yielded after a stubborn defence.
Swarkeston Bridge is the most famous one in Derbyshire, and
from end to end measures 1304 yards. The modern part of the
bridge, over the river Trent, is about 138 yards, the remainder forms
a raised causeway, about eleven or twelve feet wide, with arches,
here and there, so that the flood water can escape. The greater part
of the bridge is in the parish of Stanton-by-Bridge. There is a legend
that the old bridge was erected at the sole cost of two maiden
sisters, who lost their lovers when attempting to ford the swollen
waters, to pay a visit to their betrothed ones. It is also said that the
ladies spent the whole of their fortunes on the bridge, and lived a life
of penury ever afterwards.
The earliest mention of the bridge, discovered by the Rev. Charles
Kerry, editor of the Derbyshire Archæological Journal, is in the
Hundred Rolls, and is as follows: “Inquisition held at Derby on the
Feast of S. Hilary, in the Church of S. James, anno 3 Edward I. (Oct.
1, a.d. 1275). The jury reported that the merchants of Melbourne
passing over the bridge had for three years withheld passage money
and tolls, unjustly and without warrant, to the prejudice of our lord the
King and the borough of Derby.”
“The Patent Rolls give three pontages for Swarkeston; viz.:—2nd
Pat., 18 Ed. II., m. 31.; 1st Pat., 12 Ed. III., m. 26. This latter was
granted to the men of Swarkeston for four years; the collectors of the
bridge tolls being Hugo de Calke, and John the son of Adam. Given
at Westminster, March 1st, 1338. The 3rd will be found in 3rd Pat.,
20 Ed. III., which refers to the ruinous state of the bridge, and
appoints John the son of Adam de Melbourne, senior, and John the
son of Adam de Melbourne, junior, to receive tolls for the reparation
of the bridge for three years. Given at Reading the 28th of
December, 1347.” A long list of things to pay toll, and the amount
varying from ¼d. to 6d. is given.
Another inquisition held at Newark, Oct. 26th, 1503, refers to the
chapel on Swarkeston bridge, and a parcel of meadow land, lying
between the bridge and Ingleby, granted to the Priory of Repton for a
priest to sing mass in the Chapel, which had not been done for 20
years.
In 1745 “bonnie Prince Charlie,” the Young Pretender, marched
from Derby, with his advanced guard, as far as Swarkeston Bridge,
but on the 6th of December was compelled, most reluctantly, to
commence a retreat to Scotland, which ended in the fatal battle of
Culloden Moor.
The village, now chiefly known as a fishing resort, with its church,
and posting house, is pleasantly situated on the banks of the Trent.
The ancient church was “restored” in 1876, that is to say, it was
rebuilt, with the exception of the tower and Harpur chapel. Beneath
an arch, to the north of the altar, is a raised tomb on which is fixed a
large alabaster slab, on this is carved the effigies of a man and
woman, the front of the tomb is divided into four compartments, in
the two middle ones are figures of seven sons and seven daughters.
Round the margin of the slab is the following inscription:—
“John Rolston Esquire sūtyme lord of Swarkston dysscysyd the iii.
day of De̅ c̅ ber ye yere of our lord MCCCCLxxxij, and Susane hys
wyffe dysscysyd the 23ᵈ of De̅ c̅ ber the yere of our lord MCCCCLX
and IV on whose sowlys God have mcy.”
On the south side of the chancel is the Harpur mortuary chapel. In
it are two large raised tombs, each supporting a pair of recumbent
effigies. One tomb is that of “Richard Harpur one of the justyces of
the Comen Benche at Westminster and Jane the wife, sister and
heyre of and unto Thomas Fynderne of Fynderne Esquyer. Cogita
mori.”
The other tomb bears beautifully-carved effigies of Sir John Harpur
and his first wife. Over the tomb, on a tablet, is this inscription:—“In
piam posteritatis memoriam et spem certam futuræ resurrectionis
monumentum hoc struxit Johannes Harpur Miles Filius Richardi
Harpur armigeri justiciarii de Banco Regio. Cui uxorem ducenti
Isabellam filiam Georgii Pierpont militis, Deus amplam et fœlicem
dedit filios filiasque duodecium quorum nomina scutis infra
præponuntur, Mortem obiit septᵒ die Octobris Anno Domini 1627.” In
front of the tomb, kneeling at a double prayer desk, are the figures of
seven sons, and five daughters.

STANTON-BY-BRIDGE.

