GERMANA ERNST

From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon:

Celestial Signs, Prophecies and History*

1. Immediately after reading the Sidereus Nuncius, Campanella wrote an

elaborate letter in Latin to Galileo. He asks for some explanations and
criticises a few points, but the whole letter shows a deep enthusiasm for
the news announced by the extraordinary "Starry Messenger", as well as
expressing his admiration for the scientist.1 Thanks to Galileo's inven-
tion of a wonderful instrument, mysteries which had until then been
concealed, were made visible: "Tu vero, spernens quasi ea quae vulgari-
bus cernuntur ocellis, ad invisibilia, numine praeeunte, penetrasti eaque
nobis visibilia reddis". Galileo has pulled away the thick curtain which
clouded our vision and has allowed us to see with clear eyes the "new
heavens" and the "new earth" prophesied by philosophers such as
Seneca and by theologians like St. Clemens Romanus: "Tu purgasti
oculos hominum et novum ostendis coelum et novam terram in luna";
"Tu vero, huius vaporosi mundi cortices et velamina ante tempus rum-
pens, nos ad caelum illud clementinum rapis vel caelum ad nos in-
clinas".2
Towards the end of the letter, Campanella expresses his wish that
the opening up of these mysteries might be the starting point of a
general reform in learning and informs Galileo that, on the occasion of
the great conjunction of 1603, he had written an astrological prediction
in which he had foretold, along with many other events, the rise of new
astronomical sciences.3
This Prognosticum, considered lost, is in my opinion to be identi-
fied with the last chapter of the Articuli prophetaies.4 In the first brief

* I am very grateful to Deborah Robson for her translation of this paper. I also thank
Adriano Carago for having read it and having given some advice.
1
T. Campanella, Lettere, ed. V. Spampanato (Bari, 1927) pp. 163-169.
2
Ibid., pp. 165,166.
3
Ibid., p. 169: "Scias quoque me in praedictione astrologica in magna synodo 1603 novas
scientias caelestes, praeter alia multa, in hoc saeculo propalandas fore praedixi, quoniam
prope augem Mercurii, eodem Mercurio adsistente, celebrata est synodus in Sagittario".
4
T. Campanella, Articuli prophetaies, ed. G. Ernst (Firenze, 1977), pp. 260-300. For the
identification of the Prognosticum with the last chapter of the Articuli see ibid., "Nota
introduttiva", p. XXXVII ss. An interesting study on the Articuli is to be found in G.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
266 Germana Ernst

outline of the Articuli, written during the very early months of his
imprisonment in Naples, Campanella sets out to show, to his judges and
to readers alike, that an era of great changes is at hand.5 He claims
that his attempt to create the "City of the Sun" in Calabria fitted into the
overall pattern of these changes. Later the text was greatly extended and
became an imposing collection of testimonies including passages from
the writings of authoritative fathers of the Church, biblical prophets,
saints such as St. Catherine of Siena, St. Bridget and St. Vincent Ferrer
as well as astrologers like Arquato and Cardan and prophets like Joa-
chim of Flora and the Sibyls. All these authors are quoted to support
Campanella's belief in the coming of a wonderful "renovatio" and a new
era of joy and peace: a new Golden Age in which every conflict will be
abolished through the unity of political and religious life and the shared
ownership of all property; suffering will disappear as man returns to a
state of innocence like that in the Garden of Eden. To prove the
imminence of this golden age, quotations from the prophets' writings
combine with the most sophisticated astrological analyses and specula-
tions about the typological connections between the six days of the
creation and the six milleniums of the world, between the ages of the
Synagogue and the seven states of the Church as shown by the seven
Angels, seals and trumpets of the Apocalypse.
The last chapter of the Articuli is specifically astrological and was
written in prediction of the great conjunction of 1603. As we also know
from two of his sonnets on the subject,6 the imprisoned Campanella
was waiting for this astral event with great impatience and passionate
excitement, as it was to mark the end of a nearly two hundred years
period during which the conjunctions of the upper planets had taken
place in the watery triplicity, that is to say in the signs Pisces, Cancer
and Scorpio. Now a period of equal length would begin, during which
the conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn would take place about once
every twenty years in the fiery triplicity, that is in the signs Aries, Leo
and Sagittarius. This fiery triplicity was the first in a series and therefore
with this shift a whole new cycle would begin, marking the opening of a
new 800 years epoch in the history of the world. Moreover, not only had
the Christian faith had its origins and its main period of growth during a

Bock, Thomas Campanella. Politisches Interesse und philosophische Spekulation (Tü-

bingen, 1974), chapter IV.
5
The earlier brief version ("Secunda delineatio defensionum fratris Th. Campanellae.
Articuli prophetales inserendi in defensionibus Campanellae") in L. Firpo, Il supplizio
di Tommaso Campanella (Roma, 1985), pp. 129-174.
6
"Sonetto sopra la congiunzion magna, che sarà l'anno 1603 a' 24 di dicembre" and "La
detta congiunzione cade nella revoluzione della natività di Cristo" in T. Campanella,
Tutte le opere.I. Scritti letterari, ed. L. Firpo (Milano, 1954), pp. 125, 126.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon 267

