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INDIA AND THE WORLD (MPSE-001)

Tutor Marked Assignment
Assignment Code: ASST / MPSE-001/2022-23

Marks: 100
Answer five questions in all, selecting at least two questions from each section. Answer
each question in about 500 words. Each question carries 20 marks.
SECTION -I
Explain historical linkages, economic and security cooperation between India and
Central Asia.
Trace the evolution of India’s relations with South-east Asia bringing out the main
features of the relationship.
Briefly describe international humanitarian laws and UN concerns for promotion and
protection of human rights in India.
Describe the trends and patterns of Sino- Indian relations.
Critically examine the challenges of India’s disarmament policy and its impact on
national security.
SECTION -Il
Write a short note on each part in about 250 words.
6. a) Challenges of Nehruvian model of foreign policy

b) Role of interest groups in India’s foreign policy process
a) Global implications of India and Pakistan nuclear tests 1998

b) Role of the Ministry of External Affairs in Indian foreign policy making.
a) Religion in post-communist societies

b) India’s West Asia policy
a) Regional Cooperation in South Asia

b) India and Indian Ocean RIM Association of Regional Cooperation
10. a) ASEAN: Composition and Functions

b) Economic and strategic cooperation between India and USA
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SECTION 4
Ql. Explain historical linkages, economic and security cooperation between India and Central
Asia.
Ans. India’s contacts with Central Asia go back to the Indus Valley civilisation, which had links with
the ancient crvilisation of Turkmenistan. The Aryans, according to one-school of historians, care to
India from Central Asia Buddhism was the dominant creed 1n the area before the advent of Islam and
afterwards its influence can be seen on the Sufi tradition which took roots in Central Asia and
percolated back to India The ancient Silk Route, which connected China with the European markets,
passed through this region India was also linked to this trade route Many of the ruling dynasties of
India, including the Greeks, Shakas, Kushans, Huns and the Mughals, came from or via Central Asta.
Central Asian influence can be seen in areas, such as, architecture, music, cuisine and literature This
ceaseless flow of people was interrupted 1n the 19th century when the British colonised India and the
Russians conquered Central Asia. The rivalry between the two empires 1s generally known as the
“Great Game” After the Russian Revolution of 1917 and India’s independence 1n 1947, these contacts
were partly restored India was among the very few countries that were allowed by the Soviet Union
to have trade and cultural contacts with this area Indian consulates were opened in Tashkent and
Almaty, the capital cities of Turkmerustan and Kazakhstan respectively Indian films and music were
very popular throughout Central Asia India enjoys considerable goodwill among the people of the
region, which 1s reflected in the speeches and the writings of Central Asian leaders and writers alike
This “cultural capital” 1s India’s natural advantage in dealing with these states
India’s Security Concerns: After September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the United States, there are
mounting international concerns about religious extremism and global terrorism. Countries in and
around Central Asia have been particularly affected by 1t—India in Kashmur, Russia in Chechnya,
China in Xinjang and Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan 1n the Ferghana valley Tajikistan endured a long
drawn civil war between the government and Islamic militants and the Uzbek president Islam
Karimov barely escaped an assassination attempt in February 1999 Afgharustan under the Taliban,
supported by Osama bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda and Pakistan, was thought to be a safe haven and training
ground for these Islanmc militants Hence, the Central Asian States readily joined America’s war
against terror Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have offered military bases, and Kazakhstan has given
other facilities to the US The Taliban have been overthrown but the war 1s far from over There are
reports that they are sill strong 1n some areas in Afghanistan and Pakistan and are trying to regroup
Apart from religious fundamentalism and cross border terrorism, there are other problems, like drugs
and arms trafficking, which affect India and Central Asia besides other neighbouring states India has
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formed joint working groups on terrorism with a number of countries including the US, Russia,
China, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan India’s prime mumster, Atal Behari Vajpayee visited Kazakhstan in
June 2002 to take part in the summit of the “Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building
Measures in Asia” The signing of the Declaration on “Elirmnating Terrorism and Promoting
Dialogue among Civilisation” has been a major gain for India
Economic Cooperation: Both India and Central Asia have economic complementarity in terms of
resources, manpower and market India’s main exports to Central Asia have been drugs and
pharmaceuticals, tea, machinery and instruments and readymade garments Mayor imports from the
region are iron and steel, gold and silver, non-ferrous metals and fibres India can provide its skilled
manpower and expertise in fields like banking, insurance, construction, technical education and
financial management
Following are the major areas of cooperation
i) Energy: India has emerged as the sixth largest energy consumer in the world and according to one
study, its energy consumption 1s growing at the rate of 6 per cent per annum The country imports
nearly two thirds of its petroleum requirements Central Asia and the Caspian region are emerging as
an alternative source for the supply of oil and natural gas The main oil and gas deposits in Central
Asia are found in Kazakhstan, Turkmeristan and Uzbekistan. The Oil and Natural Gas Commussion
of India 1s preparing to participate in the prospecting of oil 1n Darkhan and Kurmangazi exploration
blocks 1n the periphery of the Caspian Sea in Kazakhstan. India would also bid for a presence 1n the
Asibekmola and Kozhasai natural gas fields Turkmenistan, which has considerable gas reserves, 1s
keen to build a gas pipeline through Pakistan to India
Kyrgyzstan and Tayikistan have enormous hydel resources In Tajikistan, each sq km. of the territory
has up to 2 million KW hours of hydel resources, which is a huge figure The government of
Kyrgyzstan has an ongoing programme to develop small and medium size hydel power stations The
country looks towards India as a future source of finance and technology in this effort and above all
as a large market for supply of hydel energy
In the times to come, India will be one of the biggest consumers of energy In this respect, the idea of
creating an Asian energy community has been floated which aims at bringing together the main
producers and consumers of oil, gas and energy resources
ii) Pharmaceuticals and Healthcare: Another key area of cooperation between India and Central Asia
is pharmaceuticals and healthcare Mainly due to its efficiency and cost advantage, India has a
competitive advantage in the global market in this field Some of the Indian companies exporting
pharmaceutical products to Central Asia are Claris Life sciences, Ranbaxy, Dr Reddys Labs, Lupin
Laboratories, Unique Laboratories and Aurobindo Pharma Some of these companies are planning to
set up manufacturing units in Central Asia itself The pharmaceutical factory of the Kazakh-India
joint venture Kazakhstanpharma 1s in the process of completion in Almaty
iii) Other Areas of Cooperation: Information technology (IT) and technical traiming are the areas
where India can make substantial contribution to the Central Asian states Already there are
agreements in this regard with Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan India is building a software
technology park in Kazakhstan A memorandum of understanding has been signed between
Kyrgyzstan and the Indian company Edurite Technologies for cooperation 1n the field of IT education
Under the ITEC programme India has allotted slots to all Central Asian countries for the training of
their candidates 1n selected Indian institutes
Tourism, space-technology, defence cooperation, food and cotton processing, environment, disaster
management and telecom are other emerging areas of cooperation
v) Obstacles to Economic Cooperation: Despite considerable potential, the level of actual trade and
investment between the two regions has been very low The entire Indian exports to Central Asia 1s
less than two per cent of its total exports while the imports account for only 15 per cent of the total
Indian imports on an average basis One of the main hindrances in the way of economic cooperation
between India and Central Asia has been the non-availability of hard currency and the lack of
conversion facility services To overcome the scarcity of currency India has extended credits to each of