Pleasantly situated on the high ground overlooking the valley of


the Trent is the village of Stanton-by-Bridge (Swarkeston). The De
Stantons were lords of the manor for many generations. In the reign
of Edward III., John Frances of Tickenhall married Margaret,
daughter and heiress of John de Stanton, so the manor passed to
the Frances family, and remained with them till an heiress of that
house married Sir Thomas Burdett, Bart., of Bramcote,
Warwickshire. About this time the manor was divided between the
Burdetts and Harpurs, each, in turn, appointing to the living. Now it is
in the sole patronage of the Harpur-Crewe family.
The church, dedicated to St. Michael, is a small one, about 60 feet
long, and consists of nave, chancel, north aisle, south porch with a
bell turret on the west gable. The chancel arch, a plain semi-circular
one, is considered to be Saxon, and the south doorway, ornamented
with chevron, or zizag, and billet mouldings, is of the Norman period,
not later than Stephen’s reign. There are several remains of incised
sepulchral slabs, and also slabs of alabaster bearing incised effigies
of the Sacheverell and Francis families. During a restoration in 1865,
some of the older slabs were discovered, and were placed as they
are now.
About a mile south of Stanton is a farmhouse called St. Bride’s,
supposed to be once a grange chapel of Burton Abbey. Built into its
walls are many remains of Norman work, and in the yard are stone
coffins, and other fragments of worked stone.
BRETBY AND HARTSHORN.
Three miles south of Repton is the village of Bretby. Like most of
the land round, it used to belong to the Earls of Chester, from them it
passed into the hands of the Segraves, who possessed, among
other manors and estates, Coton-in-the-Elms, Rosliston, Linton, and
Repton.
In 1300 John de Segrave received a license to castellate his
mansion at Bretby. Soon after it passed, with the manor, into the
families of the Mowbrays, Dukes of Norfolk, and, through one of the
co-heiresses of that family, to the Berkeleys, who, in 1585, sold it to
Sir Thomas Stanhope, grandfather of Philip, 1st Earl of Chesterfield,
and now, by descent, it belongs to the Earl of Carnarvon.
Plate 18.

Anchor Church. (Page 123.)

Bretby Hall. (Page 104.)


It is not known when the castle was pulled down, but most
probably in the days of Philip, 1st Earl of Chesterfield (1585-1656),
who built a mansion on the present site, within the park. The old
castle stood on the land to the south-west of the church, the grass
covered mounds indicate the foundations of a very strong fortress,
consisting of two courts.
The stones of the castle were probably used in the building of the
mansion in the park, which must have been a grand place, built “in
the midst of a large park, well wooded, and stored with several kinds
of deer, and exotic beasts; several fine avenues of trees leading to
the house, which is of stone, though not of modern architecture, very
regular, convenient, and noble, with a very curious chapel, (designed
in the Grecian (Ionic) style, by Inigo Jones), very good outbuildings.
The gardens, after the plan of Versailles, in the old grand style, with
terraces, leaden images of wild beasts, fountains, labyrinths, groves,
greenhouses, grottoes, aviaries, &c., &c.,” the park, with its chain of
fishponds, and fine timber, must have presented a scene of
unsurpassed natural beauty. Amidst such surroundings, an open-air
masque, written by Sir Aston Cokayne, was “presented at Bretbie in
Derbyshire on Twelfth Night, 1639,” before the Earl and Countess
and a great company. The masque is printed in “Glover’s History of
Derbyshire,” Vol. II., part I., p 184.
In November, 1642, during the Civil War, the house, which had
been fortified by the Earl, witnessed another scene. Four hundred
foot, with a party of dragoons and two sacres, under the command of
Major Molanus, were sent to Bretby by Sir John Gell. They
compelled the Earl, and his garrison of 40 musketeers and 60 horse,
to abandon the house, and fly towards Lichfield. “Then the Countess
was asked by the victorious officers to give 2s. 6d. to each soldier, to
save the house from plunder, but she said she had not so much in
the house; they proposed 40 marks as a composition, to which she
returned the same answer; they then offered to advance it to her, but
she declared she would not give them a penny; then the soldiers
plundered the house, but the officers saved her own chamber, with
all her goods.” (Sir John Gell’s M.S. Narrative).
In the year 1780, the young Earl “was persuaded ‘by an artful
steward,’ to pull down this splendid mansion and chapel, as being in
a dangerous state of decay, though it was afterwards proved to have
been very substantial.” The gardens also suffered a like fate.
Fortunately the fine cedar of Lebanon, planted in February 1676-7,
on the east side of the house, escaped destruction. It is considered
to be the oldest in the kingdom, and still flourishes, braced together
by iron chains, and is the chief object of admiration to visitors to
Bretby and its park. The present house was begun by the 5th Earl,
who died in 1815, when the building operations ceased. The
architect was Sir Geoffrey Wyatville, assisted by Mr. Martin, the
Earl’s architect. A ground plan of the house is printed on page 187 of
“Glover’s History of Derbyshire,” Vol. II., signed by W. Martin,
architect and builder, September, 1828. When completed it will form
a four-sided building, with a courtyard within it.
The church of Bretby, or rather the chapel, for it is one of the
seven chapelries of Repton, was rebuilt in the year 1877, in the
place of a very old building, built in the thirteenth century. It occupies
the old site with the addition of an aisle, which forms a large pew for
the noble owners, and a vestry, both on the north side. The village
consists of a few scattered houses. To the east of the park is Bretby
mill, on a small stream; which, rising in the Pistern hills, runs in a
northerly direction, through Repton, till it joins the river Trent.

