The Middle East Crises:

Genesis and Dimensions

Abstract

Due to certain historical legacies, the Middle East's geostrategic

location, abundant resources, and regional/global power politics
have been in turmoil for the last half a century or so. These crises
have been aggravated by the onslaught of Arab Spring, Iranian
ambitions for nuclear parity with Israel, and a resource scramble.

In the wider backdrop of rapidly shifting regional alignments, there

are several conflicts, crises, and wars going on in the Middle East
with deep-rooted causes that have serious implications for regional
stability and global security.

This essay analyses the fault lines of the Middle East from historical
and geopolitical perspectives.

Introduction

Originally coined by the British Foreign Office in the 19th century, the
term the Middle East refers to the region between Western Asia in the
east and Egypt in the west. The British divided the region into three
sub-regions: the Near East, the area closest to the United Kingdom and
most of North Africa; the Far East, which was east of British India; and
the Middle East, which was between British India and the Near East.

Except for Turkey and Iran, the region is predominantly Arab and
predominantly Muslim. Modelled on European nation-states, most of
these countries are artificial creations, containing warring tribes for
whom nation-building is still in an embryonic stage.

The present crises in the Middle East are by and large an unfinished
agenda of the past, which has left several legacies. History being a
continuum, we can discern at least six distinct legacies of the history of
the region that are now playing their role, individually or collectively,
in the situation obtaining on the ground.

1. Ancient History

Known as the Fertile Crescent because of its fertile soil and rich
cultural history, the Middle East is the cradle of several civilizations
and the birthplace of three world religions. Because of its strategic
location at the crossroads of three continents, namely Asia, Africa, and
Europe, the Middle East has been the scene of internal conflicts and
external invasions throughout its history, absorbing the best and the
worst of all these great civilizations. While the Akkadians gave the
Middle East its cultural foundations, they also bequeathed to it the first
dimension of the present crisis, i.e., a racial and cultural schism among
the communities living in the region.

2. Greeks and Romans

Alexander and his successors introduced Western ideas, including

authoritarian governance structures, which were reinforced by the
Romans and later perfected by the Ottomans. The French and the
British, finding them excellent tools of statecraft, used them
thoroughly, and this is now the second dimension of the crisis, i.e., by
way of manipulating rules by the oppressive and authoritarian
oligarchies in most of the Middle Eastern states.

3. Islam

The rise of Islam in the early 7th century AD was a game-changer in

the political and cultural history of the Middle East. It not only
introduced three crucial elements—religions, sects, and language but
also the idea of a shared Middle Eastern identity. The Muslim conquest
of Jerusalem and the consequent stoppage of land routes to
India/China resulted in the start of the Crusades, which, though
destructive, sowed the first seeds of Arab nationalism. These elements
still define the region today and are the third dimension of the present
crises, i.e., religious conflicts, sectarian divides, and linguistic
differences.

4. Ottomans
The Ottoman rule resulted in creating nationalistic feelings in the
hitherto diverse communities and invited, by default, the penetration
of European colonial powers—the fourth dimension of the crisis, i.e.,
Pan-Arabism and anti-imperialism feelings of the rulers and the
general public.

5. Colonialism

The Western colonial era gave the Middle East its present boundaries
as well as the oppressive, extractive state apparatus — the fifth
dimension of the crises, i.e. arbitrary nation-states with artificial
boundaries containing divided social, ethnic, and sectarian
composition and loyalties being ruled by non-representative regimes
that use these oppressive state structures to preserve themselves,
contain the centrifugal aspirations of the captive nationalities, or both.

6. Neo-colonialism

The Post-colonial era coincided with the establishment of the Zionist

state of Israel and the start of the Cold War. These developments
introduced two new ideological conflicts, i.e., anti-Zionism and anti-
communism, in an area that was already seething with the conflicts
discussed above. Hundreds and thousands of Palestinians were forced
to leave their ancestral homeland to make way for the creation of the
state of Israel.
This forcible eviction has not only resulted in one of the most severe
and long-lasting humanitarian crises but has also been the major cause
of three wars in the Middle East. On the other hand, the presence of
many Palestinian refugees in resource-scarce countries of the Middle
East has created severe governance issues for these countries.

Fault Lines in the Middle East

Due to the historical legacies discussed above, combined with its

geostrategic location, abundant resources, and regional/global power
politics, the region has been in turmoil for the last half a century or so.
There are several conflicts, crises, and wars going on in the Middle East
with deep-rooted causes that have serious implications for regional
stability and global security.

However, to fully comprehend the origin and nature of these crises, we

will have to first understand the socioeconomic and geopolitical fault
lines beneath the body politic of the Middle East. These structural fault
lines, the result of historical legacies, the geopolitical situation, or
global politics, are:

1. Location

The geostrategic location of the Middle East is its greatest strength on

the one hand and also its biggest weakness on the other. Not blessed
with African remoteness or American isolation, whatever happens
anywhere affects the Middle East more than any other region.
Similarly, whatever happens here affects global politics.

This unique location has made the Middle East an arena where anyone,
who has the pretensions to be a global player, comes to jostle for
influence, starting regional conflicts. Albert Hourani, a British-
Lebanese historian who specialized in Middle Eastern studies, rightly
stated that “He who rules the Near East, rules the world; and he who
has interests in the world is bound to concern himself with the Near
East.”

2. Boundaries

Except for a few countries, the Middle East has been under Ottoman
Empire or European control for 500 years before WW1. After the First
World War, the rest of the decolonized part of the Ottoman Empire
was carved up and divided among the Europeans. The lines drawn on
the drawing boards to delineate the respective spheres of influence
between the French, the Italians, the Spanish, and the British, secretly
arranged through the Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916), became the
official borders when these countries got independence.

Whether these borders made sense or not, the USA, which inherited
the mantle of leadership of Western civilisation after the 2nd World
War, informally confirmed the legitimacy of these borders through the
Eisenhower Doctrine in 1957. These cartographic blunders of the
colonial powers have created arbitrary nation-states with artificial
boundaries, containing divided social, ethnic, and sectarian
compositions and loyalties.

Along with the other legacy of colonialism, namely, underdevelopment,

these artificial boundaries are one of the major causes of the
centrifugal tendencies of the captive minorities, creating crises of
legitimacy and governance in these states.

3. Resources

Like its geostrategic location discussed above, the availability of certain

resources and the acute shortage of others, have aggravated the crises
in the Middle East. Abundant hydrocarbon and other mineral
resources in some of the Middle Eastern countries with low population
density have made their original inhabitants extremely rich.

However, it has also made them extremely vulnerable and, hence,

dependent on others for their security. Some of the states and their
ruling elites owe even their survival to their being outposts of one or
another global power. These global powers, in turn, are only interested
in maintaining the status quo within the states friendly to them and
using them as proxies to extend their respective spheres of influence.

On the other side of the resource equation is the acute shortage of

another commodity in most of these countries, which is responsible for
interstate and intrastate conflicts. Some countries are rapidly running
out of water, with a per capita average of 1000 m3/yr, as compared to
the internationally defined threshold of 1700 cubic meters per year.

In some countries, it has reached critical levels. For example, the

average Yemeni has access to only 140 cubic meters of water per year
for all uses; its capital, Sanaa, might have to be evacuated due to this
looming threat of water scarcity. The situation is not much better in
other countries, either.

This water insecurity has further escalated the ethnic conflicts and
sectarian strife for which the Middle East is notorious. According to
social scientists, 70% to 80% of conflicts in these countries’ rural
regions are water- and land-related. Some water disputes survive two
generations. One of the major points of contention between Turkey,
Israel, and Syria is the apportionment of water from the rivers.

4. Popular Unrest

Globalization with increasing integration of economics,

communications, and cultures across national boundaries, affects,
directly as well as indirectly, the governance structures, processes, and
cultural fabric of every country. It is stoking the aspirations of the
middle classes for a better quality of life with improved standards of
living as well as a greater say in socio-political decision-making.

However, the political establishment in most of the countries in the

Middle East, historically governed by authoritarian elites, is not
providing them with adequate channels of expression and
empowerment.

Consequently, these countries are increasingly witnessing outbursts of

popular resentment against the status quo, which is then exploited by
regional and global hegemons as well as non-state violent actors.

5. Underdevelopment

All the countries in the Middle East carry a lot of historical baggage of
social, economic, and political underdevelopment inherited by them at
the time of their independence from their colonial masters. Ruled by
dynastic oligarchies, these countries suffer from economic and
technological backwardness, and widespread regional and tribal
inequality with stalled state-building and nation-building processes,
keeping most of the population as sideliners.

Rapidly increasing populations and unemployment are further

widening the schism already existing between the ruling elites and the
populace, providing opportunities for violent non-state actors to
recruit manpower for their agendas.

6. Divided Loyalties

One of the defining features of a developing country is the sharp

division of its society along racial, tribal, and ethnic lines, which
invariably results in open conflicts for control of land, water, and other
scarce resources.

While the tribal division of the Arab Society is thousands of years old,
the sectarian division among the Muslims started with the Prophet
Mohammed’s death in 632 and a power struggle over who would
succeed him in ruling the Islamic Caliphate. Though Ali lost the fight,
his supporters, the Shia, held on to the idea that he was the rightful
successor. Over some time, this group grew into an entirely separate
branch (sect) of Islam. Today, about 15 per cent of Muslims worldwide
are Shia, the majority in Iran and Iraq and a significant presence in
neighbouring countries.

However, this sectarian divide is coterminous with tribal affinity on the

one hand and political loyalty on the other in most of the countries in
the Middle East. Some tribes are Shia, and some countries espouse the
cause of one or the other of these sects. This division has now morphed
into a struggle for regional influence between Shia political powers, led
by Iran, and Sunni political powers, led by Saudi Arabia.

Dimensions of the Crises

All the above fault lines, individually and collectively, have given birth
to several interstate and intrastate conflicts and crises in the region,
which make the situation extremely complex and volatile. No war, big
or small, is a single-dimensional phenomenon. There is always conflict
among several actors for a variety of reasons, and several issues are at
stake.

There are nearly a dozen major and minor state and non-state actors
jostling for power and influence in the Middle East. We can discern at
least seven types of conflicts, crises, and wars going on among the
stakeholders, with multiple agendas and strange combinations. These
are:

1. Battle for Regional Hegemony

At the regional level, it is an all-out war for the dominance of the

Middle East by the regional powers with the active collaboration of
their respective sponsoring world powers. There are five main
contenders for the mantle of regional leadership: Turkey, Iran, Israel,
Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.

While Saudi Arabia claims this position as being the custodian of the
two most sacred places in the Muslim world, Egypt aspires to this
position as the champion of Arab nationalism. Turkey lays claim to
being the inheritor of the Ottoman Empire, while for Israel, it is the
only way to ward off the existential threat it faces in hostile territory.
Iran is vying for the leadership role on two counts — as the inheritor of
the Old Iranian Empire and as the leader of the Shiite branch of Islam.

All of them are relying on different sources of support for their claims.
Iran is using its soft power in the form of shite communities and its
militant proxies, while Saudi Arabia has the political support of all the
Sunni states and the emotional backing of the Sunni population of the
region, as well as the support of the Western powers. Turkey and Israel
both have strong armies and Western support to advance their claims.

Egypt is relying on her cultural superiority and her educated and

skilled Diaspora, which has settled in all the countries of the Middle
East. Incidentally, in this five-way contest, all of these countries are
using different militant groups, organised or footloose, as their proxies
in various conflict zones in the region to advance their respective
claims.

2. Civil Rights Movements

In most modern-day developing countries, citizens have been denied

the right to exercise their right to choose their representatives.
However, the modernisation process which accompanied the
industrialization efforts of post-colonial states has brought
fundamental changes in the attitudes and behaviour of citizens all over
the world.

Modernization, once set in motion, becomes a self-reinforcing process,

penetrating all aspects of life and bringing multi-dimensional changes
to any society. This change, in turn, transforms social life and political
institutions, bringing rising mass participation in politics in the long
run.
The same is happening in the Middle East, as briefly witnessed during
the Arab Spring. People are now demanding a greater say in public
affairs, an open government, transparency in public dealings, and an
accountable and responsible executive. It is a struggle of the Arab
people, particularly the rising middle classes, against their
unrepresentative rulers for good governance, empowerment, quality of
life, equality of opportunity, etc.

As a result of the interplay of the underlying forces of demography,

technological advancements, and economic and social globalization,
this struggle is serving as a base as well as the context against which
other conflicts and crises are defined.

3. New Cold War

At the global level, it is the intensification of the old rivalry between

two superpowers, namely Russia and the USA, with China as a new
entrant. Having a global agenda, all of them want to increase their
respective spheres of influence in the Middle East, which is
strategically so important that any loss or gain of influence in this
region will determine their relative global power equations.

4. A Scramble for Resources

In the ultimate analysis, every conflict is for control of resources,

irrespective of the stated objectives of the contenders. Present
conflicts, crises, and wars in the Middle East are no exception. At the
global level, it is an all-out war for controlling the hydrocarbon and
mineral resources as well as the markets for selling their goods,
services, and military hardware. And, at the regional level, it is a
struggle to control water and other resources by the regional
hegemons. As stated earlier, one of the major points of contention
between Turkey, Israel, and Syria is the apportionment of water from
the rivers.

5. Ethnic and Religious/Sectarian Conflicts

One of the defining features of a developing country is the sharp

division of its society along racial, tribal, and ethnic lines, which
invariably results in open conflicts for control of land, water, and other
scarce resources. However, in the Middle East, the division of society
on sectarian lines has added fuel to the fire.

Some states and their proxy non-state actors are using this sectarian
division, which has so far been ignored or suppressed, as tools of
statecraft. Some of the non-representative oppressive regimes are also
promoting these conflicts to divert the attention of their respective
restive populations from their high-handedness.

This sectarian divide has now mutated into a war between two groups
of countries in the Middle East. Sunni nations like Egypt and Saudi
Arabia are at odds with Shiite nations like Iran, Syria, and Iraq. At the
same time, non-state groups are fighting among one another as well as
with the states in ways that cross state borders.
6. Struggle for Self Determination

As stated earlier, cartographic blunders of the former imperial powers

have resulted in the creation of states in such a manner that in each
state there is a significant minority that is yearning for independence,
thus creating governance issues in each state. Aspirations and the
struggle for self-determination of these suppressed and divided
communities have created existential threats for several states.

7. Clash of Ideologies:

On the broad ideological plane, we may not agree with the clash of
civilizations thesis of Huntington, but there is no escaping the fact that
there are several ideological dimensions to these conflicts. No doubt
there has been a rivalry between the Christians and the Muslims in the
Middle East for many centuries, but by and large, it has never resulted
in an open war between the two communities. However, the creation of
the state of Israel introduced the third variable in the age-old equation:
political Jewry.

The onset of the Cold War introduced another ideological conflict, i.e.,
capitalism vs. communism. Although the latter lost the epic battle in
the last quarter of the 20th century but left several innovative ideas for
the socio-political reengineering of the societies and their economic
management. These ideas are still the stuff of debates at social and
intellectual levels, whether ‘History’ has ended or not.
Thus, there are two clear nexuses in the Middle East, one comprising
Russia, Iran, and Syria, and the other consisting of Saudi Arabia,
Israel, and Turkey, jostling for power in the region. These conflicts
have turned the Middle East into a playground where the global
powers are using the politically non-representative regimes as pawns
and Israel as the bully or regional policeman to secure their permanent
interests.

Conclusion

The Middle East has been a troubled region for centuries, and it will
remain so for the foreseeable future because of the structural fault lines
and the resulting conflicts discussed above. Almost all the countries in
the region have alliances of convenience among themselves that,
interestingly, cut across their respective stands on one issue or
another. If one country is backing a group in one conflict, she opposes
it in another, and so on.

This has created an ideal situation for footloose mercenaries and even
outright criminal gangs to operate with impunity for their vested
interests. In such a complex situation, there are no simple solutions.
Introduction

Shah Waliullah was a prominent 18th-century Islamic scholar and

reformer who played a pivotal role in reviving and reforming Islamic
thought and practice in the Indian subcontinent. He was born in 1703
in Delhi, India, into a deeply religious family with a strong
commitment to Islamic scholarship. His father, Shah Abdur Rahim,
was a renowned scholar and the founder of Madrassa Rahimiya, an
esteemed centre of Islamic learning. Growing up in this environment,
Shah Waliullah was immersed in the study of Islamic sciences from an
early age, fostering a solid foundation for his later spiritual growth.

During his time in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, he had the
privilege of meeting his mentor, Sheikh Abu Tahir bin Ibrahim, a
distinguished scholar known for his deep understanding of Islamic
jurisprudence, theology, and spirituality. Shah Waliullah’s exposure to
the broader Islamic world and the teachings of his mentor had a
profound impact on his worldview. He became deeply concerned about
the decline of Islamic knowledge and spirituality in the Indian
subcontinent, coupled with the political turmoil of the time.

Inspired by his mentor’s teachings, he resolved to address these issues

by advocating for a return to the original sources of Islam — the Quran
and the Hadith — and a rejection of the superstitious practices that had
crept into the religious landscape.

Upon his return to India, Shah Waliullah dedicated his life to

revitalizing Islamic scholarship and practice. He emphasized the need
for Muslims to understand and apply their faith in a rational and
meaningful manner, free from cultural distortions. He wrote
extensively on subjects ranging from theology and jurisprudence to
spirituality and social ethics. His notable works include “Hujjat Allah
al-Baligha” and “Izalat al-Khafa’an Khilafat al-Khulafa,” where he
presented his ideas for religious renewal and revival.

Shah Waliullah and His Times

Shah Waliullah lived during a significant period of India’s history,

marked by complex social, economic, and political dynamics. His era,
the 18th century, witnessed a range of changes and challenges that
influenced his thinking and reformist efforts. We cannot properly
appreciate the significance of Shah Waliullah’s contributions to Islamic
scholarship and the survival of Muslim culture in India without
understanding the socio-economic and political conditions of 18th-
century India.

1. Religious Diversity: India was characterized by its diverse

religious landscape, with Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, and other
 faiths coexisting. This diversity often led to social and cultural
interactions, but it also brought about tensions and conflicts.
2. Caste System: The caste system remained deeply ingrained
in Indian society. Caste-based discrimination and hierarchies
affected social interactions, economic opportunities, and
political power.
3. Sufi Influence: Sufism had a considerable influence on
Indian Islam, promoting spiritualism and tolerance. Shah
Waliullah was born into a family with Sufi roots, and his
exposure to Sufi thought influenced his reformist approach.
4. Agricultural Economy: India’s economy was primarily
agrarian, with agriculture being the main source of livelihood
for the majority. The economy was largely self-sufficient, but
it also faced challenges such as uneven land distribution and
vulnerability to natural disasters.
5. Trade and Commerce: India had a rich history of trade
and commerce, with significant trade routes connecting it to
various parts of the world. However, by the 18th century,
European colonial powers were gaining control over trade
routes, impacting indigenous economic activities.

Political Environment:

However, it was the political environment of 18th-century India which

made Shah Waliullah a political reformer more than a religious
scholar. He witnessed a range of changes and challenges that
influenced his thinking and reformist efforts.
1. The Decile of the Mughal Empire

The Mughal Empire, once a powerful and centralized entity, was in

decline during Shah Waliullah’s time. The empire faced internal
conflicts, invasions by regional powers, and economic instability. The
death of Aurangzeb marked a turning point in the history of the
Mughal Empire. His prolonged and exhaustive reign left the empire
politically weakened and economically strained. The vast expanse of
the empire led to administrative challenges and increased regionalism.
The subsequent Mughal rulers were unable to maintain the centralized
power that had characterized the earlier period. The decentralization of
authority and the weakening of the imperial structure opened the door
for regional powers to assert themselves.

2. Emergence of Regional Powers

As the Mughal Empire weakened, regional powers gained prominence,

leading to a fragmented political landscape with competing power
centres. In this power vacuum, the Marathas seized the opportunity to
expand their influence and emerged as a formidable force in western
India, challenging the Mughal hegemony. They established a network
of semi-independent territories and collected tribute from other
regions. The rise of the Marathas contributed to the fracturing of
political unity and the emergence of multiple centres of power across
the subcontinent.

3. Acute Sectarian Rift among Muslims in India

The Muslim population in India was not monolithic; it was
characterized by diverse ethnicities, languages, and theological
orientations. The sectarian divisions between Sunni and Shia Muslims
were particularly pronounced during this time. These divisions were
often exacerbated by political rivalries, adding to the overall social and
political complexity. Shah Waliullah recognized the need to bridge
these sectarian gaps and promote unity among Muslims based on
shared religious principles.

4. Educational Backwardness among Muslims

Despite the rich intellectual legacy of Islamic scholarship in India,

there was a growing concern about the declining state of education
among Muslims. The once-thriving centres of learning had become
stagnant, and there was a lack of emphasis on the study of core Islamic
texts. This educational backwardness was fueled by factors such as
political instability, economic challenges, and shifting cultural
priorities. Shah Waliullah understood that the revival of Islamic
scholarship was crucial for the intellectual and spiritual progress of the
Muslim community.

5. European Colonialism

European colonial powers, particularly the British, were expanding

their influence in India. The Battle of Plassey in 1757 marked the
beginning of British colonial rule in Bengal, further impacting the
political scenario.
Thus, Shah Waliullah’s life unfolded against the backdrop of a socially
diverse yet stratified society, an agrarian-based economy undergoing
shifts due to trade and colonialism, and a politically fragmented India
grappling with the decline of the Mughal Empire and the rise of
regional powers. His reformist endeavours were a response to these
multifaceted challenges, aiming to reinvigorate Islamic thought and
practice, and to address the broader socio-political concerns of his
time.

Shah Waliullah’s Response

In this multifaceted environment, Shah Waliullah, as a perceptive and

forward-thinking Islamic scholar and reformer, identified a range of
challenges that were affecting the Muslim community in India during
his time. Two significant challenges that he highlighted were the
existential threat to Islam and Muslims due to internal disunity and
external threats, particularly from non-Muslim forces like the
Marathas, and the lack of awareness among Muslims about true
Islamic teachings due to the limited availability of books in local
languages.

1. Existential Threat to Islam and Muslims: Shah

Waliullah observed that the Muslim community in India was
facing an existential threat due to a combination of internal
disunity and external pressures. This disunity was often along
sectarian lines, with divisions between different Muslim
 groups, which weakened the collective strength of the
community. Additionally, the decline of the Mughal Empire
and the rise of regional powers like the Marathas posed a
significant external threat. The Marathas’ expansion and
assertiveness in various parts of India threatened the stability
of Muslim communities in those regions.
2. Lack of Awareness about True Islamic
Teachings: Shah Waliullah recognized that a lack of access
to authentic Islamic literature and knowledge was a major
challenge for Muslims in India. Many Muslims were not well-
versed in the teachings of Islam due to the limited availability
of books in local languages. The majority of Islamic texts were
in Arabic or Persian, which were not easily understood by the
common people who spoke local languages. This limited
access to religious knowledge led to misconceptions,
superstitious practices, and a lack of informed religious
guidance among the Muslim population.

In response to these challenges, Shah Waliullah proposed several

strategies and initiatives:

1. Promotion of Unity and Cooperation

Shah Waliullah emphasized the importance of unity among Muslims,

urging them to set aside their internal differences and work together to
address common challenges. He believed that a united front would be
better equipped to counter external threats and preserve the interests
of the Muslim community. Shah Waliullah sought to bridge the gaps
between different Islamic schools of thought. He believed that internal
divisions weakened the Muslim community, and by fostering
reconciliation and mutual understanding among scholars of various
schools, he aimed to create a more cohesive and united front.

2. Translation of Islamic Texts

To address the issue of limited access to Islamic knowledge, Shah

Waliullah encouraged the translation of important Islamic texts into
local languages. He believed that making Islamic teachings accessible
in languages understood by the masses would empower individuals to
better understand and practice their faith. Shah Waliullah recognized
the importance of making the Quran accessible to those who did not
understand Arabic. He undertook the translation of the Quran into
Persian, a language more widely understood in the region. This effort
aimed to enable a broader audience to engage with the Quran’s
message.

3. Revival of Islamic Scholarship

Shah Waliullah played a crucial role in reviving Islamic scholarship by

advocating for a return to the original sources of Islam — the Quran
and Hadith. He stressed the importance of understanding the Quran’s
message in its true spirit and context and encouraged scholars to
engage in ijtihad (independent legal reasoning) to address
contemporary issues. He authored several books that aimed to clarify
and promote authentic Islamic teachings. His writings covered a range
of topics, from theology and jurisprudence to spirituality and ethics.
These books served as a guide for Muslims to understand their faith
and practice it in a meaningful way.

4. Educational Reform

Recognizing the educational backwardness among Muslims, Shah

Waliullah established educational institutions and madrassas to
provide quality Islamic education. He believed that a well-educated
community would be better equipped to face the challenges of their
time and contribute positively to society.

5. Checking Marathas’ Rise

To counter the rising influence of the Marathas, who posed a threat to

Muslim communities, Shah Waliullah advocated for a strong response.
He believed that the Muslim community needed to stand firm against
external aggressors and protect their interests. Shah Waliullah
recognized the need for external support to counter the Maratha
threat. He extended an invitation to the Afghan ruler, Ahmed Shah
Abdali, to invade India. He believed that a successful invasion could
serve to check the Marathas and protect the interests of the Muslim
community.

6. Removing Misgivings about Sufis

Shah Waliullah was a proponent of Sufi thought, and he sought to
dispel misgivings and misconceptions about Sufism within the Muslim
community. He emphasized the importance of Sufi teachings in
deepening spiritual understanding and personal connection to Islam.

7. Socio-cultural Reforms

Shah Waliullah advocated for the reform of Muslim society and the
revival of Islamic principles. He emphasized the need for Muslims to
adhere to the true teachings of Islam and to reject any practices that
deviated from its core principles. He highlighted the significance of
ethical conduct, piety, and righteousness in individuals and society at
large. His teachings aimed to address social ills and promote a just and
harmonious society based on Islamic values.

8. Political Engagement

Shah Waliullah recognized the challenges faced by the Muslim

community in India, particularly under the declining Mughal Empire
and the rising influence of the Marhattas. He actively engaged with the
political authorities of the time, both Muslim and non-Muslim, to
protect the interests of Muslims and ensure their religious and legal
rights were safeguarded. He advised rulers and leaders on matters
pertaining to governance and administration from an Islamic
perspective
Shah Waliullah’s vision was, thus, centred on restoring the strength of
the Muslim community in India by promoting unity, countering
external threats, making Islamic teachings accessible, and fostering
harmony among different schools of thought. His actions, including
inviting external support, writing books, translating the Quran, and
advocating for Sufi teachings, were all aimed at realizing this
comprehensive vision and ensuring the well-being of the Muslim
community in the Indian subcontinent.

Critique

Shah Waliullah’s actions and vision were shaped by the circumstances

of his time, and while some of his efforts were aimed at addressing
immediate challenges, they did not account for the larger and
unforeseen geopolitical shifts that were to come.

1. Political Disaster: Invitation to Ahmed Shah Abdali: It’s

true that Shah Waliullah’s invitation to Ahmed Shah Abdali to
invade India had unintended consequences. The invasion of
Abdali in the Third Battle of Panipat in 1761 resulted in a
significant loss of life and further destabilized the already
fragile political landscape. While Shah Waliullah’s intention
might have been to counter the Maratha threat, the invasion
ended up causing widespread destruction and chaos,
particularly affecting the Muslim population. This event
 serves as a reminder of the complexities of political decisions
and the potential consequences of external interventions.
2. Lack of Foreseeing British Imperialism: Shah
Waliullah’s vision and actions were largely focused on the
challenges he observed in his immediate context. It’s true that
he couldn’t foresee the full extent of British imperialism and
the eventual dominance of the East India Company in the
subcontinent. The rapid rise of the British as a colonial power
and their eventual control over large parts of India were
developments that unfolded after his time. This points to the
limitations of even visionary thinkers in predicting the course
of history, especially in the face of rapidly changing
geopolitical dynamics.

These critiques highlight the complexity of historical events and the

challenges of making predictions about the future. It’s important to
view historical figures in the context of their era and consider both
their successes and the unintended consequences of their actions.

Conclusion

Overall, Shah Waliullah’s contributions in preserving Islam and

safeguarding the interests of Muslims in India were multifaceted. His
scholarly works, translation efforts, emphasis on education, political
engagement, and promotion of moral and social reform left a lasting
impact on the Muslim community, ensuring the continuation of
Islamic traditions and the empowerment of Muslims in India
Shah Waliullah’s efforts laid the groundwork for a broader Islamic
revival movement in the Indian subcontinent, shaping the thinking of
subsequent generations of scholars and reformers. His emphasis on a
balanced understanding of religion, the integration of reason and faith,
and the pursuit of social justice left an indelible mark on Islamic
thought and practice in the region. His writings and teachings continue
to inspire Muslims to this day, reminding them of the importance of
knowledge, spirituality, and a holistic approach to their faith.
Causes of the Decline of
the Mughal Empire
Introduction

From the 1526 War of Panipat until its dissolution in 1857, the Mughal
Empire was one of the largest empires in the world. Covering more
than a million square kilometers, the empire stretched from the outer
fringes of the Indus basin in the west, northern Afghanistan in the
northwest, Kashmir in the north, Bangladesh in the east, and the
uplands of the Deccan Plateau in South India. Its population numbered
more than 100 million, consisting of 100 distinct nationalities.

Although created and sustained by military warfare, the Mughal

Empire lasted for such a long time due to its efficient, centralised
bureaucratic structure, fair treatment to all, and most importantly,
convenient alliance-building with diverse ruling elites to produce an
efficient, centralised, standardised rule. However, no one could guess
that behind the formidable façade of an empire, lay a divided house
that would crumble like a house of cards within a few decades.

Causes of the decline

There is no doubt that the British ascendency played a crucial role in

the earlier-than-expected breakup of the Mughal Empire. However, it
would be too much to give it full credit; there were so many structural
and managerial causes of its decline that it is impossible to point out
one or two reasons for an event as complex and far-reaching as the
dissolution of an empire. People are still arguing about the causes of
the fall of the Roman Empire. They are not going to agree quickly on
why the Mughal Empire collapsed. And ironically, some even argue
why it took so long for the Empire to break! Here are a few theories.

1. Conventional Wisdom Theory

Most scholars hold Aurangzeb responsible for the ultimate decline and
collapse of the Mughal Empire. To them, it was his 20-year-long
campaign to crush the Deccan states that led to the depletion of
resources, and his long absence from the headquarters resulted in
weakening the writ of the state. He was, they maintain, trying to do too
much in too short a time and badly mishandling it. However, it is not
true, as the Mughal Empire was already falling apart at the seams.
None could have done anything to stop this decline. History will always
remember Aurangzeb for his last-ditch efforts to preserve Muslim rule
in India.

2. Succession Wars

There was no law of succession among the Muslim rulers of the

subcontinent. During the period of the Delhi Sultanate and the Mughal
era, the transfer of power was not peaceful, except for a few. During the
last years of Shah Jehan, a war of succession broke out among his sons,
and its consequences were disastrous for the complexion of the entire
society. Likewise, after the death of Aurangzeb, the war was again
fought among his kin, which divided the Muslim elite. These wars of
succession were also responsible for the decline of the Mughal and
Muslim Empires.

3. Declining Military Power

The Mughal Empire, like any other power in history, was created by
power and must keep on improving its military muscle to sustain itself.
The Mughal Empire forgot this fundamental law of history. The
military, with which the earlier strong rulers carried on the conquest
and extended the empire, had now become demoralized and
inefficient. There was a lack of discipline, cohesion, patriotism, and
ignorance in modern military warfare in the army. The military was
also divided on a religious, linguistic, and ethnic basis. Thus, in the
final showdown, the British proved to be formidable foes, largely due
to their superior weapons, training, and strategy, which play a decisive
role in any military contest. The very Enfield rifle that the rebels had
refused to operate became their nemesis for its accuracy.

4. It was an Agricultural Empire

Although India used to produce 25% of the world’s GDP in the 1600s,
more than 80% of her income was produced by the agricultural sector.
Her growing population ensured that there was enough supply of
labour force, obviating the necessity to use machines in agricultural
operations or their

value addition. Consequently, her industrialization process was

painstakingly slow, keeping her status as an agricultural empire that
did not produce enough surpluses to be ploughed into R&D and
technological advancements. An agricultural empire is inherently weak
when pitted against an industrial one, which has sufficient resources
and needs for technology.

5. Leadership Capacity Deficit

At the end of the day, it is the capability of the leadership in any

country that decides its fate. One of the reasons for the longevity of the
Roman Empire was its Cursus Honorum- the great honour attached to
each post. Consequently, only the best of the best would proceed
through this course of honour. Unfortunately, the latter Mughals failed
to meet the highest standards of leadership expected from them.
Administrative chaos resulted in an economic downfall. The revenue
taxes were enhanced, and there was no uniformity in the tax policy
during the later Mughal emperors. Economic instability thus
undermined the stability of the empire.

The king and sultans like Altutmash. Balban, and Alauddin Khilji.
Muhammad Tughluq, Sikandar Lodhi, Babar, Akbar, and Aurangzeb,
were competent, hardworking, and intelligent people, who were well
aware, of the art of smooth sailing in government. The remaining
rulers were neither competent nor of the highest character. The
courtiers and the nobles of the Mughal rulers of the 17th and 18th
centuries were not men of character and were divided on an ethnic and
linguistic basis.

6. Rise of Marhattas

The rise of the Marhattas has resulted in a period of anarchy and

chaos. Aurangzeb’s death was a signal for the Marathas to enhance
their authority over the government, which resulted in administrative
disorder. There was great resentment among the Muslim masses
against the Marhattas in particular, but the emperors were too weak to
meet the challenge.

7. Ignorance Towards Sea Power

The Muslim rulers, particularly the Mughals, neglected the importance

of sea power. They lacked the vision and sagacity to understand the
challenges posed by the European sea power. The Mughal Empire’s
lack of interest in becoming a sea power resulted in missed
opportunities to control maritime trade, counter European colonial
expansion, and secure its coastline. This contributed to its economic
decline, reduced geopolitical influence, and overall weakening as it
failed to adapt to the changing dynamics of the early modern period.

8. Foreign Invasions
The attacks of Nadir Shah and Ahmed Shah were a fatal blow to the
Mughal authority and resulted in the rise of regional powers and the
deterioration of the central authority. Deccan, Orissa, Oudh, Bengal,
Bihar, etc., all declared their independence. Unfortunately, the Muslim
rulers neglected the importance of educational institutions. When
Europe was being illuminated by the Renaissance movement,
establishing universities, hospitals and welfare institutions, our rulers
were indulged in making gardens, palaces and palace intrigues

9. Imperial Overreach Theory

Paul Kennedy, in his book about the reasons for the fall of the great
powers, maintains that the great powers start declining when they
overstretch themselves. It fits perfectly in this case; the Mughal Empire
had stretched itself too much but did not have enough resources to
cover the costs of this imperial burden. It had 100 distinct nationalities
and nations under its fold, all aspiring for independent status on a
different basis. Once the Deccan states gave Aurangzeb a tough time, it
was an unstoppable process. State after state started asserting their
independence. Deccan, Orissa, Oudh, Bengal, Bihar, etc., all declared
their independence.

