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Introduction
Test adaptation, often also called test localization or test indigenization, is

a scientific and professional activity that now spans the whole realm of the
social and behavioral sciences. It is unclear whether it “belongs,” at least
from a historical point of view, more to any given science than to another.
If so, then psychology, and specifically cross-cultural psychology, has
probably the strongest claim on the domain of test adaptation; however,
educational sciences (e.g., educational testing), sociology (e.g., survey
translation), medicine (e.g., epidemiological studies), and other sciences
and branches are also interested in test adaptation.
on the challenge of writing a book on

test adaptation
It is challenging to write a book about test adaptation, for many reasons.
First, test adaptation does not follow a clearly prescribed process. The
possible variations in the process are very large and depend not only on the
focal test but also on a number of contextual variables (the source and
target culture, the objectives of the researcher, etc.) and ultimately on the
choices made by the researcher during every phase in the adaptation
process. As a result, it is impossible to take a prescriptive stance: Steps that
are mandatory in some adaptations are not needed in others, and proced-
ures which seem trivial in some adaptations become critical in others. The
best anyone may hope to achieve is to inform those who conduct test
adaptations on the principles and expected quality of the process and
outcomes, raise awareness to the intricacies of the process and to the
different options they may have at their disposal, showcase a number of
different adaptations that were innovative and successful, and inspire in
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2 Introduction
researchers the wish to prove themselves innovative and successful in

the way they conduct their own projects.
Second, test adaptation has no clearly prescribed outcomes. Although a
large number of projects are identified as “test adaptations,” the differences
between them are sometimes larger than the similarities. Church (2001)
outlines a crescendo of nine possible levels at which test adaptation may be
conducted – the outcome for each of these levels is vastly different from
the outcome on other levels. Still, they all are considered test adaptations.
Under these circumstances, the best one may hope is to instill in research-
ers the need to assume explicit outcomes from the very start of the process
and to be aware of the relative merits and limitations of their agreed
objectives.
Third, test adaptation literature is not a clear body of knowledge. The
literature is very much split between reports of cross-cultural research
(both small-scale and large-scale), reports of actual test adaptations, test
manuals, technical details, which are usually related to some form or
another of statistical procedure, and a great body of advice literature.
Unfortunately, there is very little research on the differential performance
and utility of these recommendations. For example, no empirical investi-
gation has ever been published on the relative efficiency of the translation-
backtranslation vs. the forward translation procedure, on the relative
efficiency of the mono-sample bilingual design vs. the source monolingual
design in the pretesting of the initial translation, or on how and whether a
committee approach to translation is better than an individual translation
approach. As a result, the best one may hope is to emphasize the need that
researchers exercise professional judgment at every step of the process, and
make defendable decisions in good knowledge of their options and with
full awareness of the likely outcomes.
test adaptation: science or practice?

Test adaptation, like most activities in the social sciences, is a mélange
between science and practice. However, there is considerable debate over
whether the “science” or the “practice” part is prevalent.
Literature on test adaptation is not abundant. Test adaptation is argu-
ably more often done than other activities in the psychometric realm,
maybe even more often than test development itself – after all, a test is
developed once but may be adapted in multiple cultures and languages. In
spite of this, test adaptation is not covered very thoroughly by scientific
literature.
Test Adaptation: Science or Practice? 3
Components of specific activities that may be undertaken when con-

ducting a test adaptation process are, of course, covered in the literature,
but only because they are general statistical or psychometric in nature. For
example, testing for equivalence with a SEM approach is well-covered in
the literature. This approach is not necessarily typical for test adaptation
but may be used – and is used – for a great number of other types of study
and in other processes.
But the literature seems to be very shy in tackling the core of test
adaptation: What general approach to follow? Is one method better than
another? Is there any guarantee that, following a recommended progres-
sion in a translation process, the result will be a good target-language form
of a test? Is there any procedure that should be followed when adapting an
item format to be more suitable to the target culture?
One motive for this situation may be the fact that in the realm of test
adaptation there is a lot of advice literature and not many empirically
supported conclusions. Advice literature outlines steps to take, points to
pay attention to, advances checklists of necessary activities, emphasizes the
importance of outcome characteristics, and many more. Advice literature
on this topic is built on case studies about previous test adaptation projects
that are deemed (in a rather qualitative manner) to have been a success,
and has a preference for working with examples, with the intention to raise
awareness to a number of issues usually encountered in the test adaptation
process. Advice literature is, however, not “scientific” when compared to
how modern science operates. It has no empirical evidence to show that a
specific approach to translation works better than another. Advice for one
approach over the other will therefore be based on personal experience and
not on strong evidence.
Practice
As a result, we believe that, while an intensively scientific activity, test
adaptation is at its core much more akin to the “practice” component of
the science-and-practice mélange. We have therefore endeavored to bring
our own contribution to this body of practical advice. This was done
through a great number of recommendations based on personal experi-
ence, as well as on a number of examples, many of them also based on
personal experience, which are featured throughout the volume. This was
also done through a number of checklists that are featured in the back of
the volume. These checklists are likely not exhaustive: Similar checklists
may easily be developed for other parts of the test adaptation process, and
4 Introduction
supplementary points may be easily written for each of the proposed

checklists. In specific circumstances, for some tests and contexts, supple-
mentary points are actually mandatory in some of these checklists. Still, we
consider them a good resource through which researchers conducting test
adaptations may review their practice and control the quality of their test
adaptation process.
Research
We will in this volume nevertheless refer to the person who is responsible
for the test adaptation project as “the researcher” or “the investigator.” This
has several motives. First, it is certainly true that “the adaptor” would have
sounded really uninspired. Second, and more important, we wish to
thereby emphasize for those professionals who undertake test adaptations
and use this volume for advice and information that they are indeed
researchers. If they do not see this as a purely practical activity, but as a
research activity, they are more likely to adhere to the strong standards of
responsibility, quality, and evidence to which researchers adhere. In our
experience, nothing has ever helped more in any test adaptation we were
involved in than guidance by the spirit of the scientific method as a “candle
in the dark.”
historical roots and their impact on

current practice
Why the Confusion?

van de Vijver (2016) considers that work on test adaptations has historic-
ally two different roots.
On one hand, work on test adaptations is based on early interest in
the importance of cultural factors, especially for the cultural fairness of
assessments, exhibited by such authors as Cattell and Cattell (1963) or
Jensen (1980). These and other authors argued initially for “culture-
reduced tests,” i.e., tests based on designs that were not influenced by
cultural factors. Later, when the importance of cultural factors became
evident even for the most carefully developed tests, work concentrated
on how to operate modifications on the test in order to counterbalance
and minimize cultural influences. On the other hand, work on test
adaptations is based on linguistics and on the interest of translating
work in such a way as to be linguistically similar with the original.
Historical Roots and Their Impact on Current Practice 5
Authors such as Brislin (1970) have quickly argued for the need to
implement quality control procedures in translations, in order to ensure
linguistic equivalence.
The modern understanding of test adaptation is a combination between
these two historical roots. On one hand, significant interest is given to
issues of translation: Quality control procedures have been developed for a
number of translation designs, which look not only on the output (the
actual translated test) but also impose restrictions on the process, in such
details as the selection of translators, reviewers and judges, review proced-
ures, and other similar topics. On the other hand, significant interest is
focused on issues of cultural comparability: Both a priori (usually judg-
mental) and a posteriori (usually data-driven) methods have been
developed in order to look at various forms of cultural equivalence in the
adapted form of the test.
We should, however, point out that the two historical roots of test
adaptation still do not interact smoothly to this day. Very often these
two interests collide: Linguistic equivalence and cultural equivalence or
appropriateness cannot be both obtained. In this case, we recommend that
researchers conducting test adaptations take a rational approach and focus
on the intent they have with the test adaptation. Different intentions may
lead them to prefer to tip the scale toward one or the other of the two types
of pressure.
“If it is acknowledged that a translation usually cannot show all [...]
kinds of equivalence, it becomes imperative to think about the conse-
quences” (van de Vijver, 2016, p. 368). Critical thinking at every step of
the test adaptation process and for every decision about the consequences
that may result from a given choice is the driving force behind a successful
test adaptation.
Different Stages and Challenges

Test adaptation has historically gone through a number of different stages.
Kurz (2016) outlined three of these stages, each of them with different
challenges. During the 1980s, the main problem was the adaptation of
paper-and-pencil tests. During the 1990s, the main problem was the
adaptation of computerized tests, bringing with it new challenges. During
the 2000s, the main problem was the adaptation of modern tests, based
on item banks – potentially multiplying the translation work by a number
of degrees and bringing with it other interesting challenges in terms of
equivalence testing.
6 Introduction
Finally, new evolutions, such as simultaneous test development, large-

scale international testing, automatic item generation, and others, continu-
ously add to the complexities of test adaptations. Each new stage brought
new challenges, but without eliminating the old ones. A great number of
test adaptations are still undertaken today for paper-and-pencil tests.
Motives for this situation may be, among others, because older-generation
tests still represent the bulk of all the test usage worldwide, paper-and-
pencil tests continue to be convenient in usage, and most test adaptations
are undertaken in developing countries, where computerized administra-
tion and scoring may pose some difficulties.
This book is not aimed at one or another form of test or challenge.
However, we have largely ignored the very specific problems typical for
very new evolutions, such as adaptations of item banks. We have also
largely avoided issues related to the simultaneous development of
different-language versions of tests. A legitimate argument could be built
for the fact that these are not in fact test adaptations, but share more
similarities with test development projects than with test adaptations. After
all, although the test is eventually presented in multiple languages, for
multiple cultures, there is nothing to adapt at the beginning of the project.
Still, while not explicitly discussing such projects, many if not most of the
issues discussed in this volume may also be used with success in simultan-
eous development projects.
the social and professional need for

test adaptations
Stakeholders of Test Adaptations

An impressive number of measures are translated into other languages
than the ones in which they were developed. The bulk of this important
work arguably stays in the realm of psychology: Measures and assessment
scales for every conceivable construct are developed continuously; they are
then translated and adapted for research or professional use in other
languages and cultures. In other professional domains, assessment scales
are developed and then translated into other languages, most notably
educational sciences, medicine, political sciences, communication sciences,
marketing, and others.
Sometimes such adaptations take place for research purposes. For
example, when doing research on counterproductive work behaviors in
Bulgaria, a good manner in which to proceed is the adaptation of an
The Social and Professional Need For Test Adaptations 7
established measure of counterproductive work behaviors that was previ-