fiery triplicity, but the first great conjunction of the new triplicity would
also coincide with the "revolution" of the birth of Christ: in fact, the
meeting of Jupiter and Saturn in the fiery sign of Sagittarius was expec-
ted on the 24th of December, the very day of the birth of Christ. All
these factors clearly explain Campanella's excited expectancy and hope
in the total renewal in society and Christianity, a renewal which signifies
a return to an age of original innocence. This return is confirmed by the
regularity observed in the movements of the planets:
Se fu nel mondo l'aurea età felice
ben essere potrà più ch'una volta,
che si ravviva ogni cosa sepolta
tornando il giro ov'ebbe la radice.7
The prophetic and astrological themes combine in this way with the
eschatological prospect of the golden age and with the political utopia
of the ideal city. As shown by Frances A. Yates, the City of the Sun "is
saturated through and through with astrology; its whole way of life is
directed towards achieving a beneficial relationship with the stars".8 Let
us look at some significant examples. The very founding of the city, like
the birth of any organism, requires a careful choice of the right moment
in time in order to take place in the most favourable astral conditions.
Situated on a hill in the midst of a vast plain, the city is divided into
seven large circular divisions ("gironi grandissimi"), each one named
after one of the seven planets. The main stars with their names and
characteristics are painted on the dome of the circular temple built on
the top of the hill. On the altar inside the temple stand only two large
globes, one for the heavens and one for the earth. From the ceiling hang
seven permanently burning lamps, each one representing a planet.
Astrology also determines changes of clothes, holidays, agricultural
activities, animal breeding, choices of profession and above all human
reproduction. In fact, coupling occurs in an atmosphere of intense astral
religion, at a time decided by the Doctor and the Astrologer, in order to
ensure, for the child to be conceived, the purest natural constitution,
which is the originary soil (that cannot be altered in the future) where
virtue can take root and grow.9
So astrology is an essential factor in the organization of the perfect
city as it ensures a correct relationship between society and nature. The
perfect running of a community is linked to the observation of and
respect for the rhythms of nature and the dispositions of man, and

7
Ibid, p. 121.
8
F. A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London, 1964), p. 369.
9
T. Campanella, La città del Sole in G. Bruno-T. Campanella, Scritti scelti, ed. L. Firpo
(Torino, 19652), pp. 409, 411, 440-441, 424-425.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
268 Germana Ernst

where this does not happen only corruption and madness can reign.10
Moreover, political action cannot be separated from the knowledge of
history and, here again, it is the role of the astrologer to supply useful
information about events both of the past and of the probable future. In
the Prognosticum mentioned above, Campanella intends to interpret the
general patterns of the most significant events in the history of human-
ity in the light of precise astral facts. Events such as the migration of
peoples, changes in the climate, the rise and fall of empires and religions
do not take place by accident, but can be associated with particular astral
conditions. From this point of view, astrology becomes a necessary
compass to find one's way through the forest of universal history.
As Campanella believes that Ptolemy's doctrine on the subject is
insufficient and incapable of explaining great historical changes, because
it takes into consideration only phenomena of brief duration such as
eclipses and comets 11 , he sets out to integrate and develop this part of
Quadripartitum, following Cardan's example. In order to do this, he
includes new elements in his study: first the passing of the great con-
junctions from triplicity to triplicity, as already seen, but also data which
he draws from the new astronomy, such as the extremely slow transfer
of the signs of the Zodiac in space, the change in the planetary apogees,
the supposed gradual approach of the Sun towards the Earth. It is above
all because of his prophetic interests that Campanella is so avidly
fascinated by the discoveries of Copernicus, Tycho Brahe and Galileo. 12
By comparing the new observations with the ancient, he strives to
decipher the divine messages written in the skies and to interpret the

10
Ibid., pp. 456-457: "[i Solari] confessano che nel mondo ci sia gran corruttela, e che gli
uomini si reggono follemente e non con ragione; e che i buoni pateno e i tristi reggono".
The topic of the general madness of the "upside-down" world is exemplarly epitomized
in the sonnet with this title: "Senno senza forza de' savi delle genti antiche esser soggetto
alla forza de' pazzi" in Tutte le opere, cit., p. 28.
11
T. Campanella, Astrologicorum libri VII, (Francofurti, 1630), reprint in Opera latina
Francofurti impressa annis 1617-1630, ed. L. Firpo (Torino, 1975), p. 1156: "Mancus est
Ptolomaeus in sua doctrina cum solis eclipsibus mutationes det et initia rerum. Cum
enim istae sint parvae durationis, non nisi super res parvi temporis indicationem
habent. Similiter et cometae. Regnorum autem translationes et durationes ab his fieri
quomodo possunt, vel leges sectaeque tantis duraturae annis? [ . . . ] Oportet ergo causas
potiores accipere, quod Albumasar cognovit, sed non perfecit". In order to integrate
Ptolemy's doctrine, Campanella refers to Arabic tradition and Cardan's commentary
on the Quadripartitum, but he also resorts to the observations of the new astronomy.
12
Cf. Astrologicorum, cit., pp. 1092-93: "Ex physicis ordinariis coeli affectibus quae non
sunt ordinaria deprehendimus et signa a D e o data pervestigamus: neque enim data
sunt, nisi ut vigilemus. Quod mirifice coepit Copernicus in hoc saeculo, melius quam
prosecutus Tycho, altius vero Galilaeus. Omnes isti tamen corporeis affixi veritatibus
de futuris Dei iudiciis per haec symptomata haud philosophati sunt, de quibus nos in
prophetalibus. Scientia quippe humana absque divina curta est".