10. Erosion of Instrumental Legitimacy

The Mughal Empire just lost its instrumental legitimacy, or raison

d’être i.e., the reason for being. It became irrelevant to the common
citizen because of its failure to help them maintain a decent standard of
living. It was this dysfunctionality of the system that failed the Mughal
Empire. It stifled the incentive to work and save because the state was
extracting too many resources for maintaining the Mughal Darbar, its
costly wars, and mega projects. It discouraged innovation because
there was no reward for individuals to excel. Consequently, the
economic system failed to create enough surplus to be ploughed into
running the empire.

Conclusion

Muslims came to India as conquerors and established their rule in the

Subcontinent. This period stretched for almost 1,000 years. Muslims
had always been in the minority, but they maintained their capacity to
rule this vast land. By mixing the dogmas, culture, ideas, and ethnicity,
there emerged a culture, that was homogenous and embraced by all the
communities.

Aurang Zeb was the last Mughal emperor and the last effective Muslim
ruler of India; When he died, chaos interrupted his empire, and a war
of succession among his descendants proved disastrous to Mughal
glory. The invasion of Ahmed Shah Abdali, during the reign of
Muhammad Shah, proved fatal for the crumbling Mughal Empire.

Bahadur Shah, the last Mughal Emperor, was merely a titular head, a
pensioner of the East India Company. The 1857 War of Independence
resulted in the formal end of the Muslim Empire, and the East India
Company took control of the subcontinent.
Causes of the 1857 War of
Independence
Introduction

Every cataclysmic event is the result of the synergistic effect of several

constants and variables. Some of these may be interrelated and
interdependent, while others may be independent. Similarly, some
may be short-term as well as long-term, economic as well as non-
economic. Some of them are visible, others invisible. Some have
exogenous roots; some are homegrown. In the words of Benjamin
Disraeli, the opposition leader in the British Parliament at that time,

“The decline and fall of empires are not affairs of greased cartridges.
Such results are occasioned by adequate causes, and by an
accumulation of adequate causes.”

1857 War of Independence can also be analyzed in terms of several sets

of causative factors, namely

A. Economic Discontent of the Masses

B. Unrest among East India Company’s Armed Forces

C. Religious Tensions
D. Social Discontent

E. Political Tensions

A. General Economic Frustration

The occupation of India by the East India Company was not for any
altruistic motives, but rather for pure mercantilist objectives. It was
exploitative imperialism, pauperizing the colonies for the benefit of the
centre. This exploitation through fiscal, monetary, and commercial
policies, transferred huge resources from India, leaving every section of
society economically frustrated.

Although they created a well-developed system of railways and

telegraphs, it was mainly geared towards the exploitation of resources
as British foreign policies stifled Indian trade with the rest of the
world. This economic exploitation affected different classes in multiple
ways, such as

1. Alienated Business Class

Business and commercial classes got frustrated due to the

discouragement of Indian manufacturing through high taxes, large-
scale imports of manufactured goods from England, and the export of
only minerals from India, all of which created negative multiplier
effects. After the Industrial Revolution in England, there was an influx
of British manufactured goods into India, which ruined industries,
particularly the textile industry. Indian handicraft industries had to
compete with cheap machine-made goods from Britain. During the
period 1780–1860, India changed from being an exporter of
manufactured goods, mostly fine cotton and silk, to being an exporter
of raw materials, which chiefly consisted of raw cotton, opium, and
indigo, and a buyer of manufactured goods.

On the demand of the British cotton mill industry, the government in

Britain started taxing Indian imports and allowed the textile industry
access to markets in India. Starting in the 1830s, British textiles began
to appear in — and soon to inundate — the Indian markets, with the
value of the textile imports growing from £5 million in 1850 to more
than £10 million in 1855

The British colonial rule created an institutional environment that

stabilized law and order to a large extent. The British foreign policy,
however, stifled trade with the rest of the world. They created a well-
developed system of railways, telegraphs, and a modern legal system.
The infrastructure the British created was mainly geared towards the
exploitation of resources around the world and was stagnant, with
industrial development stalled, and agriculture unable to feed a rapidly
accelerating population. They were subject to frequent famines, had
one of the world’s lowest life expectancies, suffered from pervasive
malnutrition, and were largely illiterate.

2. Increasing Unemployment
After gaining the right to collect revenue in Bengal in 1765, the East
India Company became so rich that it stopped importing gold and
silver from Britain, which it had hitherto used to pay for goods shipped
back to Britain. It also utilized this income in waging wars against local
principalities, with the result that the money in circulation was greatly
diminished.

This crisis of a short supply of money was compounded by the

measures taken to modernize the Indian currency system. Thus, some
local mints were closed, others were closely supervised, the exchange
rate for currency conversion was fixed, and coinage was standardized.
No doubt, these steps were in the right direction to improve the
monetary system of India, but they resulted in an economic recession
due to a shortage of currency, leading to unemployment and increased
poverty.

The systematic annexation of princely states by the East India

Company through dubious means left hundreds of their soldiers
jobless, adding to the pool of disgruntled Indians. These were joined by
the pauperized nobility after the confiscation of their ancestral
lands/jagirs on one pretext or another. The Zamindars (landowners) of
the time wanted to protect their interests in the wake of land reforms
by the British and funded anti-English activities.

3. Inflationary Pressures
The East India Company had no constitutional legitimacy to rule India,
but they still enjoyed a certain degree of performance legitimacy for
ensuring law and order and some semblance of good governance in
contrast with the last days of the Mughal Empire. However,
inflationary pressures started to emerge due to oppressive taxation
measures and crop failures. With high inflation, their legitimacy
started to dwindle.

4. Pauperized Peasantry

Although, after the acquisition of fresh territory, the Company carried

out land reforms and distributed part of the lands confiscated from the
Nawabs among the peasants, it did not improve the peasant’s lot
either. The new revenue demands by the Company were even harsher,
in cash rather than in kind, and based on good years rather than
average, with no relief in lean years. Heavy land-revenue assessment in
some areas by the British resulted in many landowning families either
losing their land or going into great debt with money lenders,
ultimately providing a reason to rebel; money lenders, in addition to
the Company, were particular objects of the rebels’ animosity.

Petty landholders whose lands were not confiscated were asked to

provide written proof of ownership of the land. This farming
community was a largely illiterate class, that had always placed greater
reliance on the fact of possession, than on documents to substantiate
their claims. As a result, thousands of petty landholders, whose
families had received their grants for services rendered to the rulers of
the states or Mughal Durbar, were dispossessed.

B. Military Unrest

The British Indian Army was the first and best institution the East
India Company introduced in India. A well-trained, well-equipped, and
well-paid Indian soldier, proud of being a servant of the Company
Bahadur, was the vanguard of British imperialism in the Subcontinent.
However, as the Company changed from a trading organisation to the
ruling elite, paradoxically, the soldier lost his importance over time,
adversely affecting his loyalty towards his employer. There were
several reasons for this alienation of a common shareholder of the
company:

1. Pay, Perks, Promotions, and Pensions

While inflationary pressures had eroded the value of the local currency,
the pay and perks of the native soldiers were not increased accordingly.
At its peak, the Company had around 50,000 British officers and
soldiers in its armed forces against more than 280,000 Sepoys.
However, more than 50 % of the budget was allocated for the officers
and soldiers of European descent, while less than half of the budget
went to pay and perks for the native soldiers. In addition, the Bengal
Army was paid less than the Madras and Bombay Armies. Chances of
promotion for the native soldiers were always scant, but they became
bleak after the recruitment of British soldiers in greater numbers.
Many Indian officers could not hope to reach commissioned rank until
they were too old to be effective. In the armed forces, the higher ranks
were closed to Indians, who could only aspire to a salary of no more
than Rs. 60 after a lifetime of service. Another financial grievance
stemmed from the General Service Act, which denied retired Sepoys a
pension; While this applied only to recruits, it was suspected that it
would also apply to those already in service.

2. Recruiting Elite Units

After the victory at the Battles of Plassey and Buxer, a large number of
soldiers were absorbed into the Bengal Army of the East India
Company. Suspecting their loyalty, the Company started recruiting
high-caste Rajputs and Brahmins and almost stopped the entry of
lower classes in some regiments. These high-caste soldiers used to
observe their traditional customs and rites very religiously, and any
infringement was protested by the members of these elite units.
Mangal Pandey, who first rebelled against one such infringement, was
from one of these elite units.

3. Tinkering with Religion

Not only among the elite units but even among the native soldiers,
there was also a common perception that the Company was
introducing rules and regulations that went against the religious
customs and beliefs of the Indian soldiers. Innovations in uniforms
that created resentment amongst both Hindu and Muslim Sepoys led
to the Vellore Mutiny in 1806. Similarly, orders suppressing the
wearing of caste marks on the forehead, earrings, or even beards were
interpreted as attempts to interfere with the faith of both Hindus and
Muslims. The General Service Enlistment Act of 1856, requiring an
oath from everyone to serve even outside of India, greatly demoralised
the Hindu soldiers, who were averse to sea travel for religious reasons.

4. Communication Gap

Another reason was the growing communication gap between the

Indian soldier and his officer class. After the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the
Company’s officers were forbidden to marry Indian ladies, from whom
they learned the language and the customs of the people and acquired
a much more sympathetic understanding of the complexities of Indian
culture and society. With the arrival of shiploads of white European
ladies, due to the shortening of the sea voyage between England and
India, the British officers lost touch with Indian society and started
behaving like true colonialists.

This communication gap further widened with the forward policy of

the company, as the best officers opted for and were being sent on
deputation to civil appointments to administer the newly annexed
territories. It left young and inexperienced officers behind who looked
down on the Indian soldiers as inferior human beings and treated the
Indian officers with barely concealed contempt.

5. Severity of Punishment
The use of European draconian punishments to suppress any
resentment by the Indian soldiers was one of the main reasons for the
1857 Uprising Expressions of open resentment by the Sepoys had
always been treated leniently in the old Mughal/state armies because
the Indian soldier, however poor he might have been, regarded himself
as a gentleman, and that was how the rest of society looked at him. In
Europe, soldiers came from working classes for which harsh
punishments were necessary and were considered normal. The 1857
Uprising was not the first of its kind. The “White Mutiny” of European
soldiers in the East India Company’s Forces in 1808, which resulted in
the massacre not of the European mutineers but of the Indian soldiers
they led, was one such example. However, each such act of ferocity left
its mark on the soldier’s subconscious memories.

6. Overseas Journeys

A major cause of resentment was the General Service Enlistment Act of

July 25, 1856, which made it compulsory for recruits to serve
anywhere, including overseas, on the same pattern as applied to all
Sepoys of the Madras and Bombay Armies. Even the six “General
Service” battalions of the Bengal Army had accepted an obligation to
serve overseas if required. This law was enacted to provide contingents
for active service in Burma, readily accessible only by sea, and China,
which had fallen disproportionately onto the two smaller Presidency
Armies. However, serving high-caste Sepoys was fearful that it would
eventually be extended to them as well, and they began preventing
their sons from following them into the profession with a strong family
tradition of army service.

7. Loss of Privileges

With the annexation of the native states, the Company increased its
areas of jurisdiction and revenue, but its Sepoys discovered that they
had also lost their privileged status. Before the annexation, these
soldiers had the right to demand the residents’ intervention on their
behalf in the domestic problems of their families vis-à-vis the state
administration. Similarly, the annexation of Punjab and Sindh resulted
in the discontinuation of Bhatta (extra ration) for the Sepoys, who used
to get this additional perk for serving in these foreign lands.

8. Cartridge Controversy

The last straw on the camel’s back was the widespread rumours that
the cartridges of the new Enfield rifle were encased in paper greased
with the fat of cows and pigs — offensive equally to Hindus and
Muslims. The prescribed drill for loading the new rifle required the end
of the cartridge to be bitten off by the soldiers, an act that would
effectively pollute their faith. The whole purpose, according to the
rumour, was that the polluted Sepoys should be left with no option but
to embrace the Christian faith.

Later modifications, allowing Sepoys to use their favourite oil to grease

the cartridges and use hands to tear the cartridge instead of biting
merely caused many Sepoys to be convinced that the rumours were
true and that their fears were justified. Additional rumours started that
the paper in the new cartridges, which was glazed and stiffer than the
previously used paper, was impregnated with grease. However, in
August 1856, greased cartridge production was initiated at Fort
William, Calcutta, which used tallow supplied by the Indian firm of
Gangadarh Banerji & Co., but the suspicions remained.

C. General Social Discontent

Not only were the Sepoys and the social, economic, and political elite of
India feeling alienated due to the highhandedness of the East India
Company, but even the common man also had grudges of his own
against them for one reason or another. Some of these reasons were

1. Disrespect for the Last Mughal King

The last Mughal King, though a mere figurehead, and with all his
weaknesses and diminished position, was still a symbol of what India
stood for before the British came. Over time, British Residents
stationed in Delhi stopped paying him due respect and sometimes,
even showed him overt disrespect. Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-
General of India, had asked the Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar
and his successors to leave the Red Fort, the palace in Delhi. Later,
Lord Canning, the next Governor-General of India, announced in 1856
that Bahadur Shah’s successors would not even be allowed to use the
title “king’. In a close and traditional society like Delhi, such
discourtesies were taken as a personal slight by every Indian who
considered the Mughal King as the symbol of Indian pride

2. Disrespect to Ashrafia (Nobility)

If the Mughal King was not given proper respect, the nobility was
subjected to greater ignominy. Not only did they become unemployed
after the confiscation of their lands and property, but they were also
reduced in social esteem and felt humiliated in the public eye. They
became an object of ridicule in common parlance after the confiscation
of their perks and privileges as a result of the loss of government
offices.

In Mughal India, great honour and prestige were attached to

government service, where ruling elites could rise to higher ranks. But
under the Company rule, all the higher government offices were
reserved for Englishmen; only the lower-grade offices were open to the
sons of the Indian middle class. To add insult to injury, there was a
public auction of their personal belongings, particularly the jewellery
worn by their women.

3. European Justice System

Another reason for general dissatisfaction with British rule was the
introduction of the European civil and criminal justice systems. In
place of a simple, direct, and fairly informal administration of justice,
the new system was a highly formalized court procedure dependent on
the pleader’s ability to present his case. In a highly illiterate society, it
was the biggest cause of frustration among the people.

According to the official report “East India (Torture) 1855–1857”

presented before the British House of Commons, the Company officers
were allowed an extended series of appeals if convicted or accused of
brutality or crimes against Indians. The Company also practiced
financial extortion through heavy taxation. Failure to pay these taxes
almost invariably resulted in the appropriation of property through the
courts.

4. Introduction of Technology

The introduction of technology is always disruptive and results in

social dissonance. New procedures and practices introduced in India
by the East India Company no doubt increased the efficiency and
effectiveness of its administration, but they also caused a lot of
frustration and resentment among the general public. Many of the
Company’s modernization efforts were viewed with automatic distrust;
for example, it was feared that the railways, the first of which began
running out of Bombay in the 1850s, were demons.

5. White Man’s Burden

In their zeal to show the superiority of British culture, the Company

embarked on a massive and rapid programme of modernisation which
in effect meant Westernization. Many religious customs, both Muslim
and Hindu, that were viewed as uncivilized by the British, were
outlawed. This included a ban on sati, the custom among Indian
Rajputs of burning the widows of a dead Rajput male at his pyre. They
also abolished child marriage, tried forcefully to end female infanticide,
a common custom in rural areas, and allowed the remarriage of Hindu
widows. In 1853, the British allowed Indians to appear in the
competitive examination for the coveted Indian Civil Service; however,
the terms and conditions were so harsh, particularly relating to age
restrictions and travelling to London, that even this measure was
considered eyewash by the natives.

D. Religious Discontent

In a conservative and traditional country like India, religion was the

last thing the Company should have interfered with. Although there is
no evidence that turning India into a Christian society was the official
policy of the Company, an increase in the religiosity and evangelical
fervour in many Englishmen was probably the most dangerous
development in creating religious tensions in the country. There were
several drivers of these tensions;

a) Land/Financial Grants: Company officers frequently made

grants of state land and provided financial assistance from the national
exchequer for the construction of churches, missions, and schools. It
was generally interpreted as a strategy to spread Christianity.
European-run schools were considered to be the vanguard of spreading
Christianity; mathematics was replacing religious instruction, stories
were chosen that would “bring contempt” upon Indian religions, and
girl children were exposed to “moral danger” by education.

b) Christian Orphanages: Frequent famines left many orphans who

were taken into Christian orphanages, giving birth to rumours that
famines were deliberately caused by the British to get the maximum
number of children for their conversion to Christianity

c) Legal Framework: The passing of a law in 1850 whereby a change

of religion would not dispossess the converted person of his share in
ancestral inheritance also reinforced this belief

d) Private Preaching: Sermons by the British officers to their

subordinates, normally given privately but sometimes in officially
organised functions, also created this feeling

E. General Political Discontent

Besides social and economic causes, political resentment among the

political elite of India was also one of the main reasons for the 1857
uprising. Some of the reasons for this resentment were

1. Doctrine of Lapse

Forcible annexation of Indian states on one pretext or another,

particularly the annexationist zeal of Lord Dalhousie, played havoc
with the trust existing between the Company and the protected
Nawabs. In eight years, Lord Dalhousie, the then Governor-General of
India, had annexed a quarter of a million square miles (650,000 km2)
of land to the Company’s territory, turning the heirs of these kingdoms
into ‘pensioners’ overnight.

By applying the draconian ‘Doctrine of Lapse’, the claims of the princes

adopted by the issueless Nawabs were rejected and the state annexed,
despite the vehement protests of the head of the house. Annexation
also resulted in the disbanding of state armies and the confiscation of
the properties of the nobility, leaving thousands of elites as paupers,
swelling the ranks of the disgruntled.

2. Colonial Arrogance

The subsidiarity system of governance, through British Residents, was

the most effective way of controlling a multicultural, multi-ethnic, and
vast country like India. But it also had its pitfalls: British Residents
used to become intoxicated with the power and prestige they enjoyed
in these states and treat the rulers of the states as their subordinates.
Similarly, over time, even the ordinary British residing in India in
general and those in power started behaving like true colonialists. They
openly scoffed at the social and cultural customs, religious beliefs, and
rites of the locals.

Feeling proud of their colour, creed, and technological advancements,

they began hurling racial slurs. Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan believes that
this was the single most important cause of the rebellion. Karl Marx
has rightly remarked;

“Add to this noxious behaviour insulting racial pride, ignorance of

culture and tradition, and a religious evangelism that persuaded
army officers that it made sense to tell their Hindu and Muslim
soldiers that they would go to Hell if the wars into which they were
leading them resulted in their unconverted deaths, and there seems
little need for further explanation of why it all ended in disaster in
1857.”

3. Reward-less Titles

In the Mughal period and even before that, the nobility in India was
awarded titles along with monetary rewards and land grants for the
services rendered to the rulers. The East India Company replaced those
with titles like Khan Bahadur, Rao Sahib, and the like, which were
purely decorative honorifics given to rich gentlemen who possessed the
means to support these dignitaries and were usually awarded for
services of a political nature. The idea of a titled aristocracy, divorced
from functional office, was novel to India and did little to enhance the
prestige of either the recipients or the givers.
Course and Events of the
1857 War of Independence
Introduction

The narrative of the 1857 Uprising has a classic sequence of events

just like any good novel — an emotionally charged background, high
drama, an anticlimax, and a doomed ending.

The Environment of Rumours:

According to one well-known prophecy, the East India Company,

which had ruled over large portions of the country for almost a
century, was due to be unseated at that century’s end. With the
impending centenary of Plessey (1757), this belief gained
widespread currency. Wandering faqirs and sadhus of both faiths
(the Hindu and the Muslim), spread these beliefs in the nooks and
corners of India, creating a sense of foreboding.

Frequent eruptions of fire were being interpreted as a forerunner of

some mysterious order to come. The humiliating defeat of the
British Indian forces in the First Afghan War of 1840 had shaken
their prestige. Rumours of their disasters during the Crimean War
(1853–1856) further broke the myth of their invincibility.
In this atmosphere of charged emotions, rumours of the mysterious
distribution of many thousands of chapatis — unleavened Indian
pieces of bread — from hand to hand and from village to village
throughout the interior of the Subcontinent further thickened the
mystery. The majority of Indians thought it was a message from the
East India Company that after one hundred years of its rule, the
time had come to Christianise India; one country, one bread, and
one religion.

Soon rumours started spreading that additional troops were to be

recruited for service in Burma, where they could not follow all their
religious rules, and that Christian missionary efforts among the
troops were to receive official encouragement, which strengthened
these beliefs. On the other hand, the British guessed the loaves of
bread were a piece of mischief-making on the part of the Indians.

Although extensive inquiries into the meaning of the loaves of bread

produced plenty of theories but few facts, the eerie feeling they
created, provided a perfect backdrop to the events of 1857.

The Simmering:

On February 26, 1857, the 19th Bengal Native Infantry (BNI)

regiment posted at Barrackpore came to know about the orders to
use new cartridges, which were rumoured to be encased in paper
greased with the fat of cows and pigs, offensive equally to Hindus
and Muslims. Upon their refusal to obey these orders, their Colonel
first tried to forcibly implement these orders by threatening to use
artillery, but then relented in the face of powerful resistance,
accepted their demand to withdraw the artillery, and cancelled the
next morning’s parade.

On March 29, 1857, at the Barrackpore parade ground, near

Calcutta, Mangal Pandey of the 34th BNI attacked and injured the
adjutant, Lt. Baugh, with a sword. General John Hearsey ordered
Jemadar Ishwari Prasad to arrest Mangal Pandey. He refused to
obey the orders. The whole regiment, with the single exception of a
soldier called Shaikh Paltu, followed suit and refused to arrest
Mangal Pandey.

Mangal Pandey tried to incite his comrades into an open and active
rebellion; after failing to achieve his objective, he tried to commit
suicide but did not succeed. He was court-martialed on April 6 and
hanged after two days. Jemadar Ishwari Prasad, too, was sentenced
to death and hanged on April 22. The whole regiment was
disbanded.

The Revolt:

It started on May 9, when 85 soldiers of the 3rd Light Cavalry at

Meerut refused to use the cartridges of the new Enfield rifle. The
prescribed drill for loading the new rifle required the end of the
cartridge to be bitten off by the soldiers, an act that would effectively
pollute them. The whole purpose, according to the rumour, was that
the polluted Sepoys should be left with no option but to embrace the
Christian faith. All of them were imprisoned, sentenced to ten years
of hard labour, and stripped of their uniforms in public. Since their
comrades had acted only in deference to their religious beliefs, the
punishment meted out by the British colonial rulers was perceived
as unjust by many.

The Rebellion:

When the 11th and 20th native cavalry of the Bengal Army
assembled in Meerut on May 10, they broke rank and turned on
their commanding officers. They then liberated the 3rd Regiment
and attacked the European cantonment, where they are reported to
have killed all the Europeans they could find, including women and
children, and burned their houses. The rebellious forces were then
engaged by the remaining British forces in Meerut, which had the
largest percentage of British troops of any station in India, i.e.,
2,038 European troops with 12 field guns versus 2,357 Sepoys,
lacking artillery.

Some commentators believe that the British forces could have

stopped the Sepoys from marching on Delhi, but the British
commanders of the Meerut garrison were extraordinarily slow in
reacting to the crisis. They did not even send immediate word to
other British cantonments that a rebellion was in process. It seems
likely that they believed they would be able to contain the Indians by
themselves. This misjudgement would cost them dearly.
The March:

Hearing the news, other disaffected regiments in the Bengal Army

quickly followed suit. Meanwhile, the 3rd Cavalry, who had revolted
against their British officers, marched to Delhi, where they were
welcomed by Indian soldiers, who had left the gates of the city open.
There were very few British soldiers in Delhi who were overwhelmed
easily. The rebel force quickly proclaimed the eighty-three-year-old
figurehead, Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar, the leader of
their cause, despite all his reluctance. More and more regiments in
the Bengal Army revolted; rebel soldiers came in large numbers to
reinforce those who had reached Delhi, which became the centre of
the rebellion.

The War:

Over the next few months, the revolt took the shape of a full-fledged
war in much of north-central India, where people started pitching
battles with the British army. It turned into an all-out popular revolt
that enveloped all classes of the population. Due to the paucity of
British troops throughout the region, the Company forces found it
difficult to suppress these outbreaks and had to struggle hard to
control or stop the progress of the revolt.

After taking Delhi, on May 30, rebel forces laid siege to the British
garrison at Lucknow, home to nearly five hundred British women
and children. In late June, they forced the surrender of the small
British garrison in nearby Kanpur (Cawnpore). Although the terms
of surrender had promised the British population free passage to
Allahabad, three hundred fifty men of the garrison were murdered
near the Ganges River, and a week later, one hundred twenty-five
women and children were also killed, and their bodies were thrown
into a well.

The Counterstroke:

In the autumn of 1857, the British counter-rebellion measures began

to show results that had a serious impact on the progress of the
revolt. With the help of reinforcements from Punjab, the British and
Indian forces that had been besieging Delhi for months successfully
recaptured the city on September 21, 1857. On November 17, a force
under the command of General Sir Colin Campbell, Commander-in-
Chief in India and former hero of the Crimean War, successfully
broke the siege at Lucknow and evacuated the Residency after much
hard fighting.

However, combat continued around Lucknow, Jhansi, Gwalior, and

Bareilly until the middle of 1858. The woman ruler of Jhansi, Rani
of Jhansi, and Tantya Tope, Nana Sahib’s artillery expert, kept on
fighting and proved difficult to defeat until both leaders were killed.

The End:
Although the rebellion was over by the end of 1857, there were some
pockets of resistance that prolonged the formal end of the war. The
last rebels were defeated in Gwalior on June 20, 1858. On July 8,
1858, a peace treaty was signed, and the war ended. Rebel leaders
Bakht Khan and Nana Sahib were never heard of again; probably
both had been slain while fleeing.

The Retribution:

The end of the war was followed by the usual retribution, whose
graphic descriptions are now available in some of the books written
on this issue. There were four cardinal principles, religiously
followed while meting out the punishment;

1. No prisoners were to be taken; every suspect must die

2. Maximum brutality to create awe and terror for effective

deterrence

3. Collective punishment for the family, community and even

villages suspected of harbouring any suspicion or ill-feeling towards
the Company

4. Novelty and ingenuity in methods of punishment.

Adopting the old Indian style of punishment for the rebels,

combatants on the Indian side as well as large numbers of civilians
perceived to be sympathetic to the rebel cause were summarily
executed. The method of execution depended on the whims of the
British officer in charge of these summary trials. Some liked to kill
the rebels and their sympathisers by lashing them to the mouth of
the cannon and blowing them into pieces, probably the most
humane method adopted by those selected for this. The majority
were thoroughly tortured before being put to death, normally
hanging them in groups to witness their comrades’ painful deaths.
Whole villages were wiped out for apparent pro-rebel sympathies.
Causes of the Failure of
the 1857 War of
Independence
Introduction

The movement could not succeed in achieving any of its objectives due
to the following reasons.

Lack of Vision, Strategy and Planning

Although the ground was ripe for such an eventuality, the uprising
itself was a spontaneous and, hence, unplanned act. According to
Malleson and Wilson, the revolutionaries had planned to start the War
throughout the country on May 31, 1857. However, the cartridge
incident resulted in its premature outbreak. It was doomed to fail right
from the start because of this lack of vision, strategy, and planning on
the part of the rebel forces.

Leadership Failures

The lack of strong political and capable military leadership played the
most crucial role in this fiasco. The rebellious forces selected a dying,
frail old man as their political leader, who had no desire to play the
role. He was neither a brave general nor an astute leader of the people.
The same was the case with the military leadership of the rebels, which
was no match for the brilliant British leadership. On top of it was the
nonexistence of any well-managed, centralised command and control
system that could provide the proper guidance and plan to the rebel
forces.

Technology and Techniques

The British proved to be formidable foes, largely due to their superior

weapons, training, and strategy, which play a decisive role in any
military contest. The very Enfield rifle that the rebels had refused to
operate became their nemesis for its accuracy. Similarly, the use of
wireless by the British played a key role in their success, as they were
able to convey the news about the outbreak of rebellion to their field
commanders in all the areas under their control. Once informed, the
respective governors took effective measures to arrest the spread of the
uprising.

As luck would have it, the main arsenal of the rebels in Delhi was
destroyed in a fire, either accidentally or by the traitors, leaving the
defending forces with a limited quantity of ammunition. Attempts by
the rebels to collect modern equipment from Russia failed, as their
one-member delegation (Rao Tularam) sent to Russia for this purpose
died on the way.

Internal Rifts
After the euphoria of the initial revolt was over, inter-communal, inter-
racial, and inter-regional rifts started among the rebels. The battle cry
of the Muslims to wage Jihad became anathema for the Hindus. Many
Indians supported the British, due to their dislike of the idea of the
return of Mughal rule. Durbar intrigues and personal rivalries
precluded any common strategy of war.

The role played by the favourite wife of the Mughal King, Zeenat
Mahal, was quite dubious. The same was the case concerning the
loyalty of several of his confidants, particularly Ahsanullah Khan. In
Awadh, Sunni Muslims, perceiving it to be a Shia rebellion, refused to
join it as they did not want to see a return to Shiite rule. Instead, they
declared war against the rebels and chose Haji Imdadullah as their
Ameer. Ironically, only a few months ago, Haji Imdadullah had led the
Sunni forces against the British in the famous Battle of Shamli.

Desperate Fight

The British were fighting with their backs against the wall because they
knew there was no option for them. It was a do-or-die situation for
them. Once the British got a foothold, they mustered all their resources
and made a big assault on Delhi with full force.

Lack of Response

Only three other big cities rebelled, with the result that the British
didn’t have to fight on different fronts. If the rebels had been successful
in getting similar revolts and uprisings in a dozen cities across the
country, the situation would have been different. Most of southern
India remained passive, with only sporadic and haphazard outbreaks
of violence. Most of the states did not take part in the war, as many
parts of the region were ruled by the Nizams or the Mysore royalty and
were thus not directly under British rule.

Local Support

The moral, political, financial, and physical support extended by the

feudal elite as well as the rulers of the states played a decisive role in
crushing the uprising of the lower middle classes of Bengal. The Sikhs,
who wanted to avenge the annexation of Punjab 8 years ago by the
British with the help of the Bengalis, fought with a vengeance.
Similarly, Pathans from the North-West Frontier Province and
Potoharis from Northern Punjab supported the British and helped in
the capture of Delhi. The Gurkhas of Nepal, who were known for their
valour and ferocity on the battlefield, fought alongside the British,
although Nepal remained an independent country throughout the
rebellion.

Unequal Fight

In the end, it was an unequal fight between a decaying agricultural

empire and a rising industrial empire, in which the die was cast before
the battle started. Although India used to produce 25% of world's GDP
in the 1600s, more than 80% of her income was produced by the
agricultural sector. Her growing population ensured that there was
enough supply of labour force, obviating the necessity to use machines
in agricultural operations or their value addition.

Consequently, her industrialization process was painstakingly slow,

keeping her status as an agricultural empire that did not produce
enough surpluses to be ploughed into R&D and technological
advancements. An agricultural empire is inherently weak when pitted
against an industrial one, which has sufficient resources and needs for
technology.
Role of Religious
Educational Institutions in
Islamic Renaissance in
British India
Introduction

During the Islamic Renaissance in British India, religious educational

institutions played a significant role in promoting intellectual, cultural,
and religious reforms among Muslims. These institutions, known as
madrasas, served as centres of learning and provided education in
Islamic theology, jurisprudence, Arabic language, and other religious
sciences.

1. Preservation of Islam

After the fall of the Mughal Empire in the aftermath of the 1857 War of
Independence, Islam as an institution came under attack from two
sources: the British rulers and the Hindu revivalists. Both considered
Islam more dangerous than the Indian Muslims and tried to banish it
from India. One of the most lethal attacks came in the form of the
abolition of their financial grants. In these dark days, it was these
religious leaders who took up the mantle of Islam and saved it from
elimination by British India.

Remember, if these ulema had not defended Islam the way they did,
Islam would have faced the same fate as so many other creeds like
Jainism and Buddhism. Km Pannikar, a great analyst and security
advisor to Nehru, has rightly pointed out that, unlike other religions
that came to India and fitted in horizontally, Islam survived because it
kept on standing vertically. If there had been no Islam, there would
have been no Muslims, and hence no Pakistan.

2. Preservation of Islamic Knowledge

Madrasas played a crucial role in preserving and transmitting Islamic

knowledge, including the Quran, Hadith (sayings and actions of
Prophet Muhammad), and Islamic jurisprudence. They ensured that
the Islamic intellectual tradition remained intact despite British
colonial rule. The Deoband Madrasa, formally known as Darul Uloom
Deoband, made significant contributions to the Islamic revival in
British India. Established in 1866, it emerged as a prominent
institution and played a crucial role in shaping the religious,
educational, and socio-political landscape of the Indian Muslim
community. Here are some of the key contributions of Deoband
Madrasa:

The Deoband Madrasa emphasized the preservation and propagation

of orthodox Islamic teachings and practices. It focused on the study of
traditional Islamic sciences such as Quranic exegesis, Hadith studies,
Islamic jurisprudence, and theology. By maintaining strict adherence
to the principles of Sunni Islam, it aimed to counteract the influence of
colonialism and other modernizing forces.

3. Revival of Islamic Scholarship Traditions

Madrasas served as hubs for Islamic scholarship, where renowned

scholars taught and produced works on various disciplines. They
encouraged critical thinking and intellectual discourse, contributing to
the revival of Islamic philosophy, theology, and other sciences.

The Deoband Madrasa revitalized Islamic scholarship by producing

eminent scholars and intellectuals. These scholars, trained at Deoband,
played a crucial role in reviving Islamic sciences and disciplines such as
Hadith studies, Islamic jurisprudence, Quranic interpretation, and
Sufism. Their works and teachings had a profound impact on the
intellectual and religious discourse of the time. Deoband Madrasa
immensely contributed to the development and preservation of Arabic
and Persian literature by encouraging the study of classical Islamic
texts and fostering a deep appreciation for Islamic poetry, prose, and
literary traditions.

4. Reformist Movements

Several madrasas became centres for reformist movements that aimed

to address the social, educational, and economic challenges faced by
Indian Muslims. These institutions advocated for modernization while
preserving the core principles of Islam. They sought to reconcile
Islamic teachings with modern knowledge and scientific
advancements.

Deoband Madrasa was instrumental in promoting social and religious

reform within the Indian Muslim community. It advocated for moral
and ethical values, religious piety, and the rejection of social evils. The
institution focused on issues such as education, women’s rights,
religious tolerance, and social justice.

5. Promotion of General Education

Madrasas not only focused on religious education but also provided

general education in other subjects. This broader curriculum helped
produce scholars who were well-versed in both religious and secular
knowledge. The Deoband Madrasa played a pivotal role in reforming
Islamic education. It introduced a comprehensive curriculum that
combined religious studies with subjects such as Arabic language,
logic, mathematics, and literature. This broader educational approach
helped produce scholars who were well-rounded and equipped to
address the challenges of the modern world.