ously used in published research, benefits from good reputation, has thor-
ough and transparent documentation, etc. This is also the case when
research is done on other constructs, in countries which are not at the
forefront of research on that specific topic and as a result have no indigenous
measures proposed to measure that topic.
Other times, the drive behind test adaptation is the need to use a
measure professionally. For example, when assessing children with autism
in Thailand, an efficient manner in which to proceed is the adaptation of
an established instrument for the assessment of autism spectrum disorders,
one which was hailed as a Gold Standard. This is also the case when other
important constructs are measured in a language or culture where no good
indigenous measures have emerged.
Still other times, the drive behind test adaptation is applied research.
For example, if the quality of life of children with disabilities is assessed in a
large number of countries, throughout the whole world, it is important that
the measure used is translated and well-adapted in such a way as to
measure the construct of quality of life in a comparable manner in the
target group, in all the participating cultures. This is also true when a
multinational company wishes to compare the equity of its brands in
multiple cultures and works toward this end with a specific marketing
questionnaire in multiple languages.
Examples of such drivers behind test adaptation could continue for
pages and pages. Test adaptation has become a very important activity
worldwide, recruiting important human and financial resources.
This is heavily reflected in the scientific literature: Based on data only
from one scientific database (PsycINFO), van de Vijver (2009) reported
an increase of at least 350% in the number of journal publications
addressing one form or another of test translation or adaptation, over a
period of 20 years. For a larger time span, the increase is even more
stunning; 28 publications on test adaptation were featured in PsycINFO
in 1960, while 2814 publications were featured in the same database in
2014, amounting to almost eight new publications every day (van de
Vijver, 2015b).
The past 20 years have also seen the publication of important books on
the topic of test adaptation, which had a large influence on conceptual-
izations and approaches in this domain. Among others, the following
three have been highly influential: Hambleton, Merenda, and Spielberger
(2005), Matsumoto and van de Vijver (2011), and van de Vijver and Leung
(1997).
8 Introduction
The motives for this important boost in interest are not clear. However,
several evolutions in society, science, politics, technology, and other
domains contribute to this interest.
Drivers behind the Increased Interest for Test Adaptation

In the second edition of the ITC Guidelines on Test Adaptation (ITC,
2016), the authors invoke four main motives for this increase.
(1) a growing interest in cross-cultural psychology and cross-cultural
studies in general;
(2) widespread interest in society and the public for large-scale inter-
national studies in educational achievement – we would also
add studies on other topics, such as health-related topics, quality of
life, etc.;
(3) the fact that credentialing examinations tend to be used more and
more internationally, especially in the technology field;
(4) a significant interest of test developers and testing agencies in fair-
ness considerations as related to testing, due to which candidates
are allowed to choose the language in which they prefer to take some
important assessments.
We will discuss these four drivers below.
There is a Growing Interest in Cross-Cultural Studies

This is shown among others by the abovementioned impressive increase in
research published in the domain of cross-cultural psychology during the
past few decades. We would, however, complement the statement by
emphasizing that the interest in cross-cultural issues is not only a driver
for cross-cultural research but also of cross-cultural practice.
Such a change is likely mandated by globalization and has a direct
impact on who we test, where we test, and how we test: Nowadays,
researchers and professionals tend to test more diverse (cross-cultural)
populations, in more diverse (cross-cultural) settings, and in more diverse
(culturally appropriate) manners (Iliescu & Ispas, 2016). Globalization and
the social changes associated with it exercise a certain type of pressure
toward a cross-cultural mindset in testing practices. This pressure mani-
fests itself through (a) the large adoption of testing, (b) the large need for
cross-national testing in professional services, (c) migration and other
political evolutions.
Interest for testing is growing internationally, and test usage is

expanding to new regions. Many countries and regions in which, historic-
ally, testing was not of great interest in society have adopted testing – this
evolution has been visible especially during the past decade or two in such
regions as Eastern Europe, parts of South America, and parts of South-East
Asia. Indigenous tests are beginning to be developed in these regions, but
more than anything, until a testing industry develops, test adaptation
surges upward in emerging countries. Professionals and agencies develop-
ing tests in countries with a well-established test production have therefore
gained awareness for the fact that their tests are nowadays unlikely to
be used only in one language and one culture. More tests are therefore
developed nowadays with cross-cultural use in mind.
The need for testing in multiple languages has expanded and continues
to do so. Organizations that operate in several countries, regionally or
internationally, have a growing interest in the comparability of assessments
they use in their different locations. Professional services offered to such
multinational organizations in such areas as work and educational psych-
ology, educational and school psychology, or the clinical and health realm
are all dependent on robust cross-cultural testing.
Migration is an important pressure toward cross-cultural testing. It may
be perceived as pressure, especially by organizations that did not decide to
expand in any way. If an organization decides to expand to a new region, it
assumes and acknowledges a number of pressures toward multiculturalism
that are a consequence of that decision. However, an organization offering
a public service may also be confronted with the fact that it needs to offer
its traditional services to a more diverse audience. Workforce migration, as
well as migration motivated by political conflicts, wars, famine, or disas-
ters, results in a growing diversity inside many countries that are either a
target or a preferred transit state for such migration. Even testing within
a single country has thus become, and may continue to become, more
cross-cultural in the future.
There is Widespread Interest in Society for Large-Scale

International Studies
The interest may well be larger among policy-makers than among the
general public, and some topics studied in this way may well receive more
interest than others, but nevertheless, this interest, however it is shaped,
has influenced test adaptation technology in a beneficial way.
Large-scale international studies have been developed for some time
now by such international organizations as the Organization for Economic
10 Introduction
Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the World Health Organiza-

tion (WHO). Preferred topics for such studies are either education (e.g.,
educational achievement, and more recently specific academic skills, such
as Twenty-first Century Skills) or health (e.g., quality of life, emotional
skills, disability, and health).
Few of these important studies have received the coverage they deserve
in the media and they are not well known to the general public. Whether
there is widespread interest for such studies in society is therefore arguable.
However, they have been highly influential for the development of new,
refined, and thorough test adaptation procedures.
The challenge toward the methodological state-of-the-art in such
studies is very high. They may be used for high-stake decisions (not on
individuals but on whole countries), and they use a comparative logic (they
compare countries with each other). Challenges to methodology are likely
to arise, and the way in which the tests used are translated and adapted to
all the languages and cultures of the participating countries is an important
methodological component. The level of detail to which the procedures
and prescriptions go, in such international studies, is difficult to match by
other studies.
Important Work in the Domain of Test Adaptation Has Been Done

by Organizations Interested in or Directly Offering Examinations
A superb example is the Assessment and Teaching of 21st Century Skills
(ATC21S) project, sponsored jointly by Cisco, Intel, and Microsoft and
hosted by the University of Melbourne (Griffin & Care, 2015). All the
sponsoring organizations have a direct interest in credentialing examin-
ations in the technology domain. Other players in the field of high-stakes
testing have also taken leadership, either directly in test adaptation or on
connected topics, such as testing in nonnative languages, test score
equating, and others. Scientists associated with such organizations as
Educational Testing Services (ETS), General Management Admission
Council (GMAC), The College Board, ACT, and others have provided
excellent insight into these topics.
However, it is important to underline that, in spite of influential work
done on topics indirectly associated with test adaptation, none of these
examinations actually have focused directly on test adaptation per se. None
of these exams is taken in any other language than English. For providers of
educational exams this is mandated by the fact that most if not all of the
educational examinations that have spearheaded the field are targeted to
studying in the USA. For providers of technology-related credentialing

this is mandated by the fact that English is the language of technology.
Test adaptation in itself has not been very high on the list of priorities
in credentialing examinations, and their direct impact on the domain is
arguable.
Fairness Considerations Are an Important Driver in the

Domain of Test Adaptations
Fairness is part of the current Zeitgeist that permeates the fabric of society.
Professional associations and other unions urge professionals toward
observance of fairness issues in their work, and this topic is now an integral
part of many codes of ethics. Pro-fairness advocacy has been a positive
force for rising awareness toward test adaptation issues.
Large and important organizations offering services in the domains of
test development, publishing, and distribution, who see it as their mission
to serve the public, have adopted fairness considerations in their work.
Value-driven pro-fairness behavior on behalf of such organizations has
also been a positive force for test adaptation.
The public, for so long a silent voice, articulates its wishes and com-
plaints easier than ever before, and is more aware of, and eager to claim,
the benefits associated with fair treatment. Lack of fair treatment may
easily create perception of injustice, which even in small cases may erode
brands and businesses and in large cases may destroy reputations. Public
pressure, or the specter of public exposure in case of breaches in fairness,
ultimately also contributes positively to the way stakeholders in the realm
of testing relate to test adaptation.
Due to this radical movement toward fairness as an important ethical
concern, tests are now more and more administered in multiple languages,
even in contexts traditionally considered mono-cultural. For example,
university admissions in Israel, administered by the National Institute for
Testing and Evaluation (NITE), allow candidates to choose the language in
which they will take the assessment from among six different languages
(ITC, 2016).
Other authors have suggested other drivers and motives behind the
increased interest in science and practice regarding test adaptation. For
example, van de Vijver (2015b) evokes a number of other motives, some of
them not encountered in other sources and some of them explicitly stated,
while being rather implicitly mentioned by other authors. For example,
mentions are made of (a) the fact that cross-cultural research is popular
12 Introduction
and is more and more professionalized and (b) the fact that globalization
and migration, two major political and social evolutions that have shaped
our society during the past few decades, are likely to continue and grow
(van de Vijver, 2015b).
Cross-cultural Research Is Popular