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon 269

hidden meaning of the displacement of the poles of the "machina

mundi".
If there exists a precise connection between astral events and great
historical changes, he who knows how to interpret the movements of the
celestial bodies is also able to understand the internal workings of
history. Through explanations of past events, he can also make proba-
ble hypothesis about the future: "Locuti sumus de praeteritis, ut pos-
simus de futuris praecognoscere et monere alios".13
Campanella uses astrology as an instrument to register the devel-
opments of civilizations and the internal pulsations of history. However
he avoids fatalistic points of view which would deprive man and his
existence of any meaning. Although the physical constitution and the
passions of the individual are undoubtedly influenced by stars, this does
not deprive man of his freedom of asserting himself against any antag-
onistic external influence, as Campanella illustrates with allusions to
obviously personal experiences: "hominem autem ita liberum video, ut
nullis tormentis et mortibus, si nolit, possit vinci. Quanto ergo minus a
sideribus, quae non sic atrociter premuní? Itemque si corpus urunt
voluntatem non attingunt".14
Similarly, on a larger scale, if the movements of the celestial bodies
can be seen to guarantee the regularity of historical events, thus giving
the philosopher the chance to understand and explain them, conversely
they do not constrain these events into a preordained pattern. History
has its own laws and proceeds according to precise rhythms, but this
does not mean that it forms a repetitive cycle of identical facts and, of
course, the Utopian Campanella is particularly interested in opening up
the regular pattern of astral movements to accomodate factors of nov-
elty and transformation. The motion of the cosmic system through the
immensity of space produces a continual flow of varying influences on
the Earth and the slow modification of the constellations implies a new
era on the Earth: "Liquido constat figuras signorum in coelo situm
permutare... unde diversa facies stellarum terris imminet et tota caeli
machina novam adepta positionem nova parturit saecula novasque
singulis terrarum partibus influentias demittit".15
Moreover, the movements of the stars are subject to irregular
variations in speed to which the astrologers try in vain to apply their
rules. These anomalies, for example the irregular speed of the approach
of the Sun towards the Earth, prove that the world is indeed a complex
watch, but one held in the hands of God, who can make it run fast or

13
Articuli, cit., p. 274.
14
Astrologicorum, cit., p. 1091.
15
Articuli, cit., p. 266.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
270 Germana Ernst

slow as he sees fit: "Dicam tarnen hoc unum, mundum videlicet esse in
manu Dei quasi horologium, et secundum placitum illius motus et
agendi patiendique mensuras sortiri".16 This confirms that total perfec-
tion does not exclude the possibility of change, nor does the regularity
of the mechanism mean absolute inevitability. Man therefore is not
imprisoned in an immutable situation and events which seem impossi-
ble might become natural: "Nunc autem manifestum est, ut videas
coelum nutu Dei agitari eundemque tali posse ratione saeculum tem-
perare ut fiat naturale id, quod nobis videtur contra naturam".17 The
Golden Age is not a dream, as the followers of Aristotle and Machiavelli
believe; war, sickness and hunger are not necessary evils, connatural to
the human condition, but they are the product of ignorance and disun-
ion and can be abolished by returning to a state of political and religious
unity and harmony with nature.
2. Campanella's works show how astrological and prophetic themes
linger on the threshold of modern thought and they have an overall
importance and weight in his thinking, audaciously connecting proph-
ecy, astrology and utopianism. Although Campanella's writings are
extremely original, he in fact reiterates traditional ideas, which enjoyed
wide spread popularity in the previous century.
One of the most extraordinary events in the skies of the 16th
century, which Campanella mentions and which filled star watchers of
the time with awe and excitement, was the sudden apparition in Novem-
ber 1572 of a new star in the constellation of Cassiopeia.18 The observa-
tions and measurements of the astronomers left no room for doubt.
This new celestial body was neither in the region below the Moon,
predisposed to corruption and change, nor in the region of the planets. It
was not formed from terrestrial exhalations and it was not an ominous
comet. It was actually a new star and patently contradicted the Aristotel-
ian doctrine of eternity and incorruptibility of the heavens; at the same
time, it constituted a direct threat to all confidence in human reason. As
Tycho Brahe commented, "inexhausta enim est Naturae abyssus, et
mens humana in plurimis, praesertim adeo longe a sensibus externis
sepositis, saepenumero caligat atque titubât".19
Among the witnesses of the amazing phenomenon, Cornelius
Gemma, deeply moved, expressed his opinion that if Ptolemy, Plato and
Aristotle had lived to see such a sight, they would not have hesitated in

16
Ibid., "Appendix respondens philosophis et machiavellistis", p. 118.
" Ibid., p. 119.
18
The starting point for the debate on the new star is L. Thorndike, A History ofMagic and
Experimental Science (New York, 1923-1958), vol. VI, pp. 67-98.
19 Tycho Brahe, Astronomiae instauratele Progymnasmatum pars secunda in Opera, ed. J. L.
Dreyer, II (Hauniae, 1915), p. 373.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon 271