The teachings and ideologies of Deoband Madrasa spread far beyond

its immediate vicinity. Its students and graduates established madrasas
and educational institutions across the Indian subcontinent, helping to
disseminate the Deobandi school of thought and its emphasis on
Islamic orthodoxy, education, and social reform.

6. Socio-Political Awakening

Religious educational institutions played a vital role in fostering a

sense of socio-political consciousness among the Muslim population.
They promoted ideas of equality, justice, and the rights of Muslims
within the British Indian context. Madrasa-educated scholars actively
participated in political and social movements, advocating for Muslim
representation and empowerment.

In this respect, the role of Deoband cannot be over-emphasized. It

played a crucial role in creating awareness among Muslims about their
rights and responsibilities in a changing socio-political environment.
The Deoband Madrasa and its scholars played an active role in the
Indian independence movement. They supported the call for
independence from British rule and advocated for the rights and
interests of Indian Muslims. Many Deoband scholars participated in
political movements and played leadership roles in political agitations
by joining political organizations.

Ulema’s Role in Pakistan Movement

Ulema’s support for the Pakistan Movement came in the form of the
New Medina construct, which was formulated by the Barelvis and a
section of the Deobandi clergy. In its election campaign in 1946, the
Muslim League drew upon the support of Islamic scholars and Sufis
with the rallying cry of “Islam in danger”. The majority of Barelvis
supported the creation of Pakistan, and Barelvi ulama issued fatwas in
support of the Muslim League. In contrast, most Deobandi ulama (led
by Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani) opposed the creation of Pakistan
and the two-nation theory. Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani and the
Deobandis advocated composite nationalism, according to which
Muslims and Hindus were one nation. Madani differentiated between
“qaum”, which meant a multi-religious nation, and “millat” which was
exclusively the social unity of Muslims.

However, a few highly influential Deobandi clerics did support the

creation of Pakistan. Such Deobandi ulama included Mufti
Muhammad Shafi and Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani. Maulana
Ashraf Ali Thanvi also supported the Muslim League’s demand for the
creation of Pakistan, and he dismissed the criticism that most Muslim
League members were not practising Muslims. Maulana Ashraf Ali
Thanvi was of the view that the Muslim League should be supported
and also be advised at the same time to become religiously observant

Conclusion

The Deoband Madrasa’s contributions to the Islamic revival in British

India were significant and far-reaching. It played a multifaceted role
during the Islamic Renaissance in British India. It not only acted as a
centre of Islamic learning, intellectual discourse, and social reform but
also contributed to the revitalization of Muslim identity and the pursuit
of knowledge. Its emphasis on orthodox Islamic teachings, educational
reform, social and religious consciousness, and participation in the
independence movement shaped the intellectual and social landscape
of the Indian Muslim community.
Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan:
Role and Contributions in
Muslim Rennaisance in
India
Introduction

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817–1898) is rightly hailed as a visionary

figure who played a crucial role in the preservation of British Indian
Muslims and their culture in the traumatic post-1857 period. He is also
one of the earliest and most prominent pioneers of the Two-Nation
Theory, which ultimately provided the intellectual foundations for the
creation of Pakistan.

Born into a scholarly and affluent family in Delhi in 1817, Sir Syed
Ahmed Khan was raised in an environment steeped in Islamic
teachings and cultural traditions. His family had a long history of
service to the Mughal courts, which provided him with exposure to
Persian and Arabic languages, as well as Islamic literature. This
upbringing deeply influenced his intellectual inclinations and religious
beliefs. However, his outlook was not confined to religious dogma; he
possessed a progressive mindset that sought to reconcile Islamic
teachings with modern knowledge and scientific advancements.
After completing his early education, Sir Syed joined the British East
India Company’s civil service in 1838. His tenure as a civil servant
exposed him to British administrative and educational systems, and he
became acutely aware of the educational and socio-economic
disparities between the British and Indian communities. This
experience laid the foundation for his later efforts to bring about
educational reform among Indians, particularly Muslims.

Environment

The era in which Sir Syed Ahmed Khan lived and formulated his ideas
was marked by a complex social, economic, and political environment
in British India. This environment had a profound impact on his
thoughts and initiatives, which aimed to uplift the Muslim community
and bridge the gap between tradition and modernity.

1. Despondency among British Indian Muslims

The aftermath of the Indian Rebellion of 1857 (also known as the

Sepoy Mutiny or the War of Independence) was a critical turning point
in British India’s history. The rebellion, which saw widespread
participation from various communities, including Muslims, was
brutally suppressed by the British. In its aftermath, Muslims faced
severe reprisals, economic hardships, and political marginalization.
The British authorities held Muslims collectively responsible for the
uprising, deepening mistrust and resentment.
2. British Hostility towards British Indian Muslims

The British administration’s perception of Muslims as being at the

forefront of the rebellion resulted in a strained relationship between
the colonial rulers and the Muslim community. Muslims were often
treated with suspicion and subjected to discriminatory policies. This
created a hostile environment where Muslims were denied key
administrative and educational opportunities, contributing to their
socio-economic stagnation.

3. Efforts by Indian Reformists and Hindu Revivalism

Amidst this atmosphere of despondency and political hostility, certain

Indian reformists saw an opportunity to uplift their respective
communities. While Sir Syed Ahmed Khan focused on the educational
and socio-political empowerment of Muslims, there were efforts within
the Hindu community to revive and reaffirm their cultural and
religious heritage. This period witnessed the emergence of the Hindu
revivalist movement, aiming to restore Hindu traditions and
counteract perceived Westernization.

4. Class and Sectarian Disunity among British Indian

Muslims

Another significant factor that influenced Sir Syed’s ideas was the class
and sectarian disunity within the Muslim community. Muslims were
divided along various lines, such as religious sects, socio-economic
classes, and regional affiliations. This disunity weakened their
collective strength and hindered their ability to advocate for their
rights and interests effectively. Sir Syed recognized the urgent need for
unity among Muslims to address their shared challenges.

5. British Efforts towards Indian Political Modernization:

During British colonial rule in India, the British administration

undertook various efforts to modernize the Indian political system,
economy, and society according to Western standards. The British
aimed to introduce Western-style institutions and governance
mechanisms in India. They established a modern legal system,
introduced Western education, and initiated administrative reforms
that centralized power under British authority. These changes were
intended to create a more efficient and controlled administrative
structure, in line with the British model.

One of the most significant tools the British employed for

modernization was education. They introduced English-medium
schools and universities, emphasizing subjects that aligned with
Western knowledge and values. This educational system aimed to
produce a class of Indians who were educated in English, familiar with
Western ideas, and capable of functioning within the British
administrative apparatus.

The British education system and administrative reforms had the

potential to marginalize Muslims and other communities that did not
engage with these changes. As English education and administrative
posts became increasingly important for socioeconomic mobility, those
who did not participate in this system risked being left behind in terms
of employment opportunities, political influence, and social status.

Major Challenges Identified by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan for

British Indian Muslims

In this environment, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan realised that if the British
Indian Muslims did not accept the changed post-1857 environment
and respond adequately to the following challenges adequately, their
existence as a separate entity and their beliefs and practices would face
the same fate as the Spanish Muslims had faced nearly 500 years ago.

1. Socio-Political Marginalization

The aftermath of the 1857 rebellion had left British Indian Muslims
marginalized in the socio-political landscape. The loss of power,
coupled with a deep distrust of British rulers due to their perceived
harsh response to the rebellion, led to a sense of resentment among
Muslims. The ascendency of Hindus in the colonial administration and
public institutions further exacerbated these feelings. Muslims found
themselves at a disadvantage in terms of representation and influence,
prompting the need for strategic efforts to regain their political
relevance. Thus, there was a danger that soon the British Indian
Muslims would become an underclass in a country ruled by the British
in association with the Hindus.
1. Economic Disempowerment

British Indian Muslims faced economic disempowerment due to their

educational backwardness and lack of access to modern education. The
traditional system of education did not equip them with the skills
required for administrative and professional roles that were
increasingly valued under British rule. The widespread mistrust and
even hatred towards English education hindered the community’s
ability to participate in the changing economy. This economic
disadvantage made it challenging for Muslims to improve their socio-
economic conditions and contribute significantly to the nation’s
development.

2. Existential Threats to Islam and Muslims in India

The emergence of Hindu nationalism, coupled with British hostility

towards Muslims post-1857, posed an existential threat to Islam and
the Muslim community. The growing Hindu nationalist sentiment
aimed to assert the primacy of Hindu culture and religion, potentially
marginalizing other communities, including Muslims. British colonial
policies, often seen as favouring Hindus, further fueled concerns about
the preservation of Muslim identity. The backwardness of Muslims in
various aspects compounded these challenges, as they struggled to
counter these existential threats effectively.

3. Cultural and Religious Isolation

Sir Syed recognized that Muslims were becoming culturally and
religiously isolated due to their resistance to English education and
modernization. This isolation hindered their ability to engage with the
changing world and engage in meaningful interactions with other
communities. It also contributed to a sense of alienation and further
marginalized Muslims in the broader social fabric of British India.

4. Lack of Unity and Sectarianism

Sir Syed identified the lack of unity and prevalence of sectarian

divisions among Muslims as a major cause of their backwardness. The
fragmentation of the community along sectarian lines weakened their
collective strength and prevented effective advocacy for their rights and
interests. Internal disputes and divisions diverted attention and
resources away from addressing the larger challenges faced by
Muslims, perpetuating their marginalization.

Six Pieces of Advice to British Indian Muslims

Based on the above-mentioned challenges the British Indian Muslims

could face in the changed post-1857 environment if they did not accept
the new realities and adapt themselves accordingly, Sir Sayed Ahmed
Khan advised the Muslims, through his countless articles, books, and
lectures, the following six pieces of advice.

1. The game is over. Accept British Ascendancy and Adapt

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s realization that Mughal rule was definitively
over and British ascendancy was the prevailing reality marked a
significant shift in the Muslim community’s perspective. He
understood that attempts to regain political control were futile and that
a new approach was needed to secure the interests of British Indian
Muslims. His conclusion urged Muslims to acknowledge this new
reality, accept the British as rulers, and work towards finding ways to
collaborate and thrive within the changed circumstances.

He emphasized that survival and progress were contingent on Muslims

adapting themselves to the British system. This included participating
in modern education, learning the English language, and engaging in
administrative and professional roles. By doing so, Muslims could gain
a foothold in British Indian society, influence policy decisions, and
contribute constructively to various fields.

2. Re-interpreting Islam: Critical Approach and Freedom of

Thought

Sir Syed recognized that blind adherence to traditional interpretations

of Islam could hinder progress and prevent Muslims from effectively
addressing contemporary challenges. He advocated for a critical
approach to Islamic teachings, urging Muslims to re-interpret religious
principles in the context of modern circumstances. He believed that
Islam’s core principles were adaptable and could be applied to
changing times without compromising their essence.
Sir Syed’s emphasis on freedom of thought encouraged Muslims to
explore how Islamic teachings could be reconciled with scientific
knowledge and modern values. He believed that religious tenets should
not be considered immutable and static, but rather open to re-
interpretation in light of new knowledge. This approach aimed to
harmonize religious faith with the realities of a changing world and
promote intellectual growth within the Muslim community.

3. Interfaith Dialogue and Fundamental Unity of Religions

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s conviction in the fundamental unity of

religions stemmed from his belief that the core ethical and moral
values shared by different faiths could serve as a basis for
understanding and cooperation. He advocated for interfaith dialogue
as a means to bridge the gap between religious communities and foster
harmony.

He highlighted the concept of ‘practical morality,’ which emphasized

the shared values of compassion, justice, and kindness found in
various religions. This concept sought to transcend religious
differences and promote mutual understanding. By engaging in
interfaith dialogue and recognizing the commonalities among
religions, he aimed to create an environment of tolerance and
coexistence that would benefit all communities in British India.

4. Educational Empowerment is Crucial for Survival and

PROSPERITY
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan recognized the critical role of education in
transforming the socio-economic conditions of Muslims. He believed
that British-style education, including English language proficiency,
scientific knowledge, and modern subjects, was essential for the
community’s progress. He emphasized the importance of education not
just for individual growth, but also for collective advancement,
enabling Muslims to compete effectively in administrative and
professional fields.

5. Muslim Unity and Political Pragmatism

Sir Syed emphasized the need for Muslim unity and strategic political
engagement. He advocated for Muslims to participate in
administrative and political roles under British rule, understanding
that this engagement was crucial for safeguarding their interests. He
believed that cooperation with the British administration would
provide Muslims with opportunities to influence policies that affected
their community directly.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s conclusions were rooted in a pragmatic

understanding of the post-1857 environment. He urged Muslims to
adapt to British rule, embrace modern education, and participate in
governance. He encouraged a critical re-interpretation of Islamic
teachings to align them with modern values while promoting interfaith
dialogue to foster unity and understanding among religious
communities. His visionary ideas aimed to equip Muslims with the
tools to navigate the challenges of their time and contribute positively
to society while preserving their identity and values.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s Vision and Roadmap for British

Indian Muslims

By formulating these conclusions, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan aimed to

guide the Muslim community towards a path of adaptation,
empowerment, and progress. His ideas were grounded in a pragmatic
understanding of the changed socio-political realities in British India,
and he sought to equip Muslims with the tools they needed to thrive in
the modern world while preserving their religious and cultural
identities.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s visionary approach was a response to the

complex challenges British Indian Muslims faced after the 1857
rebellion. His vision aimed to ensure the survival and prosperity of the
Muslim community within the evolving socio-political landscape. He
devised a comprehensive roadmap that included the following key
points:

1. Political Survival through Rapprochement with British

Rulers

Sir Syed understood that political confrontation with the British was
not a viable option. He advocated for Muslims to engage in a
constructive relationship with British rulers by participating in
administrative and governmental roles. This approach was aimed at
safeguarding the interests of Muslims and enabling them to influence
policies that directly affected their community. By aligning with the
British administration, Muslims could secure positions of authority
and contribute to the governance of the country.

2. Aloofness from Overall Politics, Particularly from Indian

National Congress

Sir Syed cautioned against direct involvement in broader Indian

politics, especially within the Indian National Congress, which he
believed was predominantly Hindu-centric and did not adequately
represent Muslim interests. He recommended that Muslims maintain a
certain level of aloofness from the broader political movements and
focus on their specific needs and concerns. This did not mean complete
disengagement, but rather a strategic approach to protect the distinct
identity and interests of Muslims.

3. Preserving Separate Identity and Pride in Islamic Heritage

Sir Syed believed that preserving the distinct identity of Muslims was
crucial for their socio-cultural integrity. He emphasized the need for
Muslims to take pride in their Islamic heritage while simultaneously
embracing modern education and values. He advocated for a balance
between religious identity and adaptability, encouraging Muslims to
maintain their cultural distinctiveness while participating in the
changing world. This approach aimed to foster a sense of unity and
pride among Muslims.

4. Socio-Cultural Uplift through Practice Improvement

Sir Syed recognized that certain socio-cultural practices among

Muslims were hindering their progress. He advocated for critical self-
assessment and the elimination of outdated customs and practices that
held the community back. He emphasized the importance of rationality
and the incorporation of modern scientific knowledge while adhering
to the core principles of Islam. By modernizing certain practices,
Muslims could demonstrate their adaptability and commitment to
progress.

5. Economic Empowerment through Learning English and

Western Education

Sir Syed’s vision placed a strong emphasis on education as a means of

economic empowerment. He believed that English education and
exposure to Western knowledge were essential for Muslims to compete
effectively in the modern economy. By learning English and gaining
access to modern education, Muslims could secure positions in
administrative, legal, and professional fields, enabling them to
contribute meaningfully to the development of the nation.

In essence, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s vision and roadmap sought to

navigate British Indian Muslims through the challenges of their time.
By engaging with the British administration, preserving their distinct
identity, embracing modern education, and improving socio-cultural
practices, he aimed to empower Muslims to thrive within the changing
socio-political landscape. His approach combined pragmatism,
adaptability, and a commitment to preserving Islamic values and
heritage, setting a course for the community’s progress and prosperity.

Assessment of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s Contributions

The legacy of a great leader throughout history is assessed by looking

at the contributions he made in three fields, namely

1. How many great ideas did he leave in the intellectual field?

Pioneering leaders not only generate innovative ideas and novel
concepts but also possess the acumen to navigate complex challenges
with creative solutions.

2. How many institutions did he create or inspire? The enduring

institutions they establish or inspire reflect their profound impact.
These institutions become the bedrock of societal progress, embodying
the leader’s vision and principles.

3. How many leaders and intellectuals did he inspire? The profound

influence they wield over individuals who subsequently carry forth
their ideals solidifies their place in history.
Let us see how Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan left a lasting legacy through his
contributions in these three fields (remember three Is, namely Ideas,
Institutions, and Individuals)

A. Ideas he Gave

Out of his numerous ideas, I can identify the following five as the most
crucial contributions of Sir Sayed Ahment Khan in many areas:

1. Separate Nation Concept and Two-Nation Theory

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s concept of British Indian Muslims as a

separate nation is a cornerstone of his political philosophy. He
emphasized the distinct identity of Muslims, based not only on religion
but also on cultural and socio-political factors. This idea laid the
foundation for the later development of the Two-Nation Theory, which
posited that Hindus and Muslims were separate nations with distinct
interests and should have separate political entities. His advice to
Muslims to abstain from joining the Indian National Congress,
dominated by Hindus, reflected his belief in safeguarding Muslim
interests as a separate entity.

2. Urdu as the Identity Marker of the Separate Nation

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan believed that language played a crucial role in
shaping the identity of a community. He championed the promotion of
the Urdu language as a unifying factor for Muslims. He saw Urdu as a
symbol of their cultural heritage and a means to transcend regional
and linguistic differences within the Muslim community. By
advocating for the preservation and propagation of Urdu, he aimed to
strengthen the sense of unity among Muslims and foster a distinct
identity for the community.

3. Muslims’ Stake in British India and Contribution to

Culture

Sir Syed recognized the historical and cultural contributions made by

Muslims to Indian society. He also wrote about the contributions of
Indian Muslims in the enrichment of Indian culture and society. He
argued that Muslims had as much stake in British India as Hindus due
to their historical contributions to the country’s cultural fabric. He
believed that the British administration should acknowledge and
respect this historical legacy. This perspective challenged the narrative
of Muslims as outsiders and highlighted their rightful place in shaping
the Indian nation.

4. Rationalism and Pragmatism in Political Approach

Sir Syed’s political philosophy was characterized by rationalism and

pragmatism. He advocated for a realistic and pragmatic approach to
politics that prioritized the well-being and interests of the Muslim
community. His emphasis on political engagement with the British
administration, even while preserving a distinct identity, demonstrated
his belief in using available avenues to protect and advance Muslim
interests.

5. Education as a Means of Political Empowerment

One of Sir Syed’s enduring contributions was his belief in education as

a tool for political empowerment. He saw education not only as a
means to acquire knowledge but also as a pathway to socio-political
upliftment. He believed that an educated and informed Muslim
community would be better equipped to navigate the challenges of
British rule and actively participate in shaping their own destiny.

B. Institutions he created or inspired

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s contributions through the creation and

inspiration of various institutions played a pivotal role in preserving
Islam, fostering education, and ensuring the survival of Muslims as a
distinct entity in post-1857 British India. These institutions not only
addressed the challenges faced by the Muslim community but also laid
the foundation for their intellectual, cultural, and political
empowerment.

1. Institutions He Created

a. Aligarh Muslim University (AMU): Sir Syed’s most significant

creation, AMU emerged from the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental
College. It became a symbol of modern education while maintaining
Islamic values. AMU provided Muslims with access to higher
education, empowering them with the skills needed to engage with the
modern world.

b. MAO College: The precursor to AMU, MAO College was

established by Sir Syed with the aim of promoting Western education
among Muslims. It was a response to the educational backwardness of
Muslims and laid the groundwork for AMU’s later evolution.

c. Minto Circle School: Named after Lord Minto, the Viceroy of

India, this school aimed to provide quality education to Muslim
children. It contributed to educational upliftment at the grassroots
level.

d. Scientific Society: Founded in 1864, the Scientific Society aimed

to translate Western scientific works into vernacular languages. It
bridged the gap between traditional Islamic knowledge and modern
science.

2. Institutions He Inspired

a. Educational Conference: Organized by Sir Syed, the Educational

Conference promoted education among Muslims. It inspired the
establishment of educational institutions and encouraged Muslims to
embrace modern education.
b. United Patriotic Association: This organization aimed to
promote unity among Indians of different backgrounds. Its creation
was inspired by Sir Syed’s vision of cooperation among communities
for their collective betterment.

c. Urdu Defence Association: Formed to protect the status of the

Urdu language, it echoed Sir Syed’s emphasis on linguistic and cultural
identity.

d. Anjuman-i Taraqqi-i Urdu: This association focused on the

promotion and development of the Urdu language, in line with Sir
Syed’s efforts to preserve cultural heritage.

e. All India Muslim League: While founded after Sir Syed’s time,
the Muslim League embodied his idea of Muslims as a separate nation
with distinct interests. It eventually became the political vehicle for
Muslim representation.

f. Jamia Millia Islamia: Inspired by Sir Syed’s educational

philosophy, Jamia Millia Islamia aimed to provide modern education
while upholding Islamic values.

g. AMU Students’ Union: An important forum for student

engagement and expression at AMU, it continues to be a platform for
preserving Muslim identity.
h. Maulana Azad Library: Named after Maulana Abul Kalam Azad,
an influential freedom fighter and educationist, the library preserves
and promotes Islamic and academic literature.

Sir Syed’s role in creating and inspiring these institutions was

instrumental in preserving Islam, fostering education, and ensuring
the survival of Muslims as a separate nation. These institutions
collectively addressed the challenges Muslims faced by providing them
with avenues for education, empowerment, and cultural identity
preservation.

C. Individuals he Inspired

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s influence extended beyond institutions; his

ideas and vision inspired a generation of individuals who played crucial
roles in preserving Islam and ensuring the survival of Indian Muslims
in the British India context. These individuals, motivated by his
thoughts and leadership, carried forward his legacy and significantly
contributed to the empowerment and upliftment of the Muslim
community.

a. Nawab Waqar-ul-Mulk Kamboh: He was inspired by Sir Syed’s

educational efforts and worked towards the promotion of modern
education among Muslims.
b. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk: A close associate of Sir Syed, he
continued his educational and reformist efforts, promoting educational
institutions and advocating for Muslim rights.

c. Aga Khan III: Inspired by Sir Syed’s emphasis on education, he

continued the work of educational empowerment among Muslims and
later became an important leader of the community.

d. Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad Khan: He embraced Sir Syed’s vision

of educational empowerment and played a significant role in the
Aligarh Movement.

e. Nazir Ahmad Dehlvi: An influential writer and reformer, he

carried forward Sir Syed’s emphasis on critical thinking and modern
education.

f. Chiragh Ali: Influenced by Sir Syed, he advocated for rationalist

interpretations of Islamic teachings and promoted educational
reforms.

g. Shibli Nomani: A scholar and historian, he admired Sir Syed’s

rational approach and played a key role in shaping modern Islamic
thought.

h. Zafar Ali Khan: He was inspired by Sir Syed’s ideas of Muslim

unity and rights and became a prominent leader in the Khilafat
Movement.
i. Shaukat Ali and Mohammad Ali Jauhar: The Ali Brothers
were influenced by Sir Syed’s concept of Muslim identity and
nationalism, advocating for Muslim rights on national and
international platforms.

j. Syed Ameer Ali: A jurist and historian, he drew inspiration from

Sir Syed’s emphasis on education and legal reforms.

k. Tufail Ahmad Manglori: He carried forward Sir Syed’s

educational vision and contributed to educational upliftment among
Muslims.

l. Khwaja Salimullah: Inspired by Sir Syed, he worked for the

advancement of education and the socio-economic well-being of
Muslims in Bengal.

m Rafi Ahmed Kidwai: He was motivated by Sir Syed’s ideas of

education and community upliftment, becoming a prominent leader
and statesman.

Sir Syed’s ability to inspire a wide range of individuals across

generations underscores the enduring impact of his ideas. Through
these inspired individuals, his legacy continued to shape the
preservation of Islam, the empowerment of Muslims, and their survival
in British India. His ideas resonated with diverse leaders and thinkers,
each contributing to the community’s progress in their unique
capacities.
Impact of His Contributions

1. Preservation of Islam and Islamic Thought

Sir Syed’s approach to preserving Islam was not one of isolation but of
adaptation. His emphasis on reinterpreting Islamic teachings in the
light of modern circumstances showcased his belief that Islam’s core
values could coexist with modernity. By advocating critical thinking
and embracing scientific knowledge, he ensured that Islamic thought
remained relevant and in harmony with the contemporary world. His
writings and lectures bridged the gap between traditional Islamic
teachings and the advancements of the time, fostering a dynamic
Islamic discourse that continues to influence scholars and thinkers
today.

2. Survival of British Indian Muslims

Sir Syed’s most notable contribution lay in charting a roadmap for the
survival and progress of British Indian Muslims in the face of
marginalization and socio-political challenges. Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan
authored a comprehensive book to pinpoint the real causes of the 1857
Rebellion and try to dispel the myth that it was the Indian Muslims
who were to blame for this revolt

His scientific society issued a bi-lingual journal named Aligarh

Institute Gazette to wash away the misconceptions between Muslims
and the British government and bring them closer to each other.
His advocacy for political engagement with British rulers, the pursuit
of modern education, and the promotion of English language
proficiency empowered Muslims to navigate the colonial system and
secure positions of influence. His vision ensured that Muslims were not
relegated to the periphery of British Indian society but actively
participated in governance and administration.

3. Fostering Education and Modernization

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan recognized that education was vital for the
progress of Muslims in India. He emphasized the importance of
Western education alongside Islamic education. In 1875, he founded
the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in Aligarh, which later
became the Aligarh Muslim University. This institution aimed to
provide modern education while preserving Islamic values. It played a
crucial role in producing a new generation of educated Muslim
professionals.

Sir Syed’s establishment of educational institutions, including the

Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College (later Aligarh Muslim
University), revolutionized Muslim education. By combining Western
education with Islamic teachings, he empowered Muslims with the
skills needed to thrive in a changing world. This focus on education
transcended religious boundaries, contributing to the intellectual
development of society.

4. Cultural and Language Identity

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was an influential writer and poet in Urdu.
Through his literary works, he sought to address social and religious
issues. He used Urdu as a medium to communicate his ideas effectively
to a wider audience and played a significant role in the development
and promotion of Urdu literature. Sir Syed’s promotion of Urdu as a
unifying language helped preserve the cultural identity of Muslims.
Urdu became a symbol of unity, transcending regional and linguistic
differences within the community. His efforts prevented cultural
assimilation and maintained a distinct Muslim identity.

5. Practical Morality and Interfaith Dialogue:

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan promoted interfaith dialogue and harmony

between Muslims and Hindus. He believed in the importance of
mutual understanding and cooperation among different religious
communities in India. He actively worked towards fostering peaceful
relations and minimizing religious tensions.

Sir Syed’s advocacy for practical morality and interfaith dialogue laid
the foundation for harmonious coexistence among religious
communities. His belief in the shared ethical values of different
religions contributed to an environment of tolerance and
understanding, essential for a diverse society like India.

6. Social Reforms
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s reforms extended beyond education. He
advocated for social and cultural changes that would help Muslims
adapt to the evolving socio-political landscape. He emphasized the
importance of rationality, scientific inquiry, and critical thinking
within the framework of Islamic teachings. He also promoted the
learning of English and other modern subjects to enhance
employability and socio-political participation. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan
emphasized the need for a rational and progressive interpretation of
Islam. He sought to dispel misconceptions and superstitions that
hindered Muslim progress. He advocated for reforms within the
Muslim community, encouraging critical thinking and a broader
understanding of Islamic teachings.

Conclusions

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s contributions were wide-ranging and

impactful. His vision for Muslims to adapt to the realities of British
India while preserving their identity ensured their survival and
progress. His efforts in education, re-interpreting Islamic thought,
promoting cultural unity, and advocating political engagement left a
legacy that not only influenced his contemporaries but also continues
to shape the trajectory of modern Muslim thought and empowerment.

Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s contributions laid the foundation for the
intellectual and educational revival of Muslims in India. His ideas and
efforts continue to shape the discourse on modern education, interfaith
dialogue, and social reforms within the Muslim community in India
and beyond.

Aligarh Movement: Genesis

and Significance
Introduction

The Aligarh Movement is the name given to the socio-cultural

movement initiated by the British Indian Muslim elite to uplift the
Muslim population of British India, during the later decades of the
19th century. The movement’s name derives from the fact that its core
and origins lay in the city of Aligarh in Northern India, particularly
with the foundation of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in
1875.

Over a period of time, this educational institution, which later became

Aligarh University, served as a role model for the establishment of
similar institutions throughout British India. It also created a critical
mass of educated and enlightened Muslim leaders who later
spearheaded social, economic, and political movements in India. It
established a base, and an impetus for the Indian Muslim Renaissance
that had profound implications for the religion, politics, culture, and
society of the Indian subcontinent.
History

Although the 1857 uprising was a common struggle among the Indians,
the ultimate blame for this event was laid on Muslim’s shoulders. They
were singled out, individually and collectively, by the English for
retribution, which ranged from personal persecution to outright denial
or limited access to economic opportunities, social esteem, and
political participation for two decades after the uprising.

This blatant discrimination against Indian Muslims inevitably resulted

in dividing them into three groups: Islamists, loyalists, and moderates.

Islamists ascribed the fall of the Mughal Empire to the Muslims'

deviation from their religion, advised aloofness from mainstream
social and political life for Muslims, and tried to revive the old Islamic
spirit of jihad through religious education.

However, the other two groups correctly understood the fundamental

reason for the downfall of the Indian Muslim ascendency; their
educational backwardness. Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan symbolised this
thought process. Blaming the prevailing education system for the
degrading state of Muslim society, he initiated a movement for the
intellectual, educational, social, and cultural regeneration of Indian
Muslims.

Aims and Objectives

Initially, the main focus of the Aligarh movement was on four issues,
namely

1. Removing Misgivings: creating goodwill among the British

rulers by showing Indian Muslims as loyal subjects like
Hindus. He therefore advocated aloofness from politics
among the British Indian Muslims, believing that active
participation in politics at the time would invite the
government’s hostility toward the Muslim masses.
2. Modern Education: Muslims should first focus on
education and employment to catch up with their Hindu
counterparts, who had a head start. Socioeconomic
emancipation of Indian Muslims by persuading them to learn
Western education besides traditional education is the only
way to survive. He sought to reconcile Western scientific
education with Quranic teachings, which were to be
interpreted in light of contemporary rationalism and science,
despite his belief that the Quran was the ultimate authority.
3. Separate Identity: They wished to instill in Muslims a
distinct socio-cultural identity along modern lines. Keeping
the separate identity of British Indian Muslims by making
them proud of their Muslim heritage in India, preserving.
Muslim cultural practices, adopting Urdu as their language,
and keeping them away from politics until they are not ready
for it.
 4. Social Reforms: Besides imparting modern education
among Indian Muslims without undermining their allegiance
to Islam, the Aligarh movement was a social reform
movement among Muslims concerning purdah, polygamy,
widow remarriage, women’s education, slavery, divorce, and
other issues. He also worked to improve women’s status
through better education, opposition to purdah and
polygamy, support for easy divorce, and condemnation of the
Piri and muridi systems.

Thus, the allegations levelled against the Aligarh Movement as being a

British-sponsored initiative are not valid. It was a short-term strategy
to survive in difficult circumstances and prepare them for the big battle
in the long term.

Main Ideas of Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan

We cannot understand the nature of the Aligarh Movement without

understanding the ideas and beliefs of its founder, Sir Sayed Ahmed
Khan

1. He stated that religion must be adaptable over time or it will

become fossilized, and that religious tenets are not
immutable.
2. He advocated for a critical approach and freedom of thought,
rather than total reliance on tradition or custom.
 3. Syed Ahmad Khan was a firm believer in the fundamental
underlying unity of religions, also known as ‘practical
morality.’
4. He also preached the fundamental similarity between Hindu
and Muslim interests.
5. The movement’s ideology was based on a liberal
interpretation of the Quran, and they sought to reconcile
Islam with modern liberal culture.

Actions and Initiatives taken

1. Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan authored a comprehensive book to

pinpoint the real causes of the 1857 Rebellion and try to dispel
the myth that it was the Indian Muslims who were to blame
for this revolt
2. His scientific society issued a bi-lingual journal named
Aligarh Institute Gazette to wash away the misconceptions
between Muslims and the British government and bring them
closer to each other.
3. He also wrote about the contributions of Indian Muslims to
the enrichment of Indian culture and society.
4. In 1859, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan set up a school for Muslims in
Muradabad where English, Persian, Islamiat, Arabic, and
Urdu were compulsory subjects.
5. In 1862, he established another school for Muslims at
Ghazipur, known as Madrassa Ghazipur. Here, English,
 Arabic, Persian, Urdu, and Islamiyat were compulsory
subjects.
6. In 1864, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan laid the foundation of a
scientific society at Ghazipur to translate English books into
the Urdu language
7. To closely watch the educational system of England, Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan accompanied his son, Syed Mehmud, to
England in 1869 and stayed there for seventeen months,
studying English educational institutions like Oxford and
Cambridge Universities.
8. Later, after his return to India, he toured across the country
and collected funds for the establishment of a college as a
model
9. In 1875, Sir Syed established the Mohammedan Anglo-
Oriental School at Aligarh, which was upgraded to the level of
a college after two years.
10. Inaugurated by Lord Lytton, the main characteristic of this
college was that it offered both Western and Eastern
education. Later on, this college was raised to the level of a
university, after the death of Sir Syed in 1920.

Why and who opposed the Aligarh Movement?

The Aligarh Movement was opposed by traditionalists such as Pandit

Ratan Nath Sarshar, Munshi Sajjad Hussain, and Akbar Allahabadi.
They blamed Sir Syed for promoting Western ethics and customs
among the Muslims.

The Deoband school was also opposed to the Aligarh Movement,

alleging that it was not only dividing the Indian Muslims but also
making them secular

He was also opposed by Pan-Islamist thinker and activist Jamāl al-Dīn

al-Afghānī who thought that the Aligarh alumni were too focused on
Indian Muslims, neglecting the greater cause of Muslims

Impact

The Aligarh Movement has made a weighty and lasting contribution to

the political emancipation of Indian Muslims. The movement had a
profound impact on Indian society, mainly Muslim society, compared
to the other powerful but less adaptable movements of the 19th
century.