the Central Asian states But it has either not been fully utilised or 1s considered insufficient. Lack of
proper information channels and mechanisms has also been one of the impediments in furthering
cooperation However, absence of direct rail, road or sea link has been the most important obstacle in
India’s relations with Central Asia The existing route through Black Sea 1s time consuming and
costly, though time tested and reliable The shortest and most economical route for India would be
through Iran Iran has fairly good networks of road and railway, which are directly linked to Central
Asia through Turkmenistan India signed an agreement with these two countries in February 1997 to
enable the movement of goods from Indian ports to Bandar Abbas 1n Iran and then on to the Central
Asian regions by road and rail The route 1s already in operation Some problems that have cropped
up are likely to be tackled in course of ttme Another transit route, which 1s being discussed these
days, 1s from Ladakh 1n India through the Xinjiang province of China to Kyrgyzstan But India does
not have a road-link from Ladakh to Xinjiang as yet
To sum up, despite its historical and cultural tres, coupled with common security concerns and
considerable potential for economic cooperation, India has not been able to make its presence felt in
Central Asia
Q2. Trace the evolution of India’s relations with South-east Asia bringing out the main features of
the relationship.
Ans. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) was born in 1967 and was aimed at
promoting regional trade, investment and joint ventures It proved to be the nucleus of regional
cooperation, was booming and looking for new markets and investment opportunities It found India
and Vietnam complementary, now attracting investment opportunities It also percerved India and
Vietnam complementary for strengthening regional political and security profile Vietnam had started
the process of Do1 Mo1 (Renovation) aimed at liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation India on
the other hand, adopted the policy of economic liberalisation under the stewardship of P V
Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh, prime munister and finance muruster respectively, in 1991 The
new government in India also started initiating the process of liberalisation, privatisation and
globalisation India too announced tax-free incentives for foreign investors These policies encouraged
the ASEAN for further consolidation of 1ts co-operation with India
ASEAN offered sectoral dialogue partnership to India in 1992 Accordingly, four core sectors of co-
operation were recognised, namely trade, investment, tourism, science and technology Sectoral
partnership was instrumental in establishing the institutional linkage between India and ASEAN and
the partnership proved so useful that the ASEAN upgraded it within two years to full dialogue
partnership in 1995 This facilitated the growth of relationship in different areas with economic,
security and political umplications India was invited to participate in the post-munisterial conferences
of the ASEAN and also in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the security forum of ASEAN
Subsequently, both India and ASEAN began to talk of a common vision and a shared destiny
ASEAN-India co-operation commuttee was established to function as a key institutional mechanism to
provide substantive content to different sectors of co-operation ASEAN-India working group was
also established to find out the areas for co-operation in science and technology, trade and
investment, human resource development and culture The Joint co-operation committee recognised
the Indian expertise in the field of science and technology, especially in biotechnology and IT
(Information Technology) Proposals were given to co-operate 1n food processing, health care,
agriculture, engineering, electronics, communication and service sectors
The meeting of the ASEAN-India co-operation committee decided to set up the India- ASEAN fund to
develop co-operation in trade, investment, tourism, computer technology, solar energy and
environmental protection This fund was placed at the disposal of ASEAN Secretariat and
admurstered by a joint management committee Joint co-operation commuttee also agreed to set up an
ASEAN-New Delhi committee consisting of the heads of diplomatic mussions of the ASEAN
countries The then Indian foreign secretary J N Dixit announced the scheme of scholarship and said
that each side could offer six post-doctoral fellowships upto six months in the area of science and

technology India and the ASEAN region also started ASEAN lecture series from eminent persons
under which promunent ASEAN leaders and intellectuals delivered their lectures in India and vice
versa This has proved useful in the confidence building and objective understanding of the issues in
the foreign policy and diplomacy of the ASEAN vis-a-vis dialogue partners
Q3. Briefly describe international humanitarian laws and UN concerns for promotion and
protection of human rights in India.
Ans. International Humanitarian Law deals with protecting victims of armed conflicts from violence
and other violations of human rights Standards have been codified in the four Geneva Conventions
(1949) for the protection of war victims and in two Additional Protocols (1977) The combined goal of
these instruments 1s to restrict the use of violence against those who are not engaged in armed
fighting and to prohibit methods of warfare that cause unnecessary suffering or damage to the
environment Four conventions, which have been ratified or acceded to by 181 states, cover the sick
and wounded on land, wounded, sick and shipwrecked members of armed forces at sea, prisoners of
war, and civilian victims The first Protocol, signed by 125 States, covers victims of international
conflicts The Second Protocol, signed by 116 states, seeks to protect victims of internal conflicts
among other agreements negotiated by the UN whichare also part of the international body of
humanitarian law, are the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
(1948) and the Declaration on the Protection of Women and Children in Emergency and Armed
Conflict (1974) The UN has invoked the Geneva Convention and Protocols often, most recently over
the conflict in the former Yugoslavia
Origins of UN’s concern for Human Rights: Human rights are fundamental privileges or immunities
to which all persons have moral claims The International law views human rights as personal-legal
entitlements and liberties that include prohibitions against certain types of conduct directed against
persons by States and Governments Neither approach regards human rights as “gifts” to be
withdrawn nor withheld at will The concept of human rights 1s rooted 1n the most ancient values and
religions of our global heritage and incorporated into the ernment philosophies and political doctrines
of the world In the beginning Universal Human Rights law came about as a result of the First World
War The League of Nations, the forerunner of the UN, required a commitment by the administering
power in the Trust Territories to safeguard the welfare of the local population The treaties enforced
by the League were signed to protect the rights of ethnic minorities in newly created States in the
Central and the Eastern Europe The International Labour Orgarusation (ILO), which was established
after the First World War, advocated mummum standards of labour and welfare All these gave rise to
hundreds of important human rights conventions
The terror waged by the Nazi regime led to the rebirth and internationalisation of human rights
concerns The global movement for human rights 1s founded on and inspired by the UN Charter The
UN Charter was the first multilateral treaty to embody human rights concern in its provisions It 1s
the foundation upon which the large body of human rights laws has been built.
Five major UN legal instruments exist to define and guarantee the protection of human rights the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948), the International Covenants on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights (1966), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) and the two
Optional Protocols to the latter Covenant. The Declaration of 1948 adopted by the General Assembly
is a marufesto with primarily moral authority The Covenants are treaties binding on the States which
ratify them. Together they constitute the document known as the International Bill of Human Rights
Preparation of an International Bill of Rights was the fundamental preoccupation of the UN The UN
Commussion on Human Rights, under the chairpersonship of Eleanor Roosevelt, took up as its first
task, the definition of basic rights and freedoms On 10 December 1948, the first pillar of 20th Century
human rights law, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, was adopted by the UN General
Assembly Intended as a “common standard of achievement for all peoples”, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights spelt out basic civil and political rights and fundamental economic,
social and cultural rights which human beings everywhere were entitled to enjoy Through this basic