repudiating their philosophy, which being based on human perception

was now proved to be inadequate in the face of divine dominance over
natural factors.20 The reassessment of philosophical thought and the
realization of the limits of human knowledge - "rationum fluctus ancipi-
tes semper, sensus iudicium fallax et lubricum, intellectus vero quam
paucissimus"21 - are, according to Gemma, not a hindrance, but rather a
new starting point in the search for the meaning of this extraordinary
event, sent from God to man as a message to decipher. Whether he
observed it in a clear sky through his father's instruments, or sighted it
with deep excitement through a window, when even "the densest cloud
could not obscure its brightness",22 the star had to be a metaphysical
being: perhaps an Angel, or a divine creature, or even God himself,
revealing Himself to man, cloacked in a mantle of light.23 The unusual
character of the event and its similarity with the appearance of the star
which announced the birth of Christ convinced Gemma of the approach
of an era of complete renewal in which Christ "noctem hanc obscuris-
simam luce laetissima commutabit". 24 It seemed evident that, as the
present era had reached the lowest point of corruption and decadence, a
movement towards an epoch of renewed happiness was to be expec-
ted.25
It is well known that Tycho Brahe, who had the most perfect
instruments of observation of that time at his disposal, wrote at length,
about his personal observations of the new star. He also commented on
the opinions of those who had already discussed the subject such as
Hagecius, Maestlin, Gemma, Digges, Dee, Reinhold, Postel and many
20
Cornelius Gemma, De naturae divinis characterismis seu raris et admirandis spectaculis
(Antwerpiae, 1575), p. I l l : "Sileret ipse fortassis Ptolomaeus, caelestium rerum accu-
ratissimus indagator: tum Plato et Aristoteles pisce mutiores (si modo viverent), eorum
quae scripserunt pridem vanitate deprehensa, humanam philosophiam pedibus con-
culcarent, Deumque naturae operibus longe superiorem agnoscentes, iam efficaciori
scientiae manus darent".
21
Ibid., p. 112.
22
Ibid., p. 123 : "Verum ita vibratis radiis ardescebat ut per densissimas nubes saepe stellis
latentibus caeteris transpareret mihi per fenestras vitreas noctu saepius intuenti ceu
lampas in coelo amplissima videretur". Cornelius Gemma was the son of the cosmog-
rapher and astronomer Gemma Phrysius, one of the earliest supporters of Copernicus.
23
Ibid., p. 130. Tycho Brahe was "horrified" by these opinions, which he regarded as
impious and blasphemous: "Quae de Angelis aut etiam Dei ipsius (horresco referons)
in forma stellae apparitione, atque ascensu et descensu, circularique reditu divinis
mentibus domestico, adducit, prorsus impia sunt, ne dicam blasphéma, ex Authore
universitatis, creaturam aliquam visibilem citra omnem verecundiam fingentia" {Pro-
gymnasmatum pars tertia, ed. Dreyer, III, p. 79).
24
Cornelius Gemma, De characterismis, cit., p. 133.
25
Cf. ibid., p. 138: "[cum] fortuna iam saeculi nostri sit velut in perigaeo atque ima totius
circuii parte ad quam sic repente delapsi sumus; quaenam porro expectanda mutatio
est, nisi paulatim ascensu quodam et transitu in sublime versus absidem scilicet vel
augem circulo superiorem unde decidimus?".

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
272 Germana Ernst

others. On several occasions, Brahe declares his wish to work along

strictly astronomic lines, based on direct observation and geometric
calculation without indulging in the treacherous fields of theology and
astrology. He criticises the most superstitious and improbable opin-
ions,26 but he cannot hide his own emotion about this stupendous
miracle and so proposes, in his turn, a possible interpretation of the
marvel. As the new star observed by Hypparchus had marked the
beginning of the decline of Greek civilization and the growth of the
Roman Empire, so it is reasonable to presume that the present phenom-
enon, being somewhat similar, should announce a profound social and
political change and the start of a new golden age, as already forecast by
an ancient prophetic tradition.27 That is also confirmed by the doctrine
of the great conjunctions and their transition from triplicity to triplicity,
and Tycho believes that the seventh cycle of history is about to begin
and will be a fortunate one, not only because of its analogy with the
other odd number cycles, but also because of the considerable mystic
values of the septenary.28
When, in October 1604, another new star appeared, this time in
the Serpentarius constellation, another great astronomer, Kepler, Ty-
cho's successor as mathematician to the Emperor Rudolph II, wrote a
specific treatise on this subject. The precise description of the phenom-
enon and a strict adherence to scientific facts do not prevent him from
asking himself, once again, some questions about the significance of the
unusual event. It seems to him no coincidence that the star should
appear in a period so close to the beginning of the great conjunctions in
the first fiery triplicity, although he admits that to explain the connec-

26
In addition to the passage quoted above, n. 23, cf. the following caustic paragraph:
"[Gemma] eo tandem in his decretorum Stellae decisionibus prolabitur, ut Christi
crucifixi imaginem stellis assuere et denuo quasi inter sidera crucifigere non exhorres-
cat, idque nimis superstitiose, ne quid amplius dicam. Sic etiam enses et arcus ex nova
hac atque vicinis Cassiopeae fabricat, forte Vulcanum quendam armorum opificem
sideribus intrudens" (Progymnasmatum pars tertia, ed. Dreyer, p. 80).
27
Ibid., p. 312: "Neque etiam haec a vetustissimis sapientissimorum et divinitus illumi-
natorum hominum vaticiniis sunt aliena, qui ante universalem rerum omnium confla-
grationem, pacifkum quoddam et concors seculum aliquamdiu in terris futurum, in quo
politicarum administrationum et varietatis religionum tumultuariae confusiones trans-
mutabuntur, et ad divinae voluntati conformiorem analogiam adaptabuntur vaticinati
sunt". After reading Tycho's writings, Campanella added some pages on the new star to
his Articuli and transcribed from the Progymnasmata the text of Tiburtine Sibyl's oracle.
28
Tycho Brahe, Progymnasmata, cit., p. 312: "Veluti illae restitutiones trigonicae quae
impari numero exhibitae sunt, velut prima, tertia et quinta, salutares Mundo fuerunt:
sic et hanc septimam numero impari praecipue gaudentem, magni cuiusdam boni et
felicioris status esse praenunciam"; "Et si séptima haec est trigonorum in integrum ab
Orbe condito restitutio, quemadmodum communiter recepta aetatis Mundi numeratio
admittit [ . . . ] séptima haec Sabbatismi quandam occultam rationem obtinet, et prae
ceteris peculiare et magni momenti quid denunciat".