1. Saving Indian Muslims

Suppose the religious scholars teaching in the Madrassas were the ones
who saved Islam from its banishment from the Subcontinent in the
period following the 1857 Rebellion. In that case, saving Indian
Muslims from extreme persecution at the hands of the British is due to
the leaders and workers produced by the Aligarh Movement.
It is anybody’s guess what would have happened to the Indian Muslims
if visionaries like Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan and his colleagues had not
come forward to build bridges between them. On the other hand, they
convinced the British about the good wishes of the Indian Muslims,
and they also tried their best to ensure the mainstreaming of the
Indian Muslims by persuading them to learn Western education

2. Multi-dimensional Impact

It influenced several other contemporary movements to the extent that

it caused the emergence of other socio-religious movements during the
19th century. The Aligarh Movement introduced a new trend in Urdu
literature. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and his associates left the old style of
writing in the Urdu language, which was rhetorical and academic, and
started a simple style that helped Muslims understand the main
purpose of the movement. By the early 1900s, the Aligarh Movement
had become the progenitor of several socio-religious movements; the
Khilafat Movement and the Pakistan Movement are the two most
obvious offshoots of the Aligarh Movement

3. Geographical Spread

The impact of the Aligarh Movement was not confined to Northern

India only; its expansion could be seen in other regions of the Indian
sub-continent during the 20th century. The annual Educational
Conferences held in different parts of the country played an effective
role in the promotion of education among Muslims and directly or
indirectly influenced the growth of institutes like Aligarh Muslim
University, Osmania University, Dacca University, Anjuman-i-Tarqqi
Urdu, Jamia Millia Islamia, Dar-ul-Uloom Nadva, Lucknow, and Dar-
ul-Musannfafin, Azamgarh

4. Khilafat Movement

The Khilafat Movement was the first mass mobilisation of the Indian
people for their political rights. And who were the people who
launched, and steered this movement—students and alumni of Aligarh
University!

5. Pakistan Movement

Pakistan owes its creation to multiple factors, but the main credit must
be given to those hundreds and thousands of old students of Aligarh
University who spread in every nook and corner of British India to
create consumers about Pakistan and a support base. And who was
leading this campaign? The majority were associated with Aligarh in
one form or another. That is why Quaid-e-Azam used to spend so much
time with the students of Aligarh University.
Partition of Bengal:
Significance in Pakistan
Movement
Introduction

Announced on July 19, 1905, the Partition of Bengal was the territorial
reorganization of the Bengal Presidency of British India by Lord
Curzon, the then Viceroy of India. While partitioning Bengal into two
new provinces of manageable size — East and West Bengal—Lord
Curzon, known for administrative efficiency, was not specifically
aiming to divide Hindus from Muslims. However, it so happened that
the new province of East Bengal, with a population of thirty million
and Dacca as its capital, became a Muslim-majority province. On the
other hand, West Bengal with a population of 54 million and Calcutta
as its capital, turned out to be a Hindu-majority province

Apparently, it was done for administrative convenience, yet it did have

socio-political and economic motives. Consequently, its political fallout
resulted in its annulment in 1911.

Reasons for Partition of Bengal

There were several reasons for carrying out the partition of this
province.

1. Administrative Justification: Extending over 1,89, 000

square miles with a population of 80 million, this largest
province of British India, comprising Bengal, Behar, and
Orissa, was under the control of one lieutenant Governor. It
was simply impossible for him to govern it effectively and
efficiently; no lieutenant governor was able to take a tour of
the whole province due to its vastness even once in his tenure.
These administrative difficulties were compounded by the
paucity of limited sources of communication in the provinces
due to rivers and forests. The law and order situation in the
provinces was also worse due to insufficient police and
inefficient management.
2. Natural Division: There were vast ethnic and linguistic
differences between West Bengal and East Bengal. This ethnic
division incidentally coincided with religious affiliations;
while East Bengal was overwhelmingly Muslim, West Bengal
had a Hindu majority. The natives of West Bengal considered
themselves superior in civilization to the residents of East
Bengal.
3. Vested Interests of the British: Besides improving the
effectiveness and efficiency of governance, the division of
Bengal was needed at the time to develop trade in East Bengal
and promote the Port of Chittagong to reduce the costs of
 transporting and exporting raw materials from this part of
India. Similarly, the British rulers of India also had a political
angle to this plan of partitioning Bengal; they had not
forgotten the 1857 uprising that started in Bengal and
engulfed vast areas of British India. To obviate the possibility
of any such event in the future, they thought it prudent to
divide it into two provinces.
4. Mollifying Muslims: After the cataclysmic events of 1857,
the Bengali Muslims suffered the worst kind of economic,
social, and political discrimination for their alleged role in the
uprising. Realising that the pendulum might have gone too far
on the far side, the British decided to mainstream them to
obviate the possibility of any rebellion. The British were not
oblivious to the grave consequences of the marginalisation of
a significant section of society.
5. Bureaucratic Interests: The creation of new districts
always leads to the creation of new posts for the bureaucrats;
creating a whole new province was a bonanza for the British
bureaucracy, who were very enthusiastic supporters of this
partition as they were eyeing the new posts being created to
manage the new province.

Muslims’ Response

With few exceptions, the Partition of Bengal received a favourable

response from the Muslims, who welcomed the Partition of Bengal for
the following reasons:
 1. Economic Advancement: Although Hindus had been
dominant in finance even during Muslim rule, they were able
to occupy the administrative posts after the 1857 War of
Independence. Consequently, the Bengali Muslims were
confident that after getting their own province, they would be
able to progress economically. They would get opportunities
for services and the advancement of agriculture. And it proved
true; by 1911, the position of Bengali Muslims in East Bengal
and Assam had improved. As opposed to one-eighth of the
1,235 higher appointments in 1901, Muslims in 1911 occupied
almost one-fifth of the 2,305 gazetted appointments held by
Indians
2. Socio-cultural Enhancement: The Bengali Muslim elite
was acutely aware of the degradation of their Muslim Bengali
culture. It was being systematically marginalised by Bengali
Hindu culture. The city of Dacca, where Muslims were in the
majority, was the centre of Muslim culture. They, therefore,
thought it was the right step to preserve their cultural heritage
in an independent province.
3. Political Empowerment: They were also hopeful that with
their own province, they would not only be politically
empowered but that their overall position and status would be
enhanced at the national level. Up until then, it was the
Bengali Hindus who represented Bengal at the national level

Hindus Response
While the Bengali Muslims overwhelmingly supported the partition
plan, the Hindus opposed the move tooth and nail for multiple
reasons.

1. Loss of Economic Power: Due to historical reasons, the

Hindus had an exclusive hold on the economic, social, and
political life of the whole of Bengal. Being financially well-off
and economically dominant, the Hindus could not afford to
lose the vastly captured market and the sources of their
wealth easily. Similarly, the Hindu lawyer community raised a
maximum hue and cry because they thought that the new
province would have its own courts, and thus their practice
would be affected. And not to forget the press, which is under
the control of Hindu businessmen. They were afraid that new
newspapers would be established, which would decrease their
income naturally.
2. Plot against Bengali Nationalism: The intellectual elite of
Hindus in West Bengal regarded the partition as an attempt to
strangle nationalism in Bengal, where it was more developed
than elsewhere. They started an organised agitation against
the partition by holding mass meetings, causing rural unrest,
and re-invigorating the Swadeshi (native) movement to
boycott the import of British goods. When the partition was
carried through despite the agitation, the extreme opposition
went underground to form a terrorist movement.
 3. Slippery Slope Argument: They called it a deliberate
attempt by the British Government to curb Bengali
nationalism as a part of overall Indian nationalism. To them,
it was one of the British policies of Divide and Rule, and they
feared that if successful, it would lead to the division of many
other provinces where the situation was almost the same.
Interestingly, Lord Curzon had previously created a separate
Muslim-majority province, the North-West Frontier Province,
out of the united Punjab
4. Opposition for Opposition Sake: The Partition of Bengal
had brightened the possibility of the betterment of Muslims;
keeping in view the acrimonious relations between the two
communities, it was but natural for the Hindu landlords,
capitalists, and traders to shun this prospect of the other
community becoming their equal.

Annulment of the Partition

When Lord Hardinge assumed charge as Governor-General of India,

Hindus again became active and sent a representation to him for the
annulment of the partition of Bengal. He recommended the same to
the British Prime Minister for Indian Affairs. On the occasion of His
Majesty George V's visit to the Subcontinent, and the holding of Darbar
at Delhi on December 12, 1911, the partition of Bengal was cancelled.
The united Bengal was placed under a governor, and Assam was placed
under a Chief Commissioner.
Reasons for the Annulment of the Partition of Bengal

There were several reasons why the British were forced to retract their
plan.

1. Severity of Hindu Opposition: The British were unable to

correctly foresee the severity of the opposition shown by the
Hindus. Lord Curzon who had initiated the plan, was on his
way out; with his ouster, the partition plan lost the support of
its champion
2. Loss of Revenue: When Gandhi re-invigorated the
Sawdeshi movement by boycotting the purchase of British
products, it had a ripple effect down the line in the UK. The
British exporters and manufacturers, seeing the loss of their
profits, started lobbying for the annulment
3. Arrival of King George V: Finally, it was the impending
visit of King George V to India for which the British needed
the cooperation of all the communities. The Congress seized
the initiative and demanded the annulment of the Bengal
Partition as a quid pro quo for their participation in the Delhi
Darbar. The British Indian government had no option but to
bow to their demand

Consequences
Like any momentous event, the Partition of Bengal and its subsequent
annulment had a far-reaching impact on the political landscape of
British India

1. Bengali Muslim Separatism: The Bengali Muslims,

having benefitted from the partition, were angry and
disappointed when the partition was annulled. Although they
had already started considering themselves a separate
nationality after the economic, political, and administrative
discrimination by the British, the annulment of the partition
convinced them that they were a separate nation from the
Hindus, who had wholeheartedly opposed the plan, which was
in favour of Muslims. This resentment remained throughout
the rest of the British period. That is why Bengali Muslims
played such a dominant and leading role in the Pakistan
Movement. The final division of Bengal at the partition of the
subcontinent in 1947, which split Bengal into India in the west
and East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) in the east, can be traced
ultimately to this annulment decision of 1911.
2. Formation of Muslim League: One of the direct
consequences of the annulment of the partition of Bengal was
the need for creating a formal political organisation to not
only counter the Indian National Congress but also to provide
a platform for the Muslims of India to articulate and
aggregate their demands
3. Agitational Politics: This decision was a shattering blow to
Muslims. It left them sullen and disillusioned. Their anger
and indignation had widespread repercussions. The Muslim
leaders and intelligentsia condemned the decision as a
betrayal of the worst kind. Bengali Muslims learnt the
importance of constitutional struggle but also the need to
learn agitational politics, as they realised that ultimately it was
the agitations that resulted in its annulment. That is why
Bengali Muslims were at the forefront of the Pakistan
Movement
4. Accelerated Indian Muslim Separatism: Besides
accelerating Bengali Muslim separatism, the annulment of the
partition of Bengal also led to the acceleration of separatist
tendencies among Indian Muslims. The Muslims of India
appreciated the step and started turning in favour of the
British, but the British soon gave in against the mounting
pressure of Hindus, which helped the Muslims to realize the
importance of standing on their feet and organising
themselves politically. It also affirmed the apprehension of Sir
Syed that the Muslims might submerge in the majority of
Hindus and lose their separate identity
5. Transformed Congress: It began a transformation of the
Indian National Congress from a middle-class pressure group
into a nationwide mass movement. Nationalists all over India
supported the Bengali cause, and were shocked at the British
disregard for public opinion and what they perceived as a
“divide and rule” policy. The protests spread to Bombay,
 Poona, and Punjab. Lord Curzon believed that Congress was
no longer an effective force but provided it with a cause to
rally the public around and gain fresh strength. In ‘Lion and
the Tiger: The Rise and Fall of the British Raj, 1600–1947’,
Denis Judd wrote:

“Curzon had hoped… to bind India permanently to the Raj. Ironically,

his partition of Bengal, and the bitter controversy that followed, did
much to revitalize Congress. Curzon, typically, dismissed the
Congress in 1900 as ‘tottering to its fall’. But he left India with the
Congress more active and effective than at any time in its history.

All India Muslim League,

1906: Genesis and
Significance
Introduction

Founded on December 30, 1906, in Dhaka, the All India Muslim

League was a political organization that aimed to represent the
interests of Indian Muslims during the period of British colonial rule.
Its founding was primarily driven by concerns among British Indian
Muslim elites about their political representation and the protection of
their rights. They felt that the Indian National Congress, which was the
leading organization advocating for independence from British rule,
did not adequately address the specific concerns and interests of the
Muslim community.

The All-India Muslim League played a significant role in the political

landscape of India during the early 20th century. It organized annual
sessions, worked to mobilize Muslim support, and promoted its
political agenda. The league’s efforts contributed to shaping the
political discourse and the eventual partition of India.

Context

Every event has a context, the peculiar situation obtaining on the

ground at that particular moment in history, which gives the specific
causes responsible for that event greater relevance than any other
point in time. Some of the peculiar features of the situation before the
formation of the Muslim League were as follows:

1. Start of Political Reforms in British India

Fearing another “1857-style mutiny,” the new British Crown was forced
to become more liberal and democratic while dealing with the Indians
and provide them with some safety valves through which they could
express their grievances and channel frustration and a sense of
exclusion. It resulted in the first establishment of local government
institutions, and the municipal boards/corporations of Bombay,
Calcutta, and Madras were created.

But this system proved futile, as from 1892 to 1906, not even a single
Muslim representative could secure a seat in the legislative councils, as
the local bodies were also dominated by Hindus, who always voted on
religious grounds. The British Indian Muslim elite was becoming
acutely conscious of this political marginalization of their community
in the new political governance system being introduced by the British
colonialists and was thinking of creating a political organization of
their own.

2. Countering Religious Militancy in Indian Muslims

Although the 1857 uprising was a common struggle among the Indians,
with Hindus playing equally, if not more, than their Muslim
compatriots, it was the British Indian Muslims who were singled out,
individually and collectively, by the English for retribution. This
blatant discrimination against Indian Muslims inevitably resulted in
the creation of three types of classes, each a trendblazer:
Islamists: Islamists, who ascribed the fall of the Mughal Empire to
the Muslims' deviation from their religion, advised aloofness from
mainstream social and political life to Muslims and tried to revive the
old Islamic spirit of jihad through religious education.

Loyalists: Loyalists, to gain material benefits from the victors, openly

sided with the British and perpetuated the strength of the empire for
another 90 years.

Moderates: Moderates who thought that the British were here to stay
for long innings and the violent overthrow was impossible. They,
therefore, advocated the acquisition of modern Western knowledge
and stressed cooperation with the British to safeguard their rights.

Fearing that the first group, namely Islamists, might take over the
leadership of the Indian Muslims using the religious card, the British
encouraged the other two groups to come forward and lead the
Muslims. The Simla Delegation was the start of this policy of inducting
Muslim moderates into the political stream in the same way they had
done with the Hindus by forming the Indian National Congress.

3. Birth of three Separatisms

The 1857 War of Independence led to several trends, of which three are
the most important: Indian nationalism, Indian Muslim separatism,
and its offshoot, Bengali Muslim separatism
· Indian Nationalism: While the Indian Muslims were still in a shell
shock after the 1857 War and the revenge taken by the British, the
Hindu population seized the initiative, became more educated, and
gained lucrative positions in the Indian Civil Service: many ascended to
influential posts in the British government. This economic
empowerment of Hindus led to their collective consciousness of being
the true inheritors of Indian civilization, which led to their intensive
Indianization.

· Indian Muslim Separatism: One of the biggest offshoots of the

1857 uprising was the increased rift between the two major
communities of British India, namely Hindus and Muslims. On the
other side, systematic persecution of Muslims led to their subconscious
development as a separate nation, which led to the creation of Indian
nationalism among the Hindus

· Origins of Muslim Bengali Separatism: Bengal was punished

for its alleged pioneering role in the uprising. Not only was the
economic development of this region neglected, but Bengalis in general
and Bengali Muslims, in particular, were also systematically kept out of
the decision-making processes in Colonial India. It led to the
development of a separate Bengali Muslim nationalism.

While the Indian Hindus got their own political party, namely the
Indian National Congress, the British Indian Muslims realized the
need for a similar organization to safeguard their national interests.
4. Partisan Attitude of Indian National Congress

Although claiming to represent all Indian nationalities, Congress

turned out to be a predominantly Indian Hindu organization. From the
very start of its existence, the Congress had shown a clear interest in
safeguarding the rights of Hindus, alone. Some of the Congress leaders
adopted a revolutionary policy to establish a Hindu Raj in the sub-
continent under the guise of a national movement. The Muslims of
India were greatly disappointed by the anti-Muslim stance that
Congress seemed to have adopted.

5. Partition of Bengal/Urdu-Hindi Controversy

The events following the partition of Bengal and the Urdu-Hindu

controversy strengthened the desire of the Muslims to organize
themselves politically as a separate community. The Urdu-Hindu
controversy began with the demand of Hindus to replace Urdu with
Hindi as an official language in Deva Nagari Script. Sir Anthony
Macdonal, the then Governor of UP, ousted Urdu from public offices.
Congress sided with Hindi and supported the movement against Urdu,
and there was no other political party to support Urdu.

6. The Evolution of Minto Marley Reforms

The turning point came in the summer of 1906, during John Morley’s
budget speech, in which he hinted at constitutional reforms. At that
time, Muslims did not have a political platform to demand their share.
It was reasserted that they wanted a separate political platform.

7. The Success of Shimla Deputation

The Shimla Delegation was the first formal effort by the Indian Muslim
elite to safeguard the interests of their community by presenting their
demands to the highest authority in British India. It became essential
for Muslims to establish a political party of their own when Minto
offered the fullest sympathy to Muslim demands. The success of the
delegation compelled the Muslims to have a separate political
association of their own.

Course

A resolution to form the All-India Muslim League was passed by

Nawab Salimullah Khan and seconded by Hakim Ajmal Khan,
Maulana Muhammad Ali, and Moulana Zafar Ali. The resolution was
passed by the All-India Educational Conference on December 30,
1906. A committee was formed to prepare its draft constitution. Sir
Agha Khan was appointed as President and Syed Hassan Balgrami was
appointed Secretary, while Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Nawab Viqar-
ul-Mulk were made joint secretaries with six Vice Presidents, and a
Central Committee with forty Members was also constituted. In this
way, the Muslim League was established and became the sole
representative of Muslims.
The Muslim League laid out the following points as its objectives.

1. To create among Muslims feelings of loyalty towards the

British Government and to remove misconceptions and
suspicions.
2. To Safeguard the political rights of Muslims and bring them to
the attention of the Government.
3. To prevent, among Muslims, the rise of prejudicial feelings
against the other communities of India.

The first session of the all-India Muslim League was held in Karachi on
December 29, 1907, and was presided over by Adamji Peer Bhai.

It was felt from the beginning that the All-India Muslim League would
not achieve considerable success without winning the British public's
support. Therefore, Syed Ameer Ali organized the branch of the
Muslim League in London.

Impact

1. First Formal Political Platform for British Indian Muslims

Every political party is formed with the following objectives in mind:

· Interest Articulation: Interest articulation refers to the process
whereby the demands of the various interest groups in society are
formulated and expressed in the form of a desired plan of action.

· Interest Aggregation: Interest aggregation refers to sorting out the

diverse and often conflicting demands of various interest groups and
making compromises.

· Political Socialisation: Political socialisation is the process of

educating the masses about the rules of the political game, their
constitutional rights, and their responsibilities under the law of the
land.

· Political Recruitment: To recruit men of integrity, letters, action,

and leadership to its fold as members and prepare them for election in
the future and to reach the higher echelons of power.

· Feedback: Keeping the government in power about the reaction of

the public to its various policies and actions, a watchdog function

The Indian National Congress (INC) was formed in 1885 with the aim
of seeking political rights and representation for Indians under British
colonial rule. Similarly, the All India Muslim League was the first
formally organized political platform representing the geographical
and cross-sectional representation of the British Indian Muslims to
articulate the demands of the British Muslims and present them to the
higher authorities as a sole representative. Because of its high-profile
leadership and mass following, it was difficult for the British
Government, British Indian Government, India, and other parties to
ignore the demands they were making

2. Vanguard of Pakistan Movement

Keeping in view the historical context of Hindu-Muslim rivalry in the

Sub-continent, Pakistan was an inevitability, but the way it was created
by launching a constitutional movement, all credit goes to the Muslim
League. In contrast, keep in mind the way other countries, particularly
in Africa, got their independence. From the day the Muslim delegation
won recognition of the demand for a separate electorate, the course of
the Muslim freedom struggle was charted. The Muslim League became
a mass movement of Muslims and succeeded in achieving Pakistan in
1947.

3. Leadership Funnel

Like any other political party, the Muslim League was instrumental in
the political socialization of the British Indian Muslims as well as in
recruiting and training the political leadership for the running of a
state. It was the Muslim League that helped produce the bulk of the
leadership, which not only created Pakistan but also helped steer the
new country after its formation.
Shimla Deputation:
Genesis and Significance
Introduction

The Shimla Deputation refers to the meeting held between the

Governor General and Viceroy of British India, Lord Minto, and the
representatives of Indian Muslims in Shimla on October 1, 1906. The
deputation aimed to win the sympathies of the Raj relating to their
interests as a community.

Context

Every event has a context, the peculiar situation obtained on the

ground at that moment in history, which gives the specific causes
responsible for that event greater relevance than at any other point in
time. Without understanding this context, it is not possible to
determine the relative significance or otherwise of these specific
events.

Some of the peculiar features of the situation before Simla's

Deputation can be

1. Start of Political Reforms

Fearing another “mutiny”, the new British Crown was forced to become
more liberal and democratic while dealing with the Indians and
provide them with some safety valves through which they could
express their grievances and channel frustration and a sense of
exclusion. It resulted in the first establishment of local government
institutions, and the municipal boards/corporations of Bombay,
Calcutta, and Madras were created.

But this system proved totally futile, as from 1892 to 1906, not even a
single Muslim representative could secure a seat in the legislative
councils, as the local bodies were also dominated by Hindus, who
always voted on religious grounds.

Simla Delegation was the first formal effort by the Indian Muslim elite
to safeguard the interests of their community by presenting their
demands to the highest authority in British India

2. Countering Religious Militancy in Indian Muslims

Although the 1857 uprising was a common struggle among the Indians,
with Hindus playing an equal, if not greater, role in toppling the
government than their Muslim compatriots, the ultimate blame for this
event was put on Muslim’s shoulders. They were singled out,
individually and collectively, by the English for retribution. This
blatant discrimination against Indian Muslims inevitably resulted in
the creation of three types of classes, each a trendblazer:
a. Islamists: Islamists, who ascribed the fall of the Mughal Empire to
the Muslims' deviation from their religion, advised aloofness from
mainstream social and political life for Muslims and tried to revive the
old Islamic spirit of jihad through religious education.

b. Loyalists: Loyalists, to gain material benefits from the victors,

openly sided with the British and perpetuated the strength of the
empire for another 90 years.

c. Moderates: Moderates who thought that the British were here to

stay for long innings and that violent overthrow was impossible. They,
therefore, advocated the acquisition of modern Western knowledge
and stressed cooperation with the British to safeguard their rights.

Fearing that the first group, namely Islamists, might take over the
leadership of the Indian Muslims using the religious card, the British
encouraged the other two groups to come forward and lead the
Muslims.

The Simla Delegation was the start of this policy of inducting Muslim
moderates into the political stream in the same way they had done with
the Hindus by forming the Indian National Congress.

3. Birth of three Separatisms

The 1857 War of Independence led to several trends, of which three are
the most important: Indian nationalism, Indian Muslim separatism,
and its offshoot, Bengali Muslim separatism

a. Hindu Nationalism: As a result of Lord Macaulay’s educational

reforms, the English language had become not only the medium of
instruction but also the official language in 1835 in place of Persian,
disadvantaging those who had built their careers around the latter
language. While the Indian Muslims were still in a shell shock after the
1857 War and the revenge taken by the British, the Hindu population
seized the initiative, became more educated, and gained lucrative
positions in the Indian Civil Service: many ascended to influential
posts in the British government. This economic empowerment of
Hindus led to their collective consciousness of being the true inheritors
of Indian civilization, which led to their intensive Indianization.

b. Indian Muslim Separatism: One of the biggest offshoots of the

1857 uprising was the increased rift between the two major
communities of British India, namely Hindus and Muslims. On the
other side, systematic persecution of Muslims led to their subconscious
development as a separate nation. It led to the creation of Indian
nationalism among the Hindus, while The Indian Muslims started
considering them a separate nation. One of the biggest offshoots of the
1857 uprising was the increased rift between the two major
communities of British India, namely Hindus and Muslims.
c. Muslim Bengali Separatism: Bengal was punished for its alleged
pioneering role in the uprising. Not only was the economic
development of this region neglected, but Bengalis in general and
Bengali Muslims, in particular, were also systematically kept out of the
decision-making processes in Colonial India after the cataclysmic
events of 1857, while regions and nationalities of northern India, which
played the decisive role in crushing the rebellion, got very preferential
treatment in their representation in institutions responsible for policy
formulation and implementation. Resultantly, East Bengal remained a
comparatively underdeveloped region, and Bengali Muslims had scant
representation in state organs like the armed forces, law enforcement
agencies, civilian bureaucracy, etc. during the colonial period. Pakistan
inherited this vast disparity—a legacy that ultimately led to the
separation of East Pakistan from its Western wing for 100 years.

4. Social Re-engineering of Indian Society

To punish the disloyal families, besides the mass execution of their

male members, all the properties of these families were confiscated
and made paupers. On the other hand, those who remained loyal to the
British were generously rewarded. Over some time, those who were
rewarded became the social and political elite of India and later the
ruling elite of the independent states of India and Pakistan. Out of the
marginalized underclass emerged the fundamentalists in all three
major communities of India.
Demands made by the Shimla DeputationDemands made by
the Shimla Deputation

The Shimla Deputation, led by Aga Khan and other Muslim leaders,
met with Viceroy Lord Minto on October 6, 1905, and presented a set
of demands. The demands centred around protecting the interests and
political representation of the Muslim community in the changing
political landscape of British India. The key demands made by the
Shimla Deputation were:

1. Separate Electorates: The most significant demand was

for separate electorates for Muslims. They sought the
establishment of a system where Muslims could vote for their
own representatives in elections, ensuring that Muslim
interests and concerns were adequately represented in
legislative bodies. This would effectively give Muslims a
distinct political voice.
2. Weightage: The delegation also demanded “weightage” or
reserved seats for Muslims in legislatures. This meant that
even in constituencies where Muslims were in the minority,
they would have a certain number of seats reserved for them,
ensuring their presence in legislative bodies.
3. Protection of Muslim Interests: The Shimla Deputation
expressed concerns about the potential loss of political power
and influence for the Muslim community due to the proposed
reforms. They emphasized the importance of protecting the
 rights and interests of Muslims, particularly in the context of
the recently partitioned province of Bengal.
4. Administrative Representation: In addition to political
representation, the delegation also sought adequate
representation of Muslims in administrative and
governmental positions. They wanted to ensure that Muslims
had a fair share of positions in the bureaucracy and other
administrative bodies.
5. Religious and Cultural Autonomy: The delegation
expressed concerns about the cultural and religious autonomy
of Muslims. They wanted assurances that their religious
practices, institutions, and educational facilities would be
protected and respected.

The Viceroy, recognizing the importance of addressing the concerns of

various communities, was receptive to the demands of the Muslim
League.

Significance of the Shimla Delegation

The Shimla Deputation occupies a very important place in the history

of modern Muslim India.

1. For the first time, the Hindu-Muslim conflict was lifted to the
constitutional plane. The rift in society was now to be
translated into legal and political institutions.
2. The Muslims had made it clear that they had no confidence in
the Hindu majority, and that they were not prepared to put
their future in the hands of assemblies elected on the
assumption of a homogeneous Indian nation. By implication,
they rejected the idea of a single Indian nation on the grounds
that the minority could not trust the majority.
3. From this, it was but a short step to demanding a separate
state for the Muslims of India In this sense, the beginnings of
separate electorates may be seen as the glimmerings of the
two-nation theory. The significance of the Shimla demand lay
in the reservations that the Muslims had about their Indian
nationality
Minto-Morley Reforms of
1909: Genesis and
Significance
Introduction

The Minto-Morley Reforms, also known as the Indian Councils Act of

1909 or the Morley-Minto Reforms, were a significant series of
constitutional reforms implemented by the British colonial
administration in India. These reforms were the follow-up to the
deliberations held in 1908/09 between Lord Minto, Viceroy of India,
and Lord Minto, Secretary of State for India, for preparing
constitutional proposals to grant greater autonomy to India. These
deliberations later formed the basis of the 1909 Act

They were introduced against the backdrop of growing political unrest,

demands for increased representation, and the need for the British
government to address the evolving socio-political landscape of India.

Context

1. Genuine British desire for greater Autonomy for India

Although the British came to India as a colonial power, they always had
the view that one day they would have to leave it and wanted to leave a
lasting legacy. One of the legacies they wanted to leave was the British
form of representative government. Thus, soon after assuming direct
rule, the British Government began introducing piecemeal
constitutional reforms. The time had come to increase the range of
these reforms

2. Growing Demands by Indian Nationalists for Greater

Autonomy

By the early 20th century, Indian nationalism and demands for self-
governance were gaining momentum. The British government
recognized the need to accommodate Indian aspirations while
maintaining British control. The INC and other political organizations
had been pushing for political representation and participation in
governance. The Muslim League, formed in 1906, also demanded
safeguards for Muslim interests.

3. Providing greater Space to Moderates

The introduction of the constitutional reforms of 1909 in India was

significantly influenced by the lingering memory of the 1857 War of
Independence, a historical event that had left a profound impact on
British colonial rulers. Recognizing that the events of 1857 were partly
fuelled by discontent and grievances among the Indian population, the
British aimed to counter this by providing greater political space for
both Hindus and Muslims, who were primarily represented by
moderate voices. They hoped to divert leadership away from the more
militant and radical elements and to channel the energies of Indian
leaders towards peaceful and incremental changes within the
framework of British rule,

4. Shimla Deputation Agreement

By 1909, political turmoil and unrest prevailed in India because

Congress’s activities convinced the British Indian Muslims to believe
that Congress was actively striving for the Hindu cause. This was
reinforced when an extremist Hindu organization “Hindu Mahasabha”
also emerged, which propagated prejudicial concepts of Indian
nationalism. Consequently, to protect their interests, they formed a
deputation that met with the Viceroy of India, Lord Minto, in October
1905 and presented their demand for separate electorates for the
British Indian Muslims with weightage. Realizing the genuineness of
their grievances, the British Government decided to introduce political
reforms to ease the political tension and turmoil in India.

Course

The British Government, at the Golden Jubilee of King Edward in

1908, announced that it desired to see democracy flourish in India. The
Viceroy, Lord Minto, was assigned the task of preparing a draft Bill for
Constitutional reforms in collaboration with Lord Morley, the
Secretary of State of India. In 1909, the Bill was approved by the
British Parliament and the Royal Family and became known as the
Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909.

Key features of the reforms

The three most significant features of the Minto-Morley Reforms of

1909 were as follows:

1. Increased Legislative Councils: The reforms expanded

the legislative councils at both the central (Imperial) and
provincial levels. The central council was enlarged to include
additional members, some of whom were indirectly elected by
various interest groups. The provincial councils were also
expanded, allowing for more Indians to participate in
legislative processes.
2. Separate Electorates: One of the most significant aspects
of the reforms was the introduction of separate electorates for
Muslims. This was in response to the demands of the Muslim
League and aimed to ensure that Muslim interests were
adequately represented in the legislative councils. Muslims
could now elect their own representatives exclusively, leading
to communal representation.
3. Nomination of Non-Officials: The Viceroy gained the
power to nominate non-official members to the legislative
councils. This was intended to ensure that influential voices,
 often aligned with British interests, were part of the legislative
process.

Consequences

Minto-Morly Reforms occupy a special position in the long history of

the Indian independence movement for the following reasons:

1. Milestone of Political Development: The Minto-Morley

reforms were not free from defects, such as the fact that they
did not provide for a process for electing representatives and
that voting rights were squeezed, which increased
dissatisfaction among the electorate. Also, the nominated
members remained in the majority in the councils, which gave
power to the British Government and its nominated
people. Despite the flaws, the Minto-Morley reforms
introduced the system of elections in India, which resulted in
creating political awareness among the Indian people.
2. Separate Electorate Formalised: The acceptance of
Muslims’ demand for a separate electorate was the first major
victory of the moderate Muslim elite of India, which enhanced
their political importance and significance in the eyes of
Hindus and the British. Henceforth, the movement for an
independent state for the British Indian Muslims was to be
led by the moderates and not by the militants. The demand
for a separate electorate paved the way for the Muslim
 struggle, which culminated in the formation of Pakistan in
1947.
3. Communal Representation: The introduction of separate
electorates marked a shift in Indian politics, setting a
precedent for communal representation. This played a role in
shaping the political landscape and dynamics in the years
leading up to independence.
4. Political Education: The limited opportunity for
participation in legislative councils prompted some Indian
leaders to engage with formal political processes and learn the
workings of the government, setting the stage for future
political mobilization.
5. Precursor to Further Reforms: The Minto-Morley
Reforms were a precursor to more significant constitutional
changes, including the Government of India Act of 1919,
which expanded the legislative councils and granted some
degree of provincial autonomy.

Conclusion

The Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909 were a response to growing

political demands in India, aimed at providing limited representation
to Indians while maintaining British control. These reforms, though
significant, were not comprehensive and had complex consequences
for Indian politics, particularly in terms of communal representation
and the path toward eventual self-governance.
The Lucknow Pact:
Context and Consequences
Introduction

The Lucknow Pact was an agreement reached between the Indian

National Congress and the Muslim League (AIML) at a joint session of
both parties held in Lucknow in December 1916. It was adopted by
Congress at its Lucknow session on December 29 and by the Muslim
League on December 31, 1916. Bal Gangadhar Tilak represented
Congress while framing the deal, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah (who was
part of both Congress and the Muslim League in 1916) participated in
this event

Context

The Lucknow Pact should be seen in the backdrop of the following:

1. Change of mind in INC Leadership: The origins of the

Lucknow Pact can be traced back to the annulment of the
partition of Bengal in 1911. The decision to partition Bengal
initially provoked widespread protests, spearheaded by the
Indian National Congress. In response to public sentiment
and political pressure, the British government revoked the
partition. The success of its agitational politics galvanised the
 Indian National Congress, which now started pressing the
British Government for greater self-government. However, its
leadership realised that without coopting the British Indian
Muslims, it could not succeed in its demand for political
representation and self-governance. This change of mind was
the most important reason for the Lucknow Pact
2. British Taunt: When pressed by Congress for greater
political autonomy for India, the British replied that there was
no unity among the Indians regarding the nature and quantity
of autonomy they were demanding. This taunt that Indians
were divided and could not agree on a plan galvanized both
parties to put aside their differences and come up with an
agreed-upon charter of demands.
3. Muslim League’s Desire: The Partition of Bengal also
changed the mindset of the leadership of the All-India Muslim
League. After its failure to stop the annulment of the Partition
of Bengal, and a decade of solo flight, its leadership realized
that it could not achieve much and decided to work with other
parties to achieve its objectives.
4. Personalities: Both, Congress and the Muslim League, were
dominated by two powerful nationalist personalities.
Mohammed Ali Jinnah and Bal Ganga Dhar Tilk were staunch
nationalists, believing that Hindu-Muslim unity was the only
way to get independence. For his efforts, Sarojini Naidu gave
Jinnah the title ‘the Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. Bal
Gangadhar Tilak, who was released from prison in 1914,
injected fresh energy into the nationalist movement. Tilak’s
 efforts to bridge the gap between the Congress and the
Muslim League, along with his advocacy for a united political
front, were instrumental in the lead-up to the Lucknow Pact.
5. Start of WW1: The backdrop of World War I (1914–1918)
further added impetus to the political developments. The war
had diverted the British government’s attention and
resources, causing it to seek Indian support. The Congress,
realizing the strategic opportunity, decided to put its
differences with the Muslim League aside and seek a common
ground to present a united demand for self-governance to the
British authorities. The British government, preoccupied with
the war effort, was compelled to consider Indian aspirations
more seriously to secure Indian support.