text, the international community solemnly proclaimed its faith in the fundamental nghts of
individuals and in the dignity and worth of human persons Many newly independent countries have
cited the Declaration or included 1ts provisions 1n their basic laws or constitutions, and many human
rights covenants, conventions and treaties concluded since 1948 have restated their principles Several
of these rights find a place in the Constitution of India, as justifiable rights Some others are
mentioned in the Directive Principles of State Policy (non-justifiable yet fundamental in the
governance of the country) The Universal Declaration has inspired at least two regional human rights
instruments The Council of Europe adopted a European Convention on Human Rights 1n 1950, and
the Orgarusation of American States also adopted a simmlar Convention of Human Rights in 1969
Important among the rights and freedoms found 1n the Universal Declaration’s thirty articles are
¢ Equality before the law,
¢ Freedom of movement and residence,
¢ Freedom from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or purushment,
¢ The rnght to seek political asylum from persecution,
¢ Freedom of thought, conscience and religion,
¢ The nght to vote and participate in government,
¢ The nght to education,
¢ The nght to work and to form and join trade umons,
¢ The nght to an adequate standard of living,
¢ The rnght to health protection,
¢ The nght to participate fully in cultural life
Following the adoption of the Declaration, the UN Members turned towards the drafting of the rest of
the International Bill of Rights, 1e, a treaty of human rights But, while the Declaration was drafted in
Just over 18 months, the Covenants and Optional Protocol took 18 years This delay can be attributed
to several reasons Firstly, the Covenants were the most comprehensive Human Rights treaties ever
prepared They contained not only the basic rights of the individual—civil, political, economic, social
and cultural rights—but also provided measures for their rmplementation Secondly, since the UN
membership was increasing while these covenants were being drafted, 1t became difficult for the UN
bodies to accommodate or harmonise the interests of all nations Finally, the UN bodies (especially
the General Assembly) were over-burdened with the work of maintaining and keeping peace 1n crisis
situations in many parts of the world
During the drafting stage, the General Assembly decided to divide the nghts enumerated in the
Declaration into two legal instruments (a) a Covenant on Civil and Political Rights embracing the
traditional avil and political nghts recognised in western cultures and, (b) a Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights to satisfy the aspirations of the Socialist and Third World societies The
provisions of the former were meant immediately to be legally enforced, whereas those of the latter
were meant to be achieved progressively through long-range education, planning and promotion
With the adoption of these covenants 1n 1966 and other relevant instruments, a solid legal foundation
of human rights law was laid down for application at all levels of society -local, national and
international Both were unammmously adopted on 16 December 1966 and opened for signature and
ratification the same day However, it took another decade before these covenants were ratified by a
requisite number of states to bring them into force The International Covenants on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights entered into force on 3 January 1976 (as of 1 July 1993 it had been ratified or
acceded to by 123 states) The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Optional
Protocol entered into force on 23 March 1976 and as of 1 July 1993, this Covenant had been acceded to
or ratified by 121 States (and the Optional Protocol by 29 States as of 1 June 1983) The Second
Optional Protocol to the Covenant of Civil and Political Rights was adopted by the UN General
Assembly in 1989 This Protocol seeks to do away with capital punishment It has been ratified by 18
States but 1s opposed by some countries on the grounds that the death penalty 1s consistent with their
laws and customs and serves as a deterrent to crime Together, they take the Universal Declaration a
step further by making provisions legally binding and opening the door to international monitoring

of human rights practices Generally, the two covenants reflect rights and freedoms set forth in the
Universal Declarations There are a few instances, however, where the Covenants have departed from
the Declaration This was the case with the right to property and the night to self- determmnation
Owing to the opposition of the Socialist Countries, the Commussion on Human Rights decided not to
include the right to property in the Covenants, although the same right appeared in the Declaration
On the other hand, the Covenant includes the nght of self-determunation, which was missing 1n the
declaration
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights represents the “second
generation” of human rights These nghts, for a long time, were not acceptable to the capitalist
countries and their jurists as human rights But the Socialist Countries with the support of the newly
emerging countries of Asia and Africa created an environment where the economic, social and
cultural rights were not only recognised as human rights but were also codified 1n a legally binding
Covenant Today, the International Covenant on Economuc, Social and Cultural Rights 1s an important
and integral part of the International Bill of Human Rights A country ratifying and acceding to this
covenant acknowledges its responsibility to promote better living conditions for its people It
recognises everyone's right to work, to fair wages, to social security, to adequate standards of living
and freedom from hunger, and to health and education. It also undertakes to ensure the right of
everyone to form and join trade unions
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights largely represents the traditional rights and
freedoms which have been popularised as the “first generation” of human rights A country ratifying
this Covenant recognises the right of every human being to life, liberty, security and privacy of
person It also recognises freedom of thought, conscience and religion, freedom of opinion and
expression, the right of peaceful assembly and of emigration, and freedom of association The
Covenant prohibits slavery, guarantees the right to a fair trial and protects persons against arbitrary
arrest or detention, torture and inhuman or degrading treatment However, there are provisions for
certain reasonable restrictions to be imposed on the enjoyment of some specified nghts and freedoms,
provided these are necessary to protect the national security, public order, public health or morals or
the nghts and freedoms of others Many countries have taken advantage of this arrangement and they
have also exercised their powers by derogating from their obligations under the Covenant
Human rights are given a place of honour not only in the Constitution of India, but also 1n the entire
socio-political system. As mentioned elsewhere, many of the civil and political nghts are enshrined as
Fundamental Rights in Part III of the Constitution. They are justifiable and protected under the Right
to Constitutional Remedies Besides, several socio- economic rights are included in Part IV as
Directive Principles of State Policy The State has endeavoured to implement most of these principles
The Right of Education which was included in non-justifiable Part IV was, in 2002, made a
fundamental and justifiable right
India has high-powered National Human Rights Commussion comprising eminent persons and
chaired by a former Chief Justice of India It looks into all cases/complaints of alleged violations of
human rights The violations are sometimes alleged to have been committed by state authorities or
even police and security forces For instance when a trial court acquitted several accused 1n 2003,
alleged as being involved in noting and murders 1n the Best Bakery case in Gujarat, the NHRC took
up the matter at the highest level seeking the retrial of the accused who were let off due to lack of
evidence The NHRC 1s vigilant about proper protection of human rights of all Indians Besides,
several states have also constituted State Human Rights Commissions to ensure that there are no
violations of human rights, and if any violation occurs, the guilty must be punished
Q4. Describe the trends and patterns of Sino-Indian relations.

Ans. The Sino-Indian relations were almost frozen for about fourteen years since the 1962 war Not
until 1976 the two countries resumed ambassadorial level diplomatic ties During the fourteen years,
China followed a hostile policy towards India It established close relations with Pakistan 1n less than
six months after its 1962 mulitary invasion of India It was in March 1963 that China and Pakistan

signed a border agreement One of the clauses of this agreement made Kashmur an issue involving
three countries —India, Pakistan and China, as Pakistan illegally ceded a part of occupied Kashmur
China In 1964, China exploded a nuclear device Pakistan drew inspiration from China’s India war,
its new friendship with Being, and new nuclear capability of China and launched its second war
against India in 1965
Although there were fears about China’s entry into the war, China did not go beyond giving moral
and some material support to Pakistan Presumably, the growing Sino-Soviet mft and the continuing
Sino-US hostility prevented China from joining the war on the side of Pakistan
However, the crushing defeat of Pakistan in the December 1971 Indo-Pakistan war and creation of an
independent state of Bangladesh changed India’s power profile in South Asia Moreover, agricultural
and industrial successes and demonstration of 1ts nuclear capability 1n 1974 made India a self-
confident democracy in the region The end of the Vietnam war and the unification of Vietnam in
1975, moreover, ended the first round of intense Cold War and altered the security scenario of the
world
In the backdrop of all these developments, prime minister Indira Gandhi took steps to normalise
relations with China The first step in that direction was the establishment of full-fledged diplomatic
relations with that country The appointment of a senior foreign service officer, K R. Narayanan, as
India’s ambassador to China was more than symbolic It indicated New Delhi's sincere desire to
normalise relations with China The process of Sino-Indian normalisation continued during the Janata
Party rule at the Centre under the leadership of prime minister Moraryee Desai Atal Behari Vajpayee,
then foreign munister, visited China in 1979 and held dialogues with semor leaders of the Chinese
Communist Party China reciprocated the Indian desire to maintain peaceful relations The rise to
power of Deng Xiaoping in Beying and his policy of instituting unprecedented reforms in several
sectors, including economy, were positive factors that provided political impetus to continuing efforts
for improving Sino-Indian relations
The relationship appeared completely unfrozen when in the 1980s several rounds of border talks
were held between the officials of the two countries to settle amicably the prolonged dispute The
border talks were actually the result of a fruitful meeting between prime mumister Indira Gandhi and
the Chinese prermer Hua Guafeng in May 1n 1980 The two leaders agreed to resolve the border
disputes and simultaneously supported the idea of improving the bilateral relations for the larger
cause of Asian peace and stability Prermer Hua visited India in 1981 and gave a further boost to the
increased interactions between the two countries The seventh round of border talks between 1981
and 1986 completely unfroze the Sino-Indian relationship, although a lasting solution to the
contentious issues had not yet been arrived at
Q5. Critically examine the challenges of India’s disarmament policy and its impact on national
security
Ans. Disarmament and promotion of world peace have always been the basic objectives of India’s
foreign policy The greatest peril that the world faces today is the threat of a nuclear war
Disarmament, 1n particular nuclear disarmament, has always been a matter of concern to India The
very existence of nuclear weapons and the continuation of arms race poses a threat to the survival of
mankind Nuclear weapons are neither weapons of war, nor should they be invested with a halo of
peacekeeping India has always maintained that the correct approach, direction and concepts
stemmung from internationally agreed goals and priorities in the field of disarmament would need to
be strictly adhered to, otherwise the comity of nations would never be able to achieve the goal of
disarmament
In the area of nuclear weapons India has put forward several significant proposals with a view of
stopping the arms race India’s nuclear energy programme 1s dedicated to the utilisation of nuclear
energy for peaceful purposes Some of the key initiatives are as follows
¢ In 1954 India proposed an immediate suspension of all testing of nuclear weapons, pending
the achievement of a comprehensive nuclear weapons test ban