Research and publications on cross-cultural issues by far extends the
boundaries of psychology (Byrne, 2015; van de Vijver, Chasiotis, & Breugel-
mans, 2011) and extends to sociology, political sciences, management,
medicine, and other domains. Three journals more than any others have
carried the flame for cross-cultural psychology: The Journal of Cross-
cultural Psychology, The Journal of Cross-cultural Management, and The
International Journal of Intercultural Relations (Byrne, 2015). A number of
other journals have consistently dedicated space for test adaptation pro-
jects: The International Journal of Testing, The European Journal of
Psychological Assessment, Psychological Assessment, and others. While
these few journals are emblematic for cross-cultural research in general,
and for test adaptation especially, all mainstream psychology journals have
in time published and continue to publish papers that include adapted
tests, and can be considered exercises in cross-cultural psychology (van de
Vijver et al., 2011).
Cross-cultural research will likely grow in attractiveness and thus in
importance in the coming years. Two reasons for this come to mind: on
one hand, the inherent attractiveness of the domain; on the other hand the
fact that there is more awareness now for the methodological intricacies
and pitfalls in cross-cultural issues.
Diversity is attractive. The interest in test adaptation is driven by the
issue of diversity, which is sometimes seen as “an infinite source of
curiosity or frustration” (van de Vijver, 2015b). Diversity is one of the great
challenges and opportunities brought by globalization. Diversity generates
curiosity and fuels research: We do not yet know how diversity influences
social and psychological processes. Diversity also generates frustration: It is
a challenge to those who have invested in the status quo – and thus, again,
fuels research. It is not surprising that virtually all social and behavioral
sciences have streams of research targeted toward diversity. A number of
important and influential topics come to mind, such as diversity in educa-
tion (e.g., Banks, 2015), diversity in organizational science (e.g., Cox, 1993),
diversity in political theory (e.g., Parekh, 2000), diversity in health and
illness (e.g., Spector, 2002), and even on such narrow topics as diversity in
end of life issues (e.g., Searight & Gafford, 2005), diversity in parenting
(e.g., Forehand & Kotchick, 1996), diversity in family issues (e.g., Demo,
Allen, & Fine, 2000), and many more.
Methodological awareness. The awareness researchers and practition-
ers now have for the methodological issues that should be considered when
doing cross-cultural research contributes significantly to a growing
number of studies. The past 50 years have amassed much scientific experi-
ence and significant scholarship on the pitfalls of cross-cultural research.
As a result, cross-cultural topics are treated in a much more professional
manner. Many important issues would not have been mentioned at all, or
would have been treated in a passing manner 50, or only 20, years ago.
Examples of such issues are the various characteristics of the measures
used in such research, and their equivalence, or the similarity of constructs
measured in two compared cultures. Nowadays, a significant effort will be
dedicated to these important matters. Higher awareness of the intricacies
and importance of cross-cultural research leads directly to more attention
on such issues, and thus to more research dedicated directly to them, or at
least to more indirect mention in other research that touches on diversity
in culture.
Globalization and Migration

Migration in modern societies has a number of causes. Some are beneficial
and are what most would cherish as positive outcomes of globalization,
such as educational migration (e.g., exchange students), or work migration
(e.g., migrating workforce). Some are, unfortunately, malignant, and are
represented by war, famine, and disasters.
A look upon the malignant causes for migration will show a bleak
picture. The number of forcibly displaced people worldwide is now at an
all-time high, being just a little bit short of 60 million people. For example,
for 2015, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) has reported in its annual
global trends report (UNHCR, 2015) that the number of people forcibly
displaced by war at the end of 2014 was as high as 59.5 million. The increase
is immediately obvious when compared with the figure of 51.2 million in
2013 and 37.5 million in 2004, one decade before. The addition to the pool
of displaced people from 2013 to 2014 was 13.9 million people, which is four
times as large a number as the increase from 2012 to 2013 (UNHCR, 2014).
This number is composed of refugees, people awaiting the outcome of
claims for asylum, and people who are displaced inside their own coun-
tries. The first two categories are likely to contribute to a high need for
14 Introduction
adapted tests in the host country, both in the near and the far future.
Services need to be provided to refugees in the host country. In the
immediate future, such services may include psychological assistance and
mental health care, due, for example, to trauma. In the medium and distant
future, many refugees become acculturated and need to receive the same
psychological, educational, and medical services as the general population
of the host country. However, without being native speakers of the host
country language, they outline the need for rigorous test adaptation pro-
cesses that will enable professionals to provide adequate and fair assess-
ment as a basis of their service.
Forcibly displaced populations are by far not the only form of migra-
tion, though it is probably the most at risk form. Emigration and immigra-
tion may be driven by such fear and flight, as it may also be driven by
optimism and hope for a better future. The number of immigrants world-
wide is growing. In 2013, the United Nations International Migration
Report estimated the existence of over 232 million immigrants worldwide,
totaling up to 3.25% of the global population (UNDESA, 2013). Immigrant
populations’ need for psychological, medical, educational, and other ser-
vices necessitates well-adapted tests. Immigrants offer, in fact, an even
more complicated challenge than the export of one test from one culture
to another.
Immigrants are subject to assimilation and acculturation in the host
culture. The two phenomena are critical in cultural studies. Assimilation
refers to the process by which an immigrant to a new country and culture
adopts the host culture in terms of language, beliefs, ideas, values, behavior
patterns, and practices (Van den Bos, 2007). Acculturation refers to the
process by which immigrants to a new country and culture integrate the
host culture (i.e., values, ideas, beliefs, and behavior patterns) with their
culture of origin (Van den Bos, 2007). As a result, depending on the extent
they were subject to assimilation and acculturation, immigrants may not
reflect either the host or the source culture well. It has been suggested that,
aside from excellent test adaptations, a formal assessment of assimilation
and acculturation, which would include a person’s self-rated competence
in using the host country language (likely the test language), is an import-
ant component in a robust assessment process (Oakland, 2016).
A look at the more beneficial outcomes of globalization in modern
society is more encouraging. For example, the opportunity to benefit from
the education they choose is taken by more than 4.5 million exchange
students globally (IIE, 2014). The USA is the leading host country for
exchange students, followed by the United Kingdom – and the USA hosted
a record number of 974,926 students in 2014/2015, signifying an increase of
The Structure of This Volume 15
10% when compared with the 2013/14 academic year (IIE, 2015). The
cultural diversity of these exchange students is staggering – virtually every
country is represented, with the highest quota going to China and India –
not only with regard to the USA as a host country but generally. Exchange
students may take admission tests in English, but they are also served by
the educational community. Support services, vocational guidance, psy-
chological and other types of counseling, all these are or should be offered
with awareness that they are not native speakers of English language. Tests
that are well-adapted to the culture and language these students come from
may be a prerequisite for efficient academic support services.
the structure of this volume

This volume is structured in three large sections, covering 11 chapters. The
volume also contains a larger introduction, a short concluding note, and a
set of practical checklists.
The three main sections refer to “Preliminary Issues in Test Adapta-
tions,” “Equivalence in Test Adaptations,” and “Critical Phases in the
Adaptation Process.”
The section focusing on preliminary issues in test adaptations has three
chapters. We discuss what test adaptation actually is, and how it compares
with other processes, such as mere test translation or test development
(Chapter 1, “What is Test Adaptation”), we discuss issues related to
copyright and the protection of intellectual property, which have a bearing
on test adaptations (Chapter 2, “Copyright and the Protection of Intellec-
tual Property”), and we discuss various international and national sources
of practice, such as standards, guidelines, and recommendations related
directly to test adaptation or which are also important for test adaptation
(Chapter 3, “Standards, Guidelines, Recommendations”).
The section focusing on equivalence in test adaptations has three chap-
ters. All three chapters focus on slightly different explanations regarding
equivalence. First, we discuss what equivalence is, how it connects to bias,
and specifically what are the forms of equivalence that are important in test
adaptation projects (Chapter 4, “What Is Equivalence?”). Then, we discuss
how to test for equivalence and bias, presenting a number of methods and
techniques for each of the various forms of equivalence (Chapter 5, “Testing
for Equivalence and Detecting Bias”). Finally, we discuss ways in which to
deal with equivalence and bias, both in the preliminary and confirmatory
phases of the test adaptation process (Chapter 6, “Dealing with Bias”).
The section focusing on critical phases in the adaptation process has
five chapters. First, we discuss the various designs that may be adopted for
16 Introduction
Preliminary steps Chapters 1, 2, 3
Translation stage Chapter 7
Examples (Chapter 11)

Pilot and field-testing stage Chapter 8
Construct validation stage Chapters 4, 5, 6
Norming stage Chapter 9
Closing the process Chapter 10
f i g u r e i . 1 The place of the book’s chapters in the logical and chronological

progression of a test adaptation
the translation phase of the test adaptation process, as well as issues of

importance for the translation, such as translator selection, training,
and supervision (Chapter 7, “Translation Designs”). Second, we focus on
pretesting, or piloting, discussing the various ways in which the prelimin-
ary form of the test may be evaluated in terms of quality (Chapter 8,
“Pretesting”). Third, we discuss norming, as well as different issues related
to norming, such as the collection of normative samples, norm computa-
tion, norm equating, and other connected issues (Chapter 9, “Norming”).
Then, we discuss various activities that should be undertaken in order to
close the test adaptation process and are generally ignored or taken lightly;
we specifically focus on the preparation of test materials, such as test
booklets, answer sheets, test manuals, test reports, training, and others,
as well as on the documentation of the whole test adaptation process
(Chapter 10, “Closing the Process”). Finally, in a longer chapter we describe
a number of examples of test adaptation, especially focusing on some
unusual situations, which are rarely if ever discussed in the usual literature
on test adaptation (Chapter 11, “Examples of Test Adaptations”).
The chapters of this volume follow in principle the logical and chrono-
logical progression of the test adaptation process, from the preliminary
steps to the closing of the process. Figure I.1 presents this progression.
We hope that all professionals reading this volume will find interesting
and useful suggestions for their work on test adaptation projects.
1
What Is Test Adaptation?
adaptation vs. translation