Genesis and Negotiations:

The negotiations for the Lucknow Pact were facilitated by prominent

leaders from both the Congress and the Muslim League. On the
Congress side, leaders like Annie Besant and Bal Gangadhar Tilak were
instrumental, while on the Muslim League side, Mohammad Ali
Jinnah played a crucial role.

The key points of the Lucknow Pact were:

1. Increase in Representation: The pact demanded an

increase in the number of elected members in the Imperial
 Legislative Council and provincial councils. This move aimed
to enhance Indian participation in the legislative process,
giving them a greater role in decision-making.
2. Separate Electorates: The pact also ensured separate
electorates for Muslims, safeguarding their political
representation and interests.
3. Weightage for Muslims: Muslims were granted weightage
in provinces where they were a minority, to ensure fair
representation.
4. Responsible Government: The pact underscored the
demand for self-governance, with a responsible government
in the provinces, emphasizing the importance of accountable
administration.

Response of the British Government

The British government, eager to secure Indian support during World

War I, acknowledged the political aspirations of Indians to a certain
extent. This response indicated a shift in colonial policy and laid the
groundwork for future negotiations on constitutional reforms. The
Lucknow Pact resulted in greater pressure on the British to grant more
autonomy to India, leading to the 1919 reforms. After the Lucknow
Pact, both parties presented some common demands to the British.
They demanded:

1. Self-government in India.
 2. Abolition of the Indian Council.
3. Separation of the executive from the judiciary.
4. Salaries of the Secretary of State for Indian Affairs are to be
paid from British coffers and not Indian funds.
5. 1/3rd representation to be given to Muslims in the Central
Government.
6. The number of Muslims in the provincial legislatures is to be
laid down for each province.
7. Separate electorates for all communities until a joint
electorate is demanded by all.
8. Introduction of a system of weightage for minority
representation (it implied giving minorities more
representation than their share in the population).
9. Increasing the term of the Legislative Council to 5 years.
10. Half the members of the Imperial Legislative Council were
Indians.
11.All elected members are to be elected directly based on the
adult franchise. 4/5ths of the members of the provincial
legislatures are to be elected and 1/5th to be nominated.
12. Members of the Legislative Council elect their President
themselves.

The British government, eager to secure Indian support during World

War I, acknowledged the political aspirations of Indians to a certain
extent. This response indicated a shift in colonial policy and laid the
groundwork for future negotiations on constitutional reforms. Except
for the provision for the central executive, these proposals were largely
embodied in the Government of India Act of 1919.

Significance of the Lucknow Pact

The Lucknow Pact is a historic agreement in the annals of the Indian

freedom struggle, representing a significant milestone in the country’s
quest for self-governance and political representation. The pact
marked a rare instance of cooperation between these two major
political parties, transcending religious and ideological differences to
present a united front against British colonial rule.

1. Formal Acceptance of Two Nation Theory by

Congress The Congress agreed to three major demands of
the Muslim League: separate electorates for Muslims in
electing representatives to the Imperial and Provincial
Legislative Councils. Although Muslims were given this right
in the Indian Council Act of 1909, the Indian National
Congress opposed it.
2. Fair Representation of Muslims: The Congress also
agreed to the idea of one-third of seats for Muslims in the
Councils, even though the Muslim population represented less
than a third.
3. Veto Right for Muslims: Congress agreed that no act
affecting a community should be passed unless three-quarters
of that community’s members on the council supported it
4. Muslim League Emerged as the National Party: The
Muslim League agreed with the Congress for greater
autonomy for India. The pact was important in that it not only
enhanced the League’s power in Indian politics but also
catapulted moderate and western-educated British Indian
Muslim elite into mainstream leadership
5. Reduction in Majority Provinces: The Muslim League
agreed to reduce its majority in the two majority provinces of
Punjab and Bengal in exchange for a nominal increase in its
representation in minority provinces. This was the biggest
blunder of the Muslim League
6. Communal Unity: One of the biggest benefits of the
Lucknow Pact was the substantial reduction in acrimony
between the Hindus and the Muslims and greater cooperation
between the two political parties of British India. This pact
paved the way for Hindu-Muslim cooperation in the Khilafat
movement and Gandhi’s non-cooperation movement in 1920.
7. Strength in Numbers: The joint demands made by the
Congress and the Muslim League carried more weight in the
eyes of the British government. The numbers and diversity
represented by this alliance lent credibility to their demands.
8. Impact on Indian Nationalism: The Lucknow Pact
bolstered the confidence of Indian nationalists and reinforced
their belief in the power of political action to achieve their
objectives. It also highlighted the importance of negotiation
and compromise in pursuit of larger goals.
Conclusion

The Lucknow Pact stands as a pivotal chapter in the Indian freedom

struggle. It represented a unique moment of cooperation between the
Indian National Congress and the All India Muslim League,
underscoring their shared aspirations for self-governance and political
representation. While the unity was temporary, its impact on India’s
trajectory towards independence was enduring, shaping subsequent
political strategies and negotiations with the colonial power.

Montague Chelmsford
Reforms, 1919
Introduction

Montague Chelmsford Reforms—1919 are the recommendations of a

report by Edwin Montagu, the then Secretary of State for India, and
Lord Chelmsford, India’s Viceroy between 1916 and 1921. These
recommendations became the basis of the constitutional reforms
introduced by the British government through its 1923 Act to grant
greater autonomy to India. The act was based on the recommendations
of a report by Edwin Montagu, the then Secretary of State for India,
and Lord Chelmsford, India’s Viceroy between 1916 and 1921. Hence,
the constitutional reforms set forth by this act are known
as Montagu-Chelmsford reforms or Montford reforms.

Context

These reforms should be seen in the following objective conditions:

1. Genuine Desire of the British: Although the British came

to India as a colonial power, they always had this view that
one day they would have to leave it and wanted to leave a
lasting legacy. One of the legacies they wanted to leave was the
British form of representative government. Thus, soon after
assuming direct rule, the British Government began
introducing piecemeal constitutional reforms. The time had
come to increase the range of these reforms.
2. End of WW1: The year 1919 marked the formal end of the
First World War for which they had promised the Indians
greater autonomy in return for their assistance in war efforts
3. Giving Moderates Space: The British government in India
wanted to defuse radical and militant Indian nationalists who
had challenged colonial rule through acts of political violence.
The passage of the Government of India Act of 1919 intended
to privilege Indian elites who were politically moderate by
creating a road map to allow Indians the ability to eventually
govern themselves, but with British supervision.
Main Points of the Reforms:

The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were based on the

recommendations of the Montagu-Chelmsford Report, which aimed to
address the demands for political reforms in India. Some of the key
points of the reforms were as follows:

1. Diarchy: The most notable feature of the reforms was the

introduction of the diarchy system in the provinces. This
meant that the provincial governments were divided into two
parts: reserved subjects (under the direct control of the British
government) and transferred subjects (under the control of
Indian ministers). The reserved subjects included matters like
defence, foreign affairs, and finance, while the transferred
subjects included education, health, and local government.
2. Central Legislature: The reforms expanded the legislative
councils at both the central and provincial levels. The central
legislature was to be bicameral, consisting of the Council of
States and the Legislative Assembly. While the majority of
members were still to be appointed, a portion of them were to
be elected through a limited franchise.
3. Franchise and Electorate: The reforms introduced a
limited form of electoral representation. The franchise was
extended to a larger number of people, but it was still far from
universal suffrage. Only a small percentage of the population
was eligible to vote or stand for elections.
 4. Separate Electorates: The system of separate electorates
for different religious communities was continued, which led
to the further communalization of politics.
5. Safeguards for Minorities: The reforms included
provisions to protect the rights of religious and ethnic
minorities in terms of representation and safeguards.
6. Expanded Bengal Legislature: Bengal’s Legislative
Council was enlarged to 139 members, as many more property
holders, businessmen, lawyers, and professionals were
rendered eligible to vote

Reaction of Political Parties

The reforms got mixed reactions from mainstream parties; both

wanted self-rule for India, whereas the reforms preferred the language
of “responsible government” over self-government. In addition, the act
proposed limited political changes to promote civic institutions and
encourage democratic representation.

However, their main criticism was that, in spite of provincial

devolution and the expansion of the franchise, the 1919 reforms were
limited by the oversight of British administrators. The Governor-
General of each province, who was appointed by the India Office, had
the right to veto or validate any bill against the wishes of the partially
elected council; the viceroy, the presumptive head of state in the
Government of India, could override votes made by the Legislative
Assembly.
 1. Indian National Congress: The Congress, led by leaders
like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, had mixed
feelings about the reforms. While they welcomed some
aspects of self-governance, they criticized the limited scope of
reforms and the continuation of the communal electorate
system.
2. Muslim League: The Muslim League, under the leadership
of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, welcomed the reforms due to the
continuation of separate electorates. They saw it as a way to
safeguard the interests of the Muslim community.
3. Other Parties: Various regional and smaller parties had
diverse reactions, ranging from support to outright rejection
of the reforms. Some felt that the reforms did not go far
enough in providing real self-governance to Indians.

Significance

The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms marked a crucial step in India’s

journey towards self-governance and independence, even though they
fell short of meeting the aspirations of many Indians. They are
significant for the following reasons:

1. Another Step towards Self-Governance: The

introduction of elected representatives in legislative councils,
albeit in limited numbers, marked the beginning of Indians
participating in governance.
 2. Political Awakening: The reforms prompted Indians to
engage in politics more actively. It laid the foundation for
greater political awareness and mobilization.
3. Critique of Limited Reforms: The reforms exposed the
limitations of British intentions in addressing Indian
demands for self-governance. This realization played a role in
the growing demand for complete self-rule.
4. Communalization of Politics: The continuation of
separate electorates and the communalization of politics laid
the groundwork for later communal tensions and negotiations
surrounding India’s partition.
5. Milestones towards Independence: The reforms, while
imperfect, set the stage for further discussions and
negotiations between Indians and the British, ultimately
leading to the Government of India Act of 1935 and,
eventually, full independence in 1947.

Conclusion

The Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were a turning point in India’s

constitutional evolution and its struggle for independence. They
marked the beginning of Indian participation in governance, but their
limitations and communal aspects underscored the need for more
comprehensive reforms and genuine self-rule.
Khilafat Movement:
Context, Course and
Consequences
Introduction

The Khilafat Movement was a political protest campaign launched by

Muslims of British India and supported by a significant section of
Indian Hindus soon after the end of the First World War to ensure that
the institution of the Caliphate was not abolished by the victorious
European powers. Although the movement failed to achieve its stated
objective of the preservation of the institution, it had profound and far-
reaching consequences for the political landscape of British India.

Context

Apparently, the Khilafat Movement was triggered when Turkey was

defeated during the First World War and the British Indian Muslims
feared the abolition of the sacred institution of the Caliphate, we must
keep its following historical context in view.
1. Emotional Attachment of Muslims to Khilafat

The institution of the Caliphate has always been an emotional issue for
every Muslim throughout history. Being the caliph, the Ottoman sultan
was nominally the supreme religious and political leader of all Sunni
Muslims across the world.

Taking advantage of this emotional attachment of Muslims, Ottoman

sultan Abdul Hamid II (1842–1918) launched his Pan-Islamist
program in a bid to protect the Ottoman Empire from Western attack
and dismemberment and to crush the democratic opposition at home.
He sent an emissary, Jamal ud Din Afghani, to India in the late 19th
century.

The cause of the Ottoman monarch evoked religious passion and

sympathy among Indian Muslims. A large number of Muslim religious
leaders began working to spread awareness and develop Muslim
participation on behalf of the caliphate.

2. Revolutionary Ideas

After the end of the First World War, hundreds of thousands of

soldiers recruited from the Subcontinent were demobilized. These war
veterans had brought new ideas of freedom and equality from their
experience serving in different war theatres and wanted to see India as
an independent country.
At the same time, the 1917 Russian Revolution created feelings of mass
empowerment Similarly, near home, a successful revolt led by Dr. Sun
Yat Sen in China during the 1920s was an inspiration for the
nationalists in India. His achievements were recognized and admired
not only by the local and overseas Chinese but also by the global
community

3. Changing Class Structure of British India

Thanks to improved law and order, ease of doing business, and

opportunities offered by India’s global integration and the war
economy, all fruits of imperialism, there emerged a strong commercial
middle class that was eager to compete with the British merchants.
They contributed the most to this movement

Similarly, decades of professional and liberal education introduced by

the British resulted in the creation of a strong middle class consisting
of doctors, engineers, administrators, and particularly lawyers. This
class is always the vanguard of any social movement

4. General Public Resentment

There was general anti-imperialism due to the harsh treatment meted

out, and the feelings of second-class citizens in their own homes. This
frustration increased with the 1920s global economic recession that
affected the Indian economy badly because of its integration being part
of the British Empire.
Course of Movement

At the onset of the Turkish War of Independence, Muslim religious

leaders feared for the caliphate, which the European powers were
reluctant to protect. Mohammad Ali and his brother Maulana Shaukat
Ali joined with other Muslim leaders to form the All India Khilafat
Committee. The organisation was based in Lucknow, India, and aimed
to build political unity among Muslims and use their influence to
protect the caliphate.

In 1920, they published the Khilafat Manifesto, which called upon the
British to protect the caliphate and for Indian Muslims to unite and
hold the British accountable for this purpose. The Khilafat Movement
had the following stated objectives to achieve:

1. Firstly, to maintain the institution of the Caliph, an extremely

important emotional and religious institution for Muslims.
The Muslims were afraid that the Western powers were going
to ‘Vaticanize’ the institution of the Caliph.
2. Secondly, they wanted to keep places considered holy by
Muslims in the hands of Muslims.
3. Thirdly, to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

However, Gandhi saw this as the perfect opportunity to forge a united

Hindu-Muslim stand against the British, and, in combination with a
peaceful non-cooperation movement, force the British to concede
India’s political demands. In 1920, an alliance was made between
Khilafat leaders and the Indian National Congress, whereby Congress
leader Mahatma Gandhi and the Khilafat leaders promised to work and
fight together for the causes of Khilafat and Swaraj.

Seeking to increase pressure on the colonial government, the Khilafat

activists became a major part of the non-cooperation movement — a
nationwide campaign of mass, peaceful civil disobedience.

Some also engaged in protest emigration from the North-West Frontier

Province to Afghanistan under Amanullah Khan.

Khilafat leaders such as Dr. Ansari, Maulana Azad, and Hakim Ajmal
Khan also grew personally close to Gandhi. These leaders founded the
Jamia Millia Islamia in 1920 to promote independent education and
social rejuvenation for Muslims.

The non-cooperation campaign was initially successful. The

programme started with a boycott of legislative councils, government
schools, colleges, and foreign goods. Government functions and the
surrender of titles and distinctions.

Massive protests, strikes, and acts of civil disobedience spread across

India. Hindus and Muslims joined forces in the campaign, which was
initially peaceful. Gandhi, the Ali brothers, and others were swiftly
arrested by the colonial government.
Causes of Failure of Khilafat Movement

It failed to achieve its stated objectives due to the following reasons:

1. Unrealistic Objectives: The stated objectives of the

Khilafat Movement, namely saving the Ottoman Empire, the
safety of holy places, and the preservation of the institution of
Khilafat, were too unrealistic to be achieved.
2. Ill-organized: Though the ground was ripe for this
eventuality, it was not an organized movement launched by
any organization well-versed in mass mobilization. To
succeed, mass mobilization needs a lot of resources and
challenging work to keep going over time. However, the
movement ran out of steam before it could gain momentum
because of the half-hearted attempts of those who tried to own
it.
3. Narrow Communal Base: It was seen as a movement by a
particular group advancing its agenda by using the grievances
of the public against bad governance and adverse economic
conditions. Old political stalwarts like Nehru and Jinnah saw
it as a direct attack on their authority, while the business class
generally abstained to protect their businesses. Finally, it took
on a communal connotation, leading to its de-legitimization
4. Fragmentation of Khilafat Leadership: Although
holding talks with the colonial government and continuing
their activities, the Khilafat movement weakened as Muslims
 were divided between working for the Congress, the Khilafat
cause, and the Muslim League. While Sayed Ata Ullah Shah
Bokhari created Majlis-e-Ahraar-e-Islam, other stalwarts like
Dr. Ansari and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad aligned themselves
with the Indian National Congress. The Ali brothers joined the
Muslim League and would play a major role in the growth of
the League’s popular appeal and the subsequent Pakistan
Movement.
5. End of Khilafat: The biggest and final reason for the failure
of the Khilafat Movement was the end of the institution of
Khilafat itself in 1924 by the new regime of Mustafa Kemal,
which had replaced it. With the cassus belli gone, the
Movement breathed its last

Consequences

Apparently, it was a short-term failure but had far-reaching

consequences, which led to the independence of Pakistan within two
decades

1. Changing the Indian Political Scene: The Khilafat

Movement changed the Indian political scene irrevocably.
Combined with the Non-Cooperation Movement, it was the
first all-India agitation against British rule. It saw an
unprecedented degree of Hindu-Muslim cooperation, and it
established Gandhi and his technique of nonviolent protest
 (satyagraha) at the centre of the Indian nationalist movement.
No longer was the nationalist movement confined to the
council houses and bar associations; it had moved into the
streets, bazaars, temple fairs, and mosques. The people of the
Subcontinent realized how to oppose the British Government.
2. Creation of Strong Muslim Consciousness: The
Khilafat issue crystallized anti-British sentiments among
Indian Muslims that had increased since the British
declaration of war against the Ottomans in 1914. The Khilafat
leaders espoused the Khilafat cause as a means to achieve
pan-Indian Muslim political solidarity in the anti-British
cause. As the institution of Khilafat was an emotional issue
with the Muslims, this movement, by adopting saving Khilafat
as its aim, created a strong consciousness among the Indian
Muslims. They started considering themselves as a part of a
broader Muslim Ummah
3. Consolidation of Two-Nation Theory: The Khilafat
Movement in the end became a shot in the arm for the Indian
Muslims to consider themselves as separate from other
communities of India, creating those feelings that Benedict
Anderson calls “Imagined community,” a socially constructed
community, imagined by the people who perceive themselves
as part of a group. In modern political terminology. in modern
political terminology, we can say it was analogous to Francis
Fukuyama’s “Identity Politics,” a step toward the Two-nation
Theory
4. Agitational Politics by Indian Muslims: Before this
movement, the Indian Muslims had been playing a secondary
role in Indian politics and adopted constitutional means to
press their demands. The Khilafat Movement became a
catalyst for their psychological emancipation. During the
Khilafat Movement, they not only learned the benefits of
agitational politics but also gained experience in launching a
mass movement. Mass mobilization using religious symbols
was remarkably successful, and this method of agitation was
adopted later by both Hindu and Muslim nationalists and
played an important role in the Pakistan Movement later on.
5. Emergence of Indian Muslim Leadership: One of the
most significant consequences of the Khilafat movement was
the emergence of Indian Muslim leadership, not only at the
higher strategic level but also at the lower tactical level. These
leaders then became the vanguard of the Pakistani movement.
After the failure of the Khilafat Movement,’ the Muslim
League emerged as the sole representative of the Muslims
6. Entry of Ulema into national politics: It was the first
movement in which almost every section of British Indian
Muslims took part and brought them into mainstream
politics. giving them a taste of politics. The leaders of the
Khilafat movement forged the first political alliance among
western-educated Indian Muslims and ‘ulema over the
religious symbol of the Khilafat, giving them a taste of politics.
These Ulema viewed European attacks upon the authority of
 the Caliph as an attack upon Islam, and thus as a threat to the
religious freedom of Muslims under British rule.
7. Significant Milestone towards Independence: After
this movement, the British were more willing to listen to the
complaints of the Indians since they realized that the Indians
were now organized and knew exactly how to hurt the British
the most. They also realized that, henceforth, they could not
rule India by force and that their time in India was now
limited.
8. Pan-Islamism: The idea of Pan-Islamism left its imprint on
the minds of the Muslim elite and the masses. These
perceptions became one of the foundation stones of the
foreign policy of modern Pakistan. During the 1950s, our
Pakistani leaders were so obsessed with this idea of being the
leaders of the Muslim world that the then Shah Farooq of
Egypt publicly taunted that he never knew Islam came on
August 14, 1947

Conclusion

The Khilafat Movement stands as one of the most significant

milestones in India’s struggle for independence, intertwining religious
sentiments with the broader fight against colonial rule. While rooted in
concerns over the dismantling of the Ottoman Caliphate, it evolved
into a movement that galvanized the masses and showcased the
collective power of unity. The movement’s alliance with the Indian
National Congress not only fostered communal harmony but also
revealed the potency of joint efforts in the face of adversity.

Quaid e Azam’s 14 Points:

Genesis and Significance
Introduction

Jinnah’s 14 Points refer to a set of proposals put forward by

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, in 1929. These points
were presented in response to the Nehru Report, which outlined the
demands of the Indian National Congress, advocating for self-
governance and greater political rights for Indians within the
framework of a secular, united India.

However, Jinnah, who was a prominent Muslim leader and a member

of the Indian National Congress himself, felt that the Congress’s
demands did not adequately address the concerns and interests of the
Muslim community. He believed that Muslims needed specific
safeguards and protections to ensure their political and cultural rights
in a future independent India.
In response to the Nehru Report, which outlined the Congress’s
demands, Jinnah presented his 14 Points at the All-Parties Conference
held in 1929 in Delhi. The points aimed to articulate the distinct
concerns of the Muslim community and put forth a set of principles
that Jinnah believed were necessary for their protection and
representation.

Context

The context of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Fourteen Points

can be understood within the broader political and communal
landscape of British India during the early 20th century. The points
were presented in response to a series of developments and concerns
that directly impacted the Muslim community’s status, rights, and
future within the evolving political scenario of India:

1. Heated Political Climate of British India: When

Muhammad Ali Jinnah presented his “Fourteen Points” in
1929, the political climate in India was characterized by a
growing demand for self-governance and an increasing divide
between the Hindu and Muslim communities. The Indian
National Congress (INC), led by figures like Mahatma Gandhi
and Jawaharlal Nehru, was at the forefront of the nationalist
movement, advocating for a united India with a secular
government. However, Jinnah, who later became the leader of
the All India Muslim League (AIML), felt that the interests of
 Muslims were not adequately represented within the Indian
National Congress. A comparison of the Nehru Report with
Quaid-e-Azam’s Fourteen Points shows that the political gap
between Muslims and Hindus had really widened.
2. Woodrow Wilson’s 14 Points as a Template: Woodrow
Wilson’s Fourteen Points were a set of principles outlined by
United States President Woodrow Wilson in January 1918 as a
blueprint for achieving peace and resolving conflicts after
World War I. They focused on issues such as national self-
determination, open diplomacy, free trade, disarmament, and
the establishment of a League of Nations.
3. Impending Constitutional Reforms: One of the main
reasons behind the presentation of both the Nehru Report and
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Fourteen Points was
the anticipation shared by the mainstream political parties of
India concerning the imminent constitutional reforms by the
British government. With the British government showing
signs of considering reforms that could potentially grant
Indians more participation in governance, these parties
sought to proactively present their visions for India’s future. It
was with this urgency that both parties asserted their
respective positions, seeking a favourable position within the
impending reform process.

Details of Jinnah’s 14 Points

Jinnah’s 14 Points were aimed at safeguarding the political rights and
interests of the Muslim community in India. They included the
following principles:

1. Federalism: India should be a federation of autonomous

provinces with residuary powers vested in the provinces.
2. Provincial Autonomy: Each province should be
autonomous and have full control over its legislative,
executive, and financial affairs.
3. Muslim Majority Provinces: Muslim majority provinces
should be given the right to govern themselves without any
interference from the central government.
4. Representation: Muslims should be adequately represented
in all legislative bodies and services.
5. Separation of Electorates: Muslims and non-Muslims
should have separate electorates to protect their distinct
political interests.
6. Weightage: Muslim representation should be based on their
population and not on the principle of territorial
representation.
7. Constitutional Reforms: Any constitutional reforms
should be made on the basis of agreement between all
communities.
8. Minority Rights: All religious and ethnic minorities should
be guaranteed their fundamental rights, including the
protection of their culture, language, and religion.
 9. Religious Freedom: Muslims should have the freedom to
practice and propagate their religion.
10. Protection of Muslim Culture: Muslim culture,
education, and language should be protected and promoted.
11.Economic Safeguards: The economic interests of Muslims
should be protected through adequate representation in
economic and financial institutions.
12. Agricultural Reforms: Steps should be taken to improve
agriculture and protect the interests of farmers, particularly
Muslim farmers.
13. Protection of Muslim Pilgrimage Sites: Measures
should be taken to safeguard the holy places of Muslims.
14. Unity and Equality: Muslims and non-Muslims should
be treated as equal citizens of the state with equal rights and
opportunities.

Jinnah’s 14 Points received mixed reactions. While some Muslim

leaders and organizations supported them, others within the Indian
National Congress and other political groups criticized them for being
divisive and potentially leading to the fragmentation of India.

Significance

The 14 Points played a crucial role in shaping the discourse and

demands of the Muslim community, ultimately leading to the demand
for a separate nation for Muslims, which was realized with the creation
of Pakistan in 1947.
1. Comprehensive Interest Articulation of British
Indian Muslims: These 14 Points reflected Jinnah’s vision
for protecting the political and cultural rights of the Muslim
community in India, and they became a significant milestone
in the demand for a separate Muslim-majority nation, which
eventually led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
2. Reflection of Political Realities: A comparison of the
Nehru Report with the Quaid-e-Azam’s Fourteen Points
shows that the political gap between the Muslims and the
Hindus had really widened.
3. Recognition of Muslim Identity: The points emphasized
the distinct identity of Muslims and their desire to safeguard
their rights and interests within the broader Indian political
landscape. While the Fourteen Points aimed at addressing
Muslim concerns within a united India, they laid the
ideological groundwork for the eventual demand for a
separate Muslim state, which later became Pakistan.
4. Negotiations and Compromise: The presentation of the
Fourteen Points marked a willingness on the part of the
Muslim League to negotiate with other Indian political parties
and the British government to find common ground for a
united India.Message to the British: The importance of
these points can be judged by the fact that they were
presented at the Round Table Conference of 1930.
5. Message to Hindus: Those points made it clear to the
Hindu government that Muslims wanted their own identity
without the influence of Hindus.
 6. Roadmap: The fourteen points of Quaid-e-Azam became
principles for Muslims in India. Fourteen Points not only
revived the Muslim League but also directed it in a new way.
These points prepared the Muslims of India for a bold step
into the struggle for freedom. These points became the
demands of the Muslims and greatly influenced their thinking
for the next two decades, until the establishment of Pakistan
in 1947. They became the basic demands for Muslims until
1940.

Conclusion

Jinnah’s Fourteen Points were a pivotal development in the lead-up to

the creation of Pakistan. They reflected the Muslim League’s efforts to
secure the political and constitutional rights of Muslims in India and,
inadvertently, laid the groundwork for the demand for a separate
nation that would ultimately become a reality with the establishment of
Pakistan.

Round Table Conferences

1930–32
Introduction
The three Round Table Conferences of 1930–1932 were a series of
high-level meetings held between the British Government and
prominent Indian political personalities to discuss constitutional
reforms in India.

Context

1. British Desire for Reforms

Although the British came to India as a colonial power, they always had
the view that one day they would have to leave it and wanted to leave a
lasting legacy. One of the legacies they wanted to leave was the British
form of representative government. Thus, soon after assuming direct
rule, the British Government began introducing piecemeal
constitutional reforms. The time had come to increase the range of
these reforms

The British government had realized that it was not possible to hold on
to their British Indian Empire indefinitely and was thus seriously
considering granting them some sort of dominion status. Even a
substantial portion of the intellectual elite in the UK believed that India
needed to move towards dominion status.

2. Demands for Swaraj (Self-rule) in India

British colonialism had given rise to nationalist sentiments among the

Indian educated elite, not only as a result but also as a reaction against
the socioeconomic reforms carried out by the British in India. Besides
unifying India administratively, the introduction of the railways,
telegraph, and unified postal systems, and most importantly, the
spread of Western education and ideas, created a sense of unity among
the Indians. The emergence of the modern press played a notable role
in mobilizing public opinion and promoting nationalism.
Consequently, The Indian elite was demanding a greater degree of self-
rule for India, for which they had launched the Swaraj movement.

3. Khilafat Movement Hangover

The Khilafat Movement changed the Indian political scene irrevocably.

Combined with the Non-Cooperation Movement, it was the first all-
India agitation against British rule. It saw an unprecedented degree of
Hindu-Muslim cooperation, and it established Gandhi and his
technique of nonviolent protest (satyagraha) at the centre of the Indian
nationalist movement. No longer was the nationalist movement
confined to the council houses and bar associations; it had moved into
the streets, bazaars, temple fairs, and mosques. The people of the
Subcontinent realized how to oppose the British Government.

4. Nehru Report and Quaid’s 14 Points

Leaders of both parties, namely the Congress and Muslim League, had
presented their respective points of view about the future
constitutional setup of India in the Nehru Report and the 14 points of
Mohammed Ali Jinnah. Although these reports differed in many ways,
they provided an excellent working template to discuss the differences
and find common ground

5. Providing Space for Moderates

The British government in India wanted to defuse radical and militant

Indian nationalists who had challenged colonial rule through acts of
political violence. By holding these conferences, the British
Government intended to provide space for moderate Indian elites by
creating a road map to allow Indians the ability to eventually govern
themselves, but with British supervision

5. Simon Commission Report

Although the Simon Commission failed to gauge the determination of

Indian opinion to ultimately bring independence, they did propose a
sort of dialogue between the Indian elite and the British Government
to sort out the differences.

Course

1. During the first RTC held in November 1930, attended by 74 Indian

delegates, a federal formula for the Government of India proposed by
the princely states and other Liberal Indian leaders was discussed. Not
much progress was made, due to the absence of the Indian National
Congress, and Gandhi from these parleys, as it was difficult to reach a
consensus.
2. A settlement between Mahatma Gandhi and Viceroy Lord Irwin
brought Congress to the second session of the Round Table
Conference, which opened on September 7, 1931. Gandhi attended as
the sole official Congress representative, accompanied by other
prominent leaders. Gandhi claimed that

1. Congress alone represented political India.

2. Untouchables were Hindus and should not be treated as a

“minority.”

3. There should be no separate electorates or special safeguards for

Muslims or other minorities.

These claims were rejected by the other Indian participants. He

returned to India, disappointed with the results and empty-handed.

The discussion led to the passing of the Government of India Act, of

1935, At the end of the conference, Ramsay MacDonald undertook to
produce a Communal Award for minority representation, with the
provision that any free agreement between the parties could be
substituted for his award. Other important discussions were the
responsibility of the executive to the legislature and a separate
electorate for the Untouchables
3. The third and last session was assembled on November 17, 1932.
Only 46 delegates attended since most of the main political figures in
India were not present.

Consequences

The Round Table Conferences held in the 1930s were significant

milestones in the context of the Indian independence movement. They
played a crucial role in shaping the trajectory of India’s struggle for
freedom and its eventual attainment of independence in 1947. Here’s
how the conferences were significant:

1. Platform for Dialogue: The conferences provided a formal

platform for various Indian political groups, communities,
and leaders to engage with the British government on issues
related to constitutional reforms and self-governance. This
helped foster a dialogue between different factions and
provided an opportunity to voice their demands and concerns.
2. Recognition of Indian Representation: It was the first
major interaction between the Indian political elite and the
British political leadership, which helped them understand
the depth of the Indian desire to get freedom. By inviting
Indian representatives to London and engaging in discussions
with them, the British government indirectly acknowledged
the importance of Indian voices in shaping their own destiny.
3. Showcasing Unity and Diversity: The conferences
brought together leaders from various communities, including
Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, and other minorities. While
differences existed, the conferences demonstrated that
Indians could engage in discussions and negotiations despite
their diversity. This showcased a certain level of political
maturity and unity among Indians
4. Platform for Gandhi’s Ideas: Even though Mahatma
Gandhi and the Indian National Congress boycotted the first
Round Table Conference, the conferences provided a global
platform for Gandhi’s ideas of nonviolent resistance and civil
disobedience. His absence at the first conference drew
attention to the demands of the Indian freedom movement.
5. Communal Award and Minority Rights: The
conferences led to the Communal Award, which granted
separate electorates for different religious communities.
While this addressed some minority concerns, it also
highlighted the complexities of communal representation in
the Indian political context
6. Government of India Act 1935: The discussions and
outcomes of the Round Table Conferences influenced the
Government of India Act 1935, which introduced significant
constitutional reforms, including provincial autonomy and the
establishment of a federal structure in India. This act laid the
groundwork for a more representative form of governance
and played a role in India’s eventual independence
 7. Experience in Diplomacy: The Indian representatives
gained valuable experience in international diplomacy and
negotiation during the conferences. This experience would
later prove useful in dealing with British authorities and other
international forums during the final stages of the
independence movement
8. Continued Political Mobilization: The conferences, even
though they did not immediately lead to a comprehensive
solution, highlighted the need for continued political
mobilization and advocacy for Indian interests. This
encouraged leaders to keep pressing for their demands and
prepared them for the negotiations that would lead to
independence.
9. Awareness about Indian Demands: Holding these
conferences in London also helped the Indian leaders put
across their points of view in the British press and through
them to the general public. These interactions resulted in
significant goodwill for the cause of Indian independence.
10. Pakistan Plan: It was during these conferences that the
idea of a separate state for the British Indian Muslims got
widespread recognition and acceptance. While Allama Iqbal
presented it in his Allahabad address, a group of Muslim civil
servants getting training at Cambridge University started
working on giving it a concrete shape and presented their
ideas through Ch. Rehmat ALI

Conclusion
The Round Table Conferences were pivotal in shaping the discourse
around India’s self-governance and constitutional reforms. They
provided a platform for dialogue, highlighted the diversity of Indian
voices, and set the stage for further negotiations that eventually
culminated in the realization of India’s independence.

Pakistan Ideology: Sources

and Content
Abstract

The ideology of Pakistan is one of the most intellectually

misunderstood and politically misused concepts in Pakistan. Some
people equate it with the Two Nations Theory, which was the basis of
the creation of Pakistan, while others bracket it with Islamic
Ideology. Both are not true.