¢ In 1964 India suggested that in order to really solve the problem of proliferation of nuclear
weapons, both vertical and horizontal proliferation of weapons should be stopped
simultaneously and together within the framework of the same international treaty
¢ In 1974 India called for a total prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, as
any such use would be a violation of the Charter of the UN and a crime against humanity
¢ In 1982 India proposed the following concrete programme of action (1) The Special Session on
Disarmament should consider a binding convention on non-use of nuclear weapons, (11) as a
first step towards eventual cutting of existing stockpiles, a freeze on nuclear weapons and a
total stoppage of further production, (111) immediate suspension of all nuclear tests, (1v)
negotiations for achieving a Treaty on General and Complete Disarmament within an agreed
time frame, and (v) UN to educate the public on the dangers of nuclear warfare
¢ In 1984 India along with Argentina, Greece, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania launched a Five-
continent Six-Nation Peace Initiative This five continent initiative called on the nuclear
weapon states to halt the testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons and seek
arms reduction leading to complete disarmament.
¢ India 1s a signatory or party to the Geneva Protocol of 1925, the partial Test Ban Treaty of
1963, Outer Space Treaty of 1967, the Sea Bed Treaty of 1971, the Biological Weapons
Convention of 1972, the Chemical Weapons Convention of 1993
India’s approach towards any multilateral disarmament agreement stems from the basic
consideration that only equal and non-discriminatory treaties make peace and relaxation of tension
and will help to advance towards the goal of disarmament The Indian refusal to sign the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty stems from this perspective The non-nuclear weapon states were also critical
of the treaty They perceived this to be a discriminatory treaty Their main points of criticism were (1)
The asymmetric nature of the treaty provisions that imposed safeguards only on the non-weapons
states, (11) the preservation of commercial interests of the weapon states by providing them the right
to explore peaceful uses programme, (11) the vagueness of the commitments on part of the weapon
states, and (1v) the failure to address legitimate security concerns of the non-weapon states
The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) (1996) was looked at as the most important means to
tackle both, horizontal and vertical proliferation It was claimed that by banning all explosions the
CTBT would have (a) constrained the development and qualitative improvement of nuclear weapons,
(b) end the development of advanced new types of nuclear weapons, (c) contribute to the process of
nuclear proliferation and the process of nuclear disarmament, and (d) strengthen international peace
and security India linked the signing of the CTBT with a time bound global disarmament
programme Indian view was that the NPT had failed to tackle the question of global nuclear
disarmament and the CTBT with its implicit limitations on its scope also did not proceed in the
direction of the goal of disarmament. India maintained that the five nuclear weapon powers agree on
a timetable for total removal of nuclear weapons as a precondition to 1ts acceptance
SECTION -II
Write a short note on each part in about 250 words.
Q6. (a) Challenges of Nehruvian model of foreign policy
Ans. Indians secured their control over nation’s foreign policy only after their independence from the
British colomal rule in 1947 A newly independent India was plunged into the world affairs when the
external environment was of the Cold War between the two super powers—the United States (US)
and the Soviet Union (USSR)—both were on the winning side in the the Second World War Even
before the independence in August 1947, an interim government under Nehru’s leadership had been
put in place in September 1946
The first prime muruster of India, Jawaharlal Nehru was 1n a dilemma Though western educated, he
was personally attracted to the Marxist thought. But any alignment with the one or the other bloc
would have meant loss of newly won independence Loss of India’s independence 1n the decision-
making even slightly was an unacceptable proposition to him Thus, he opted to keep India away

from both the power blocs, and follow an independent foreign policy This came to be known as the
policy of non-alignment.
He had formulated the basic policy outlines in a broadcast from New Delhi on 7 September, 1946 1n
which he laid out certain foreign policy goals He was then only an interim prime munister, as
independence had not even been announced These goals included end of colormalism and racism,
independence from power blocs and close ties with China and Asian neighbours In his own words
“We shall take full part in international conferences as a free nation with our own policy and not
merely as a satellite of another nation Weare particularly interested 1n the emancipation of colomal
and dependent countries and peoples, and in the recogrution in theory and practice of equal
opportunities for all races ”
Thus, non-alignment with either of the mulitary blocs was Nehru’s answer to the dilemma he and the
nation faced Non-alignment was an intellectual coup on the part of Nehru. It was in a sense learning
from history Soon after the independence the first American president George Washington had
asked his countrymen while laying down his office in 1796 “It 1s our true policy to steer clear of
permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ” Instead, he advocated that the new
Republic should cultivate “just and amicable feelings toward all” nations
Primarily by non-alignment Nehru meant not getting entangled with any mulitary alliances Soon
after the end of the Second World War, there were military alliances floated by the United States and
the Soviet Union The US promoted North Atlantic Treaty Orgarusation (NATO) and the Soviet
Union had to counter 1t by Warsaw Pact. While these were the competing mulitary alliances at the
global level, these two super powers also promoted regional alliances to attract the newly
independent nations in Asia and Africa
Second, non-alignment did not mean neutrality in world politics Neutrality has a meaning that 1s
truly relevant during the times of war But non-alignment 1s a positive thought, 1t meant that India
retained the independence of decision making on an issue that affected her interests There was no a
prior: commutment to support one or the other nation involved ina crisis
Thus, in India’s neighbourhood the US promoted South East Asia Treaty Orgarusation (SEATO) and
Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) 1n the 1950s Both these organisations were ostensibly meant to
fight against communism exported by the Soviet Union But India’s neighbour, Pakistan joined the
treaty orgarusations primarily to get military aid from the US to fight against India The membership
of Pakistan of these treaties brought the Cold War to the doors of India aggravating tensions between
India and Pakistan The American weapons and support generated because of their membership of
mulitary alliances also complicated the India-US relations
This was brought out very clearly over the question of Kashmir issue raised in the United Nations
(UN) Security Council (SC) Nehru had great faith 1n the international orgarusations and their sense of
Justice It was Nehru who had taken to the UN the crisis created by Pakistan’s war against Jammu and
Kashmur in 1948 He never imagined that the Kashmir question would become a matter seen through
the prism of Cold War
The UN ordered a cease-fire and asked Pakistan to withdraw its forces The Indian PM had then
given an assurance to hold a plebiscite to decide as to whether Kashmuris desired to join India or join
Pakistan. This brings out the faith Nehru had in the fairness of the UN
But in practice the issue got entangled in the global Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union
Once the issue became part of Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union, Pakistan with
its military alliance with the US, began to raise the Kashmur issue in the UN SC now and then The SC
instead of declaring Pakistan as an aggressor and seeking to vacate its aggression, kept the issue as an
instrument to pressurise India politically
Nehru had maintained close ties with the British Commonwealth of Nations by enabling the Indian
Republic as a member But Britain was not interested in finding a solution to the Kashmir crisis
Another power that could have helped India in resolving the conflict over J & K was the US But
during his first visit to that country 1n 1949, Nehru had disappointed Dean Acheson then Secretary of
State Dean Acheson states in his memoirs “When finally, I urged Pandit Nehru to help me by a frank