Test translation is oftentimes used as a synonym for test adaptation.
However, the two processes are very different from each other. Test
translation, though immensely important, is only a part of the more
encompassing test adaptation process. Test adaptation includes test trans-
lation but is much more, not only in terms of activities but also in terms of
general attitude and awareness of various issues. Test translation is con-
cerned with the transformation of a text from one language to another.
Test adaptation is a thorough scientific process, and as a result is guided by
the principles of the scientific method, most prominent of all being the
need to offer proof for the appropriateness of said linguistic transformation
not only in terms of language but also in terms of other psychometric
characteristics.
Test translation is linguistically driven (content over intent). In test
translation, capturing the content of the original text is more important
than staying true to its intent. When speaking about translation, the focus
is on the linguistic transformation of a text: We transform test items
formulated in one language into test items formulated in another language.
Oftentimes when doing translations, most of the attention and effort goes
into the pure linguistic translation: ensuring that the target-language form
is acceptable from a linguistic point of view. This shifts attention to how
well the text sounds in the target language, how well it is adapted to the
specific ways of formulating ideas in that new language and to its specific
colloquialisms or specific forms of address. The accent will be placed on
aesthetics and on personal interpretation.
Many a time, translators will approach the translation of a test as they
would approach the translation of a novel or a poem: They will begin to
19
Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Access paid by the UCSB Libraries, on 18 Mar 2018 at 14:54:01, subject to the
Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316273203.003
20 What Is Test Adaptation?
translate the first item, then the second, and so on up to the last, arguing as
proof of work well done the fact that the target-language form sounds well,
is understandable, or is reasonably close to the original.
There are two approaches a translator may take to a test translation.
Though very different from each other, both are equally inappropriate for a
proper test adaptation.
One approach would be one in which every effort is made for the
translation (the new form of the test, in the target language) to be as close
as possible to the original form of the test. Comparisons are constantly
done with that original form, and an indicator for a well done translation is
its close relation with the original.
Another approach would be one that acknowledges that languages are
not isomorphic, that one cannot translate well and at the same time stand
close to the original, and that, as a result, a good translation will use the
intricacies of the target language to convey the meanings intended by the
original text. This approach acknowledges that even the most trivial
translation sometimes goes beyond factual information and may invoke,
sometimes unwillingly, sound effects, emotions which are attached to
specific words or other specifics of the language. An indicator for a well
done translation is the easy readability of the text (e.g., test items) in the
target language and the fact that it is not obviously a foreign text, but
sounds indigenous.
Test adaptation is validity-driven (intent over content). In test adap-
tation, staying true to the intent of the original text is more important than
capturing the actual original content. Indicators of a good translation, such
as easy readability of the test items or aesthetic characteristics, are inappro-
priate in light of the objective of the translation/adaptation process. Indeed,
the efficacy of any work should only be considered in light of its objectives.
When translating or adapting a test from one language to another, the
intent is to use an original test, which was proven valuable in its original
form, in another language, culture, and context. But the assumption
behind the entire process is that the new language form of the test will
capitalize on all the value of the original test: If the original test has been
proven valid in the source language, culture, and context we expect it to be
thus also in the target language, culture, and context.
If this is the objective of the whole process, then it requires more than
spurious evidence of being aesthetically pleasing in the target language. If
we accept this objective as an overarching objective for the whole adapta-
tion process, then the entire process needs to be done based on ways that
ensure a reasonable chance for success (having proven efficient before),
Adoption, Adaptation, and Assembly 21
and needs to encompass proof for the fact that the new language form of
the test indeed capitalizes on the advantages of the original form.
This is the single major difference between test translation and test
adaptation: Test adaptation takes responsibility for offering proof of the
fact that the target-language form is close enough (equivalent, as we will
see) to the source-language form, not only in language but in its intended
use and consequences.
As a result, test adaptation is a veritable, work-intensive scientific
process, including not only many or all activities which have been done
in the initial development of the test but several that have not been
considered initially. Test adaptation may sometimes be as or more labor-
intensive than the initial test development process.
Test adaptation includes decisions about whether the test can measure
the same construct in the new language and culture, if adaptation is even
possible, about the selection of appropriate translators, about the process
which will be used by the translator, and the process which will be used to
offer evidence of the quality of the translation, about which test materials
will need to be adapted (e.g., test items, instructions, administration pro-
cedures, items, formats), about any supplementary research which will
need to be undertaken in order to make the test usable in the new language
form, such as norming, validity studies in the new context, etc. The
decision to adapt rather than adopt or assemble a test should also be based
on a preliminary examination of the “adaptability” of the test, i.e., the
degree to which it is actually possible to adapt the test. Information about
whether other similar tests have been adapted to the target culture and how
well this succeeded, or about whether the focal test was adapted to other
cultures and how well this succeeded, are important inputs in this decision.
adoption, adaptation, and assembly

Some authors have tried to divide the continuum of the test adaptation
process into finer grains, depending on the degree of intrusion on the original
components of the test (items, item formats, scales, scoring keys, etc.).
In this regard, the literature has discussed differences between adoption,
adaptation, and assembly (van de Vijver & Leung, 1997; He & van de
Vijver, 2012, 2015a). This classification is especially useful in cross-cultural
research, and describes the degree in which a specific measure follows an
“imported” or an “indigenous” logic.
Test adoption and test adaptation are concerned with importing a
measure which was developed in another language and culture. There are
differences between the basic philosophies of the two: while both wish to
achieve a target-language version which is similar to the source-language
version, test adoption is guided by the assumption that the fewer interven-
tions are operated on the original, the more similar the target version will
be and test adaptation is guided by the assumption that similarity of the
two forms is sometimes only achieved by severe transformations of some
test components. As a result, test adoption will modify the components of
the test as little as possible, while test adaptation will achieve equivalence
by any means necessary – even thorough modifications in any component
of the test, should they be needed.
Test assembly, on the other hand, is concerned with developing a
measure from scratch in the new culture and language: The new measure
is assembled without any intention to be equivalent with, or even mimic,
another measure developed in another culture. Sometimes this new meas-
ure may target a concept that has been proven important by another
established measure, or may include principles established in theory (such
as a specific measurement approach or structure), but test assembly will
actually always develop and not mimic.
Table 1.1 describes the three types of test adaptation. Adoption is the
least intrusive procedure on the original test. Adaptation is more intrusive,
but keeps original content more or less untouched. Assembly intervenes on
the test in significant ways, generating new content. Adoption is equivalent
t a b l e 1 . 1 Levels or types of test adaptations, according to van de Vijver (2015a)
Type Description Procedure
Adoption Items are simply translated, Test items are linguistically translated
and the original test is from source to target language,
adopted as is in the target without changes in item content,
language other than linguistic
Adaptation Items are modified (adapted) Cultural references from the source
to suit the target cultural culture are modified to suit the
context target culture. Currency, length
and weight measures, geographic
landmarks, and others are changed.
Assembly Items are replaced with New items are developed to
completely rewritten (new) replace those items that are
items, because not even unsuited for the target culture.
adaptation can make them The new items are not slightly
appropriate for the target changed versions of the original,
cultural context but are completely new
with an imposed-etic stance. Adaptation is equivalent with an etic stance

with good observance of cultural aspects. Assembly is the most open to an
emic stance, without actually being equivalent with what Church (2001)
proposed as levels of an “Indigenization-from-within” process.
It is interesting that van de Vijver (2015a, p. 125) does not argue for
the necessity to produce adaptation or assembly for every adapted test, but
also suggests a utilitarian approach, by explaining that an item may need
changes that go into less (e.g., transforming dollars to euro) or more (e.g.,
rewriting content entirely) subtle areas.
Test adoption. Among these three options, test adoption is most influ-
enced by a wish to import the original test with as few changes as possible.
Test adoption is also simpler, less effort intensive, and is faster to accom-
plish. In the case of test adoption, the original test is certainly translated,
but as few changes as possible are made to the original setup. These
changes rarely go as far as changing item formats and scales, and usually
only touch item wording. The main objective of a test adoption is to have a
good translation, ensuring linguistic equivalence between the source and
the target versions of the test. Other kinds of equivalence are rarely of
interest, although some may emerge without the specific intent of the
researcher. For example, if two cultures are sufficiently close to one
another, a simple linguistic translation may show later, based on data, that
the source and target version of the test also show measurement equiva-
lence. Therefore, test adoption does not preclude higher forms of equiva-
lence than linguistic, but the main (and oftentimes sole) interest of the
researcher in the case of test adoption is a linguistically equivalent target
form of the original test.
Test adoption is simple, fast, and offers a number of other advantages.
For example, it may make it easier to introduce good measures in the
practice of emerging countries. In such situations, psychometric expertise
is oftentimes not very developed and it is thus very difficult to generate valid
indigenous measures. In such situations, the access of professionals to even
an adopted measure with good documented characteristics is of high impact.
Test adoption, however, also has a number of severe disadvantages. The
main disadvantage is the fact that no attention is given to the actual
validity of the target-language form of the test. Validity is assumed to be
a characteristic of the test, and not of the test form, i.e., the researchers
assume that if the test has been proven to be a valid measure of a specific
construct in its original form, it will retain that validity no matter what
language it is used in. This reasoning is fallacious, and because of it test
adoption ignores a number of important questions.
For example, is the target construct the same in the target language and
culture as in the source language and culture? If it is not, then the test will
lack construct validity: It will simply measure in an incomplete or other-
wise erroneous manner the intended construct. Is the item format which
was proven to function in the source language and culture also appropriate
for the target language and culture? If it is not, then the item format needs
to be modified. Is the structure of the items and scales the same in the
target language and culture as in the source language and culture? If not,
then the scoring keys may need to be rewritten for the target-language
form of the test.
These questions are usually disregarded by test adoption and may at the
most be considered post-hoc, by amassing evidence that the simply trans-
lated target-language form of the test is good enough to be used in the
target culture. We would point out that even if the target-language form of
the test would ultimately be shown to be appropriate from several of these
supplementary points of view, such an approach does not focus on the best
possible target-language form: It focuses on the best translation and a good
enough (i.e., usable) target-language form.
Test adaptation. Test adaptation is considered in this framework to be
somewhat broader in scope than test adoption. It adheres to the same
philosophy, i.e., that a test created in the source culture is imported in the
target culture in such a way as to influence the original form of the test as
little as possible. The understanding of what is appropriate to modify is,
however, different: In the case of test adaptation, of paramount importance
is the fact that the two versions remain comparable (“equivalent”). Every
change operated on any component of the test is acceptable, as far as it
leads to a usable version in the target language and culture, which is
equivalent to the source form of the test. This differs from the basic
attitude that is fundamental to test adoption, i.e., that no changes should
be made to the test unless absolutely necessary – and then if possible only
in language.
Therefore, test adaptation does not stop at a translation of the test from
source to target language, but includes at least two extra elements. These
extra elements are identified by a number of authors (e.g., Hambleton,
2005) as encompassing all the psychometric activities that are undertaken
when a test is developed. These psychometric activities are in part analyt-
ical and in part developmental: Test adaptation encompasses the psycho-
metric analyses which test for the equivalence of the target-language
version when compared with the source-language version, but it also
encompasses systematic efforts to change any components of the tests in
such a way that equivalence is obtained. This is oftentimes an iterative