This essay attempts to dispel the above myth by explaining the

historical context of Pakistan’s Ideology with particular reference to
its sources, such as Islamic moorings, the founding father’s vision,
and people’s preferences as embodied in the constitution. It then
highlights the main features of Pakistan’s Ideology, which is the
bedrock of statecraft as well as the way of life of the citizens of
Pakistan

Introduction

The ideology of Pakistan is one of the most controversial topics of

discussion, either for its definitional ambiguities or its deliberately
wrong interpretation. Some people, following the Marxist tradition,
view it pejoratively as distorted consciousness, reflecting an
exploitative material reality, that can be overcome through unmasking;
or, more recently, as a fictitious narrative necessary to maintaining the
social order.

On the other hand, some people politically misuse it and equate it with
the Two Nations Theory, which was the basis of the creation of
Pakistan, while others bracket it with Islamic Ideology. They fail to
understand that all these three concepts, namely Two Nations Theory,
Pakistan Ideology, and Islamic Ideology, are interrelated but distinct in
their application, as explained in the article later.

What is an Ideology?

In this article, I am using ideology in its non-Marxist sense to mean

any kind of action-oriented theory or a set of ideas, beliefs, values, and
opinions, exhibiting a recurring pattern, that not only provides plans of
action for public policy-making but also a theoretical framework to
explain and justify those plans. I tend to agree with Michael Hunt, who
defines ideology as, “an interrelated set of convictions or assumptions
that reduces the complexities of a particular slice of reality to easily
comprehensible terms and suggests appropriate ways of dealing with
that reality.” Based on the above, we can identify the following features
of an ideology:

1. Provides World view: As a way to structure how the world

is understood and explained, it is a source for ordering,
defining, and evaluating political reality
2. Identity Marker: Establishes political identities, and helps
identify friends and foes in the international system
3. Change Agent: As a system of beliefs, normative values,
attitudes, and symbols that guide collective action, it propels
social machinery into action for change, provides/motivates a
course of action (sometimes even a revolution to overthrow
and replace the existing social order)
4. Provides a Vision: Presents or establishes a normative goal
(ought to be) as the antithesis of the present scenario and
orders preferences.
5. Social Engineering: Advocates a particular pattern of social
relationships and arrangements, justifies a particular pattern
of conduct (which its proponents seek to promote, realize,
pursue or maintain)
6. Political Engineering: Political systems, social and
political movements, and relations of power and dominance
 are always interwoven with various kinds of ideas, beliefs, and
symbolic forms.

It is, thus, a neutral term, meaning any idea that unites a nation,
providing its citizens with a worldview and a vision along with a set of
rules for leading their lives. In that sense, Pakistan, like every country,
has an ideology, a set of ideas about its reason to be, its dreams, and
the way it likes its society, politics, and economy to work.

Historical Background

One cannot properly comprehend the need for Pakistan ideology

without understanding the reason for the creation of Pakistan as an
independent state on August 14, 1947, as a result of the dissolution of
the British Indian Empire. The main reason for the emergence of
Pakistan was the failure of the dominant Muslim elite of British India
to extract sufficient constitutional guarantees from their counterparts,
namely the dominant Hindu elite, for a substantial share in political
decision-making once the British left India.

They feared, rightly or wrongly, depending on which side of the

political fence you are on, that in the absence of these safeguards, the
Muslim minority would gradually lose its cultural identity and would
become a politically and economically marginalized underclass,
another subservient caste, second-class citizens in a predominantly
Hindu India. These perceptions had been reinforced by the
stepmotherly treatment Muslim masses got during the brief Congress
rule in the provincial governments that it formed after the 1937
elections, a foretaste of things to come.

To succeed, every movement of this magnitude needs some sort of

emotional underpinning to arouse the passions of the general public
and ensure their maximum participation. Religion, race, and language
have been common battle cries throughout history in this respect.
However, the use of Islam as a battle cry for the Pakistan Movement
had more to do with objective realities than a deliberate choice by the
leaders of the movement.

That’s why the Pakistan Movement, though couched in religious

terminology, was a movement by the downtrodden Muslim community
of India to safeguard their socioeconomic interests and fulfill their
dreams of improving the quality of life in a country where they could
live according to their cherished dreams.

To press for their demands, they used the term Two Nations Theory,
which provided them with a moral narrative and political justification
for the geographical division of India based on the claims of the
Muslims of India as being a separate nation, not a community, and
hence entitled to have a separate state.

Interestingly, it was their last option, not the first choice, as is evident
from the acceptance of the Cabinet Mission Plan by the Muslim League
when a last-ditch effort was made by the British to leave a united India
as their legacy
Need for Pakistan Ideology?

After the creation of Pakistan, this battle cry lost its relevance as there
were no longer two nations in Pakistan as everyone, whether a Hindu,
Christian, or Muslim, was a Pakistani. This was very eloquently
explained by the founder of Pakistan in his famous August 11th speech
in the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. There was, thus, a need for a
new political narrative for two reasons.

1. Firstly, continuing with the Two Nations Theory as the

cornerstone of Pakistan’s existence creates problems at
conceptual and practical levels. If the purpose of the Two
Nations Theory was to achieve a separate homeland for the
Indian Muslims, insistence on continuing with this Theory as
the cornerstone of the new country’s ideology meant that the
creation of Pakistan had failed to achieve its objective.
2. Secondly, it would leave an open-ended option for any
minority within Pakistan to demand separation, citing
cultural, religious, or ethnic persecution as justification.

Consequently, a need was felt for a new political narrative to serve as a

gelling bond for the millions of people living in a state geographically
divided into two wings, both of which were separated by 1000 miles of
a hostile country. At the same time, it should be an ideal that could
unite a nation, providing its citizens with a worldview and a vision
along with a set of rules for leading their lives.
Accordingly, the First National Educational Conference held in
November 1947 recommended the propagation of Pakistan ideology,
which over time has evolved and is the national narrative of the
country. However, the religious lobby, which had remained almost
sidelined during the freedom struggle, became very active in getting
political space and used the very neutral term Pakistan Ideology for
this purpose by equating it with the Two Nations Theory.

Sources of Pakistan Ideology

Every ideology is deeply embedded in the history of its country and

springs from its dominant religious beliefs, cultural aspirations, and
societal values. Accordingly, we can identify the following four
mainsprings of Pakistan’s ideology:

A. Islamic Moorings

Islam, which was used as a battle cry for the creation of Pakistan, is the
bedrock of Pakistan’s Ideology. As Islam prescribes a complete code of
life for Muslims, including their personal lives, guidance for social
relations, economic ethics, and political conduct, Pakistan’s ideology
draws heavily from this source. It also provides them with a world view
and norms of behaviour toward other countries.

However, Pakistan’s ideology, though heavily borrowing from this

eternal concept, is relevant only to the extent of Pakistan's internal
conduct and external relations. We should not equate it with Islamic
ideology, which has universal relevance in terms of time and space.
Pakistan is a nation-state, a country with definite geographical
boundaries that contains a nation within those territorial limits.

In contrast, Islam is a religion that is above these human constructs

and brings into its fold a universal following. Islamic Ideology is
immutable; Pakistan’s ideology is subject to change and capable of
reinterpretation in the light of objective realities.

B. Founding Fathers’ Vision

The vision given by the founding fathers during the freedom struggle
and after its successful completion is the second source of Pakistan’s
Ideology. They certainly wanted the country to be guided by Islamic
principles, but they never wanted it to be a theocracy run by some
mullahs asserting their right to rule under divine authority. In this
connection, the views expressed by the founder of Pakistan in his
interview with Reuters in 1946 serve as the guiding principles of
Pakistan’s ideology.

“The new state would be a modern democratic state with sovereignty

resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal
rights of citizenship regardless of their religion, caste, or creed.”

Similarly, Khan Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan,
clearly stated:
“The investment of power in the people eliminated any danger of the
establishment of a theocracy. Many persons who use the word
theocracy in the same breath as the polity of Pakistan are either
labouring under a grave misapprehension or indulging in
mischievous propaganda.”

C. Constitutional Obligations

The Constitution of Pakistan is the third source of Pakistan’s Ideology.

Its Principles of policy, such as the Islamic way of life, democratic form
of government, full participation of women, protection of family,
protection of minorities, promotion of social justice and economic
wellbeing of the people, strengthening of bonds with the Muslim world,
and promoting international peace, are the basic pillars of Pakistan
Ideology.

D. Global Commitments

The last source of Pakistan’s Ideology stems from its being a

responsible member of the international community in general and
one of the founding members of the United Nations in particular. It is a
signatory to a large number of global and regional conventions and
treaties that have been ratified by Parliament and implemented
through proper legislation.

Features of Pakistan Ideology

Based on the above sources, we can discern the following elements as
the prominent features of Pakistan’s ideology:

1. Islamic Identity

Pakistan is a Muslim state on account of its overwhelmingly Muslim

population; as such, Islam will remain the fundamental source of her
statecraft, social relations, business dealings, and foreign affairs. Islam
will occupy the central place of polity, economy, and society like
Christianity is the bedrock of European countries despite all their
pretensions to be secular states. Good governance is enshrined in the
holy Quran and exemplified by the pious caliphs as the guiding
principle of the state but in no way it will be a theocracy

2. Own our Roots.

No doubt Pakistan came into existence in the name of Islam, and we

are proud of our Islamic identity, as stated above. However, Pakistan’s
Ideology is more than its Islamic identity; we are also proud of our
historical roots. There is consensus that besides being a Muslim-
majority state with a multi-ethnic composition, Pakistan is the
inheritor of thousands of years-old civilizations like Mehargarh,
Mohenjo-Daro, and other civilizations belonging to the greater Indus
Valley Civilization.

3. Unity in Diversity
One of the most prominent features of Pakistan’s Ideology is its firm
belief in unity in diversity. Every modern nation-state is a multi-ethnic,
multi-religious entity with different markers for its identification.
Pakistan is home to over 15 major ethnic groups that differ in physical
features, customs, dress, food, music, etc. It is a melting pot of South
Asian, Central Asian, Western Asian, Middle Eastern, and European
influences brought about by foreign invasions and trade relations.

Consequently, everyone in Pakistan understands that the state cannot

force cultural homogeneity through the barrel of a gun or state edicts.
The evolution of a particular national culture takes time, to which each
federating unit contributes. We let a hundred flowers of different
varieties and hues bloom rather than having a garden full of roses only.
We give respect to every major language spoken, with Urdu serving as
lingua franca

4. Respect for Fundamental Human Rights

Being a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly in Paris on
December 10, 1948, as a common standard of achievements for all
peoples and all nations, the state respects the dignity of a common
man by giving him a voice, empowering him, and providing him social
justice. The principles of Pakistan’s Constitution incorporate all the
clauses of this Declaration. In this connection, the role of women is of
utmost importance, as emphasized by the founder of the country.
“No nation can rise to the height of glory unless their women are side
by side with them…It is a crime against humanity that our women
are shut up within the four walls of the house as prisoners. There is
no sanction anywhere for the deplorable condition in which our
women have to live.”

5. Quality of Life

Throughout history, the overriding objective of every state has been to

improve the quality of life of its citizens by meeting their basic needs at
an affordable cost. Pakistan tries to ensure constant improvement in
the quality of life of its citizens through sustainable and inclusive
growth, whose gains are distributed equitably among all the regions of
the country and all the sections of society

6. National Cohesion

Pakistan Ideology gives a vision of a just and prosperous Pakistan to all

the various nationalities, communities, sections, and regions to create
stakes for everyone to feel satisfied in a united, federal Pakistan.

“Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal, and you
will find that in the course of time, Hindus will cease to be Hindus and
Muslims will cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense because
that is the personal faith of the individual, but in the political sense as
citizens of the state.”
It strives to mainstream marginalized sections and disgruntled
elements of society by ensuring good governance at different levels of
interaction and taking affirmative action on a selective basis where
needed

7. Peaceful Coexistence

Peaceful coexistence is the cornerstone of Pakistan’s Ideology as far as

the conduct of its foreign policy is concerned. While reserving its right
to defend its territorial integrity and national sovereignty, Pakistan is a
peace-loving nation-state, that acts responsibly in global and regional
affairs. In this connection, we follow the advice of the Quaid-e-Azam in
letter and spirit

“Our foreign policy is one of friendliness and goodwill towards all the
nations of the world. We do not cherish aggressive designs against
any country or nation. We believe in the principles of honesty and
fair play in national and international dealings and are prepared to
make our utmost contribution to the promotion of peace and
prosperity among the nations of the world. Pakistan will never be
found lacking in extending its material and moral support to the
oppressed and suppressed peoples of the world, and in upholding the
principles of the United Nations Charter.”

8. Democratic Governance
Pakistan owes its creation to a democratic struggle, and as such, liberal
democracy as envisioned by its founding fathers is one of the most
important pillars of Pakistan’s Ideology. It strengthens the democratic
dividends by promoting a true political culture (of tolerance and
accommodation), strengthening its democratic structures (of
parliaments, and election commissions), and letting the various
democratic processes (of holding elections at federal, provincial, and
local levels) continue uninterruptedly.

Conclusion

It has become fashionable among a section of our intellectual elite to

make fun of Pakistan’s Ideology without realising that every country
has an ideology that defines the parameters for its statecraft. There is
nothing wrong with using the word Pakistan Ideology, nor does there
need to be an apologist in believing in it which provides a set of world
views for the citizens of Pakistan-Muslims and non-Muslims alike in
the light of its special historical context, geographical location, and
contemporary socio-political compulsions, internal and external.

Two-nation Theory &

Benedict Anderson’s
Theory of Imagined
Communities
Question

How does the Two-nation Theory define the concept of nationhood?

How does Benedict Anderson’s theory of Imagined Communities
relate to the Two-nation Theory?

Introduction

The Two-Nation Theory is a political ideology that emerged in the early

20th century in British India. It posits that Hindus and Muslims in the
Indian subcontinent are distinct nations with separate religious,
cultural, and historical identities, and therefore, they cannot coexist
within a single unified state. The theory formed the ideological basis
for the demand for a separate nation for Muslims, leading to the
eventual partition of India and the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

How does Two-nation Theory define Nationhood?

The Two-nation Theory offers a specific understanding of nationhood,

primarily based on religious identity and cultural differences.
According to this theory, nationhood is defined by the following
characteristics:

1. Religious Identity: The Two-Nation Theory argues that

religion is the primary determinant of nationhood. It asserts
that Muslims and Hindus, as two distinct religious
 communities, constitute separate nations. In this context,
nationhood is closely tied to a particular religious community,
with Islam serving as the defining factor for Muslims in the
Indian subcontinent.
2. Cultural Differences: The theory emphasizes that distinct
cultural practices, traditions, languages, and historical
experiences contribute to the formation of separate nations. It
suggests that Muslims and Hindus have divergent cultural
attributes, that are deemed irreconcilable and necessitate
separate political entities to preserve their respective
identities.
3. Historical Consciousness: The Two-Nation Theory also
considers historical experiences as an essential element of
nationhood. It highlights the historical narratives and
collective memories that shape the identity and consciousness
of a particular community. Muslims in the Indian
subcontinent, for instance, are seen as having a unique
historical trajectory, distinct from that of Hindus, further
solidifying their claim to nationhood.
4. Political Representation: The theory underscores the
significance of political representation as an expression of
nationhood. It argues that each distinct nation should have its
own political entity to protect its interests, ensure its rights,
and provide a platform for self-governance. Separate political
representation is deemed essential to upholding the distinct
identity and aspirations of each nation.
It is important to note that the concept of nationhood as defined by the
Two-Nation Theory is specific to the context of the Indian
subcontinent and the division between Muslims and Hindus. It
prioritizes religious and cultural factors in determining nationhood
and proposes the establishment of separate nation-states based on
these divisions.

Benedict Anderson’s Theory of Imagined Communities

Benedict Anderson’s theory of imagined communities is a seminal

concept in the field of nationalism studies. Its seven main points are as
follows:

1. Nation as Socially Contrived Phenomenon: Anderson

argues that nations are not natural or objective entities but
rather socially constructed and imagined communities. They
are “imagined” because even though most members of a
nation will never know or interact with each other, they still
perceive themselves as part of a larger community with shared
characteristics and belonging.
2. Nation as a Limited Imagined Community: A nation is
limited in its scope, has definite boundaries, and is limited to
a certain territory. The sense of belonging to a nation is
exclusive and excludes individuals who are outside those
boundaries.
3. Importance of Language: Language plays a vital role in
the formation of imagined communities as it strengthens the
sense of a common identity among individuals within a
nation.
4. Cultural Homogeneity: Promoting a standardized national
culture helps foster a sense of unity and shared identity
among individuals within the imagined community.
5. Role of Nationalism: Anderson views nationalism as a
modern phenomenon closely tied to the emergence of
imagined communities. It provides a framework for
individuals to identify themselves as part of a larger collective
and fosters loyalty, solidarity, and patriotism.
6. Imagined Communities and Modernity: Anderson
connects the rise of imagined communities to the processes of
modernity, including the decline of traditional forms of social
organization (such as religious or feudal ties) and the
emergence of new forms of belonging and identity based on
nationhood.
7. Role of Print Capitalism: Anderson identifies the rise of
print capitalism as a crucial factor in the emergence of
imagined communities. Print capitalism refers to the printing
press and the mass production of books, newspapers, and
other printed materials. This technology played a significant
role in creating a sense of shared language, history, and
culture among individuals within a nation, facilitating their
identification with the imagined community.
Benedict Anderson’s theory of Imagined Communities and
the Two-nation theory

Benedict Anderson’s theory of Imagined Communities provides an

insightful perspective on how nationalism and the notion of
nationhood are constructed. It can offer valuable insights into the way
the Two-Nation Theory and the creation of Pakistan were imagined
and understood. Here are some connections between Anderson’s
theory and the Two-Nation Theory:

1. Concept of Imagined Communities: Anderson argues

that nations are “imagined communities” because their
members, despite never knowing or interacting with all their
fellow members, imagine themselves as part of a larger
community. Similarly, the Two-Nation Theory emphasizes the
imagination of two distinct communities, Muslims and
Hindus, with shared characteristics and interests, despite the
vastness and diversity of these communities.
2. Nationalism as an Inclusive and Exclusive
Force: Anderson notes that nationalism has both inclusive
and exclusive elements. It brings people together as part of a
community, but it also creates boundaries and excludes those
who do not fit within the imagined community. The Two-
Nation Theory can be seen as an example of this duality, as it
aimed to unite Muslims within a separate nation while
simultaneously excluding them from a unified India.
 3. Language and Cultural Symbols: Anderson emphasizes
the importance of language and cultural symbols in creating a
sense of nationhood. In the case of the Two-Nation Theory,
Urdu and Islam served as significant cultural and linguistic
markers, reinforcing the distinctiveness and separateness of
the Muslim community.
4. Historical Narratives and Imagined Pasts: Anderson
discusses how imagined communities often rely on shared
historical narratives and myths to strengthen their sense of
collective identity. The Two-Nation Theory drew upon
historical narratives and the collective memories of Muslims
to justify the demand for a separate Muslim nation in the
Indian subcontinent.
5. Role of Print Capitalism: Anderson highlights the role of
print capitalism in the creation of imagined communities.
Printed materials, such as newspapers and books, create a
shared cultural and linguistic space, fostering a sense of
belonging and solidarity. In the context of the Two-Nation
Theory, the spread of Urdu-language newspapers and
literature played a role in shaping a distinct Muslim identity
and reinforcing the idea of a separate Muslim nation.

While Anderson’s theory does not directly address the Two-Nation

Theory, it provides a framework to understand the construction of
nationalism, the role of imagined communities, and the cultural and
symbolic elements that shape the understanding of nationhood. By
applying Anderson’s concepts, we can gain insights into the ways in
which the Two-Nation Theory and the idea of a separate Muslim
nation were imagined and propagated.

Two-Nation Theory:
Genesis and Evolution
What is the Two-Nation Theory?

The Two-Nation Theory is a political ideology that emerged in the early

20th century in British India. It posits that Hindus and Muslims in the
Indian subcontinent are distinct nations with separate religious,
cultural, and historical identities, and therefore, they cannot coexist
within a single unified state. The theory formed the ideological basis
for the demand for a separate nation for Muslims, leading to the
eventual partition of India and the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

Main Features of the Two-Nation Theory

Kindly note its following distinct features:

1. Time-specific: It was a time-specific formula relevant only

during the period when the Subcontinent was under British
rule. Accordingly, it became irrelevant once its objective,
namely Pakistan, was achieved on August 14, 1947, and rightly
replaced by Pakistan’s Ideology
2. Space-specific: It was a space-specific formula, only
applicable to pre-Partition British India, with three
conditions: MAJORITY, CONTIGUITY, & PREFERENCE.
Thus, only those provinces and regions in the British Indian
Empire were to form the new state of Pakistan where Muslims
were in the majority, contiguous geographically, and the
majority of the Muslims living there wanted to join Pakistan

3. Religion, one of the Markers: It took religion as the main

but not the exclusive marker of defining the nation, which
needed its own separate geographical space where they were
in majority, and in which they could govern their lives
according to their distinct socio-cultural moorings and
political bearings.

4. No forced Migrations: There was no forced transfer of

populations envisaged in the Two-nation Theory. The
founding fathers never stipulated the cross-migration of
Hindus and Muslims to new countries. What happened in the
aftermath of the partition is one of the unintended
consequences and is condemnable but it in no way reflects
upon the Two-nation Theory

5. Equal Rights for Minorities: Minorities everywhere feel

alienated, whether it is a developed country or an
underdeveloped one. And the causes are various; race,
religion, caste, sect, and colour. Thus, any maltreatment of
minorities in Pakistan has nothing to do with the Two Nation
 Theory. The Founding Fathers took a very clear stand on this
issue. In his August 11 speech, Quaid made the most cogent
and concise statement of his commitment to minorities.
Pakistan Ideology, which replaced the Two Nations Theory
after the creation of Pakistan, incorporates his views.

Role and Importance of Two-nation Theory

The Two-Nation Theory is one of the most central drivers of the history
of the Sub-continent in general and of the Pakistan movement in
particular. Its three most important roles are

A. Basis of British Indian Muslim Separatism/Separate

Identity & Status: 1857–1905)

The Two-Nation Theory played an important role in creating British

Indian Muslim separatism by emphasising not only their separate
identity but also their separate special status based on three
interrelated convictions.

1. Separate Belief: The Two-Nation Theory is based on the

firm conviction that the British Indian Muslims were a
separate nation because of their religion, which believes in
exclusivity. In other words, Muslims have a separate identity
wherever they live. Consequently, Islam is the defining factor
of Muslim identity in the Indian subcontinent.
 2. Separate Culture: It was argued that Muslims not only
shared a common faith, distinct from the majority Hindu
population, but they also had distinct cultural practices,
traditions, and languages, that set them apart from other
communities. It asserts that these differences are
irreconcilable and necessitate separate territories.

3. Separate Historical Consciousness: The Two-Nation

Theory considered British Indian Muslims not only as a
separate nationality but also as a special, privileged minority
because of 1000 years of Muslim rule in India. They
considered themselves to have a unique historical trajectory,
distinct from that of Hindus, further solidifying their claim to
nationhood.

B. Basis of Separate Political Representation/ Separate

Electorate: 1905–1930

The Theory was used to advocate for separate political representation

for Muslims to protect their interests and ensure their rights within a
predominantly Hindu-majority country. It argued that a separate
Muslim-majority state was necessary to safeguard Muslim rights and
prevent political marginalization. According to the Two-Nation Theory,
Hindus and Muslims are fundamentally incompatible due to their
religious and cultural differences. It claims that their separate religious
identities necessitate separate political entities to preserve their
distinct identities.
C. Basis of Separate Muslim Homeland or Separate State:
1930–1947

It played a pivotal role in the demand for the partition of India, arguing
that the creation of a separate Muslim-majority state, later known as
Pakistan, was essential to address the perceived injustices and
insecurities faced by Muslims under a Hindu-dominated political
framework. The Two-Nation Theory was one of the formulas used to
find a solution for the peaceful dissolution of the vast but crumbling
British Indian Empire in the 1940s.

It suggested that the Hindus and Muslims of India were two separate
nations based on their respective cultural markers, particularly their
religious beliefs, and practices. Hence, as per the principle of self-
determination, they needed separate states where they could practice
their religion freely and shape their socio-political destiny according to
Islamic principles.

Origins and Evolution of Two-Nation Theory

The origins and historical context of the Two-Nation Theory were

complex and multifaceted, encompassing multiple factors that can be
traced back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries in the context of
British India. The evolution of the Two-nation Theory can be
understood through its changing dynamics in response to growing
communal tensions between Hindus and Muslims in British India in
its three distinct phases
A. Embryonic Stage (1857–1905)

The Two-Nation Theory did not emerge in a vacuum but was a

response to objective conditions in the aftermath of the 1857 War of
Independence. Despite Hindus and Muslims coexisting in India for
centuries and adopting each other’s religious and cultural practices,
they maintained distinct identities. Religious scholars had emphasized
this separation even prior to 1857. However, the dynamics changed
after the decline of Muslim rule in India and the advent of
representative democracy, creating fears among the British Indian
Muslim elite of losing their unique identity and status.

Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan emerged as an early proponent of the Two-

Nation Theory, emphasizing the separate identity of British Indian
Muslims and advising them to remain aloof from politics, particularly
from the agitational politics of the Indian National Congress. However,
after his death, Muslim leaders recognized that without active
involvement in politics, they would never be able to safeguard the
interests of British Indians.

Their foresight proved accurate when they observed the organized

political activities of Hindus aimed at overturning the Bengal partition,
which was beneficial to the Muslims. Consequently, they formed a
delegation that met with the viceroy in 1905 and obtained a firm
assurance regarding reserved seats for Muslims.

B. Developmental Stage (1906–1929)

Encouraged by the success of the Shimla Delegation, wherein the
leaders of the British Indian Muslims got assurances from the British
for separate electorates, these leaders decided to establish their own
political platform known as the All India Muslim League in December
1906. During this stage, the Muslim League, as the vanguard of
separatism, gained recognition from British Indian Muslims as a
distinct nationality when separate electorates were provided in the
1909 Act.

However, its most significant achievement came in the form of the

Lucknow Pact, where Congress not only acknowledged Muslims as
separate from Hindus and accepted separate electorates but also
granted them additional representation and veto rights. The
culmination of this developmental stage of the Two-nation theory was
the publication of the 14 points by Quaid-e-Azam, outlining the
comprehensive demands of British Indian Muslims

C. Final Stage (1930–1947)

The Two-Nation Theory entered its third and final stage in 1930 with
the famous Allahabad address delivered by Allama Iqbal, demanding
the creation of separate states for the British Indian Muslims. It was
reinforced by the publication of Ch. Rehmat Ali’s pamphlet, delineated
the boundaries and names of the envisioned new states for British
Indian Muslims. These demands were solidified and put forth during
the Lahore Resolution, and the Theory attained its ultimate triumph
with the establishment of a separate state of Pakistan in 1947.
Mainsprings of the Two-nation Theory

Out of the multiple social, economic, and political factors shaping this
theory, we can identify the following as the mainsprings of the Two-
Nation Theory:

A. British Colonial Rule

The presence of British colonial rule in India played a significant role

in shaping the political and social landscape of the subcontinent.
Although the British came to India as a colonial power, they always had
this view that one day they would have to leave, and the legacy they
wanted to leave was a united India with British-style political
governance, a globally integrated Indian economy, and a society based
on British values. Thus, soon after assuming direct rule, the British
Government began introducing piecemeal constitutional,
sociopolitical, and economic reforms.

However, due to certain historical imperatives, these policies

benefitted the Hindus more than they benefitted the British Indian
Muslims, creating a sense of political marginalisation, economic
deprivation, and social alienation among them. This feeling of being
left out was the mainspring of the Two-nation Theory

B. Muslim Political Awakening

The late 19th century witnessed a revival of Muslim political
consciousness and an awareness of the challenges faced by the Muslim
community. The formation of organizations such as the All India
Muslim League in 1906 provided a platform for Muslim political
mobilization. After the end of the First World War, hundreds of
thousands of soldiers recruited from the Subcontinent were
demobilized. These war veterans had brought new ideas of freedom
and equality from their experience serving in different war theatres
and wanted to see India as an independent country.

C. Rise of Indian Nationalism

The early 20th century saw the rise of Indian nationalism, with the
Indian National Congress at the forefront of the independence
movement. However, the perception among some Muslims that their
interests were not adequately represented within the Indian National
Congress led to concerns about their future in a Hindu-majority-
independent India.

D. Hindu-Muslim Communal Divide

Communal tensions and conflicts between Hindus and Muslims were

exacerbated by a series of events, such as the partition of Bengal in
1905 and the Khilafat Movement in the 1920s. These incidents
highlighted the growing communal divide and fuelled the need for
separate political representation for Muslims.
E. Role of Leadership

Prominent figures like Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan, Allama Iqbal, and
Muhammad Ali Jinnah played pivotal roles in formulating and
popularizing the Two-Nation Theory. Allama Iqbal’s speeches and
writings emphasized the distinct identity of Muslims in India, while
Jinnah, as the leader of the All India Muslim League, became a
prominent advocate for the demand for a separate Muslim nation.

F. Global Developments

It is important to note that the historical context of the Two-Nation

Theory also intersected with broader global developments, such as the
concepts of nationalism and self-determination, which gained
prominence during the early 20th century. After the end of the First
World War, the 14 points of Woodrow Wilson's emphasis on self-
determination for suppressed communities proved one of the most
important drivers of the Two -Nation Theory.

At the same time, the 1917 Russian Revolution created feelings of mass
empowerment Similarly, near home, a successful revolt led by Dr. Sun
Yat-sen in China during the 1920s was an inspiration for the
nationalists in India. His achievements were recognized and admired
not only by the local and overseas Chinese but also by the global
community

Conclusion

Hindus and Muslims in British India were two separate nations based
on their respective cultural markers, particularly their religious beliefs
and practices. They, therefore, needed their respective separate
geographical spaces where they could live their lives accordingly.

The Two-Nation Theory, a time-specific, area-specific formula, was the

best option under the prevailing circumstances for the peaceful
dissolution of the British Indian Empire. The other two options,
namely a united Sub-continent, or its Balkanisation, were fraught with
grave consequences.
Industrial Sector of
Pakistan: Challenges and
Response
Introduction

No one can deny the role rapid industrialization can play in

accelerating the rate of growth of the economy, creating employment
opportunities, upgrading the technological base of the country, and
helping to increase the foreign exchange earnings of a country. Keeping
in view the paucity of arable land resources, Pakistan, in the
foreseeable future, cannot be a major exporter of agricultural products;
as such, the rapid industrialisation of the country could give a boost to
its export profile in terms of quantum and diversification. That’s why I
am dealing with both together in this chapter

Pakistan has done impressively despite all the handicaps and external
shocks to maintain a fairly consistent rate of growth throughout its 70
years of existence as an independent state. However, this rate has not
been as impressive as it should have been, keeping in mind its
potential in terms of its geo-economic location, resources, and
opportunities. Secondly, this rate has not been consistent throughout;
high rates are followed by depression in the next year, and so on. One
of the main reasons for this lopsided development has been the speed,
scope, and style of her industrial development

Unfortunately, the rate of growth of industrialization has not picked up

since the 1990s, for one reason or another, with serious implications
for its future development process. There are more than 3.7 million
people who are presently unemployed, while every year more than 1.7
million people enter the country’s workforce. The rate of
unemployment, on the back of stunted growth, has also gradually risen
from 5% in the fiscal year 2008 to 6.5% in 2019.

With the current rate of economic growth of around 3% over the past
several years, it will not be possible to absorb this rising labour force.
The already overburdened public sector can only absorb a fraction of
this increase in the increased labour force. On the other hand, the large
industrial houses in the private sector have neither the expertise nor
the incentive to upgrade their enterprises. The small and medium-scale
enterprises have more life in them, but, given their size and lack of
finance, they have also not been able to modernize.

The same is the case with Pakistan’s export performance; it has been
lacklustre and far below its potential, constituting a meagre 0.15% of
total world exports. Pakistan’s export profile is a mixed bag in terms of
volume, composition, destination, and growth rates. No doubt, its
exports have increased from 15.43 billion US dollars in 2005 to 25.45
billion US $ in 2019, depicting an annual growth rate of around 6–7%
per year. However, these growth rates are far below their potential, and
have not been consistent over this period; extraordinary growth in one
year has been followed by a paltry increase next year, and so on.

The same is true of its diversification profile. The majority of its

exported goods have been destined for a few countries, led by the USA
and followed by the United Arab Emirates, Afghanistan, China, the
United Kingdom, Germany, Turkey, Italy, Bangladesh, and Belgium in
descending order. Similarly, the composition of her exports reflects
great vulnerability, as more than 60 per cent of Pakistan’s exports
comprise cotton and textile products, followed by food items, sports,
and petroleum products in descending order.

It becomes all the more depressing if compared with other countries

that started their development process at the same time as Pakistan
and with almost the same initial conditions. During the last two
decades, China’s exports have increased over sixfold since 2000, and
India’s exports have grown over five times. Similarly, Vietnam, Turkey,
and even Bangladesh have also done well in their efforts to promote
their exports. In comparison, Pakistan’s exports have increased only
2.7 times over this period, reflecting its less-than-satisfactory
performance, placing it among the lowest achievers on this score.

Causes of Sluggish Industrial Growth in Pakistan

The lacklustre performance of Pakistan’s industrial sector can be

attributed to several interrelated factors; I will be highlighting a few of
them
 1. Weak Resource Base and Subsidy-Dependent
Culture:

Pakistan’s industrial sector started with a weak base, inheriting a small

number of industrial units of limited significance in 1947. Early
industrial development was heavily reliant on state subsidies and
support, which created a culture of dependency on government
incentives rather than market-driven growth. This approach led to the
production of substandard goods that were sold in captive markets.
Generous civil and military aid during the Cold War further
entrenched the subsidy-dependent culture, distorting market dynamics
and discouraging the pursuit of efficiency and competitiveness.

2. Low Priority to Human Development:

Pakistan has historically underinvested in human development,

including education and skills training. This has resulted in a shortage
of skilled and trained workers in the industrial sector. Without a skilled
workforce, industries struggle to adopt advanced technologies and
improve productivity.

3. Irrational Exchange Rate Policy:

Pakistan has often maintained an overvalued exchange rate, making

imported capital-intensive machinery more attractive due to the
availability of cheap dollars. This policy has distorted the industrial
mix, discouraging investments in labour-intensive industries that
could have created more jobs. An overvalued exchange rate has also
made Pakistani exports less competitive in international markets,
hindering the country’s ability to leverage its capacity for export-
oriented industrialization.

4. Neglecting Agriculture:

All over the world, it is the agricultural revolution that has preceded
the industrial revolution and not vice versa. Agriculture is a vital sector
that provides both a market and raw materials for the industrial sector.
Neglecting agriculture has resulted in missed opportunities for
industrial growth, as a thriving agricultural sector can fuel agro-
processing industries and provide a stable domestic market.

5. Lack of FDI:

Pakistan’s industrial sector has struggled to attract sufficient Foreign

Direct Investment (FDI) due to security concerns and competition
from regional rivals. The perception of insecurity has deterred
potential investors, limiting the influx of capital, technology, and
expertise that FDI can bring. FDI is crucial for upgrading technology
and expanding industrial capacity. Pakistan should work on improving
its security situation and creating a more favourable investment
climate to attract foreign investors.