discussion of a practicable solution of the trouble over Kashmur, I got a curious combination of a
public speech and flashes of anger and deep dislike of his opponents —_I was convinced that Nehru
and I were not destined to have a pleasant personal relationship ”
Acheson’s successor in office, John Foster Dulles did not turn out to be friendly to India either By
then Dulles had come under the influence of pactomania in promoting mulitary pacts He desired that
India join the mulitary alliances promoted by the US Nehru’s non-alignment policy was obviously
against it Hence, Dulles said that non-alignment 1s immoral as it failed to take a firm stand against
godless communism
Under these circumstances the Soviet Union came to India’s rescue It saw an opportunity to befriend
non-aligned nations in the predicament faced by India in the UN SC The US was guided by the
British policy of divide and rule, the US, in that early period, went along with Britain on the issues
relating to the latter’s erstwhile colommes Thus, when Western powers like the US and UK began to
vote on the side of Pakistan on the question of Kashmur, the Soviet Union exercised its veto power to
save the Indian interests from Cold War politics
(b) Role of interest groups in India’s foreign policy process
Ans. The pressure groups are also called interest groups as they function to bring pressure to promote
one or cluster of interests The pressure groups are normally weak in influencing foreign policy in
contrast to the domestic policy issues Yet these groups some time do play a role in influencing
foreign policy There are various interest groups, some visible, while others work clandestinely There
are several societies working for friendship between India and one country or the other One such
society in the past was Indo-Soviet Friendship Society These friendship societies have their contacts
in the Ministry of External Affairs, as well as in the Parliament. These pressure groups work
systematically to influence foreign policy-making for or against a country For example, India delayed
establishing diplomatic relations with Israel from 1948 to 1992 due to the activities of certain interest
groups
The Ministry of External Affairs 1s the nodal agency which 1s directly concerned with foreign affairs
Formally, it 1s responsible for foreign policy making, the actual implementation of policy, and daily
conduct of international relations The Secretariat staff of Foreign Ministry provides information and
analysis to the Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs, recommends specific measures when
necessary, plans policy for the future, and maintains regular communications with foreign missions
located in India and Indian missions located in other countries The Ministry of External Affairs
(MEA) maintains 171 Indian Missions (2010) abroad, largely manned by officers of Indian Foreign
Service The Ministry 1s headed by a Cabinet Minister and assisted by the Deputy Foreign Minister
The Foreign Service Training Institute, New Delhi (established in 1986) provides training for officers
of India Foreign Service (IFS) This includes training in a basic professional course, a comprehensive
course in diplomacy and international relations, a refresher course for commercial representatives,
and training in foreign languages
The admumustrative structure of The MEA consists of two types of divisions - territorial divisions and
functional divisions It has thirteen territorial divisions, each covering a large area of the world Each
division 1s responsible for policy coordination in its respective area The MEA also has functional
divisions dealing with external publicity, protocol, consular affairs, Indians abroad, the United
Nations (UN) and other international organizations, and international conferences
Three functional divisions deserve special mention due to their growing importance in India’s
foreign, policy The Policy Planning and Research Division 1s responsible for conducting research and
preparing briefs and background papers for policy makers The background papers provide
information on various issues related to international developments The briefs cover wide-ranging
issues relating to India’s foreign policy and its role in the changing international environment, The
Economic Division has the responsibility of managing and conducting foreign economic relations In
the age of globalization, the economic division has become very important Its activities reflect
changes in the government’s economic policy and the international economic environment. It
established the Economic Coordination Unit in 1990 to assess the impact of the Persian Gulf crisis
10

arising from Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, changes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and
formation of a single market in the European Countries and other sirmlar changes having an impact
on India It also tries to promote foreign investment 11 India The Economic Division also runs and
coordinates India’s foreign aid programs, including the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation
Programme (ITEC), and the Special Commonwealth African Assistance Programme, The ITEC
programme launched 1n 1964 1s the flagship programme of India for economic cooperation with
developing countries
The Public Diplomacy division was established in 2006 to initiate programmes for enlisting popular
domestic and international support to India’s foreign policy measures The broad mandate of this
division 1s to orgamize outreach activities inside and outside India to effectively project India’s foreign
policy to the wider public It works in close collaboration with researchers, think-tanks, civil society,
media, and industry to attain its objectives It also supports TRACK II interactions with other
countries TRACK II diplomacy refers to the involvement of non-official members and groups 1n the
conduct of foreign relations
The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) and Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) are
also run by the M_EA The ICCR arranges exhubits, visits, and cultural exchanges with other countries
and oversees the activities of foreign cultural centers in India The ICWA aims to develop a think-tank
and works as an important platform for discussion on various aspects of foreign affairs of India
Q7. (a) Global implications of India and Pakistan nuclear tests 1998
Ans. The nuclear tests conducted by India and Pakistan in 1998 had generated a great deal of debate
on the rationale and implications of these actions taken by both the governments Much of the debate
focused on the security considerations of this action, the regional threat dimensions and internal
political compulsions The Indian articulation focused on the threats from Pakistan and China, while
Pakistan targeted India The central questions raised about the Indian tests had been in the ‘why’ and
‘why now’ category The debates used two distinct paradigms for analysis, the first using the security
rationale and the second, the developmental rationale The debates based on the first focused on the
perceived threats from the regional order as marmifested by Pakistan and China The positions about
the exact nature of threats and the methods of tackling these threats would vary from party to party
at a political level In case of the Pakistani tests, the answers would be more specific, in that they
would point to India as the central culprit Further, 1n both cases there would be very strong internal
political compulsions Now that the tests have confirmed the nuclear weapon capability (or actual
weapon status) it may be safe to presume that the nations have achieved whatever minimal nuclear
ambitions they had cherished
The Indian nuclear tests of May 1998 represented a demonstration of capabilities— technological and
political Technological capabilities were in the context of the denial of access to advanced
technologies that India experienced over the years The political capability represented the
demonstration of political will of the elite to take on the G-7 regime It 1s this reassertion of the ability
to take independent decisions in face of anticipated sanctions that makes the nuclear test a symbol of
a resurgent Third World It 1s at that level that both, the Indian and Pakistam tests, demonstrate a
commonality of approaches
The Draft outline of Indian Nuclear Doctrine released on 17 August 1999 argued for autonomy in
decision making about security for India It takes the long established Indian line that security 1s an
integral part of India’s developmental process It expresses concerns about the possible disruption of
peace and stability and the consequent need to create a deterrence capability to ensure the pursuit of
development. It argued that in the absence of a global nuclear disarmament policy, India’s strategic
interests required an effective credible deterrence and adequate retaliatory capability should
deterrence fail It continues to hold on the ‘no first use doctrine’ and the civilian control of nuclear
decision-making
The utility of nuclear deterrence (at whatever level) between India and Pakistan may be still unclear
But the Kargil conflict presented a threshold (a ‘glass ceiling’, to borrow from feminist terminology)
11