process.
Test assembly. Test assembly is a procedure by which a new test is
developed entirely from scratch in a specific language and culture.
Test assembly does not follow any importing logic: No test created in
another language or culture is adopted or adapted to a new culture.
Instead, the test is directly developed in the target culture and language.
Test assembly may at the most follow the example, the success story,
provided by an established measure developed in another language or
culture.
For example, a new test on emotional intelligence may be developed
in a new culture by following the example of another, established test of
emotional intelligence; in this case the construct is adopted, and the
development process may go through the same steps, but the new test is
in no manner similar to the original one – except in terms of the target
construct.
Or, a new test may be developed by following an established theoretical
model; for example, a new test on personality is developed in a culture by
following an internationally reputed model of personality structure. Of
course, test assembly may choose to not even follow an internationally
reputed model but develop even the underlying model of the new test in
the target culture.
The only reason test assembly is actually discussed in conjunction with
test adaptation is a dilemma in the domains of cross-cultural and cultural
psychology in which researchers debate the utility and efficiency of meas-
ures that are imported vs. measures that are developed indigenously. Some
authors argue for the need to develop indigenous measures, which are true
not only to the cultural specifics of a country but in which the constructs
are defined in a way that is specific to that culture. This stance is usually
argued on behalf of cultural psychology, emphasizing a fundamental non-
comparability of constructs and measures from one culture to another.
Other authors argue for the need to ensure cross-cultural comparability,
based at the least on the acknowledgment that some constructs can have
universal components, if not actually be universal. This is part of a larger
emic–etic debate that has been covered in another section of this book.
As part of this debate, test assembly may be the ideal activity, offering in
the end measures that are not adopted, nor even adapted, but linguistically
and culturally completely appropriate (Byrne, 2015). We consider that for
many constructs and measures, this position oversells the benefits of
developing a new test. There is extensive evidence from scientific literature
and practice that test adaptation, if followed in a professional and diligent

manner, can produce target language and culture forms that are linguistic-
ally and culturally perfectly appropriate, covering the target construct in a
valid and reliable way. The need to look toward test assembly as an optimal,
ideal solution in every situation is therefore not supported by evidence.
There are several reasons why professionals may be motivated to opt for
test assembly rather than test adoption or adaptation.
1. First, it should be noted that sometimes both adoption and adapta-
tion processes, no matter how well designed and diligently con-
ducted, fail to produce a target-language version that is appropriate
from a number of points of view, such as linguistic, cultural, and
psychometric (Byrne, 2015). For most tests, providing a linguistically
appropriate form is not very difficult even through adoption or
adaptation. However, for some tests (e.g., a language achievement
test), adapting the measure is almost akin to developing it anew. And
no matter what the difficulties in the area of linguistic appropriate-
ness, cultural and psychometric appropriateness is usually much
more difficult or even impossible to obtain. In such cases, test
assembly is the only choice to provide the target language and
culture with a workable, useful, valid measure of the target construct
(He & van de Vijver, 2012). In this case, test assembly is driven by a
failure to adopt or adapt a specific test.
2. Second, in some other cases, a culture has amassed consistent evi-
dence that in a certain domain (e.g., personality or quality of life),
etic (universal) approaches do not work. This may be based on
previous trials to adapt measures, by research into the cultural
specifics of a construct, by qualitative studies or other sources of
evidence. In such cases, test assembly is warranted by a belief that the
target culture is unique in some way and test adaptation should not
even be attempted, as it is doomed to fail, and that only developing a
test from scratch will capture the specifics of this culture.
3. Third, in yet other cases, the test that is the potential target of a
test adaptation, may have proven difficult to adapt in other such
attempts, in other cultures. This may suggest that the test has strong
cultural ties to its source culture, and hints at similar difficulties in
this target culture as in other attempts at adaptation. Previous
failures to adapt a test in other cultures, and an impossibility to
replace that test with another measure, may thus motivate the effort
of test assembly.
4. Fourth, of course, sometimes, due to rather ideological reasons,

or a strong belief on the part of the researcher, such as a strong
cultural stance, adoption or adaptation of a measure may not even
be considered: existing measures or models may be considered
inappropriate in principle, and test authors may proceed directly
to test assembly without bothering to even look at the possibility of
adapting another measure.
As seen, the discussion on whether to adapt a measure or develop one in
the target culture is complicated, and we will continue to approach it in the
following section from two different points of view. The first point relates
to a philosophical stance on the usability in principle of imported (adapted)
vs. culturally developed measures. The first point relates to economic
reasoning, i.e., the costs and benefits of imported (adapted) vs. culturally
developed tests.
Why Assembly (Local Development) Is Oftentimes

Not a Realistic Option
Developing a good test is a difficult feat. While the test is credited to an
author or group of authors – as it should be, as it reflects creative scientific
work – we advance the suggestion that test production is not only the effect
of an author’s proficiency and determination but also of an ecosystem
comprising researchers, test publishers, test users, and other stakeholders.
In effect, this all means that tests tend to be developed in countries where
psychology is well developed.
A test is the result of a cluster of competences demonstrated by its
authors. In order to produce good tests, an author or team of authors needs
at least two critical competences: substantive knowledge and psychometric
expertise.
First, authors need substantive knowledge: They need to be experts in
the substantive topic addressed by the test. A good test, which will be
accepted by the scientific community, will be used in independent
research (an important point if evidence of validity is to be generated),
and will later be absorbed in practice by specialists cannot be developed
by just anybody.
It is more likely that a good test is developed by an established scientist
than by an early career researcher or even a student. In order to be able to
propose a new measure for a construct, authors need a good knowledge of
the domain. Good tests are not developed very early in a scientific career,
as they require more than just psychometrics. This is especially valid for
areas where established tests are already flourishing: In order to propose a
new test that is better than a number of others that already exist, or is able
to fill an existing gap, authors need a good understanding of the domain
targeted by the test. When authors reach this level of competence, they
may already be themselves established as scientists.
It is also more likely that a test, once developed, will also be accepted by
the community if developed by an established scientist. We are aware that
the authority argument is a sophism, but both the scientific and profes-
sional community are sensitive to this argument. Both buy trust as much
as scientific fundamentals in a test. For example, questions that may arise
when a new test of depression is published are questions such as “Who are
the authors?,” “Did they publish before in the area of depression?,”
“Are they reputed in this domain?” The overarching question here is:
“Do they have enough experience or reputation to propose a measure?”
Second, authors need psychometric knowledge: They need to under-
stand modern theory and practice in the domain of measurement. Psycho-
logical and educational measurements have specialized heavily during
recent decades. Some of the procedures and approaches taken by early test
writers may seem simple today, and may actually be considered unaccept-
able. For example, Classical Test Theory in general has faced a sharp
decline, and Structural Equations Modeling and Item Response Theory
are omnipresent in modern test development. Even aside from the more
technical statistical approaches, psychometrics has become a science in
itself, with new research being published almost daily on scaling, dimen-
sionality, constructs, faking, and many more. These procedures are reason-
ably difficult and competence is required of test authors not only in the
substantive domain but also in the psychometric area.
The ecosystem of testing. However, individual competence is not
enough in order to generate a good indigenous production of tests. Psych-
ology needs to be sufficiently developed in a country in order to have given
birth to the entire ecosystem of testing. Test authors are only one piece of
this ecosystem: Test takers, test users, test publishers, and other stakehold-
ers are equally important.
Good tests are developed with a great investment of scientific and
financial resources. Test authors may be ready to invest their time and
scientific competence, but they usually do not have the financial resources
needed for test development. This investment may be supported by an
interested party, such as a public institution or a policy maker. But public
institutions cannot support the entire test production of a country – they
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— Älkää olko huolissanne minun luonteestani, — keskeytti Kolja

jossakin määrin itserakkaasti, — mutta että minä olen epäluuloinen,
se on kyllä totta. Tyhmän epäluuloinen, karkeasti epäluuloinen. Te
naurahditte äsken, ja minusta tuntui heti, että te ikäänkuin…
— Ah, minä naurahdin aivan muulle. Tiedättekö, mille minä

naurahdin: luin äskettäin erään Venäjällä asuneen Saksanmaan
saksalaisen lausunnon nykyisestä opiskelevasta nuorisostamme.
»Näyttäkää», kirjoittaa hän, »venäläiselle koulupojalle tähtimaailman
kartta, josta hänellä tähän saakka ei ole ollut minkäänlaista käsitystä,
niin hän palauttaa teille huomenna tuon kartan korjattuna.» Ei mitään
tietoja ja äärettömän suuret luulot itsestään — sitä tahtoi saksalainen
sanoa venäläisestä koululaisesta.
— Ah, sehän on aivan oikein! — alkoi Kolja yhtäkkiä nauraa

hohottaa, — ihan superlatiivissa oikein, aivan prikulleen! Bravo,
saksalainen! Ei huomannut kuitenkaan kollo myös hyvää puolta, vai
mitä arvelette? Suuret luulot itsestään — olkoon menneeksi, se
johtuu nuoruudesta, se korjautuu, jos vain sen korjautuminen on
välttämätöntä, mutta sen sijaan on myös itsenäistä henkeä miltei
lapsuudesta asti, sen sijaan on ajatuksen ja vakaumuksen rohkeutta
eikä tuota heidän makkaroilla kasvatettua orjailuaan auktoriteettien
edessä… Mutta joka tapauksessa saksalainen sanoi hyvin! Bravo,
saksalainen! Vaikka saksalaiset pitää sittenkin kuristaa. Olkoonpa,
että he ovat vahvoja tieteissä, heidät pitää sittenkin kuristaa…
— Miksi sitten kuristaa? — hymyili Aljoša.
— No, minä lörpöttelin kenties, myönnän sen. Minä olen toisinaan

hirveän lapsellinen, ja kun joskus pääsen alkuun, en jaksa hillitä
itseäni ja olen valmis lörpöttelemään kaikenlaista roskaa. Mutta
kuulkaahan, me täällä lavertelemme joutavia, mutta tuo lääkäri
näkyy takertuneen sinne omituisen pitkäksi aikaa. Hän saattaa
muuten tarkastaa siellä myös »äitikultaa» ja kipeäjalkaista
Ninotškaa. Tiedättekö, tuo Ninotška miellytti minua. Hän kuiskasi
minulle sisään tullessani: »Miksi ette ole tullut aikaisemmin?» Ja
semmoisella äänellä, moittivasti! Minusta hän näyttää hyvin
hyväntahtoiselta ja säälittävältä.
— Niin, niin! Kunhan rupeatte käymään talossa niin näette,