Response
The best strategy for rapid industrialisation and consequent export
promotion entails reinforcing Pakistan’s existing strength in those
sectors that are already exporting. These should be supplemented by
creating the basis for establishing a new competitive advantage. It will
not only increase the quantity of our industrial products but also
expand their range to be used domestically as well as export higher
value-added goods. For this purpose, it must address the following
broad economic and trade-related issues, which play a crucial role in
affecting the overall competitiveness of a country’s industry to face
competition domestically and globally.

1. Devising an appropriate Policy Framework

To fully exploit her export-oriented industrial potential, Pakistan will

have to first formulate business-friendly national economic policies
that encourage the production of high-quality goods and services,
providing targeted incentives for R&D and value addition. These
policies should be reinforcing each other, and any anti-export bias
found in any policy should be removed. Within this broader
framework, Pakistan needs to formulate a comprehensive industrial
and trade policy that should indicate the broad direction for this sector,
create institutions and define their respective roles, make rules for
coordination, set safety and quality standards, and provide an
incentive and rewards system for various stakeholders.

In this policy environment, the Government’s role should be confined

to legislation, policy development, regulation, capacity building, and
facilitation, while the private sector should take the lead in investment
and value chain development on its own.

2. Increasing Exportable Industrial Surplus

Obviously, you cannot increase your exports without creating a

substantial exportable industrial surplus in the country. This, in turn,
means increasing the production of goods and services in all sectors in
general, but in the exportable sector the most. Consequently, it
translates into devising policies and strategies to increase production
through all three ways: surplus capacity utilization, capacity expansion
and productivity growth

A. Surplus Capacity Utilization: Thanks to past policies, there is a

lot of capacity in every industrial unit that cannot be utilized for one
reason or another—costly imported raw materials, lack of finance,
inadequate BMR, shortage of expertise, etc. There is thus a need for
carrying out a comprehensive analysis of all the export-oriented
industrial units and finding solutions for optimum utilization of their
excess capacity. If some industries have lost their relevance or
competitive edge, we should take bold steps and let them die their own
deaths.

B. Capacity Expansion/Diversification: Related to the above is

the need to increase the capacity of existing units or build new ones.
Without diversifying the production base, we cannot improve our
export profile. We should select goods and services to be promoted for
export based on their comparative advantage, global demand, and
growth potential in sunrise industries. Some of these sunrise industries
are electronic and telecommunication equipment, automotive parts,
biological pharmaceuticals, renewable energy, petrochemicals,
aerospace, etc

C. Accelerating Productivity Growth: An economic measure of

output per unit of input (the ratio of GDP to total hours worked in the
economy during a measuring period), productivity gains are vital to the
economy because they allow us to accomplish more with less. It comes
from three major sources, namely (a) investment in physical capital
and promoting innovation (b) skills formation by increasing labour
productivity through education, on-the-job training, skill up-gradation
and dissemination of new knowledge and techniques; and (c)
competition, which ensures that resources are allocated to the most
efficient firms and forces existing firms to organize work more
effectively

3. Enforcing Strict Quality Control

There is a need to promote the culture of quality at every stage of the

value chain and even among consumers through an awareness
campaign, appropriate legislation, institutional mechanisms, etc. There
should be strict quality control measures even for the domestic sale of
goods and services to make our producers quality-conscious. At the
same time, compulsory quality certification and subsidies to the
manufacturers of high-quality products are urgently needed. However,
it should be complemented by the establishment of facilitation centres
by the state to reduce the costs of production and ensure the quality of
finished products

4. Facing Challenges of the WTO Regime

Globalisation is a two-edged sword; it provides opportunities but also

poses challenges. Only those countries will be able to profit from this
phenomenon if they accept the challenges and come up with
appropriate responses. It is therefore essential to conduct constant
research about the issues raised in the new WTO regime to provide
useful information for taking market-friendly measures/Regional trade
agreements (RTAs) may work as an effective industrial policy,
increasing opportunities to export through the reduction of various
trade costs while simultaneously promoting market-friendly reforms.
However, there is a need to conclude such RTAs in consultation with
stakeholders to ensure that the interests of our manufacturers are fully
protected

5. Encouraging Private Public Partnership

The confident private sector is forcing the state to give them more
space in policy formulation, shed its extra load, and shift from the all-
encompassing roles of service provider, enabler, and regulator to
merely regulation. Pakistan is no exception to this universal trend, and
the private sector has become an active partner and player in
development, especially in the export sector. However, it needs
incentives like easy access to loans, better infrastructure, tax
concessions, etc.

Most of all, it demands good governance, consistency of fairly

formulated policies, level playing fields, and a quick dispute-resolution
mechanism. We should encourage our private sector to help Pakistan
become a trade corridor for the regional countries, particularly Central
Asian Republics which are witnessing phenomenal growth with a fast-
expanding market for which we need to develop our ports and other
transportation networks under a long-term plan

6. Reducing Transaction Costs

Pakistan is ranked 110th by the World Bank in its Ease of Doing

Business Index, higher than Argentina, Brazil, and India. Measures are
needed to improve this ranking by improving the country’s physical
infrastructure. This includes reliable and low-cost supplies of power,
water, gas, and telecommunications, cutting down on long delays in
shipments, clearances, cargo space, handling at ports and airports, etc.
for export industries.

We should encourage domestic investment in shipping to save $1.5

billion annually from being paid to foreign shipping companies.
Pakistan has a shipping fleet of 15, which carries less than 10% of our
trade as compared to the 40% permitted under international law.
Similarly, there is a need to improve its financial infrastructure for
which long-term financing and hedging products need to be developed
by the financial institutions

7. Social and Environmental Compliance

The opportunities arising from increased global trade are accompanied

by numerous challenges, both for manufacturers and exporters. One of
these is meeting strict quality and compliance requirements, not only
from a specific and technical perspective but also from regulatory,
social, environmental, and Customer-specific standpoints. Pakistani
exporters should equip themselves to become fully compliant with the
requirements of the advanced economies’ buyers and governments.
The government will have to come with a heavy hand to ensure social
and environmental compliance through appropriate policy
formulation, creating institutions and providing an attractive incentive
and reward regime

8. Encouraging SMEs to Export

Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) play a crucial role in any

economy, but they are hampered by their limited access to finance,
technology, management practices, and information. However,
without integrating the export-oriented SMEs into an organized
production network for exports, we cannot give a quantum boost to our
exports. The formal sector, through strategic alliances, subcontracting,
and outsourcing, can bring SMEs into the production network and lead
to overall productivity gains. The state will have to play a very
proactive role to ensure easy and affordable access to information, and
finance and create facilitation centres in cluster areas.

9. Attracting Foreign Investment

No one can deny the role of foreign investment in accelerating the

growth rate and promoting exports by bringing much-needed capital,
technology, and management practices to the country. We should
therefore attract foreign investors for export-oriented joint ventures in
Pakistan and also establish joint ventures abroad. For this purpose, we
should target brand-name merchandisers and large retailers of
standardized products. Foreign joint ventures can provide marketing,
design, logistics, and financing, while production can be handled by
domestic firms. However, it will require greater transparency and
disclosure by Pakistani firms aspiring for joint venture relationships
and a reliable dispute resolution mechanism to redress grievances.

10. Rationalising Import Policy

No country can afford to restrict imports in the rapidly globalizing

world of today. However, we should not go for the whole-scale opening
of imports across the economy to increase efficiency, as no country
practices absolute free trade; the US protects its steel, and autos and
heavily subsidizes agriculture and the defence sector, while the
European Union has provided hundreds of billions in subsidies to its
“inefficient” agriculture. We should therefore follow a cautious
liberalization of imports, restricting freer imports to the export sector
via bonded warehouses and export processing zones. Secondly,
reducing the level of protection for domestic industry and agriculture
at a time of severe challenges in the form of the internal security
situation and the energy crisis and expecting these sectors to compete
against the heavily subsidised competition is a recipe for disaster.

11. Maintaining a Rational Exchange Rate

A country that wants to grow has to expand its market; if the local
market is not large enough to absorb the expansion in output, it has to
find external markets for which its exportable surplus must be
competitive. Either your costs of production should be lower or your
cost of exchange (value of your currency) should absorb the increased
costs and be devalued to that extent. That means maintaining an
appropriate effective exchange rate to ensure certainty, not necessarily
rigid stability.

One of the major reasons for Japan's growth has been its continuous
efforts to improve its competitiveness by adopting both methods of
cost reduction through efficiency improvement and currency
depreciation. The Chinese learned their lesson from them and kept
their currency undervalued. Americans failed to do so and lost their
manufacturing, first to Japan and later to the Chinese.

12. Reinvigorating Economic Diplomacy

The role of exports as an important driver of economic growth in all
countries is well recognized. That’s why every country strives hard to
enhance its export capabilities. However, that is not enough if it is not
matched by an equally important measure: economic diplomacy. We
need to reinvigorate economic diplomacy in our foreign relations,
especially through our embassies. The role and effectiveness of
commercial counsellors in improving relations with trading partners
have to be strengthened.

All the institutions tasked with export promotion must be converted

into effective marketing organizations by involving the private sector
and inducting professionals. From a global perspective, trade is largely
conducted through regional alliances/groups. Pakistan is also a
member of such regional arrangements as SAARC and ECO, which
have yet to contribute to the promotion of intra-regional trade.

Education System in
Pakistan: Challenges and
Response
Introduction

Like most developing countries, Pakistan faces a multitude of

challenges, ranging from low, inconsistent rates of economic growth
and dysfunctional political development on the one hand to a
persistent institutional capacity deficit and rampant corruption on the
other. While terrorism, political instability, energy shortages, and
security-related problems, to name just a few, attract the most space in
print and electronic media, its biggest challenge, i.e., its dismal human
development record, particularly education, gets cursory attention.

The role of education in economic growth, political development, and

sociocultural improvement cannot be overemphasised. While a country
needs decent adult literacy to achieve sustainable economic growth, it
is education more than any other instrument that could ensure that the
fruits of this growth are shared equitably. Studies after studies have
confirmed that poverty rates vary inversely with the level of education;
low poverty rates are associated with high education levels and
extreme poverty rates with low education levels. Will Durant has
rightly pointed out that

“Utopias of equality are biologically doomed, and the best that the
amiable philosopher can hope for is an approximate equality of legal
justice and educational opportunity.”

The great economist T.W. Schultz, considered the father of human

capital theory, regards education as an investment for two reasons.
Firstly, investment in improving population quality can significantly
enhance the economic prospects and welfare of poor people, and
secondly, knowledge is the most powerful engine of production. In fact,
in the age of digital governance, anyone who lacks basic literacy or
numeracy skills will find it harder to access the educational or social
benefits of the Internet.

Saying that Pakistan’s education sector, primary, secondary, and

higher, is in dismal shape is an understatement; it is rather in a
pathetic state. A country with a per capita income of more than
US$1600 had been spending only 2.5% of its GDP on the education
sector up until recently. Consequently, it has been placed at one of the
lowest numbers in the global rankings year after year. Some of the
worrying indicators are

A. Adult Literacy

According to Article 25-A of the Constitution of Pakistan, providing

free and compulsory quality education to children in the age group of 5
to 16 years is one of its obligations to the citizens. However, after more
than 70 years of independence, the literacy figure has vacillated during
the six censuses held so far from 40% to 87%, with wide inter-regional,
inter-generational, and gender differences. In tribal areas, female
literacy is at 9.5%. Similarly, there is a wide inter-provincial disparity
in literacy rates, with Punjab leading at 73 % of the literate population,
followed by KPK (65 %), Sindh (60%), and Baluchistan (51%).

B. School Enrollment

With 25 million children out of the educational stream, Pakistan has

the second-largest out-of-school population after Nigeria, speaking
volumes about our priorities and policies. Even the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) of the UNO DGs failed to address this
issue properly, as there was no proper monitoring or ownership of the
MDGs. Although enrollment rates have gone up recently, there are still
pockets that require attention: children from very poor backgrounds,
children facing physical, learning, or mental challenges, and children
marginalised due to reasons of caste, ethnicity, or religion.

C. School Dropouts

More than 50% drop out of school before completing primary, and
80% drop out before matriculation. Girls and those in underdeveloped
regions are the worst, only better than those affected by insurgency and
terrorism. Our middle and high school graduation rates are still very
low. Too many children do not continue beyond primary school or
drop out later. But the Constitution’s Article 25A, the right to
education, promises “free” and “compulsory” education to all five- to
16-year-olds. If we are serious about educating the youth of Pakistan,
we must focus on middle and high schools.

The issues pertaining to middle and high schools are obvious. We do

not have enough schools at this level. The public-sector pyramid is
narrow at the top: there are 145,829 government primary schools in
Pakistan and only 31,740 high schools. Out of these, 6,816 high schools
are for girls only. But the same is the case with the private sector.
Where it is easy to open a primary school, opening and managing a
high school is costlier and harder — we need specialised teachers,
laboratories, etc. Doing this at very low fee levels is not possible

D. Educational Curriculum

Same apathy; out of tune with modern requirements, not in

accordance with market demand. It does not encourage critical
thought and creativity in students but rather incentivizes rote
memorization and regurgitating from the students what they have been
taught.

E. Teaching

At least the number of teachers is now not a problem, but their own
educational attainment and teaching capabilities need much
improvement. While the issue of Ghost Schools has been blown out of
proportion, the teacher absenteeism rate is high among government
teachers. Besides weak accountability, teachers who live farther from
school are absent more, especially female teachers who do not have
independent transport. The government also often assigns teachers to
non-teaching duties: helping with anti-polio drives, elections, etc.
Another very common reason for absenteeism is private after-school
tuition offered by the majority of the teachers.

F. Quality of Education
Although Pakistan produces about 445,000 university graduates and
10,000 computer science graduates per year, the quality of the
products is far below international standards due to the defective
educational system. For the second year in a row, none of Pakistan’s
universities have made it to the world’s top 500 institutes. Pakistan’s
universities feature somewhere in the top 800, and that too includes
only three universities. Compared to this, India has seven universities,
and China has 24 in the world’s top 500.

G. Educational Divide

There are three divides in the education stream, which are almost
coterminous-rich/poor, rural/urban, and semi-secular/purely
religious, each with a different curriculum and quality of education:
English-medium schools in urban areas for the rich, Urdu medium
schools for the middle classes, and madrassa education for the
marginalised in urban slums and rural areas.

Almost 40 per cent of Pakistani students are enrolled in low-cost

private schools. Their per-child cost is half of what the government
spends, but they produce students who are two grades ahead of those
in government schools. The mushrooming of private schools suggests
that the public demand for quality education is high.

Pakistan has 439 international schools that deliver a curriculum to any

combination of preschool, primary or secondary students, wholly or
partly in English outside an English-speaking country. The bulk of the
ruling elite (political and bureaucratic) and managerial class comes
from this pool.

H. Gender Disparity

According to UNESCO figures, primary school enrollment for girls

stands at 60 per cent as compared to 84 per cent for boys. The
secondary school enrollment rate stands at a lower rate of 32 per cent
for females and 46 per cent for males. Only 18% of Pakistani women
have received 10 years or more of schooling, while the representation
of women in STEMM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics,
and medicine) is abysmal.

Research indicates several problems faced by women in Pakistan in

their careers and education, including Pakistan’s patriarchal culture, a
lack of implementation of women-friendly policies (like maternity
leave, breastfeeding provisions, and child-care facilities), and systemic
sexism prevalent in medical/engineering education and training.

I. Facilities

A lot of work needs to be done to improve school facilities like

boundary walls, and classrooms. playgrounds, science laboratories,
and water and sanitation facilities.

What makes Pakistan’s education crisis particularly troubling is that it

exacerbates many of the country’s other problems. The uneducated
masses make ill-informed choices to elect their representatives, who
are in turn ill-equipped to effectively address Pakistan’s multi-
dimensional public policy challenges. Young people without sufficient
education have trouble getting jobs, perform inefficiently if selected,
and can become desirable recruitment targets for militant groups if
they do not get employed.

Causes

Every challenge Pakistan faces is a multidimensional phenomenon

with short-term as well as long-term structural or management causes.
However, we can list the causes of this abysmal state of educational
affairs as follows:

A. Historical Baggage

All of Pakistan’s problems can be easily traced to the initial conditions

at the time of our independence and the policies formulated since then.
When Pakistan came into existence, it was a classic example of an
underdeveloped country inheriting dismal socio-economic indicators.
Its literacy rate was less than 15 %. Life expectancy was less than 45
years. As such, it started with a deficiency that needed a long-term
vision, political commitment, huge resources, and a sufficient period of
internal stability and external peace.

No doubt, our founding fathers were aware of the importance of

educating the masses for the transformation of the new state into a
modern, progressive country, for which they convened an educational
conference the same year the country came into existence. Attended by
the founder of the country, the Conference described education as a
life-and-death issue for the nation but broke down in a debate over
which language to teach in schools.

The earliest education policy, formulated in 1959 by the “Sharif

Commission” under Ayyub Khan’s military government, stressed the
need to create a homogenous national identity based on Islam. Since
then, we have had New Education Policy 1970, Education Policy 1972,
National Education Policy 1979, National Education Policy 1992,
National Education Policy 1998–2010, and Education Sector Reforms.

All eight educational commissions produced reports with lofty ideals

but were poorly produced and inadequately implemented. In fact, each
new report was often prepared without giving due consideration to the
causes of the failure of previous policies and plans, extending the time
period for the unmet targets of previous policies

B. Resource Deficiency

As stated above, considering the magnitude of the problems at hand,

massive resources were required. However, not only was there a huge
gap between the demand for the resources and their supply or
availability but there was also severe competition among the needs for
these resources. Security imperatives demanded the allocation of huge
resources; the rest was to be divided among a host of development
needs. As such each got less than was required.

This resource deficiency is still the cause of our underdevelopment.

Due to the extremely dismal tax-to-GDP ratio, there is a paucity of
resources at the disposal of the state; most of these are spent on
defence and debt servicing, leaving a meagre amount for infrastructure
and social development, including education.

C. Political Governance

While the above two provide the perfect background, it is the political
leadership, past and present, which can be held accountable for their
lack of vision, for their incompetence in formulating appropriate policy
framework, for their self-centeredness, etc. Of course, the record of the
military dictators in this record is not impressive either, but they came
to power for other motives; expecting a long-term vision from them is
asking for the moon. The nationalisation of private schools and
colleges in the 1970s was a bolt from the blue for the private sector,
which took nearly two decades to recover.

In Pakistan, our elites have been fond of either motorways or large

industrial projects, not of creating world-class educational institutions.
Our nation’s education sector has always been the state’s stepchild of
our ruling elites. A country that can boast of the best road network in
SAARC because of its ownership by three successive regimes in
Pakistan, can do so in the education sector if there is ownership at the
highest level.

D. Economic and Administrative Mismanagement

Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the political elite, the economic

managers of the country should be taken to task for not steering the
economy in the right direction, not setting the priorities right, ill
planning faulty implementation, etc. At the same time, we cannot leave
the civil bureaucracy unscathed for its poor policy implementation,
inefficiencies, corruption, etc.

E. Ineffective Civil Society

We must admit that part of the blame for the current state of affairs in
education lies with society in general and civil society organizations in
particular for not being very vocal and aggressive in this respect. With
few exceptions, there are few non-governmental organizations that
have taken practical steps to fill the vacuum. No doubt, religious
groups have been very active in this field but the output coming out of
the educational institutions established by them is creating its own
problems

F. External Environment

Although we should not use the external environment as a scapegoat

for our internal shortcomings and shortsightedness, we should also not
ignore its importance. Indian hostility has forced Pakistan to spend a
major chunk of its resources on defence with the result that we are left
with fewer resources for spending on economic growth, including
human development (health, education, technical training, and skill
formation).

Secondly, we can blame the aid in the form of loans, which no doubt
eased our financial position but created a debt problem for the coming
generations. One-third of our budgetary resources are spent each year
on debt repayment, again leaving less for other societal projects.
Thirdly, it is the global financial crises that hit us hard off and on,
either in the form of higher oil prices or lower commodity prices

Recommendations:

No doubt, reforming the educational system of Pakistan is a gigantic

task requiring huge resources, a long time, and capable leadership.
However, there is no cause for despondency. As people are now
becoming more demanding, the media is becoming more vocal, and
civil society organizations are becoming more active, our political
leadership has no choice but to pay greater attention to human
development.

According to a recent report by Nadia Naviwala (Wilson Centre),

contrary to past practices and the general perception, Pakistan now
sets aside almost as much for education as it does for the military. The
military budget for the fiscal year 2016 is $8.2 billion (860 billion
rupees, or 2.9% of GDP), which is close to the $7.5 billion (790 billion
rupees, or 2.7% of GDP) budgeted for education.

But this figure relates only to government expenditure and 60 per cent
of students who go to government schools. If one includes the private
spending of US$ 8 Billion on education, national expenditure on
education doubles to at least $15 billion, crossing the 4 per cent of GDP
mark.

After the passing of the 18th Amendment to the Constitution of

Pakistan, approved in 2010, responsibility for education delivery and
spending has been devolved to the respective provincial governments,
which are now giving a lot of attention to the education sector.
UNESCO recommends that countries spend 15 to 20 per cent of their
budgets on education, while Pakistani provinces spend 17 to 28 per
cent of their budgets on education, as compared to the global average
of 13.7 per cent.

In fact, it has reached the absorption capacity of the provinces to spend

their respective educational budgets. Now the issue is to ensure that
these funds are spent properly, and the increased budgetary allocations
should result in improved standards of education, not bloated salaries
for the staff. Some of the suggestions are as follows:

A. Formulation of a Vision
Any transformation starts with a vision backed by total commitment at
the political and executive levels. The same is true for improving the
educational profile of the country. Countries that have achieved
universal public schooling have done so as part of larger favourite
projects of the elite. According to Faisal Bari,

“it is always a self-interested project by elites. That’s true everywhere.

Japan wanted to modernize, the US wanted to create something
called a ‘citizen’ from a nation of immigrants, and European
countries went into a race with each other on industrialization.
Europe realized their workforces needed to be much better in order to
keep up with each other and the rest of the world.”

Our ruling elites should be made to realise by the bureaucracy, civil

society, and the media that education is as crucial for the economic
growth of a country as motorways and other infrastructural projects
are. Political commitment at the highest level in terms of resource
allocation and providing guidance is the most crucial but also the most
difficult element for the successful and sustainable implementation of
any plan of action. If it is there, even a rudimentary legal framework
and institutional structure can work wonders; if not, even the best of
the above would not deliver.

Regarding the content of the education vision, I think its lower

benchmark should be the achievement of the targets given under the
Sustainable Development Goals approved by the UNO. On the other
hand, the upper benchmark of the vision should be the specific goals to
be set under the nine problem areas discussed above. Some of the
suggestions in this respect could be

1. At least five Pakistani universities should be on the list of 500 best

universities in the world, out of which one must be in the top 100
within the next decade. Five ways to ensure inclusiveness in higher
education whereby students from less privileged environments can
also rise the educational ladder

a. Establishment of Endowment Funds in each university (American

System)

b. State Subsidy to the universalities for sliding scale scholarships to

deserving students( European Model)

c. Forcing the Private Sector to allocate funds out of their Corporate

Social responsibility (CSR) allocations for this purpose (Indian Model)

d. State grants to those who can establish free education universalities

(Akhuwat Model/Pakistan)

e. Establishing state Universalities where education is highly

subsidized(Arab Countries Model)

2. 90 % literacy rate of the entire population

3. The single education system for all three streams of education

4. Provision of the proper educational environment in terms of
facilities, activities, and support systems in all the schools and colleges

5. Elimination of gender bias in school enrolment, dropout ratios,

educational standards, and facilitation

6. No child, male or female, of school-going age is to be out of school by

the year 2030 and onwards

B. Policy Formulation

After the formulation of a long-term vision for where the country will
be in the medium to long term in terms of education, the elected
representatives should, in association with all the stakeholders, frame a
comprehensive legal regulatory framework that is in sync with the
globally accepted best practices. Some of the fields requiring clear-cut
policy formulation and legislative enactment are

1. the respective roles of the public and private sectors in

achieving the above-mentioned vision,
2. the respective responsibilities of the federal and provincial
governments in educational reforms,
3. harmonizing the curricula of the current three streams of
educational systems and updating it with the requirements of
the modern world,
4. medium of instruction at various tiers, and so on.
C. Areas of Focus

Within the parameters set in the legal/regulatory framework, the main

thrust should be on the following four core issues:

1. Quality: Improving the quality of learning outcomes by

developing the capacity of education managers and
professionals including teachers, examiners, curriculum and
textbook developers by providing teachers with tools to
conduct ongoing classroom assessments of learning in core
subjects such as reading and mathematics, increasing funding
for quality-enhancing inputs such as reading materials,
science equipment, and textbooks, as well as quality assurance
standards focusing on learning outcomes rather than inputs.
2. Access: Increasing equitable access to quality early
childhood education, and primary, and secondary education
for all with special attention to marginalized groups,
particularly girls, by building and upgrading schools in
communities where there is little or no access to school. If we
cannot bring the school closer to the students, we can bring
the students closer to the school by providing them with
secure, safe, and paid-for transport facilities. We can
distribute bicycles to students, provide them with a bus
service, give them vouchers, or think of another way of paying
for and providing transport. Until new schools are opened,
and up-gradation programmes are completed, we can digitise
 the high-quality curricula and testing material and make it
available online, along with tutoring support, by employing
local teachers to work with specific pupils.
3. Affordability: By making education compulsory but free up
to a secondary level in the government schools and providing
generous scholarships to talented students coming from poor
families getting admission in private schools. There are
several ways to ensure inclusiveness in higher education by
making it affordable for students from less privileged
environments. Besides establishing state Universities where
education is highly subsidized, some of the measures could be
the establishment of Endowment Funds in each university,
generous State Subsidy to the universities for providing
sliding scale scholarships to deserving students, incentivizing
the private Sector to allocate funds out of their CSR
allocations for this purpose, and providing State grant to
those NGOs (Citizen Foundation/Akhuwat, etc) who can
establish free Education universities.
4. Governance: Strengthening governance and service delivery
by improving capacity at the school, district, and provincial
levels, including but not limited to agreed school standards
and strong public-private partnerships. Enhancing equitable
resource allocation and improving the fiscal sustainability and
effectiveness of educational expenditure, thereby fostering
transparency and accountability in the use of public resources.
For this, they do not need to reinvent the wheel; any decent work
already done within the country or abroad can be adapted and
enforced with suitable amendments. However, these policies and
programmes must be approved by competent forums for their
institutional legitimacy and to provide confidence to the stakeholders
for their long-term continuity irrespective of periodic regime changes.
The education sector should be treated as a special sector by
immunizing budgetary allocations for it from fiscal stresses and
political and economic instabilities. Allocations for education should
not be affected by squeezed fiscal space or a surge in military
expenditures or debts.

G. Policy Implementation

Here is the test of the leadership capabilities of the civil servants. The
best legal framework and institutional mechanisms can fail to deliver
results if not properly implemented. Attract the best technical and
managerial brains from within the country. Despite all the misgivings
people have about the critical shortage of this crucial element in a
developing country, we can find dedicated and hard-working people
with impeccable integrity to run these institutions. Of course, if such a
talent is not available locally, employ expatriates or even foreigners to
run these institutions with capable and dedicated staff

In this connection, the work done by our former Minister for

Education, Ata ur Rehman, is a good example. During his tenure, the
HEC established new universities of science and technology, including
science parks, instituted major upgrades for scientific laboratories,
rehabilitated existing educational facilities, and expanded research
support through the development of one of the best digital libraries in
the region. Within six years, almost 4,000 scholars participated in
Ph.D. programs in Pakistan and more than 600 students studied in
foreign Ph.D. programmes of which, 95% of students sent abroad for
training returned, an unusually high result for a developing country in
response to improved salaries and working conditions at universities.

If we have done this in the past, we can do it in the future too. In this
connection, the state should declare an educational emergency making
education up to matriculation compulsory for boys and girls between
the ages of 6 to 18. The state should take responsibility for primary
education while incentivizing the private sector and reputable NGOs to
come forward in a big way to deliver education at the middle to high
school level. While they could charge a market-based fee, the state
should provide vouchers to deserving students to enroll themselves at
the nearest appropriate-level private school.

Six Sociopolitical Fault

Lines of Pakistan
Introduction
Apparently, what is happening in Pakistan looks like a vicious power
struggle among powerful men to steer the country as per their
respective visions. However, an in-depth analysis of Pakistan’s
multiple crises would reveal that Pakistan has certain structural fault
lines that have made the political governance, economic management,
and social engineering of the country a challenge for its successive
ruling elites.

These fault lines, exacerbated by the interplay of global and regional

power politics, have direct or indirect, short-term as well as long-term
impacts on almost every policy decision our ruling elites make. Thus, if
you want to discuss why armed forces play a larger-than-life role in the
socioeconomic governance of the country, you will have to keep these
fault lines in mind. Similarly, if you are interested in knowing why
Pakistan hasn’t come out of its perpetual under-development cycle,
these fault lines in conjunction with domestic, regional, & global trends
and events will provide the clues.

In this article, I will try to shed light on the following six structural
fault lines in Pakistan and how they affect everything in Pakistan’s
socio-political landscape and its economic performance.

1. Pakistan’s Geography

2. Historical Traumas

3. Ethnic Composition
4. Economic Fragility

5. Democratic Deficit

6. Institutional weaknesses

Let me explain them in a bit of detail.

First Fault Line: Pakistan’s Geography

Pakistan’s geography has played a significant role in shaping the

country’s socio-political and economic challenges. Let’s explore in
detail how Pakistan’s geography has contributed to these crises:

1. Strategic Location: Pakistan’s location, particularly its

proximity to conflict zones such as Afghanistan, Iran, etc. has
played a significant role in contributing to its political
instability. Everyone knows how any crisis in these
neighbouring countries becomes central to our political
landscape. Remember how Afghanistan’s 40 years of war and
civil war have made Pakistan vulnerable to their spillover
effects, such as the influx of refugees, cross-border terrorism,
and the flow of arms and drugs. Similarly, the India- China
war for regional hegemony has a direct bearing on Pakistan.
Pakistan’s location also makes it strategically important for
major powers, such as the United States, China, and Russia.
 This has resulted in geopolitical competition and interference
in Pakistan’s internal affairs by these countries, which has
further complicated the political situation in the country. All
these countries want to see their own men in power in
Pakistan; their likes and dislikes affect our political setup.
That is why every politician is interested in being in the good
books of the USA.
2. Border Disputes and Regional Conflicts: Pakistan
shares borders with Afghanistan, Iran, India, and China.
These borders have been a source of disputes, leading to far-
reaching socio-political and economic consequences. The
Kashmir issue between Pakistan and India has resulted in
ongoing tensions, military standoffs, and strained diplomatic
relations. These conflicts divert resources away from
socioeconomic development, strain national unity, and hinder
regional cooperation.
3. Water Scarcity and the Indus River System: Pakistan’s
geography is characterized by a semi-arid to arid climate,
making water scarcity a pressing issue. The country heavily
relies on the Indus River system for its water resources.
However, disputes over water sharing, particularly with India,
and the impact of climate change pose significant challenges.
Water scarcity affects agriculture, energy production, and
access to clean drinking water, contributing to socioeconomic
inequalities and political tensions.
4. Natural Disasters: Pakistan is prone to natural disasters,
including earthquakes, floods, and droughts. These disasters
 have a devastating impact on infrastructure, agriculture, and
livelihoods. The frequency and intensity of such events
disrupt socioeconomic stability, exacerbate poverty, and
strain government resources. The response to these disasters
often highlights governance challenges and the need for
improved disaster management and resilience.
5. Uneven Development and Regional
Disparities: Pakistan’s geography has resulted in uneven
development and regional disparities. The country’s
mountainous terrain in the north, such as the Karakoram and
Himalayan ranges, poses challenges to infrastructure
development and connectivity. Remote areas and border
regions often face neglect in terms of infrastructure,
education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. These
regional disparities contribute to social unrest, political
grievances, and economic imbalances.
6. Transit Trade Challenges: Pakistan’s geography has
implications for transit trade due to its landlocked
neighbours, such as Afghanistan and Central Asian countries.
Political instability in neighbouring countries, logistical
challenges, and security concerns have hindered the
development of robust transit trade routes. This limits
Pakistan’s potential as a regional trade hub and adversely
affects economic growth and connectivity.
7. Energy Security: Pakistan faces energy security challenges
due to its geography. The country has limited domestic energy
resources and relies heavily on imports of oil, gas, and
 electricity. Geopolitical tensions and disruptions in supply
chains impact energy availability and affordability, affecting
industries, businesses, and households. Energy shortages and
load shedding have negative socio-economic consequences
and contribute to public dissatisfaction.

Second Fault Line: Traumatic History

Pakistan’s traumatic history since its inception has had a profound

influence on its political landscape, economic performance, and social
stratification. Let’s examine each of these aspects in detail:

1. Political Landscape: Pakistan’s complex and tumultuous

history has shaped its political landscape. Besides its colonial
legacy which has had a profound impact on the country’s
political, social, and economic systems, it is the British system
of governance, based on a highly centralized and authoritarian
model, which has been perpetuated in Pakistan through the
country’s political and military elites. Pakistan’s early years as
an independent state were marked by political instability,
military coups, and a struggle for power between various
political factions. The traumatic partition of British India in
1947 resulted in widespread violence, mass migrations, and
the displacement of millions of people. The subsequent
establishment of a separate state for Muslims led to the
formation of a new political identity and the challenges of
 building a nation from scratch. This traumatic history has
shaped the country’s political landscape by creating deep
divisions, ethnic and regional tensions, and an ongoing
struggle for power among political parties, religious groups,
and military institutions. Another factor contributing to
Pakistan’s political turmoil is its complicated relationship
with India which has fuelled nationalist and religious
extremism in Pakistan, as well as the military’s continued
influence in politics. The military’s involvement in politics has
made it difficult for elected governments to function
effectively, and it has also led to deep distrust between the
military and the civilian population.
2. Economic Performance: Pakistan’s traumatic history has
had a significant impact on its economic performance. The
challenges of partition and the subsequent wars with India,
particularly the Indo-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, have
imposed significant economic costs on the country. The
division of resources, the displacement of industries, and the
loss of agricultural land have hindered economic
development. Moreover, frequent political instability, policy
inconsistencies, and corruption have further hampered
economic growth and investment. The country has struggled
with high levels of poverty, unemployment, and inequality,
hindering its economic progress and exacerbating social
stratification.
3. Social Stratification: Pakistan’s traumatic history has
contributed to social stratification and divisions within
 society. The partition and subsequent migration resulted in
the formation of distinct communities based on religious,
linguistic, and regional identities. These divisions, along with
the hierarchical social structures inherited from the colonial
era, have created social stratification and inequalities. The
influence of feudalism, the unequal distribution of land, and
limited access to education and healthcare have further
exacerbated social divisions. The traumatic experiences of the
past, coupled with ongoing political and economic challenges,
have contributed to a sense of marginalization and exclusion
among certain segments of society.
4. Identity Politics and Ethnic Tensions: Pakistan’s
traumatic history has also fueled identity politics and ethnic
tensions. The country’s diverse ethnic and linguistic groups,
such as Punjabis, Sindhis, Balochis, and Pashtuns, have
distinct historical experiences and cultural identities. These
differences have at times resulted in political and ethnic
tensions, with demands for greater autonomy or recognition
of regional rights. These divisions have shaped political
narratives, electoral dynamics, and policy debates, often
contributing to political instability and challenges in
governance.
5. Militancy and Extremism: Pakistan’s traumatic history
has also influenced the rise of militancy and extremism within
the country. The Afghan war in the 1980s, when Pakistan
became a frontline state in the conflict, led to the influx of
refugees, the arming of militant groups, and the spread of
 radical ideologies. The traumatic fallout from this period,
along with ongoing conflicts in neighboring Afghanistan and
Kashmir, has provided fertile ground for the growth of
extremist ideologies, sectarian violence, and terrorism. These
factors have had a detrimental impact on the social fabric of
the country and pose significant challenges to stability and
security.