beyond which the two powers may not be able to escalate their conflict This threshold, in the form of
the Line of Control was adhered to by India and was also imposed by the United States and China on
Pakistan In the short run, one may have to make a distinction between conventional security
considerations which include border conflicts and internal security problems on the one hand, and
nuclear strategies on the other Therefore, there is the need to reinitiate the nuclear dialogue of 1985
that sought to create an agreement on not attacking each others’ nuclear installations This can now be
supplemented by a declaration on ‘no-first-use’ policy
Both India and Pakistan would have to stress on the need to develop their peaceful-uses programme
for 1ts economic and industrial growth This may require the two countries to bargain with the
developed world for the transfer of advance technology The threat of sanctions on dual use
technologies and the limited room for negotiations make it necessary for India and Pakistan to pool
their resources for bargaining with the developed countries
(b) Role of the Ministry of External A ffairs in Indian foreign policy making.
Ans. The Ministry of External Affairs 1s the nodal agency which 1s directly concerned with foreign
affairs Formally, it 1s responsible for foreign policy making, the actual implementation of policy, and
daily conduct of international relations The Secretariat staff of Foreign Ministry provides information
and analysis to the Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs, recommends specific measures
when necessary, plans policy for the future, and maintains regular communications with foreign
mussions located in India and Indian missions located in other countries The Ministry of External
Affairs (MEA) maintains 171 Indian Missions (2010) abroad, largely manned by officers of Indian
Foreign Service The Ministry 1s headed by a Cabinet Minister and assisted by the Deputy Foreign
Minister The Foreign Service Training Institute, New Delhu (established 1n 1986) provides training for
officers of India Foreign Service (IFS) This includes training in a basic professional course, a
comprehensive course in diplomacy and international relations, a refresher course for commercial
representatives, and training 1n foreign languages
The admumustrative structure of The MEA consists of two types of divisions - territorial divisions and
functional divisions It has thirteen territorial divisions, each covering a large area of the world Each
division 1s responsible for policy coordination in its respective area The MEA also has functional
divisions dealing with external publicity, protocol, consular affairs, Indians abroad, the United
Nations (UN) and other international organizations, and international conferences
Three functional divisions deserve special mention due to their growing importance in India’s
foreign, policy The Policy Planning and Research Division 1s responsible for conducting research and
preparing briefs and background papers for policy makers The background papers provide
information on various issues related to international developments The briefs cover wide-ranging
issues relating to India’s foreign policy and its role in the changing international environment, The
Economic Division has the responsibility of managing and conducting foreign economic relations In
the age of globalization, the economic division has become very important Its activities reflect
changes in the government’s economic policy and the international economic environment It
established the Economic Coordination Unit in 1990 to assess the impact of the Persian Gulf crisis
arising from Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, changes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, and
formation of a single market in the European Countries and other simular changes having an impact
on India. It also tries to promote foreign investment 11 India The Economic Division also runs and
coordinates India’s foreign aid programs, including the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation
Programme (ITEC), and the Special Commonwealth African Assistance Programme, The ITEC
programme launched 1n 1964 1s the flagship programme of India for economic cooperation with
developing countries
The Public Diplomacy division was established 1n 2006 to initiate programmes for enlisting popular
domestic and international support to India’s foreign policy measures The broad mandate of this
division 1s to orgamize outreach activities inside and outside India to effectively project India’s foreign
policy to the wider public It works in close collaboration with researchers, think-tanks, civil society,
media, and industry to attain its objectives It also supports TRACK II interactions with other
12

countries TRACK II diplomacy refers to the involvement of non-official members and groups 1n the
conduct of foreign relations
The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) and Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) are
also run by the M_EA The ICCR arranges exhibits, visits, and cultural exchanges with other countries
and oversees the activities of foreign cultural centers in India The ICWA aims to develop a think-tank
and works as an important platform for discussion on various aspects of foreign affairs of India
Q8. (a) Religion in post-communist societies

Ans. The communist parties that controlled the Eastern bloc countries fell along with the Soviet
Union and new “democratic” movements embarked on the mission of writing new constitutions and
establishing representative institutions, many countries adopted legislation that significantly
liberalized the field of religious freedom. Initially, this liberalization allowed for traditional churches
to revitalize and missionaries to enter the countries and start attracting converts Within the space of a
few years, however, many of these same countries began to re-regulate religion Led by demands
from traditional majority churches, governments adopted legislation that reestablished churches and
imposed restrictions on mussionary activity, international funding for religious groups, and
proselytizing In exchange for legal concessions 1n the field of religious liberty, churches have offered
nationalist legitimacy and stability to regimes Lacking serious competition from other religious
traditions, churches—in particular those in the majority Orthodox countries—have solidified their
bases of support and thus contributed to restrictions on religious freedom in the post-communist
arena As a result, levels of religiosity remain low in the countries under consideration The relatively
low level of religious diversity in the post-communist countries 1s also a symptom of this
reestablishment by the traditional majority churches
Religious establishment 1s not always harmful to societies, as many established democracies have a
tradition of state churches and other formalized systems of favoring one or a few religious
denominations England, Denmark, Finland, Greece, and Norway are all examples of democracies
that have an official state church, while the Netherlands and Germany have systems 1n place that
allocate state-collected funds to selected religious denominations3 The difference between these
countries and those 1n the present study 1s that 1n the post-commurust context, the benefits allotted to
formally and informally established churches are often accompanied by legislation that attempts to
curb minority religious rights Moreover, minority religious groups often suffer from campaigns
intended to instill fear 1n local populations, and are perceived as a threat to “traditional” religions and
national culture
This essay examines religious relations in the predominantly Catholic and Orthodox Christian
countries of post-commurmust Eastern and Central Europe and Eurasia from the beginning of transition
to the present I focus on majority Christian countries because these share historical experiences and
influences not experienced by the majority Islamic republics in Central Asia Moreover, unlike in
Central Asia, where borders and nationalities were often artificially constructed by Soviet authorities,
most of the predominantly Christian republics had a clear national identity—one that was often tied
to the society’s majority church—before commng under communist rule This fact 1s important in
understanding how traditional groups have succeeded 1n reestablishing themselves as national
churches and in convincing states to adopt laws that restrict religious freedom
The essay first discusses current trends in the literature on religion-state relations to identify a
theoretical model that can be used to examine the countries under consideration Focusing ona set of
arguments referred to as religious economy theory, I examine the motivations of religious and
political actors as they negotiate the post-commumust religious marketplace I discuss changes in
religious regulations from the communist to the post-communist period using both quantitative
indexes and close study of specific regulations within selected countries I also present data on trends
in religious affiliation across the region to suggest that religious regulation may be having an effect on
levels of diversity The findings of this essay have implications for the future of democratic
consolidation in the post-communist countries, as they question whether all religious groups can be
13