millainen olento hän on. Teille on hyvin hyödyllistä tutustua tuollaisiin
olentoihin, jotta oppisitte pitämään arvossa vielä paljon muutakin,
minkä opitte tietämään juuri tutustuessanne tämmöisiin olentoihin, —
huomautti Aljoša lämpimästi. — Se kaikkein parhaiten tekee teistä
toisenlaisen.
— Oi, kuinka olen pahoillani ja soimaan itseäni siitä, etten tullut

aikaisemmin! — huudahti Kolja katkerin mielin.
— Niin, se on hyvin ikävää. Te näitte itse, kuinka suuresti te

ilahdutitte onnetonta pienokaista! Ja miten pahoillaan hän olikaan
teitä odotellessaan!
— Älkää puhuko minulle siitä! Te raatelette sydäntäni. Muuten se

on minulle aivan oikein: minä en tullut tänne itserakkauteni takia,
itsekkään itserakkauden ja alhaisen vallanhimon takia, josta en koko
elämäni aikana pääse vapautumaan, vaikka ponnistelen koko
elämäni ajan. Minä näen sen nyt, minä olen monessa suhteessa
konna, Karamazov.
— Ei, te olette oivallinen luonne, vaikka pilattu, ja minä ymmärrän

erinomaisen hyvin, miksi teillä oli vaikutusvaltaa tuohon
sairaalloisesta vaikutuksille alttiiseen kelpo poikaan! — vastasi
Aljoša tulisesti.
— Ja tätä sanotte minulle te! — huudahti Kolja. — Ja minä kun

luulin, ajatelkaahan, jo usean kerran nyt täällä ollessani, että te
halveksitte minua! Jospa vain tietäisitte, kuinka suuressa arvossa
pidän teidän mielipidettänne!
— Mutta oletteko te todellakin noin epäluuloinen? Tuossa iässä!

No, ajatelkaahan, minä juuri ajattelinkin tuolla huoneessa
katsellessani teitä teidän kertoessanne, että te mahdatte olla hyvin
epäluuloinen.
— Joko ajattelittekin? Kylläpä teillä on silmä, te näette, näette!
Lyön vetoa, että se tapahtui siinä paikassa, kun minä kerroin
hanhesta. Juuri siinä paikassa minusta tuntui, että te halveksitte
minua syvästi sen takia, että minulla on kiire esiintuomaan uljuuttani,
ja aloinpa yhtäkkiä vihatakin teitä siitä ja rupesin puhumaan puuta
heinää. Sitten minusta tuntui (se oli äsken juuri täällä) siinä paikassa,
kun minä sanoin: »Jos Jumalaa ei olisi, niin hänet pitäisi keksiä»,
että minä olen kovin kärkäs esiintuomaan sivistystäni, etenkin kun
olin tuon fraasin lukenut kirjasta. Mutta minä vannon teille, että minä
en pyrkinyt loistamaan kerskuakseni, vaan muuten vain, en tiedä
miksi, ilosta, totta totisesti, se oli ikäänkuin ilosta… vaikka se on
syvästi häpeällinen piirre, että ihminen tuppautuu kaikkia
vaivaamaan ilosta. Minä tiedän sen. Mutta sen sijaan minä olen nyt
vakuutettu siitä, että te ette halveksi minua, vaan että minä olin
kaiken tuon ottanut vain omasta päästäni. Oi, Karamazov, minä olen
hyvin onneton. Minä kuvittelen toisinaan Herra ties mitä, että kaikki
nauravat minulle, koko maailma, ja silloin minä, silloin olen valmis
tuhoamaan koko olevaisuuden.
— Ja kiusaatte ympärillänne olevia, — hymyili Aljoša.
— Ja kiusaan ympärilläni olevia, varsinkin äitiäni. Karamazov,

sanokaa, olenko minä nyt hyvin naurettava?
— Älkää ajatelko sitä, älkää ollenkaan ajatelko sitä! — huudahti

Aljoša. — Ja mitä on naurettava? Vähänkö on tapauksia, joissa
ihminen on naurettava tai näyttää siltä? Mutta nykyjään melkein
kaikki lahjakkaat ihmiset hirveästi pelkäävät olevansa naurettavia, ja
se on heidän onnettomuutensa. Minua vain ihmetyttää, että te olette
niin varhain alkanut sitä tuntea, vaikka minä muuten kyllä jo kauan
olen huomannut tämmöistä muissakin. Nykyjään melkein jo lapsetkin
ovat alkaneet potea tätä. Se on melkein hulluutta. Tähän
itserakkauden haamuun on pukeutunut itse piru ja tunkeutunut koko
sukupolveen, — piru juuri, — lisäsi Aljoša ollenkaan naurahtamatta,
niinkuin häneen kiinteästi katsova Kolja oli luullut hänen tekevän. —
Te olette niinkuin kaikki muutkin, — lopetti Aljoša, — se on niinkuin
monet, mutta ei pidä olla sellainen kuin kaikki ovat, siinä se on.
— Siitäkin huolimatta, että kaikki ovat sellaisia?
— Niin, siitä huolimatta, että kaikki ovat sellaisia. Olkaa te yksin

toisenlainen. Te olette todellakin toisenlainen kuin kaikki muut: tehän
ette nyt hävennyt tunnustaa sitä, mikä on huonoa ja naurettavaakin.
Mutta kuka nykyjään sen tunnustaa? Ei kukaan, on lakattu
tuntemasta itsensä tuomitsemisen tarvettakin. Olkaa toisenlainen
kuin kaikki; vaikka te yksinänne jäisitte semmoiseksi, niin olkaa
kuitenkin sellainen.
— Suurenmoista! — Minä en ole erehtynyt teihin nähden. Te

kykenette lohduttamaan. Oi, kuinka minä olenkaan pyrkinyt
läheisyyteenne, Karamazov, kuinka kauan olenkaan etsinyt
tilaisuutta kohdata teidät! Oletteko todella tekin ajatellut minusta
samaa? Äsken te sanoitte ajatelleenne minusta samaa.
— Niin, minä olen kuullut teistä ja ajatellut samoin teistä… ja jos

osaksi itserakkauskin pani teidät nyt tätä kysymään, niin ei se tee
mitään.
— Tiedättekö, Karamazov, meidän selityksemme muistuttaa

rakkaudentunnustusta, — lausui Kolja omituisen raukealla ja
häpeilevällä äänellä. — Eikö se ole naurettavaa, eikö se ole
naurettavaa?
— Ei ole ollenkaan naurettavaa, ja vaikka olisikin naurettavaa, niin
ei se mitään tee, sillä se on hyvää, — hymyili Aljoša valoisaa hymyä.
— Mutta tiedättekö, Karamazov, myöntäkää, että teitä itseännekin

nyt hiukan hävettää minun kanssani… Minä näen sen silmistä, —
naurahti Kolja hieman viekkaasti, mutta samalla miltei onnellisena.
— Mikä hävettäisi?
— Miksi te sitten punastuitte?
— Tehän sen niin teitte, että minä punastuin! — alkoi Aljoša

nauraa ja tuli tosiaankin aivan punaiseksi. — No niin, hiukan
hävettää, Jumala ties miksi, en tiedä miksi… — mutisi hän miltei
hämillään.
— Oi, kuinka minä teitä rakastan ja kunnioitan tällä hetkellä, siitä

juuri, että teitäkin jokin hävettää minun kanssani! Sillä tekin olette
aivan niinkuin minä! — huudahti Kolja aivan riemuissaan. Hänen
poskensa hehkuivat, hänen silmänsä loistivat.
— Kuulkaahan, Kolja, teistä tulee muun muassa myöskin hyvin

onneton ihminen elämässä, — sanoi Aljoša äkkiä jostakin syystä.
— Minä tiedän sen, tiedän sen. Kuinka te tiedätte kaikki noin

edeltäpäin! — vahvisti heti Kolja.
— Mutta kokonaisuudessaan te kuitenkin siunaatte elämää.
— Aivan niin! Hurraa! Te olette profeetta! Oi, meistä tulee ystävät,

Karamazov. Tiedättekö, minua ihastuttaa kaikkein enimmän se, että
te kohtelette minua aivan niinkuin vertaistanne. Mutta me emme ole
vertaisia, ei emme ole vertaisia, te olette korkeammalla! Mutta
meistä tulee ystävät. Tiedättekö minä olen koko viime kuukauden
ajan sanonut itselleni: »Joko meistä hänen kanssaan tulee heti
ikuiset ystävät tai me jo ensikerrasta asti olemme vihamiehiä
hautaan saakka!»
— Ja näin puhuessanne te tietysti jo rakastitte minua! — nauroi

Aljoša iloisesti.
— Rakastin, hirveästi rakastin, rakastin ja haaveilin teistä! Kuinka

te tiedättekin tuon kaiken edeltäpäin? Kas, tuossa on tohtorikin.
Herra Jumala, hän sanoo jotakin, katsokaa, millaiset hänen
kasvonsa ovat!
7.
Iljuša
Tohtori tuli ulos tuvasta taas turkkiinsa kääriytyneenä ja lakki

päässä. Hänen kasvonsa osoittivat miltei suuttumusta ja inhoa,
ikäänkuin hän yhä olisi pelännyt tahrautuvansa jostakin. Hän silmäsi
sivumennen ympäri eteisen ja katsahti tällöin ankarasti Aljošaan ja
Koljaan. Aljoša viittasi ovesta ajomiehelle, ja vaunut, joissa tohtori oli
tullut, ajoivat ulko-oven luo. Alikapteeni riensi kiireesti tohtorin
jäljessä ja taivuttautuen melkein vempeleeksi hänen edessään
pysähdytti hänet saadakseen kuulla viimeisen sanan. Mies-raukan
kasvot ilmaisivat masennusta, katse oli pelästynyt.
— Teidän ylhäisyytenne, teidän ylhäisyytenne… ihanko todella?…