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon 273

tion between the two facts is a very difficult task. On one hand he rejects
more superstitious beliefs, on the other he also refuses the "caecum
casum" of Epicurean philosophy. In any case, it seems unquestionable
that the new star, which appeared in a more noble celestial zone than
that where the star of Cassiopeia had appeared, is a letter inscribed in the
heavens by God's finger - "haec nimirum Dei digito in summo coelo
exarata litera".29
Kepler makes a firm stand against the more arbitrary aspects of
judicial astrology and declares himself to be generally in agreement with
Pico della Mirandola. As it is known, more than a century earlier, Pico
had denounced the internal contradictions and the ambiguity of a
doctrine which, aspiring to a total comprehension of reality, was on the
contrary full of superstition and lacking in logical argument. Kepler does
however challenge Pico on some points.30 For instance, he finds the
significance of the great conjunctions and other planetary aspects un-
dubitable and he is still fascinated by the parallelism between the
succession of historical epochs and the passing of the great conjunctions
from triplicity to triplicity, giving rise to 800 years cycles of world
history: "Memorabile vero est, in ipsos fere periodorum artículos inci-
dere praecipuas Epochas: quo nomine plurimum delector hac Trigono-
rum serie, et quodam quasi temporum compendio". Having drawn up
a schematic plan of the succession of world eras, he is convinced that the
first seven having finished, the eighth age began in 1600 and would last
until the year 2400. Thinking about this remote date, he cannot help
asking himself disconcerting questions about history and the future of
mankind: "Ubi tunc nos et modo florentissima nostra Germania? et
quinam successores nostri? an et memores nostri erunt? Siquidem
mundus duraverit".31
In the fifth book of his Disputationes, Pico had attacked with
particular vehemence the astrological theory which links great historical-
religious changes to astral events. He views this as extremely dangerous
and offensive to religion: "hac parte maxime laedit religionem ista
professio".32 He comments that such an idea was completely foreign to
Ptolemy, who limited himself to studying only the aspects of the two
luminaries, the Sun and the Moon, and the effects of eclipses. This part

29
J. Kepler, De stella nova in pede Serpentari! [Pragae, 1606] in Gesammelte Werke, I, hrs.
von M. Caspar (München, 1938), p. 291. On Kepler's astrology see G. Simon, Kepler
astronome astrologue (Paris, 1979) and J. V. Field, "A Lutheran Astrologer: Johannes
Kepler", Archive for History of Exact Sciences, 31 (1984), pp. 189-272, also containing the
English translation of Kepler's De fundamentis astrologiae certioribus.
30
De stella nova, cit., p. 184 ss.
31 Ibid., pp. 182-183.
32
G. Pico della Mirandola, Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem, I, ed. E. Garin
(Firenze, 1946), p. 520.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
274 Germana Ernst

of astrology, in Pico's opinion, was in fact developed by "barbari" Arabic

astrologers, who misunderstood Ptolemy's original text and added mis-
takes and false ideas: by attributing miracles, prophecy and religions to
the stars, they made themselves seem ridiculous and untrustworthy. 33
Regardless of this radical criticism, the theory of the great conjunc-
tions was to enjoy wide popularity through the whole of the 16th
century. In arguing with Pico, either implicitily or explicitily, all the
most celebrated astrologers, from Pontano to Nifo, from Cardan to
Giuntini, refer to this doctrine, emphasising the importance of integrat-
ing Ptolemy's few ideas; the great panic spread by the deluge expected
for 1524 is one of the most striking examples of the enormous popularity
of this theory.34 In his commentary on the second book of Quadripar-
titum, Cardan takes into consideration all the astral events neglected by
Ptolemy, among which the great conjunctions, although he stresses the
difficulty of this "adeo celebrata" doctrine, which can only be applied to
very general events. When the great conjunctions occur in the watery
signs, "significant multa bella et inventiones operum mechanicorum
propter Martern, et morbos malignos contagiosos [...] et haereses graves
et magnas". When they occur in fiery trigon "fiunt mundi imperia et
monarchae propter dominium Solis et Iovis, qui significant tranquillita-
tem in mundo: haec autem non possunt contingere nisi uno regente
omnia" and it is for this reason that from 1583 to 1782 "incipiet Monar-
chia et omnia regentur nutu unius". In the earthy signs declines and dies
everything that begins in the watery trigon and "fient terraemotus et
inundationes et cometae plures". In the aery triplicity "dissolventur
Monarchiae per trigonum Arietis factae, et loco eius traducetur in aliam
Monarchiam, et propter dominium Saturni et Mercurii erunt multi
sapientes, et artes vigebunt, et erunt multi deceptores, et homines erunt
improbissimi et vigebunt vitia in libidinibus maxima".35
Even more significant is the treatise specifically dealing with the
great conjunctions which the Bohemian astrologer Cyprianus Leowitz
dedicated to Maximilian II,36 emphasising the effort that this somewhat

33
Ibid., p. 558: "Hoc est illud figmentum ex falsa unius auctoris intelligentia natum, quo
se isti adeo iactant, quo se reputant, gloriabundi quod religio omnis stellis sit ligata, quo
sanctissimas leges, prophetarum adventus, divina miracula, potestatibus siderum fato-
rumque subiciunt. Certe nusquam se magis pueriles ostendunt, aut magis rudes ridi-
culique inveniuntur".
34
On this subject see Paola Zambelli's studies, both the ones printed in this volume and
"Fine del mondo o inizio della propaganda?" in Scienze, credenze occulte, livelli di cultura
(Firenze, 1982), pp. 291 ff.
35
G. Cardano, In Cl. Ptolomaei Pelusiensis IIII de astrorum iudiciis libros commentarla, II,
vii in Opera, V (Lugduni, 1663), pp. 172-173.
Cyprianus Leovitius, De coniunctionibus magnis insignioribus superiorum planetarum,
Solis defectionibus et cometis, in quarta Monarchia, cum eorumdem effectuum histórica