considered to be independent actors belonging to the realm of civil society, or whether it 1s more
appropriate to consider them to be potential allies of the state In the latter situation, we cannot expect
religious groups to check state power, and instead must consider how their influence can be
constrained 1n order to prevent the deterioration of religious liberty in the region
(b) India’s West Asia policy
Ans. After its independence, India under the policy of Non-Alignment extended a hand of friendship
to the countries of West Asia that were resisting the Cold War pressure to join rival military bloc This
led to close relations with Nasser’s Egypt and Baathust Iraq (after1968) Incidentally, Pakistan, along
with Britain, Turkey, Iran and Iraq, became a member of the US supported Baghdad Pact in 1955
(renamed as CENTO after Iraq withdrew following the Revolution of 1958) India’s consistent support
to the Palestinian cause created a favourable image of the country among the Arab States Thuis,
coupled with the historical ties and the vigorous commercial links, has helped India build vibrant
relations with almost all the countries of the area
1. Palestine Issue: India has extended moral and political support for the creation of a viable
state of Palestine alongside Israel India shares the perception that the question of Palestine 1s
at the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. India became the first non-Arab State to recogmise the
Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) as “the sole legitimate representative of the
Palestrman people” and allowed 1t to open its office in New Delhi in January 1975 The PLO
Office 1n New Delhi was accorded full diplomatic recogmition in March, 1980 India accorded
recognition to the State of Palestine in November 1988 and the PLO Office in New Delhi
started functioning as the Embassy of the State of Palestine In the wake of establishment of
the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), India opened its Representative Office 1n Gaza on
June 25, 1996, for ensuring effective co-ordination with the PNA India has supported the
Middle East Peace Process since its launch with the Madrid Conference in 1991 It has also
endorsed all the subsequent peace agreements between Israelis and Palestimans The
Palestuman leadership has been frequent visitors to India. President Yasser Arafat was in New
Delhi in August 2001 India has extended financial and technical assistance for development
works in Palestine areas The country offers scholarships to Palestinian students under ICSSR
Scheme and slots for training courses under the ITEC Programme
2. Israel: Although India had recogrmised the Jewish State of Israel way back in 1950, it
established full diplomatic relations only in 1992 Since then there has been an upswing 1n the
relations between the two countries in view of the common concerns about religious
extremmsm and global terrorism Israel and India have developed close “cooperation” in
intelligencesharing and “counter-insurgency” operations India has become a major buyer of
Israeli armaments There 1s a considerable potential for Indo-Israeli cooperation in the field of
science and technology, particularly in areas such as dry land farmmng There has been a spurt
in high level bilateral visits in the recent times In 1999, the National Security Advisor, Brayesh
Mishra visited Israel and met prime minister Ehud Barak Home Minister, L K Advam and
foreign minister, Jaswant Singh followed him the next year The Israeli prime muruster visited
India during the month of September 2003 and both the countries decided to strengthen
bilateral relations at the regional and global level to fight terrorism.
3. Iraq Crisis: India and Iraq established close political and economic relations during the 1970s
and 1980s Incidentally, both concluded Friendship Treaties with the erstwhile Soviet
Umon-— India 1n 1971 and Iraq in 1972 At one point of time, Iraq was the source of 30 per cent
of India’s o11 needs and home to 90,000 Indians working there It was the only Arab country
that consistently supported the Indian position on Kashmur Indian firms got some of the
biggest contracts in the country Hence, the1991 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait presented a difficult
choice for the Indian foreign policy The consequent oil price hike put serious strain on
India’s balance of payments position India favoured a peaceful political settlement, but
ultimately went along with the UN Security Council Resolutions 661 and 678— condemning
Iraq and authorising the use of force against 1t. Throughout the decade after 1991 Gulf War,
14

India has maintained that “unwise and unjust” UN sanctions against Iraq should be lifted
and has been sensitive to the suffering of the Iraqis During the 2003 Iraq crisis also, New
Delhi expressed its concern about the US military action because of its likely human and
material implications and its possible impact on oil prices India wanted that any mulitary
action should have UN authorisation Neither supporting the United States nor openly
criticising it for its aggression against Iraq, the Indian government has taken a middle path
However, the two Houses of Indian Parliament 1n unanimous resolutions (April 2003)
deplored the military action taken without the UN authorisation
4. Iran: Geographically, historically and culturally Iran has been closest to India, among the
countries of West Asia India enjoyed friendly relations with Iran during the Shah rule, which
weakened after the Islarmc Revolution of 1979 During the 1990s, India and Iran (under its
reform-oriented and pragmatic leadership) have taken steps to build a multifaceted
relationship There has emerged a large consensus between the two countries on various
global and regional issues Incidentally, India’s perception of Iran 1s in congruence with the
Russian position, which differs with the US characterisation of Iran as a ‘rogue state’ or ‘axis
of evil’ Iran 1s emerging as India’s most viable transit option for trade with Central Asia and
even Russia New Delhi, Moscow and Teheran signed an agreement in St. Petersburg on 12
September 2000 for sending Indian Cargo to Russia via Iran through a ‘North-South
Corridor’ There are several bottlenecks yet to be cleared, but once this new corridor becomes
fully operational it could boost Indian trade with Central Asia as well as Central Europe
India and Iran have exchanged regular high level visits India’s prime mumster visited Tehran
in April 2001 and the Irarman president was in Delhi in January 2003 to enhance their bilateral
relations
5. Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC): The GCC was formed in May 1981 by the six Gulf
monarchies of Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emurates (UAE), Qatar, Bahrain and Oman
It emerged in response to the challenges posed by the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, the
Iran-Iraq War (1980-88) and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan (1979) These states are
conservative Islamic monarchies, and have come under increasing pressures from extremust
Islamic groups and terrorists This has created a common ground between these countries
and India The GCC has also been among India’s top two trading partners According to the
Reserve Bank of India, exports from the GCC to India have increased from US$ 15 billion in
fiscal year 1987/88 to an estimated US$ 60 billion in 1999/2000 India’s exports to the GCC
rose from US$ 05 billion in 1987/88 to about US$ 3 0 billion in 1999/2000
Q9. (a) Regional Cooperation in South Asia

Ans. The creation of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1985
represented the recognition of the geopolitical entity of South Asia The methodologies used for
identifying the regional area as consisting of geographically proximate and interacting states sharing
some degree of common ethnic, linguistic, cultural, social and historical bonds, became the basis of
the formation of the association The countries included 1n this regional orgarusation are Bangladesh,
Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sr Lanka
British colomal policies have influenced India’s approach towards the small powers of South Asia
Two important legacies have been carried over in Indian thinking One, it 1s the Indian ‘responsibility’
to look after the security needs of the small powers This ‘responsibility’, in terms of security, 1s
understood 1n the context of an ‘extended frontier’ or a ‘defence perimetre’ approach This meant that
care would have to be taken to ensure that these countries do not become open to outside
intervention Two, India sought to avoid interference in the internal affairs of these countries except
in exceptional circumstances These circumstances were security considerations as interpreted by
India For example, following the creation of Bangladesh the Indian position has always been that the
security and integrity of these states would be of vital national interest to India
15

The proposal was followed by a series of meetings of the foreign secretaries of the South Asian
countries After an initial reluctance on part of both India and Pakistan, the talks gained progress
Eventually, in 1983, the first meeting of foreign mumisters of the South Asian countries was convened
at New Delhi This meeting presented the declaration on South Asian Regional Co-operation (SARC),
the signatories being Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka The
Declaration adequately reflected the concerns expressed during the various meetings of the Foreign
Secretaries The Declaration ignored all issues of bilateral contention between South Asian States as
well as problems faced by South Asia as a region In a sense the Declaration followed the spirit of the
Bangladesh Proposal The objectives kept the boundartes of co-operation to the non-political and non-
security field The declaration accepted the principles of sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-
interference in the internal affairs and mutual benefit It specified that all decisions would be taken on
the basis of unarumity and that bilateral and contentious issues were to be excluded from
deliberations
He SARC declaration followed the Nordic example of co-operation The basis of co-operation
amongst the Nordic countries was threefold (1) violence of the ‘constitutional’ approach, (11)
understand that the national structure would remain the unalterable political basis for co-operation
which would be directed to areas of relatively ‘low’ political content, and (111) exclusion of areas of
‘high’ political content, such as, national security, from regional co-operation
(b) India and Indian Ocean RIM Association of Regional Cooperation
Ans. Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka has both advantages and disadvantages of its geopolitical location It has
the advantage of being an island with a location in an ocean that is of considerable strategic
importance It has also the disadvantage of being a small power in a region that has been facing great
power rivalry, added to the fact that there 1s a dominant neighbour, India The Indian case 1s further
complicated by the existence of a fairly large Tamil minority 1n the North and North Eastern region of
Sri Lanka that has close links to the Tamil population in India India has been a supporter of the
Indian Ocean Zone of Peace concept that Sri Lanka has sponsored To India this concept helps to keep
this region outside the scope of great power rivalry Both the countries are members of the
Commonwealth, the SAARC and the NAM
Both India and Sri Lanka have had common approaches on such issues as Indonesian independence
(1949), Suez crisis (1956) disarmament etc They have both supported the Zone of Peace proposal and
also the atternpts to create an Indian Ocean Community in the form of the Indian Ocean Rim land
Organisation At a bilateral level the two countries were able to solve two important issues In 1964,
an agreement was signed about the question of citizenship of Tamil migrants and in 1974, the
maritime boundary agreement came into effect
However, it was the Tamil question that continued to create problems on the bilateral relations In
1981 riots started in the Jaffna province which has a Tamil majority The initial response from Indians
was that of restraint. While India did look at the Tamil agitation with sympathy, 1t refused to support
any demand for a separate statehood of Tamil Eelam In 1987 India and Sn Lanka signed an
agreement of far reaching consequences India had brokered peace between the Tamils and the Sri
Lankan Government and had agreed to send in Peace Keeping forces (IPKF) to implement the
agreement The agreement had provided for autonomy to the Tamil dominated regions of North and
North East Sri Lanka However, the internal politics of Sri Lanka and the divisions within the Tamul
groups made 1t impossible to implement the agreement India was at the receiving end of criticism
from both sides The IPKF also suffered significant casualties Eventually India withdrew the IPKF in
1990 Today, the Norwegians are playing the role of ‘facilitators’ in the dialogue between the Tamul
groups, especially the Liberation Tigers of Tarml Eelam (LTTE) and the government By 2003, the
Tamuls in Sri Lanka appeared to be willing to accept broad autonomy, and give up the demand of
Eelam, 1n the interest of peace in the Island
Maldives: Maldives 1s a small republic in the Indian Ocean Being geographically close to India and
Sri Lanka, Maldives 1s recognised as a South Asian country It 1s, like India, a founder member of the
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) It has taken keen interest in promoting
16