— alkoi hän, mutta ei puhunut loppuun, vaan löi vain kämmeniään
yhteen epätoivoissaan, katsellen kuitenkin yhä vieläkin rukoilevasti
tohtoriin, aivan kuin tohtorin sana nyt tosiaankin voisi muuttaa poika-
paran saaman tuomion.
— Minkäpä sille voi! Minä en ole Jumala, — vastasi tohtori

huolettomalla, vaikkakin tavan mukaan vakuuttavalla äänellä.
— Tohtori… Teidän ylhäisyytenne… Ja tuleeko se pian, joko pian?
— Val-mis-tau-tu-kaa kaikkeen, — sanoi tohtori pannen painoa

joka tavulle, ja luoden silmänsä alas hän valmistautui harppaamaan
kynnyksen yli vaunujen luo.
— Teidän ylhäisyytenne, Kristuksen tähden! — pysähdytti hänet

alikapteeni vielä kerran pelästyneenä. — Teidän ylhäisyytenne!…
Eikö siis mikään, eikö mikään, kerrassaan mikään nyt pelasta?…
— Se ei nyt rii-pu minusta, — lausui tohtori kärsimättömästi, —

mutta kuitenkin, hm, — pysähtyi hän äkkiä, — jos te esimerkiksi
voisitte… lä-het-tää… potilaanne… heti ja vähääkään viivyttelemättä
(sanat »heti ja vähääkään viivyttelemättä» tohtori lausui ei vain
ankarasti, vaan melkein vihaisesti, niin että alikapteeni ihan vavahti)
Sy-ra-kuu-saan, niin… uusien suotui-si-en il-mas-tol-lis-ten
olosuhteitten johdosta… voisi kenties ta-pah-tu-a…
— Syrakuusaan! — huudahti alikapteeni aivan kuin ei vielä

ymmärtäisi mitään.
— Syrakuusa — se on Sisiliassa, — tokaisi äkkiä kuuluvasti Kolja

selitykseksi. Tohtori katsoi häneen.
— Sisiliaan! Herranen aika, teidän ylhäisyytenne, — joutui

alikapteeni aivan ymmälle, — tehän näitte! — Hän levitti molemmat
kätensä osoittaen ympärillä olevaa sisustusta. — Entä äitikulta, entä
perhe?
— Ei-ei, ei perhettä Sisiliaan, vaan perheenne on vietävä

Kaukaasiaan, varhain keväällä… tyttärenne Kaukaasiaan ja
vaimonne… sen jälkeen kuin hänkin on ollut Kau-kaa-si-as-sa
jäsenkolotustensa takia… on heti sen jälkeen lä-he-tet-tä-vä
Pariisiin, psy-ki-at-ri, tohtori Le-pel-le-tier'n parantolaan, minä voisin
antaa teille hänelle osoitetun kirjelipun, ja silloin… voisi kenties
tapahtua…
— Tohtori, tohtori! Tehän näette! — levitti taas alikapteeni käsiään

osoittaen epätoivoissaan eteisen paljaita hirsiseiniä.
— Se ei enää ole minun asiani, — naurahti tohtori, — minä sanoin

vain sen, mitä tie-de saattaa sanoa teidän kysyessänne viimeisiä
keinoja, mutta kaikki muu… valitan…
— Älkää olko huolissanne, lääkäri, minun koirani ei pure teitä, —

tokaisi Kolja kovalla äänellä huomattuaan tohtorin hieman
levottomana katsovan kynnykselle asettunutta Perezvonia. Koljan
äänessä oli vihainen sointu. Sanan »lääkäri» tohtorin asemesta hän
oli sanonut tahallaan ja, kuten hän itse myöhemmin ilmoitti,
»loukatakseen».
— Mitä tä-mä on? — tohtori nakkasi päätään katsoen ihmeissään

Koljaan. — Mi-kä tämä on? — kääntyi hän äkkiä Aljošan puoleen
ikäänkuin tahtoen tältä selitystä.
— Tämä on Perezvonin isäntä, lääkäri, älkää huolehtiko minun

persoonastani, — tokaisi Kolja taas.
— Zvonin? — toisti lääkäri tajuamatta, mitä Perezvon oli.
— Hän ei tiedä missä on. Hyvästi, lääkäri, me tapaamme

toisemme
Syrakuusassa.
— Kuka t-tä-mä on? Kuka, kuka? — kysyi tohtori aivan

vimmastuneena.
— Hän on täkäläisiä koulupoikia, tohtori, hän on kujeilija, älkää

välittäkö hänestä, — sanoi Aljoša kiireesti ja rypistäen kulmiaan. —
Kolja, olkaa vaiti! — huudahti hän Krasotkinille. — Ei pidä välittää
hänestä, tohtori, — toisti hän jo hiukan kärsimättömämmin.
— Sel-kään, sel-kään pitää sille antaa, selkään! — polki jalkaansa

tohtori, joka oli hirveän raivostunut.
— Mutta tiedättekö, lääkäri, minun Perezvonini voi ehkä purrakin!

— lausui Kolja värisevällä äänellä, hän kalpeni ja hänen silmänsä
leimahtivat. — Ici, Perezvon!
— Kolja, jos sanotte vain sanankin vielä, niin minä katkaisen

välimme ainaiseksi, — huudahti Aljoša mahtavasti.
— Lääkäri, on ainoastaan yksi olento koko maailmassa, joka voi

käskeä Nikolai Krasotkinia, ja se on tämä mies (Kolja osoitti Aljošaa);
häntä minä tottelen, hyvästi!
Hän syöksähti paikaltaan, avasi oven ja meni kiireesti

huoneeseen. Perezvon syöksyi hänen jälkeensä. Tohtori seisoi vielä
viitisen sekuntia kuin jähmettyneenä ja katseli Aljošaa, sitten hän
sylkäisi ja lähti nopeasti vaunuja kohti toistellen kuuluvasti: »Tämä,
tämä, en tiedä, mitä tämä on!» Alikapteeni kiiruhti auttamaan häntä
vaunuihin. Aljoša meni huoneeseen Koljan jäljessä. Tämä seisoi jo
Iljušan vuoteen ääressä. Iljuša piti kiinni hänen kädestään ja kutsui
isäänsä. Hetkisen kuluttua tuli alikapteenikin takaisin.
— Isä, isä, tule tänne… me… — alkoi Iljuša lepertää hyvin

kiihtyneenä, mutta ei nähtävästi jaksanut jatkaa, vaan ojensi äkkiä
molemmat laihtuneet kätensä eteenpäin ja syleili niin kovasti kuin
jaksoi yhtaikaa heitä kumpaakin, sekä Koljaa että isäänsä, yhdistäen
heidät syleilyynsä ja painautuen itse heitä vastaan. Alikapteeni alkoi
yhtäkkiä nytkähdellä kuulumattomista nyyhkytyksistä, Koljan huulet
ja leuka alkoivat vavahdella.
— Isä, isä! Miten sääli minun onkaan sinua, isä! -— voihki Iljuša
katkerasti.
— Iljušetška… kullanmuruni… tohtori sanoi… sinä tulet

terveeksi… tulemme onnellisiksi… tohtori… — alkoi alikapteeni
puhua.
— Ah, isä! Tiedänhän minä, mitä uusi tohtori sinulle sanoi

minusta… Näinhän minä! — huudahti Iljuša ja puristi taas lujasti,
kaikin voimin, heitä kumpaakin vastaansa painaen kasvonsa isänsä
olkapäähän.
— Isä, älä itke… ja kun minä kuolen, niin ota sinä hyvä poika,
toinen… valitse itse heistä kaikista, ota hyvä, pane sen nimeksi Iljuša
ja rakasta häntä minun sijastani…
— Ole vaiti, ukko, sinä tulet terveeksi! — huudahti äkkiä Krasotkin

aivan kuin vihastuneena.
— Äläkä sinä, isä, unhota minua koskaan, — jatkoi Iljuša, — käy
haudallani… ja tiedätkö mitä, isä, hautaa minut sen meidän ison
kivemme luo, jonka luokse me yhdessä kävelimme, ja käy siellä
luonani Krasotkinin kanssa iltaisin… Ja Perezvon… Minä odotan
teitä… Isä, isä!
Hänen äänensä katkesi, kaikki kolme seisoivat syleillen toisiaan

eivätkä enää puhuneet mitään. Ninotškakin nojatuolissaan itki hiljaa,
ja yhtäkkiä, nähdessään kaikkien itkevän, äitikin alkoi kyynelehtiä.
— Iljušetška! Iljušetška! — huudahteli hän.
Krasotkin irtautui viimein Iljušan syleilystä.
— Hyvästi, ukko, minua odottaa äiti päivälliselle, — lausui hän

kiireesti. — Kuinka ikävää, että en ilmoittanut hänelle aikaisemmin!
Hän on varmaan hyvin levoton… Mutta heti päivällisen jälkeen tulen
luoksesi koko päiväksi, koko illaksi, ja kerron sinulle niin paljon, niin
paljon! Perezvonin tuon myös mukanani, mutta nyt vien sen
mennessäni, sillä se alkaa poissaollessani ulvoa ja häiritsee sinua;
näkemiin!
Ja hän juoksi ulos eteiseen. Hän ei tahtonut itkeä, mutta eteisessä

hän kuitenkin rupesi itkemään. Tässä tilassa hänet tapasi Aljoša.
— Kolja, teidän on ehdottomasti pidettävä sananne ja tultava,

muuten hänelle tulee hirveä suru, — lausui Aljoša tiukasti.
— Ehdottomasti! Oi, kuinka kiroan itseäni, että en ole käynyt

aikaisemmin, — mutisi Kolja itkien ja häpeämättä itkemistään.
Samassa alikapteeni aivan kuin hyppäsi yhtäkkiä ulos huoneesta ja
sulki heti oven jälkeensä. Hänen kasvonsa olivat raivostuneet, huulet
värisivät. Hän asettui molempien nuorukaisten eteen ja ojensi
molemmat kätensä ylös.
— Minä en tahdo hyvää poikaa! Minä en tahdo toista poikaa! —

kuiskasi hän rajusti, hampaitaan kiristellen. — Jos unhotan sinut,
Jerusalem, niin tarttukoon kieleni…
Hän ei puhunut loppuun, vaan oli kuin läkähtymäisillään, ja vaipui

voimattomana polvilleen puisen penkin eteen. Painaen molemmat
nyrkkinsä päätään vastaan hän alkoi nyyhkyttää oudosti vikisten,
ponnistaen samalla kaikki voimansa, ettei hänen vikinänsä kuuluisi
tupaan. Kolja riensi kadulle.
— Hyvästi, Karamazov! Tuletteko itse? — huudahti hän jyrkästi ja

vihaisesti Aljošalle.
— Illalla tulen ehdottomasti.
— Mitä hän puhui Jerusalemista… Mitä se oli olevinaan?
— Se on raamatusta: »Jos unhotan sinut, Jerusalem», — toisin

sanoen minä unhotan kaikki, mikä minulle on kalleinta, jos vaihdan
semmoiseen, joka viehättää…
— Ymmärrän, riittää! Tulkaa vain itse! Ici, Perezvon! — huusi hän

hyvin tuimasti koiralleen ja lähti pitkin, nopein askelin harppaamaan
kotiinsa.
Yhdestoista kirja Veli Ivan Fjodorovitš