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon 275

slim volume had cost him. In fact, he claims he has engaged himself in
an undertaking never before attempted: reinterpreting the history of the
previous 1600 years in relation to celestial events, in particular the great
conjunctions, eclipses and comets, starting with the Roman Monarchy,
generally identified with the fourth and last Monarchy prophesied by
Daniel. On the basis of repeated observations and the careful compari-
son of data and facts, he believes it is possible to develop a science of
prediction or natural prophecy, which does not depend on "blind judge-
ment" or "vain curiosity", as believed by the common people, but
derives instead from a precise knowledge of the laws which govern the
mechanism of the heavens. Diligent and learned observation of history
and of the stars warns us that all of Europe and in particular the Empire
is approaching dreadful political changes - "graves, periculosae et valde
horrendae gubernationis politicae mutationes, et status publici turba-
tiones atque confusiones prope infinitae".37 The imminence of catas-
trophes, which lead up to the deterioration of the world and the end of
time ("in extrema hac mundi ad interitum ruentis et prorsus inclinati
senecta")38, on one hand cautions man that he should prepare himself
for God's impending judgement by purifying his soul. On the other
hand it exhorts him to interpret the meaning of the signs in the skies.
Although man, like the Angels, is not allowed to know the precise
moment of the return of Christ and although divine liberty is in no way
bound to the "causae secundae", Leowitz concludes his work by recon-
firming his belief that the order of the universe and the regular rhythms
of the planetary movements are not without significance, but are in fact
loaded with messages and symbols.39
3. Extraordinary celestial signs combined with traditional astrolog-
ical doctrines to produce either a fervid belief in a new era or fears about
the approach of terrible events. The alternation and coexistence of

expositione. His ad calcetti accessit Prognosticon ab anno 1564 in viginti sequentes annos
(Laugingae ad Danubium, 1564).
37
Ibid., Epilogus (absent in some copies), f. 01r
38 Ibid, f. 0 2 r
39
Ibid, f. N3V: "Scio equidem nulli mortalium neque etiam ipsis angelis plane cognitum
esse illud tempus quo filius Dei ad iudicandum veniet, neque id nos scrupulose
inquirere decere. Nemo tarnen opinor tarn alienus a verae rationis usu est, qui non
fateatur admirandae varietatis et pulchritudinis hoc opere multa nobis tacite praesigni-
ficare voluisse Opificem. Quippe cum temporum et vicissitudinum illud nobis tam-
quam horologium fabricavit. Quare hanc doctrinam nemo sanus contemnere potest,
quae ex certa ratione principiorum generales coniecturas proferí, dummodo ita trac-
tetur ut moribus ac pietati non officiât, quod mihi ab adolescentia cum primis studio
fuit, ut mei omnes declarant libri. Et quamquam Deus Uberrime agit, nullis prorsus
illigatus causis secundis (posset enim tam in trigono igneo vel terreo quam in fine
trigoni aquei harum rerum finem facere) tamen ordinem a se institutum non volet
pervertere".

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
276 Germana Ernst

anguish and hope, of apocalyptic and messianic themes, also constitute

the most common factors found in the prophecies that enjoyed great
popularity during the 16th century.
The most constant point of reference in the wide range of works on
this subject is Joachim of Flora.40 He devised a method for the explana-
tion of the principal events in history, based on a detailed comparison of
the Old Testament with the New and on a series of complex typological
interpretations of facts and figures from Scripture. However, the most
popular element in his thought, which lead many others to write apoc-
rypha, was his belief in a radical renewal of the papacy and of humanity
as a whole. Of course, his expectation of a new era was not divorced from
the awareness that it would be preceded by trials and terrible suffering.
From this point of view, his thought conformed with the most tradi-
tional vein of Christian pessimism, which tended to emphasise that the
final phases of history would witness the manifestation of the wrath of
God and the coming of the Antichrist. But in the works of Joachim these
tragic apocalyptic events were seen as the mere forerunners of the age in
which, according to Evangelical prophecy, one flock would be reunited
under a single sheperd: "unum ovile, unus pastor". So in Joachimistic
view the catastrophic aspects of the end of time were illuminated by the
expectation of a wonderful "renovatio" trough an Angelic Pope.
The wide diffusion, also at a popular level, of these ideas is con-
firmed by t h e circulation of t h e pseudo-Joachimistic Vaticinici de summis
pontificibus.41 This was a double set of fifteen prophecies which had
been attributed to Joachim and to one Anselm, Bishop of Marsico, but
which in fact had been written during the first half of the 14th century
by groups of Spiritual Franciscans. The manuscripts and the printed
editions of these oracles are innumerable and, as Marjorie Reeves has
pointed out, the iconological value of their pictures is very different:
hasty drawings alternate with sumptuous illuminations and coarse en-
gravings with the most refined xilographies. Anyway, these thirty enig-
matic figures, accompanied by brief ambiguous texts, exercised an extra-
ordinary fascination on readers. As for the interpretation of this work,
most of the commentators concerned themselves with the historical
identification of the popes represented: some believed that the Vaticinia

40
On Joachim of Flora and Joachimism see M. Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the
later Middle Ages. A Study in Joachimism (Oxford, 1969). S o m e useful additions in
G. Tognetti, "Note sul Profetismo nel Rinascimento e la letteratura relativa", Bullettino
dell' Istituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 82 (1970), pp.
129-157. For the relationship between Joachim's thought and Campanella's Articuli see
H. de Lubac, La postérité spirituelle de Joachim de Flore (Paris, 1979), p. 214 ss.
41
Cf. M. Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy, cit., p. 452 ss. and also her essay Some popular
Prophecies from the fourteenth to the seventeenth Centuries in Popular Belief and Practice,
eds. C. J. Cuming and D. Baker (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 107-137.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon in
portrayed popes in an orderly succession and others thought that the
prophecies were cyclical, as Pasqualino Regiselmo, a leading commen-
tator, tells us: "alii affirmant illas instar rotae fabricatas esse, quae cir-
cumactae semper ad idem redeant et occultorum sensuum in illis
mystice clausorum multiplicitate semper novas explicationes gignant et
novas expositiones".42
On the contrary, Protestants like Andreas Osiander and Johannes
Adrasder maintained that the Vaticinia did not represent individual
popes, but they concerned the general state of papacy. This was also
Paracelsus' opinion, who edited one of the most polemical interpreta-
tions of these prophecies, in an anti-papal direction.43 Regiselmo on his
turn believed that the Vaticinia represented individual popes, but neither
in continuous nor in cyclical sequence. In his opinion, the oracles
concerned the most significant popes, and some of them had already
been historically fulfilled, whereas others applied to future times.
The vogue of this type of writings is confirmed by the appearance of
imitative series of papal prophecies at the end of the 16th century.44 The
best known text, especially during the next centuries, was the one
attributed to St. Malachy. However, much more interesting, although
little known, were the "wheels" (rotae) printed in Venice at the turn of
the century. Each wheel is made up of numbered boxes which contain
either the drawing of a symbol or the name of a Pope: at the end there
are a few boxes left blank which allude to the imminent downfall of the
Papacy and the great changes which would precede the end of time.
Another key theme in Renaissance prophecy, which shows clearly
not only the hopes and fears of the West, but also the openly political
propaganda that this type of literature could represent, was the war