Third FaultLine: Ethnic Composition

Pakistan’s ethnic composition has played a significant role in shaping

its decision-making processes across various aspects of its polity,
economy, society, and foreign policy. The country is home to a diverse
range of ethnic and linguistic groups, each with its own distinct
cultural, historical, and socio-economic characteristics. Here’s how
Pakistan’s ethnic composition has influenced decision-making in
different spheres:

1. Polity and Governance: The ethnic composition of

Pakistan has had a profound impact on its political landscape
and governance structures. The country’s major ethnic groups
have historically held differing political aspirations and
demands for greater autonomy or recognition of regional
rights. This has led to the rise of identity-based politics, with
political parties often representing specific ethnic interests.
Decision-making in the polity is influenced by the need to
 navigate these ethnic dynamics, balance power-sharing
arrangements, and address the grievances and aspirations of
different ethnic groups.
2. Economy and Development: Pakistan’s ethnic
composition has influenced its economic policies and
development strategies. Regional disparities in economic
opportunities and resource distribution have resulted in
varying levels of development across different ethnic regions.
Decision-making in economic matters often takes into
account the need to address these disparities, promote
inclusive growth, and reduce socioeconomic inequalities. The
allocation of resources, infrastructure development, and
industrial policies are shaped by considerations of ethnic
representation and balancing regional interests.
3. Society and Culture: Ethnic composition is closely linked
to Pakistan’s societal dynamics and cultural fabric. Each
ethnic group brings its own language, traditions, and social
practices, contributing to the diverse cultural mosaic of the
country. Decision-making in matters of social policy,
education, language rights, and cultural preservation often
takes into account the demands and sensitivities of different
ethnic communities. Balancing the promotion of a unified
national identity while respecting and accommodating ethnic
diversity is an ongoing challenge in decision-making related
to societal and cultural affairs.
4. Foreign Policy and National Security: Pakistan’s ethnic
composition has implications for its foreign policy and
 national security considerations. The country’s borders with
neighbouring countries, such as India, Afghanistan, and Iran,
have significant ethnic and religious linkages. Decision-
making in foreign policy often takes into account the interests
and concerns of ethnic groups that share cultural, historical,
or religious ties with neighboring countries. Ethnic
considerations can influence stances on regional conflicts,
border disputes, and diplomatic engagements, as well as
decisions regarding security measures and counterterrorism
efforts.

Fourth Fault Line: Institutional Weakness

Institutional weaknesses reflected in ineffective and inequitable service

delivery, inefficiencies, lack of transparency, corruption, and
inadequate capacity within key institutions have contributed to
political instability in Pakistan in multiple ways

1. Weak Rule of Law: Institutional weaknesses have

undermined the rule of law in Pakistan. The judiciary, law
enforcement agencies, and other legal institutions have been
marred by inefficiency, corruption, and political interference.
This weakens the trust of citizens in the justice system,
hampers access to justice, and undermines the enforcement of
the law. The lack of effective rule of law erodes public
 confidence, fuels grievances, and fosters a climate of
impunity.
2. Corruption and Accountability Deficits: Institutional
weaknesses have facilitated widespread corruption and a lack
of accountability in Pakistan. Weak oversight mechanisms,
inadequate transparency, and limited checks and balances
enable corrupt practices within public institutions. Corruption
erodes public trust, diverts resources from essential services,
and deepens socio-economic inequalities. The absence of
robust accountability mechanisms allows those in power to
act with impunity, further eroding trust in institutions and
fostering political instability.
3. Inefficient Bureaucracy: Pakistan’s bureaucracy has often
been criticized for its inefficiency, red tape, and bureaucratic
hurdles. Institutional weaknesses have led to an inefficient
bureaucracy that hinders effective policy implementation and
service delivery. This inefficiency breeds public frustration
and contributes to a perception of a disconnected and
unresponsive government. The resulting lack of public service
delivery and inadequate governance aggravate political
instability.
4. Lack of Policy Continuity: Institutional weaknesses,
including frequent changes in government and lack of
coordination among institutions, have resulted in a lack of
policy continuity. Inadequate capacity and institutional
memory lead to fragmented decision-making processes and
inconsistent policy implementation. This undermines
 stability, hampers long-term planning, and contributes to
economic volatility. The absence of a coherent policy
framework further fuels political tensions and instability.
5. Limited Civil Service Capacity: Institutional weaknesses
have impacted the capacity and professionalism of the civil
service in Pakistan. The lack of meritocracy, politicization of
appointments, and inadequate training hinder the ability of
civil servants to effectively carry out their duties. This
undermines governance, impedes policy implementation, and
contributes to public disillusionment. The diminished
capacity of the civil service weakens the government’s ability
to address the needs and aspirations of the population,
perpetuating political instability.
6. Fragmented Power Structure: Institutional weaknesses
have contributed to a fragmented power structure in Pakistan.
The lack of institutional cohesion and coordination among key
institutions, such as the executive, legislative, and judicial
branches, results in a power imbalance and challenges in
decision-making processes. This fragmented power structure
leads to political gridlock, policy paralysis, and difficulties in
implementing meaningful reforms. The resulting instability
and lack of progress further erode public trust in institutions.

Fifth Fault Line: Democratic Deficit

Pakistan’s persistent democratic deficit, punctuated by periods of

military rule, has had a profound impact on the country’s political
landscape. The oscillation between civilian and military governments
has created a complex dynamic that shapes the nature of politics in
Pakistan. Here are some ways in which the democratic deficit and
military interventions have affected Pakistan’s political landscape:

1. Weak Democratic Institutions: The recurring

interruptions in democratic processes have undermined the
development of strong democratic institutions in Pakistan.
Institutions such as the judiciary, legislature, and electoral
bodies have been weakened by the constant shifts in power
and the erosion of their independence. This weak institutional
framework hampers the proper functioning of democracy and
limits the effectiveness of checks and balances on executive
power.
2. Fragile Political Parties: The democratic deficit has also
resulted in the fragility of political parties in Pakistan.
Frequent military interventions and manipulation of political
processes have weakened party structures, disrupted party
platforms, and fostered a culture of personality-based politics.
This undermines the stability and continuity of political
parties, making it difficult to establish long-term policy
agendas and coherent political platforms.
3. Erosion of Political Legitimacy: The democratic deficit
has contributed to a crisis of political legitimacy in Pakistan.
The interruption of democratic processes by military rule
undermines the credibility and trust in elected governments.
 This leads to a lack of faith in democratic institutions and a
perception that the military is a more reliable and stable force
in governing the country. The erosion of political legitimacy
undermines the democratic system and perpetuates a cycle of
instability.
4. Politicization of the Military: The military’s intervention
in politics has resulted in the politicization of the armed
forces. The military’s involvement in governance, both
directly through military rule and indirectly through behind-
the-scenes influence, blurs the lines between military and
civilian domains. This militarization of politics weakens
civilian control, limits the power of elected governments, and
perpetuates a power imbalance that undermines democratic
principles.
5. Suppression of Civil Liberties: Military rule often leads
to the curtailment of civil liberties and the restriction of
political freedoms. Fundamental rights such as freedom of
speech, assembly, and expression are curtailed under
authoritarian regimes, stifling political discourse and dissent.
This repression further exacerbates political tensions, fosters
a climate of fear, and inhibits the development of a vibrant
and pluralistic political landscape.
6. Policy Inconsistency and Fragmentation: The
democratic deficit, coupled with military interventions, has
resulted in policy inconsistency and fragmentation. Frequent
changes in government and policy reversals disrupt the
continuity of governance and impede long-term planning and
 development. The lack of stability and consistency in policies
hinders economic growth, undermines public trust, and
perpetuates a cycle of political instability.

Sixth Fault Line: Economic Fragility

Economic fragility in Pakistan has a profound impact on the country’s

political landscape. The state of the economy and people’s economic
well-being significantly influence public sentiment, political dynamics,
and the stability of the ruling government. Let’s explore the ways in
which economic fragility affects Pakistan’s political landscape:

1. Public Dissatisfaction: Economic fragility, characterized

by high poverty rates, unemployment, inflation, and income
inequality, breeds public dissatisfaction. When people
struggle to meet their basic needs and experience
deteriorating living conditions, they become discontented
with the ruling government’s performance. This
dissatisfaction often translates into political unrest, protests,
and a loss of confidence in the government’s ability to address
its economic concerns.
2. Political Mobilization: Economic fragility can fuel political
mobilization as people seek alternatives to address their
economic grievances. Opposition parties and political
movements can capitalize on public dissatisfaction to gain
support and challenge the ruling party. Economic issues
 become central to political campaigns and agendas, with
promises of economic reforms, job creation, and poverty
alleviation becoming key talking points.
3. Populist Appeals: Economic fragility provides fertile
ground for populist appeals in politics. Populist leaders often
exploit economic hardships and frustrations by offering
simplistic solutions and making promises that resonate with
the disenchanted masses. They might advocate for
protectionist measures, redistribution of wealth, or populist
economic policies that attract support from those affected by
economic fragility.
4. Political Instability: Economic fragility can contribute to
political instability in Pakistan. When the economy faces
significant challenges, such as fiscal deficits, a balance of
payments crisis, or currency depreciation, it creates an
environment of uncertainty and volatility. This instability can
lead to changes in government, policy reversals, or a lack of
continuity in economic decision-making, further exacerbating
economic fragility and hindering long-term development.
5. Corruption and Governance Challenges: Economic
fragility often intersects with issues of corruption and
governance deficiencies. Weak economic systems and
institutions can foster corruption, mismanagement, and rent-
seeking behaviours, diverting resources from essential public
services and exacerbating economic challenges. Corruption
scandals and a lack of accountability erode public trust and
contribute to political instability.
 6. Social Unrest: Economic fragility can also result in social
unrest and protests. When people face deteriorating economic
conditions and feel marginalized, they may take to the streets
to express their grievances and demand change. Social unrest
can disrupt the political landscape, force the government to
respond, and shape the policy priorities of the ruling elite.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Pakistan’s structural fault lines have been a persistent

challenge that has shaped the country’s trajectory. The interplay of
various factors, such as its geography, historical legacy, democratic
deficit, economic fragility, ethnic composition, and institutional
weaknesses, has contributed to political instability, economic
challenges, social divisions, and foreign policy complexities. These
fault lines have created a complex web of interrelated issues that
require comprehensive and sustained efforts to address.

The presence of such fault lines has hindered Pakistan’s progress in

achieving stability, inclusive development, and effective governance.
The country’s leadership must recognize and confront these fault lines
head-on, fostering national unity, strengthening democratic
institutions, improving governance and accountability, promoting
economic resilience, and addressing socio-economic disparities.

Moreover, addressing these structural fault lines requires a long-term

vision, political will, and the active participation of all segments of
society. Efforts should be made to bridge ethnic, regional, and socio-
economic divides, fostering a sense of national identity and shared
destiny. By doing so, Pakistan can build a more cohesive, prosperous,
and resilient nation that can effectively address its challenges and
realize its full potential.

Climate Change:
Challenges & Response
Abstract

Climate change is one of the most pressing issues facing our world
today. It is caused by natural actions as well as human activities such
as burning fossil fuels, deforestation, and agriculture, which release
greenhouse gases into the atmosphere and cause global temperatures
to rise. This increase in temperature has far-reaching consequences,
including melting ice caps, rising sea levels, and more frequent and
severe natural disasters.

The effects of climate change are already being felt around the world,
and they will only become more severe unless action is taken to
address the root causes of the problem.
In this article, we will explore the causes and consequences of climate
change and examine some of the ways that individuals, communities,
and governments can work together to mitigate its impact.

What is Climate Change?

Climate change is a broad term used to refer to changes in the Earth’s

climate at local, regional, or global scales and can also refer to the
effects of these changes. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change (IPCC) is a scientific body established by the United Nations to
provide policymakers with objective and comprehensive information
about climate change. While the IPCC does not provide an official
definition of climate change, it does offer a widely accepted and
authoritative assessment of the phenomenon.

According to the IPCC’s Fifth Assessment Report (AR5), climate

change is defined as:

“A change in the state of the climate that can be identified by changes

in the mean and/or the variability of its properties and that persists
for an extended period, typically decades or longer. Climate change
may be due to natural internal processes or external forcings, or to
persistent anthropogenic changes in the composition of the
atmosphere or in land use.”

This definition emphasizes that climate change involves alterations in

the average conditions and variability of climate factors (such as
temperature, precipitation, and wind patterns) over a significant
period. It acknowledges that climate change can result from both
natural factors and human activities, including changes in greenhouse
gas concentrations and land-use practices. In recent decades, the term
‘climate change is most often used to describe changes in the Earth’s
climate, driven primarily by human activity, particularly the burning of
fossil fuels and removal of forests, resulting in a relatively rapid
increase in carbon dioxide concentration in the Earth’s atmosphere.

What is Global Warming?

Global warming refers to the long-term increase in Earth’s average

surface temperature due to the buildup of greenhouse gases (GHGs) in
the atmosphere, primarily caused by human activities.

When fossil fuels (such as coal, oil, and natural gas) are burned for
energy production, transportation, and industrial processes, they
release significant amounts of carbon dioxide (CO2) and other GHGs,
such as methane (CH4) and nitrous oxide (N2O). These GHGs trap
heat from the sun in the atmosphere, preventing it from escaping back
into space. This phenomenon is often referred to as the greenhouse
effect.

The enhanced greenhouse effect resulting from the increased

concentrations of GHGs leads to a warming effect on the Earth’s
surface and lower atmosphere. Over time, this leads to global warming.
The consequences of global warming include rising temperatures,
altered weather patterns, melting glaciers and polar ice caps, sea-level
rise, and ecological disruptions.

It’s important to note that global warming refers to the long-term trend
of increasing temperatures, while short-term fluctuations and
variations in weather patterns are considered part of natural climate
variability and not indicative of global warming on their own.

Global Warning is Not Climate Change

Global warming and climate change are related but not exactly the
same. Global warming refers specifically to the long-term increase in
Earth’s average surface temperature, primarily caused by human
activities that release greenhouse gases into the atmosphere.

Climate change, on the other hand, encompasses a broader set of

changes beyond just temperature. It refers to long-term alterations in
various aspects of the Earth’s climate system, including temperature
patterns, precipitation patterns, wind patterns, and more. Climate
change includes the effects of global warming but extends to other
climate-related shifts and impacts, such as sea-level rise, changes in
precipitation patterns, melting ice caps and glaciers, and shifts in
ecosystems and biodiversity.

In summary, global warming is one component of climate change,

specifically focusing on the increase in average surface temperature,
while climate change encompasses a wider range of changes and effects
beyond just temperature.

How Serious is the Threat?

Climate change is a reality unfolding gradually but surely. Not only are
the frequency and virulence of the extreme meteorological phenomena
increasing, but they are also becoming more persistent due to the
unprecedented speed with which it have unfolded. According to the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), since 1880, the
average global temperature has increased by 0.85°C, sea levels have
risen by 19 cm, and the Arctic has lost 1.07 million km2 of ice per
decade. As per the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), the
five-year period 2015–2020 was the hottest of all time.

Climate Change is affecting millions of people across the world,

especially the most vulnerable, by causing material damage and
population displacement. According to the Internal Displacement
Monitoring Centre (IDMC), natural disasters led to the internal
displacement of 17.2 million people in 2018.

What are the causes of Climate Change?

Well, the climate of our planet has changed throughout its life, through
natural causes that can be measured in hundreds and even millions of
years. Several areas have been researched over the years, including
anthropogenic global warming (AGW), which puts a lot of blame on
man-made emissions. However, others do not claim that man-made
emissions are a major cause of climate change. Each theory is plausible
and sheds light on some likely causative factors for climate change.
Some of these are as follows:

1. Planetary motion: The Milankovitch Theory.

According to Milutin Milankovi, a Serbian geophysicist, changes in the

Earth’s orbit mean that the distance between the planet and the sun
changes. These small changes in distance happen over a very long
period, and this, in turn, affects the amount of solar radiation that
reaches Earth.

Milankovitch theorized that the last ice age ended about 12,000 years
ago. And the next ‘cooling cycle’ may occur in about 30,000 years. A
natural cause of climate change; is just global cooling rather than
global warming.

2. Solar variability-The Sun Spots Theory

As per this theory, changes in the coronal ejections and magnetic fields
of the sun cause changes in cloud formation, ocean currents, and wind
that cause the climate to change. An increase in sunspots (which come
and go in a 10- to 11-year cycle) is associated with increased solar
output. It has been calculated that at the height of an 11-year cycle, the
global temperature rises by approximately 0.4%.
3. Cloud formation /El Niño–La Niña cycle.

Some changes occur in the earth’s climate that have no external trigger.
These types of changes are caused by factors and interactions within
the climate system itself. One example of this phenomenon is the El
Niño–La Niña cycle.

El Niño raises the global temperature, while its ‘partner influencer’, La

Niña, reduces it. The cycle repeats approximately every 5 years. The
effects are short-term, however, lasting just a few years.

4. Asteroids: The Dinosaur Extinction Theory

When an asteroid strikes the earth, dust and debris particles are
thrown into the upper atmosphere. The sun’s rays are blocked, causing
the insulation to be reduced and the climate to cool. This happens
because energy from the sun is bounced back into space instead of
coming straight through and warming the planet. The effect of this is
immediate and quite profound; this is what happened to the dinosaurs
66 million years ago!

Luckily, the chances of asteroids of that size striking Earth are slim.
However, it has been suggested that our planet, occasionally, passes
through areas of space that contain pockets of asteroids that could also
have had a significant impact on Earth’s climate.

5. Volcanic Activity
Adding up all emissions produced by volcanic eruptions, scientists
estimated that about 0.645 billion metric tons of CO2 is emitted per
year, contributing to climate change. A seemingly tiny number
compared to the 43.1 billion metric tons of CO2 produced by human
activity in 2019.

Interestingly, volcanoes have a mixed effect on our climate. Eruptions

emit the greenhouse gas carbon dioxide (CO2), which causes global
warming, but they also emit aerosol particles such as sulfur dioxide,
which is known to be reflective and can block 5 to 10 percent of the
sun’s warming energy.

6. Ocean currents

Some scientific studies have proved that global temperature variations

over the past century and a half and particularly the past 30 years were
due to the slowdown of the ocean’s Thermohaline Circulation (THC).

7. Bio-thermostat

According to this theory, rising temperatures and levels of carbon

dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere trigger biological and chemical
responses that have a cooling effect, like a natural thermostat.

8. Anthropogenic Global Warming (AGW)

No doubt, climate change is a natural phenomenon posing a threat to
the future of our planet, but there are multiple ways in which humans
are increasingly influencing the climate and the earth’s temperature.
Thus, Anthropogenic Global Warming (AGW) is caused by humans by
burning fossil fuels, cutting down forests, livestock farming, burning
wheat/rice stubble, brick kilns, etc.

There is strong consensus among scientists, representing 97% of

actively publishing climate scientists, that human influence has been
the dominant cause of observed warming trends since the 20th
century. The concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere has
risen from hovering around 280 parts per million (ppm) in pre-
Industrial times to 413 ppm as of early 2020. This concentration of
carbon dioxide is unprecedented in recorded history. Scientists have
reported that we need to return to a ‘safe’ concentration of 350 ppm by
2100 to stabilize global warming.

Mitigating and Adapting to Climate Change

How can we meet this challenge?

Any social, economic, political, or even technological problem in any

country needs action at five different levels, namely

1. Public policy (state)

2. Corporate Policy (private sector)

3. Social level (Society)

4. Individual level (citizens)

5. Global level (UNO plus other state and non-state entities like NGOs)

A. State-level

In every country, the state influences human activities by taking or not

taking actions in its three historical roles, namely regulative,
facilitative, and service provision.

1. Regulative Role: Acting as a regulator, the state should

formulate a long-term vision of what it wants to do with the
rising threat of climate change, provide a comprehensive
legal/regulatory framework to indicate how it intends to
tackle it, and create the necessary institutional mechanisms to
implement it. Of course, this regulatory framework would
have adequate incentives and rewards for those who comply
while prescribing punishments to those who resist it through
tax and non-tax measures
2. Facilitative Role: Similarly, acting as a facilitator, the state
should not only create capacity among the stakeholders but
also provide facilities for them to cope with the threat. Besides
providing tax and non-tax concessions to the corporate sector
to incentivize them to adopt eco-friendly manufacturing
 practices, the state can allocate resources for creating and
strengthening institutions to help the private sector and civil
society in their endeavours.
3. Service Provider: Lastly, in its capacity as the service
provider of last resort, if the state realizes that the private
sector and civil society are not adequately responding to the
challenges posed by climate change, it could enter the field in
two ways. It could either start eco-friendly projects itself or
enter into a public-private partnership to do so, such as public
transport, energy generation, waste management, smart
cities,

Some of the areas in the state that can perform their roles as
regulators, facilitators, and service providers to effectively tackle the
threats posed by climate change are as follows:

1. Setting goals to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and

implementing policies that advance the goals of the Paris
Agreement — at least a 26–28% reduction in greenhouse gas
emissions below 2005 levels by 2030
2. Legislation to ramp up renewable energy. Clean energy is
essential to reducing pollution and creating jobs; increase the
amount of electricity it gets from renewable sources to 50% by
2030.
3. Push for better energy efficiency. Homes and commercial
buildings account for 40% of total energy use, which makes
 energy efficiency a crucial part of any plan to mitigate climate
change, establishing standards that will improve the energy
performance of large commercial buildings.
4. Policies for Zero-Emission Vehicles: Lead the nation in
reducing passenger vehicle emissions, the largest source of
emissions in the transportation sector. Require auto
manufacturers to make electric vehicles and provide rebates
to people who install a new electric vehicle charging system or
upgrade existing systems.
5. Regulations to cut harmful air pollutants: Although pollution
from carbon dioxide receives the most attention, short-lived
climate pollutants, such as black carbon, methane, and
hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs), also pose key challenges to
climate and health. Limit methane leaks from natural gas
infrastructure and landfills, prohibit the use of harmful HFCs
6. Create financing opportunities for clean energy and resilient
communities. Make investments in safeguarding residents,
municipalities, and businesses from the impacts of climate
change, as well as protecting environmental resources and
improving recreational opportunities.
7. Develop special tools and resources to help the state address
climate change. To track their progress on climate action and
assess the risks of impacts, states need special tools and
resources. Develop a Greenhouse Gas inventory that tracks
and projects future emissions. Create websites to help coastal
communities manage challenges from climate impacts, such
as rising sea levels.
B. Corporate sector

Some of the ways the private sector can help the state and society
appropriately respond to the climate change challenge are by

1. attracting customers toward the use of renewable resources

through marketing strategies
2. improving energy efficiency and opting for renewable energy
over fossil fuels.
3. promoting ecological industry, agriculture, fishing, livestock
farming, food sustainability, responsible consumption,
4. and adopting the 3 Rs rule (reduce, reuse, and recycle).
erecting buildings and infrastructure that are safer and more
sustainable.

C. Society level

While the state and the private sector can do a lot to respond to the
challenge of Climate Change, all their actions come to naught if society
at large does not cooperate with them wholeheartedly. Some of the
ways it can respond are

1. Organizing awareness campaigns regarding the threat of

global warming to pressurize your governments to take action
2. Take practical measures at the community level for climate
change, such as promoting public transport and sustainable
 mobility by increasing the number of journeys in towns by
bicycle, reducing the number of flights, and taking more trips
by train or in shared cars.
3. The reduction in livestock farming will have a positive effect
on reforestation, freeing up more land for the cultivation of
food for human consumption.
4. We will live in houses fed by renewable energy, and scarcely
any concrete buildings will be built.
5. There will be fewer parking zones on our streets and more
urban allotments, parks, and gardens. houses fed by
renewable energy, and scarcely any concrete buildings will be
built.

D. Individual-level

In the ultimate analysis, it is the individual who is going to be affected

by climate change. Therefore, we should try to meet this challenge at
the individual level by

1. acting at the personal and family level; energy saving,

recycling, re-using,
2. sharing more goods and services, purchasing less and reusing
more, and recycling almost everything. Single-use plastics and
packaging should be easier to sort and recycle.
3. eating fruit and vegetables, while meat, dairy, and fish should
no longer be staples in our diet.
 4. choosing to walk, travel by bike, or use public transport to
save time and improve our quality of life through a reduction
in noise and traffic jams.

E. Global Level

Needless to say, climate change is a global crisis and thus needs action
at the global level of adaptation and mitigation through cooperation in
R&D, sharing, and helping. There is still time for us to adopt all the
adaptive and mitigation measures to ensure a decent quality of life in
these harsh times. Policies on adapting to climate change will help us
withstand the consequences of global warming.

COP27-Conference of the Parties about Climate Change

COP 27 is the 27th round of the UNO-sponsored Conference of the

Parties (COP) to the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC), which took place in the Egyptian coastal
city of Sharm el-Sheikh from November 6th to 20th

It opened with a familiar warning about worsening climate impacts

and a significant lack of progress on cutting emissions, exacerbating
the distrust between developing and developed countries that have
plagued the UN climate process for years. Here are seven takeaways
from COP27.
1. Climate Change is Real and Coming: World leaders are
now convinced that Climate Change is a reality unfolding
itself. Not only are the frequency and virulence of extreme
meteorological phenomena increasing, but they are also
becoming more persistent due to their unprecedented speed.
It is affecting every country, but asymmetrically. While
millions of people are affected by material damage and
population displacement, people in developing countries are
more vulnerable to climate impacts, despite having
contributed the least to the problem.
2. Global Multidimensional Cooperation Needed: The
best takeaway is the realization by world leaders of the need
for more sustained global cooperation that includes the
corporate sector more vigorously. In fact, the fight against
Climate Change must be led by the global corporate sector.
3. Developed Countries Acknowledge the Need for
Funding for Loss and Damage: Developed countries have
long sought to avoid direct talks on financing loss and damage
by Climate Change. However, the recent Pakistan floods and
vigorous diplomacy by its delegation not only saw the issue
firmly established at the heart of climate negotiations but
achieved agreement on the establishment of a fund, an
outcome few had thought likely ahead of the talks. Although
details need to be thrashed out at future COPs, the agreement
is a breakthrough for poorer nations.
4. Fossil Fuel lobbying is still very strong. There were 636
lobbyists from the hydrocarbon industry registered at COP27,
 higher than the 503 at COP26, which already outnumbered
the delegation of any single country, showing their growing
influence at the climate talks. The Sharm El-Sheikh
Implementation Plan reflected their influence. New language
referring to “low emissions” energy was included alongside
renewables as the energy sources of the future, an undefined
term to be a significant loophole, to justify new fossil fuel
development.
5. Strict Action Against Greenwashing: More businesses
should set net-zero climate targets. However, concerns about
greenwashing, whereby a company uses advertising and
public messaging to try to appear to be environmentally
sustainable and green — greener than it really is, growing.
Persuaded by COP27, the UN secretary-general set up a task
group that presented ten recommendations about criteria that
companies must meet to claim credibility. In addition, the
International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO) also
published a net-zero “guidelines paper”.
6. Food Systems/Agriculture under Scrutiny: Food and
farming have previously been absent from official inclusion in
UN talks, despite global food chains from production to
consumption contributing around one-third of greenhouse
gas emissions. However, to support farmers to adapt, COP27
launched Food and Agriculture for Sustainable
Transformation (FAST) initiative, to improve the quantity and
quality of climate finance contributions for transforming
agriculture by 2030, to be led by the UN’s FAO.
The “implementation COP” did not live up to its name, but momentum
is building elsewhere: Although by the end of COP27, developed
countries still had not delivered the US$100 billion a year they had
promised in 2009, COP27 ended on a positive note of greater
cooperation

Relationship between
Economic Development &
Political Stability
Introduction

Economic growth and political stability are deeply interconnected.

While uncertainty associated with an unstable political environment
may reduce the pace of economic development, poor economic
performance may lead to government collapse and political unrest.

What is Economic Growth/Development?

Economic growth is the process whereby a country’s real national

income increases over time with attendant socio-political &
technological changes. An increase in national income due to windfall
gains(oil price increase) is not economic growth
Similarly, economic growth must be inclusive, and sustainable and
most importantly, its gains are equitably shared by all sections of
society and all regions of the country.

What is Political Instability?

The standard definition of political instability is frequent regime

changes in short periods due to agitational politics; in-house changes
through the due constitutional process are not, political instability.
Consider the UK. Litmus test? Public satisfaction

Do not equate the political stability of a democratic regime with that of

the political tranquillity of a country under a dictatorship promoting
crony capitalism. There are 3 dimensions of political stability:

1. stable government
2. stable political system
3. internal law & order

Economic growth and political stability are deeply interconnected;

poor economic performance may lead to government collapse and
political unrest through its adverse impact on the quality of life of
citizens with detrimental spin-off effects on political stability

What is Quality of Life

Quality of life has three interrelated & interdependent components

1. Standard of Living: Increasing the quantity, quality and

access to economic goods and services i.e., food, shelter,
clothing, health, education etc.
2. Good Governance: Increasing the quantity, quality and
access of political goods and services-protection from external
aggression, internal law and order, access to justice, political
empowerment etc.
3. Social Development: Increasing the quantity, quality and
access to social goods and services- a classless society,
equality of opportunity, cultural enhancement, amiable
environment, absence of discrimination on the basis of race,
religion and gender etc.

To achieve the above-mentioned objective, every state needs resources;

the more, the better. Only through a decent rate of economic growth, a
state can extract enough resources to improve the standard of living of
the people and give them an environment for leading a happy life.

How does poor economic performance affect political

stability?

There are four different ways in which poor economic performance can
cause political instability
 1. General Unrest
2. Regime Changes
3. System Changes
4. Existential Threat

Let me explain them in a bit of detail

A. General Unrest

A higher growth rate with social justice means a higher quality of life
and general happiness; economic slowdown creates general unrest
because of increasing unemployment, scarcity of goods and services,
and resultant inflationary pressures

All these effects resulting from poor economic performance adversely

affect the mental health of those badly affected. And hard hit is the
poor and the salaried middle class, forcing them to reduce their
expenditure on the health and education of their children.

It, in turn, adversely affects better income/ job opportunities for their
children, perpetuating generational inequalities. Terrorism has
multiple causes but poverty and inequality become major push factors
for fuelling terrorism in a country.

General unrest caused by poor economic performance forces the

government to devote its time & resources to suppressing this unrest if
it spills over to violent agitation. Thus the regime is unable to devote its
time and energy to long-term policy formulation, repeating the cycle

B. Regime Change

A regime change is not bad if it is orderly and timely but frequent

regime changes due to this general unrest are invariably harmful to the
country in the long run. It was the frequent regime changes during the
1950s which brought the military into politics.

We are still suffering from the frequent change of governments during

the 1980s. And what causes a regime change? Generally poor economic
performance. Churchill was enjoying huge popularity but lost the
elections because the labour party came up with the slogan of social
reforms

In 1991, days after the Kuwait War, George Bush was enjoying a 90%
approval rating. Clinton’s campaign advantageously used the then-
prevailing recession in the United States as one of the campaign’s
means to successfully unseat George H. W. Bush.

C. System Survival

Poor economic performance of a country not only fails to improve the

quality of life of the citizens endangering the regime’s survival, but
even the system itself also comes under attack.
Iran’s transformation from a Shah-led regime to a Shia-led one was
precisely for this reason; the system failed to improve the quality of life
of the common man while enriching elites. Another example?
Remember how the capitalistic development model of Ayub was
toppled by a Socialist Bhutto?

D. Existential Threat

And do not forget, this deterioration in the quality of life of citizens due
to the poor economic performance of the country could pose an
existential threat to the country itself. Remember the fall of Dhaka in
1971?

Yes, the separation of East Pakistan from its Western wing and
becoming a separate state had had multiple historical reasons but one
major reason was this feeling of being left behind in terms of an
improved standard of living of those living there

USSR broke up because they were trying to make it democratic without

realizing that stable democracy stands on the shoulders of a stable
economy. China has learnt the lesson; loosen the control on a need
basis. Do not push the democratic pedal while the economic motor is
idling

How Political Instability affects Economic Growth?

If the poor economic performance of a country endangers its political
stability, then the political instability is also responsible for its poor
economic performance. Both go hand in hand.

Political instability is the propensity of frequent governments to

collapse either because of conflicts or rampant competition between
various political parties. Also, the occurrence of a government change
increases the likelihood of subsequent changes. It tends to be
persistent. Political instability can adversely affect the economic
performance of a country through its impact on four entities

1. State Performance
2. Corporate Sector
3. Society
4. Foreign Sector

Let me explain

1. State Performance is adversely affected because

a. Short duration of regime and uncertainty of its continuity affects its

long-term public policy formulation leading to sub-optimal results b.
Policy inconsistency as one government’s policies are rejected by its
successors
c. Attention and resources of the regime are wasted on fire-fighting and
survival manoeuvres with the result that it cannot give proper attention
and resources to law and order, social welfare and development
projects

d. To survive, the regime starts appeasing the public through dole-outs

which are usually misused and announcing high-visibility grandiose
projects, both badly affecting the economic macro-management,
increasing the debt burden, fuelling inflation

2. Corporate Sector is adversely affected

a. Frequent regime changes leading to policy inconsistency give wrong

signals to the private sector. Consequently, they withhold long-term
investment decisions with disastrous impacts on employment, income,
supply of goods, price stability

b. Political instability forces the private sector to retain their profits

abroad, resort to under-invoicing of exports, over-invoicing of imports,
capital flight etc with the result that the country faces a balance of
payments crisis, which further accentuates currency crisis.

3. Society is adversely affected

With lower incomes, fewer employment opportunities, and increasing

prices due to the corporate sector’s decisions to wait and see results in
public frustration, leading them to start agitations, further
complicating the situation for the regime

4. Foreign Sector is adversely affected

a. political instability in the country leads to a lower inflow of foreign

direct investment and greater outflow of profits instead of investing
them inside the country

b. foreign remittances are reduced, or sent through informal channel

Using a dataset covering up to 169 countries in the period between

1960 and 2004, an IMF study concluded that political instability is
particularly harmful through its adverse effects on total factor
productivity growth and, by discouraging the physical and human
capital accumulation