regional economic cooperation, has held two highly successful SAARC Summits 1n 1ts Capital Male,
and has taken steps to establish South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) When an attempt was made
in 1988, by a group of young mulitary officers, to overthrow the democratically elected government of
president Abdul Gayoom in a coup, India immediately rushed its assistance to the Maldives
president, and helped defeat the coup attempt President Gayoom’s civilian government was restored
and the Indo-Maldives relations have since been further consolidated
To conclude, the Indian policy towards the smaller powers of South Asia has been more explicitly
seen since the Indira Gandhi days India supports and encourages regional democracies and has
sought to tie up its regional primacy through series of regional, and bilateral arrangements, covering
a wide range of agreements 1n the areas of defence, trade and science and technology Yet difficulties
continue to remain in coming to an understanding with India Divisions and mistrust continues to
dominate the region The commonality of the region leads the small powers to continue to assert their
differences so as to regain a sense of identity and independence
Q10. (a) ASEAN: Composition and Functions

Ans. The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) was born in 1967 and was aimed at
promoting regional trade, investment and joint ventures It proved to be the nucleus of regional
cooperation, was booming and looking for new markets and investment opportunities It found India
and Vietnam complementary, now attracting investment opportunities It also perceived India and
Vietnam complementary for strengthening regional political and security profile Vietnam had started
the process of Do1 Mo1 (Renovation) aimed at liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation India on
the other hand, adopted the policy of economic liberalisation under the stewardship of P V
Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh, prime munister and finance mumister respectively, in 1991 The
new government in India also started initiating the process of liberalisation, privatisation and
globalisation India too announced tax-free incentives for foreign investors These policies encouraged
the ASEAN for further consolidation of 1ts co-operation with India
ASEAN offered sectoral dialogue partnership to India 1n 1992 Accordingly, four core sectors of co-
operation were recognised, namely trade, investment, tourism, science and technology Sectoral
partnership was instrumental in establishing the institutional linkage between India and ASEAN and
the partnership proved so useful that the ASEAN upgraded it within two years to full dialogue
partnership in 1995 Thuis facilitated the growth of relationship in different areas with economic,
security and political implications India was invited to participate in the post-munisterial conferences
of the ASEAN and also in ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), the security forum of ASEAN
Subsequently, both India and ASEAN began to talk of a common vision and a shared destiny
ASEAN-India co-operation commuttee was established to function as a key institutional mechanism to
provide substantive content to different sectors of co-operation ASEAN-India working group was
also established to find out the areas for co-operation in science and technology, trade and
investment, human resource development and culture The Joint co-operation committee recognised
the Indian expertise in the field of science and technology, especially in biotechnology and IT
(Information Technology) Proposals were given to co-operate 1n food processing, health care,
agriculture, engineering, electronics, communication and service sectors
The meeting of the ASEAN-India co-operation committee decided to set up the India- ASEAN fund to
develop co-operation in trade, investment, tourism, computer technology, solar energy and
environmental protection This fund was placed at the disposal of ASEAN Secretariat and
admumstered by a joint management committee Joint co-operation committee also agreed to set up an
ASEAN-New Delhi committee consisting of the heads of diplomatic mussions of the ASEAN
countries The then Indian foreign secretary J N Dixit announced the scheme of scholarship and said
that each side could offer six post-doctoral fellowships upto six months in the area of science and
technology India and the ASEAN region also started ASEAN lecture series from eminent persons
under which promunent ASEAN leaders and intellectuals delivered their lectures in India and vice
17

versa This has proved useful in the confidence building and objective understanding of the issues in
the foreign policy and diplomacy of the ASEAN vis-a-vis dialogue partners
(b) Economic and strategic cooperation between India and USA
Ans. India and the United States are widely recognised as the world’s largest and the most powerful
democracies respectively The relationship between these two countries 1s thus one of the most
fascinating interactions witnessed in the relations among nations The added significant features are
marked by the fact that India 1s one of the oldest civilisations in the world, whereas the United States
is relatively a younger civilisation However, in terms of statehood experience, it 1s the US, which 1s
considerably older than India When India took birth as a newly independent country 1n 1947, the US
was already more than a century and a half old And by the time of Indian independence, it had
emerged as a global superpower Factors related to civilisation, statehood and governance thus made
the relations between India and the US as one of the most complex bilateral relations in world history
Soon after independence, India chose not to join any of the two power blocs, and adopted the policy
of non-alignment.
As the alliance politics conditioned the US thinking on a series of political events and armed conflicts
around the world and non-alignment conditioned the Indian thinking, New Delhi and Washington
differed on majority of such issues The Cold War-related political divergences between India and the
US were particularly visible and pronounced on issues related to decolorusation of colonial territories,
the Korean War, Vietnam War, Suez crisis, Hungarian Crisis, Czechoslovakia Crisis, and the People’s
Republic of China’s membership in the United Nations However, India and the US also strongly
differed on certain issues related to India’s national security These were the Kashmir problem,
American arms transfer to Pakistan and the nuclear issues
Notwithstanding the military distance and political differences between India and the US during the
Cold War, the two countries had good working relations 1n other areas New Delhi and Washington
never perceived each other as enemies In fact, when Sino-US détente coincided with Indo-Soviet
friendship and cooperation in early 1970s, the political distance between India and the US further
widened But even this development did not lead to a serious fracture 1n the bilateral relationship
India had been a recipient of American food assistance during drought and famine and token
economic assistance through the Cold War years The US did use food aid as political weapon
occasionally creating resentment 1n India, but there 1s little doubt that India benefited from the US
assistance as well
18

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INDIA AND THE WORLD (MPSE-001)

Assignment Code: ASST / MPSE-001/2022-23

Describe the trends and patterns of Sino- Indian relations.

Write a short note on each part in about 250 words.

6. a) Challenges of Nehruvian model of foreign policy

a) Global implications of India and Pakistan nuclear tests 1998

a) Religion in post-communist societies

a) Regional Cooperation in South Asia

10. a) ASEAN: Composition and Functions

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MPSE-1: INDIA AND THE WORLD

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Q4. Describe the trends and patterns of Sino-Indian relations.

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Q8. (a) Religion in post-communist societies

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Q9. (a) Regional Cooperation in South Asia

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Q10. (a) ASEAN: Composition and Functions

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