42
Vaticinia sive prophetiae abbatis Ioachimi et Anselmi episcopi marsicani [ . . . ] quibus
Rota et Oraculum turcicum [ . . . ] adiecta sunt, una cum praefatione et adnotationibus
Paschalini Regiselmi (Venetiis, 1589), Preface to «candido et amico lectori», f.b v .
43
Paulus Scaliger printed a new edition of the Vaticinia (Cologne, 1570) in order to defend
the Holy See and to confute Paracelsus' "pseudomagicam interpretationem".
44
Vaticinia sett Praedictiones illustrium virorum sex rotis aere incisis compraensa de succes-
sione Summorum Pontiflcum Romanorum cum declarationibus et annotationibus Hie-
ronymi Ioannini, (Venezia, 1600). Cf. Reeves, The influence of Prophecy, cit., pp. 460-61
and Some popular Prophecies, cit. p. 128 ss. The edition of 1600 of this pamphlet was
edited by the Dominican Girolamo Giovannini of Capugnano; a few years later, in
1605, the work was reprinted and, as I have already pointed out (cf. Campanella, Articuii
cit., p. 66, note n. 27), not only were most of the printing mistakes corrected, but all the
passages referring to the coming of the Antichrist and the apparition of the signs in the
Sun, in the Moon and the stars were deleted. The censured paragraphs are the same
that in the former edition were expurged only after the printing by means of strips of
paper glued on the disapproved passages. Campanella often quotes the Vaticinia and
especially its censured points (cf. Articuii, cit., pp. 66, 72,182, 254, 256).

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
278 Germana Ernst

against the Turks and the retaking of Constantinople by the Christians.45

The myth of the crusade which would have reunited the Christian forces
against the infidels had deep and widespread influence, especially as the
flame was deliberately kindled by political interests. According to one of
the most widely accepted beliefs, shared and feared by the Turks them-
selves, the Hegira would not last more than a thousand years and the
fatal period would actually expire between the end of the 16th century
and the beginning of the 17th. Another fairly well known text asserts
that after a number of years following the conquest of Constantinople,
the Turks, after having enjoyed some fortune and significant victories,
would once more be driven back and routed by the Christian sword. It is
significant that Regiselmo closes his edition of the Vaticinici with this
famous "Turkish oracle", thus stating on the basis of elaborate calcula-
tions and references to the Cabala, that the fulfillment of prophecy was
at hand.46
It is therefore no surprise to learn that perhaps the most famous
part of one of the most celebrated predictions of the 16th century was
concerned with the "ruthless Turks". This work, known with the latin
title De eversione Europae, was attributed to the doctor and astrologer
Antonio Arquato from Ferrara.47 On this subject, he predicts the victo-
rious conquests of the Turks, their encounters with the Christian powers
and their threatening incursions into Europe. But he also foretells their
defeat by the King of Hungary and their downfall owing to internal
discord which would have favoured the sudden attack by the christians
and the subsequent conversion of the infidels. By changing the dates to
fit different contexts, Arquato's Prognosticon represents a prototype for
the political prophecy of the Renaissance. His success does not depend
only on the fact that several of its predictions were extraordinarly
correct, for example the Sack of Rome in 1527 ("Roma vi expugnabitur
et exuretur, imperatorisque Romani praeda fiet et in ea interficientur
multi. Papa vel fugabitur vel capietur. Cardinales et ecclesiastici praelati
spoliabuntur et privabuntur bonis et tristabuntur...") or the coming of
Luther ("Veniet a Septentrione heresiarcha magnus, subvertendo popu-
los contra vota Romanae sedis.. .").48 Its vitality is due to the very

45
On this subject cf. J. Deny, "Les pseudo-prophéties concernant les Turcs au XVI e
siècle", Revue des Etudes Islamiques, 10 (1936), pp. 201-220. Cf. also the chapter "Le
profezie sui Turchi" in P. Preto, Venezia e i Turchi (Firenze, 1975), pp. 67-91.
46
Vaticinia etc., cit., f. H 4v
47
On this obscure author and his celebrated prediction, see E. Garin, "Arquato, Antonio"
in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, IV (Roma, 1962), pp. 299-301; Id., L'età nuova
(Napoli, 1969), pp. 105-111.
48
Antonii Torquati Prognosticon de eversione Europae (Antverpiae, 1552) ff. 5V, 6V. Cam-
panella often refers to this prediction and especially for the conversion of the Turks.
The passages on the Sack of Rome and on Luther are widely quoted in the Articuli