HARTSHORN.

About four miles south of Repton is the ancient village of


Hartshorn, which at the time of the Domesday Survey belonged to
Henry de Ferrers. Later on the Priory of Repton had lands, a moiety
of a park, and the important right of free warren over the manor.
According to the list of patrons of the living, various families
succeeded to the manor, among whom are mentioned the de la
Wards, Meynells, Dethicks, the Earls of Shrewsbury, and the Earls of
Chesterfield. One of the rectors was Stebbing-Shawe, jun., (an
O.R.,) editor of the Topographer, and historian of Staffordshire. The
church, which is well placed on the higher part, with the rectory on
the east side of it, forms a very pleasing object from a distance, a
closer inspection reveals the fact that, at the restoration of 1835,
when the nave of the church was rebuilt, cast iron windows, imitating
Perpendicular tracery, were inserted! The east window of the
chancel, of two lights, belongs to the Decorated period. The
embattled tower is a fair specimen of the Perpendicular period, and
contains a ring of five bells. Three of them were placed there during
the time of Stebbing-Shawe, sen. The other two are of pre-
Reformation date, and bear well lettered inscriptions: “Hec Campana
Beata Trinitate Sancta Fiat,” and “Ave Maria Gracia Plena Dominus
Tecum.”
Under an arch in the north wall of the chancel is an altar tomb, on
which lie alabaster effigies of Humphrey Dethick, and his wife Eliza,
of Newhall. In front of the tomb are representations of their six
children, three sons and three daughters. The father and one son
are clothed in plate armour. Above the tomb is a shield bearing the
quartered arms of Dethick, Allestree and Meynell; at the east and
west ends are shields quartering Longford with Hathersaye,
Deincourt and Solney; Dethick impaling Longford, and Meynell
impaling Longford.
Many other ancient monuments used to be in the church, but they
have been “made away with.” There is a fine old parish chest, seven
feet long, in the vestry.
In Vol. VII. of the Derbyshire Archæological Society there are
many extracts from the parish records of Hartshorn: under the date
1612, an inventory of the church goods is given, the first item
mentioned is “a Co̅ m̅ uio Cupp of Silver wᵗʰ a plate of silver having
Ihon Baptᵈ head vppon it.” This plate was photographed by Mr.
Keene, of Derby, and a copy of it, with a descriptive note by Mr. St.
John Hope, was published in Vol. VIII. of the Journal. From it we
gather the following facts.
The “plate of silver” is a paten of silver-gilt, 5¼ inches in diameter.
The rim is quite plain, with the exception of four narrow lines
engraved on the extreme edge. The centre has a circular
depression, which again contains a slightly sunk sexfoil with the
spandrils filled with a rayed leaf ornament. The central device is a
Vernicle, (i.e., the face of our Saviour, as transferred to the
handkerchief of St. Veronica, and usually called a Vernicle). The
churchwardens wrongly described it as the head of St. John the
Baptist. Round the head is a nimbus, with rays issuing from it. There
are three “hall marks,” two of which, the maker’s name, a Lombardic
B in a dotted circle, and a leopard’s head crowned, are remaining;
the third, the date letter, is obliterated, so it is impossible to say, with
certainty, when it was made, but as this type of paten prevailed
between 1450 and 1530, the opinion is that its date is about 1480.
The communion cup bears the London date mark for 1611-12, and
the inscription:

Justus fide vivet + J + R + C.

1612.

The letters J. R. C. probably stand for James Royll,


Churchwarden, 1612, who, with Denis Hashard, made the inventory
at that date.

EGGINTON, STRETTON, AND TUTBURY.


At the making of the Domesday Survey, the manor of Egginton
was held by Geoffrey Alselin, and had a priest and a church. The
Alselins’ estates passed, through an heiress, into the family of
Bardulfs. Under them the manor was held by Ralph Fitz-Germund,
whose son William Fitz-Ralph, Seneschall of Normandy, and founder
of Dale-Abbey, gave it to William de Grendon, his nephew. In
exchange for Stanley, near Dale-Abbey, William’s wife gave it, as a
marriage portion of her daughter, Margaret, to Robert Fitz-Walkelin,
one of whose daughters married Sir John Chandos. At the death of
his descendant, another Sir John Chandos, one moiety of the manor
passed to his niece Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Lawton, and wife
of Sir Peter de la Pole, one of the Knights of the Shire in 1400, from
whom it descended to the Chandos-Poles of Radbourne. Another
daughter of Robert Walkelin, Ermentrude, married Sir William de
Stafford, whose son, Robert, left it to five co-heiresses, and so their
moiety became divided into many shares, which were re-united, by
purchase, by the family of Lathbury. A co-heiress of Lathbury
brought her moiety to Robert Leigh, of Whitfield, Cheshire. In the
reign of James I., the estate passed to Anne, daughter of Sir Henry
Leigh of Egginton, who married Simon Every, Esq., of Chard,
Somersetshire, created 1st Baronet in 1641, ancestor of the present
owner, a minor, the 11th Baronet.

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