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
 From the watery Trigon to the fiery Trigon 279

structure of its predictions, which delineate a whole series of topical

figures and situations, but remain flexible enough to be applied over and
over again. If in one sense confirmations of predictions by the facts gave
unquestionable authority to a prophetic text, they also contributed to its
obsolescence. In order to satisfy the insatiable "need of prophecy" of the
time, paradoxically the predictions had to be sufficiently precise and
proved by historical facts, but at the same time ambiguous and general
enough to be used again and again. Thus even failed prophecies of
events which never happened could rise from ashes, like the mythical
Phoenix, and this explains the lasting popularity of Arquato's prognos-
tication, which offered a perfect combination of historically fulfilled and
possible events.
Another indication of the wide circulation of these ideas at the end
of the 16th century is an unusual and rare little book, compilated by a
certain "Gregorius Jordanus Venetus", who appears to have been cos-
mographer to Duke Ernest of Bavaria and who dedicates his work to
Baron Johann Fugger. 49 He follows in the footsteps of Joachim of Flora
and St. Bridget of Sweden. She is a sort of female counterpart to the
Calabrese Abbot, but in her most popular prophecies, extracted from the
ponderous books of her Revelationes, sharp reproofs of the corruption
and depravation of the Papacy and the Christianity are preponderant,
and threats of the total desolation prevale on the expectation of the
"renovatio". 50 Jordanus, knowing very well the efficacy of illustrations to

prophetales, pp. 196-197. On the complex question concerning the composition and the
dating of Arquato's Prognosticon see L. Thorndike, A History, cit., IV, p. 467 ss; V, p. 179.
D. Cantimori, "Aspetti della propaganda religiosa nell' Europa del Cinquecento" in
Umanesimo e religione nel Rinascimento (Torino, 1975), p. 170 ss. The exceptional
precision of the prophecy has led most authors to date it post eventum, that is to say after
the Sack of Rome: see M. Bataillon, "Mythe et connaissance de la Turquie en Occident
au milieu du XVIe siècle" in Venezia e l'Oriente fra tardo Medioevo e Rinascimento
(Firenze, 1966), p. 451 ss. On the contrary, E. Garin believes the prophecy is essentialy
authentic and dates back to the end of the 15th Century: see L'età nuova cit., pp.
105-111.
49
Prophetiae seu Vaticinio XIIH tabellis expressa, de horrendis calamitatibus orbi terrarum
impendentibus, de eversione Imperii Turcici et Mahumetanae superstitionis abolitione, de
Turcarum adfidem Christi conversione, de Antichristi regno, dira tyrannidefoedoque exitu
[ . . . ] collecta studio et opera Gregorii Iordani Veneti (s.η.t., 1591); copy used: Florence,
Bibl. Naz. Centrale, misc. 1039. 20.
50
Among the prophetical works, the Revelationes by St. Bridget of Sweden is one of the
most quoted sources in the Articuli prophetales: moreover, Campanella saw its role as
fundamental in his own spiritual growth. The prophetic fame of St. Bridget rested on
spurious works or abstracts like Onus mundi, id est prophetia de malo futuro ipsi mundo
superventuro (Roma, 1485). An interesting example of how astrological and prophetical
themes interwoved is the anonimous pamphlet mentioned by P. Zambelli in the
Catalogue of the Council of Europe Exhibition "Firenze e la Toscana dei Medici nell'
Europa del Cinquecento". See vol. IV, La corte etc. Astrologia, magia e alchimia
(Firenze, 1980), p. 410.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM
280 Germana Emst

evoke emotions in his public, presents familiar prophetic themes, illus-

trating them with a series of ten vignettes. His aim is to call his readers'
attention to the impending events, so that they repent and change their
lives for fear of the threatened punishments and terrible misfortunes
brought down upon them by God's anger. The first illustration con-
demns differences between European nations, represented by seven
queens with drawn swords, while the devil triumphantly waves the torch
of discord. The following vignettes predict the coming of a sovereign
sent by God, who will unite the Christian armies and lead them with the
benediction of the Angelic Pope against the Turkish Empire. After the
inevitable defeat of the infidels, their Emperor will convert to Christian-
ity and will be baptised in Rome by the hand of the Holy Pope. But the
aspiration towards reaching a religious unity and the hope in a new era
of peace, both direct references to Joachimistic views, combine with the
more menacing tones typical of St. Bridget. Jordanus here evokes her
concept of a powerful ruler sent to inflict pitiless punishments upon
degenerate humanity. He predicts in the near future misfortune and
devastations, schisms in the Church and confrontations between the
principal Christian factions, Turkish invasions and the coming of a "rex
quidam potentissimus ab austro" under whose reign the catastrophe
would reach its culmination.
Contrasting the figure of the castigating sovereign, instrument of
God's punishment, is that of the peacemaking monarch. He will open a
new era where differences are forgotten and justice, brotherhood and
prosperity will reign. It is this type of monarch which figures in Jean-
Aymé de Chavigny's Pléiades. This work brings together seven pro-
phetic texts which Chavigny in his lenghty commentary interprets as a
celebration of the reign of Henry IV, showing him to be the sovereign
predicted by Sibyls and prophets and claiming that divine providence
has designated this man as the instrument of the renewal and growth of
Christianity. Chavigny, who was a well educated man and a devoted
admirer of Nostradamus 51 , in his learned analytical writing at the dawn-
ing of a new Century draws, once more, upon the entire range of prophe-
cy. He reiterates all the themes, that in the recently concluded century
had been used to legitimize, persuade or comfort. He reunites, once
again, all those myths which had played such as an important role in
explaining the emotions and the states of mind of man, and in inducing
fear, expectancy and hope.

51
Before his Pléiades (Lyon, 1603), Chavigny edited a French-Latin version of Nostrada-
mus' Centuriae. Jani Gallici facies priori Lyon, 1594), ordering the criptic quatrains so
that they seemed to predict the French civil wars from the collapse of religious unity to
the extinction of the house of Valois. Cf. J. Céard, "J. A. de Chavigny: le premier
commentateur de Nostradamus" in Scienze, credenze occulte cit., pp. 427-442.

Brought to you by | Cambridge University Library

Authenticated
Download Date | 10/24/15 8:32 PM