1.
Grušenjkan luona
Aljoša suuntasi kulkunsa Kirkkotorille, kauppiaanleski Morozovin

taloon, Grušenjkan luo. Tämä oli jo aikaisin aamulla lähettänyt hänen
luokseen Fenjan tuomaan hartaan pyynnön, että hän pistäytyisi
Grušenjkan luona. Kyseltyään Fenjalta Aljoša sai tietää, että rouva
oli ollut jonkin suuren ja erikoisen levottomuuden vallassa jo eilisestä
lähtien. Koko tuon kahden kuukauden aikana, joka oli kulunut Mitjan
vangitsemisesta, Aljoša oli useasti käynyt rouva Morozovin talossa
sekä omasta aloitteestaan että Mitjan asioilla. Noin kolmen päivän
kuluttua Mitjan vangitsemisesta oli Grušenjka ankarasti sairastunut
ja oli nyt ollut lähes viisi viikkoa sairaana. Yhden viikon noista
viidestä hän oli maannut tiedottomana. Hänen kasvonsa olivat
suuresti muuttuneet, ne olivat laihtuneet ja kellastuneet, vaikka hän
oli jo melkein kaksi viikkoa saanut olla ulkosalla. Mutta Aljošan
mielestä hänen kasvonsa olivat tulleet tavallaan vielä
puoleensavetävämmiksi, ja hänestä oli mieluisaa Grušenjkan luo
astuessaan kohdata tämän katse. Siinä katseessa oli ikäänkuin
vahvistuneena jotakin lujaa ja järkevää. Se ilmaisi jotakin henkistä
murrosta, siinä ilmeni jokin muuttumaton, nöyrä, mutta jalo ja
peruuttamaton päättäväisyys. Kulmakarvojen väliin otsaan oli
ilmestynyt pieni pystysuora ryppy, joka antoi hänen kauniille
kasvoilleen keskitetyn miettiväisyyden leiman, mikä ensi silmäyksellä
näytti melkeinpä ankaralta. Entisestä kevytmielisyydestä ei ollut
jälkeäkään näkyvissä. Omituista oli Aljošasta myöskin se, että
kaikesta onnettomuudesta huolimatta, mikä oli kohdannut
naisparkaa, morsianta, jonka sulhanen oli vangittu kauheasta
rikoksesta miltei samalla hetkellä, kun hänestä oli tullut tämän
morsian, huolimatta senjälkeen seuranneesta sairaudesta ja
uhkaavasta oikeuden tuomiosta, joka tuskin oli vältettävissä,
Grušenjka ei kuitenkaan ollut menettänyt entistä iloisuuttaan. Hänen
ennen ylpeistä silmistään loisti nyt jonkinlainen hiljaisuus, vaikka…
vaikka muuten nämä silmät vieläkin toisinaan liekehtivät pahaa
ennustavasta, kun hänen sydäntään ahdisti eräs entinen huoli, joka
ei ensinkään ollut tukahtunut, vaan vieläpä kasvanutkin. Tämän
huolen esine oli yhä sama: Katerina Ivanovna, jota Grušenjka
sairastaessaan oli muistellut houreissaankin. Aljoša ymmärsi, että
hän oli tälle hirveän mustasukkainen Mitjan tähden, vangin tähden,
siitä huolimatta, että Katerina Ivanovna ei ollut kertaakaan käynyt
tätä tervehtimässä vankilassa, vaikka olisi voinut tehdä sen milloin
hyvänsä. Kaikesta tästä muodostui Aljošalle eräänlainen vaikea
tehtävä, sillä Grušenjka uskoi vain hänelle sydämensä salaisuudet ja
pyysi alati häneltä neuvoja; hän puolestaan ei toisinaan kyennyt
sanomaan Grušenjkalle kerrassaan mitään.
Huolestuneena hän saapui Grušenjkan asuntoon. Tämä oli jo

kotona; noin puoli tuntia sitten hän oli palannut Mitjan luota, ja jo siitä
nopeasta liikkeestä, jolla Grušenjka hypähti nojatuolista pöydän
äärestä häntä vastaan, hän päätti, että tämä oli odottanut häntä
hyvin kärsimättömästi. Pöydällä oli levällään kortteja, ja ne oli jaettu
niinkuin turakkapeliä varten. Nahkasohvalle toiselle puolelle oli
laitettu vuode, ja siinä loikoi puoleksi istuen viitta yllään ja
pumpulikankainen yölakki päässä Maksimov, joka ilmeisesti oli
sairas ja heikko, vaikka hymyilikin imelästi. Tämä koditon ukko oli
silloin, jo kaksi kuukautta sitten, palannut Mokrojesta yhdessä
Grušenjkan kanssa ja siitä lähtien jäänytkin hänen luokseen
olemaan. Tultuaan silloin Grušenjkan kanssa räntäsateessa hän oli
läpimärkä ja pelästyneenä istuutunut sohvaan ja luonut ääneti
silmänsä häneen hymyillen arasti, ja rukoilevasti. Grušenjka, joka oli
hyvin murheissaan ja jo alkavan kuumeen vallassa ja oli miltei
unohtanut hänet ensimmäisen puolen tunnin aikana puuhaillessaan
kaikenlaista tulonsa jälkeen, — oli äkkiä luonut häneen kiinteän
katseen: Maksimov oli surkeasti ja hämillään silloin nauraa hihittänyt
katsoen häntä silmiin. Grušenjka oli kutsunut Fenjan ja käskenyt tätä
antamaan Maksimoville ruokaa. Koko sen päivän oli ukko istunut
paikallaan melkein liikahtamatta; kun sitten ilta pimeni ja
ikkunaluukut pantiin kiinni, oli Fenja kysynyt rouvalta:
— Miten on, rouva, jääkö hän sitten tänne yöksi?
— Niin, laita hänelle vuode sohvalle, oli Grušenjka vastannut.
Tarkemmin kyseltyään oli Grušenjka saanut selville, että

Maksimovilla nyt todellakaan ei ollut mitään paikkaa, mihin menisi, ja
että »herra Kalganov, hyväntekijäni, ilmoittivat minulle suoraan,
etteivät enää huoli minua luokseen, ja lahjoittivat viisi ruplaa». —
»No, Jumala kanssasi, jää sitten tänne», päätti Grušenjka
suruissaan ja hymähti hänelle osaaottavasti. Ukkoa liikutti hänen
hymynsä, ja mies-paran huulet alkoivat väristä hellämielisestä
itkusta. Siitä saakka oli sitten kuljeskeleva elätti ollutkin Grušenjkan
luona. Tämän sairastaessakaan hän ei ollut lähtenyt talosta. Fenja ja
tämän äiti, Grušenjkan keittäjätär, eivät ajaneet häntä pois, vaan
syöttivät häntä edelleen ja laittoivat hänelle vuoteen sohvalle.
Myöhemmin Grušenjka tottui häneen niin, että tullessaan Mitjan
luota (jota hän tuskin tervehdyttyään oli heti alkanut käydä
katsomassa) hän suruaan haihduttaakseen istuutui ja alkoi puhella
»Maksimuškan» kanssa kaikenlaisista joutavista asioista, ettei vain
ajattelisi suruaan. Osoittautui, että ukko osasi toisinaan kertoakin
yhtä ja toista, niin että hän lopulta oli suorastaan välttämätön
Grušenjkalle. Paitsi Aljošaa, joka ei kuitenkaan käynyt joka päivä ja
aina viipyi vain lyhyen ajan, ei Grušenjka ottanut vastaan juuri
ketään. Hänen ukkonsa taasen, kauppias, oli tähän aikaan hyvin
sairas, »teki lähtöä», kuten kaupungilla sanottiin, ja kuolikin vain
viikko sen jälkeen kuin Mitja oli tuomittu. Kolme viikkoa ennen
kuolemaansa, tuntien lopun lähenevän, hän vihdoin kutsui luokseen
ylös poikansa vaimoineen ja lapsineen ja käski näitä pysymään
luonaan. Palvelijoitaan hän tästä hetkestä lähtien kielsi ankarasti
ensinkään vastaanottamasta Grušenjkaa, ja jos tämä tulisi,
sanomaan hänelle: »Käskee teitä elämään kauan iloisesti ja
kokonaan unohtamaan heidät.» Grušenjka lähetti kuitenkin melkein
joka päivä tiedustelemaan hänen terveydentilaansa.
— Viimeinkin tulit! — huudahti hän heittäen pois kortit ja tervehtien

iloisesti Aljošaa. — Maksimuška jo kovin peloitteli, että sinä kukaties
et tulekaan. Ah, kuinka sinua tarvitaan! Istuudu pöydän ääreen; no,
saako olla kahvia?
— Ehkäpä, — sanoi Aljoša istuutuen pöydän luo, — olen hyvin

nälissäni.
— Siinäpä se; Fenja, Fenja, kahvia! — huudahti Grušenjka. — Se

on jo kauan ollut kiehumassa, odottaa sinua, ja tuo piirakoltakin,
mutta kuumia. Ei, odotahan, Aljoša, näitten piirakoitten johdosta
syntyi tänään myrsky. Minä vein niitä hänelle vankilaan, mutta hän,
uskotko, heitti ne minulle takaisin eikä syönyt. Yhden piirakan hän
suorastaan paiskasi lattiaan ja polki sitä jaloillaan. Minä sanoin:
»Jätän ne vartijalle; jos et syö niitä iltaan mennessä, niin silloin sinua
tietysti elättää ilkeämielinen viha!» ja niin lähdin matkaani. Taaskin
siis riitaannuimme, uskotko sitä. Joka kerta, kun menen sinne, me
riitaannumme.
Grušenjka sanoi tämän kaiken henkeään vetämättä, kiihdyksissä.
Maksimov hätääntyi heti, hymyili ja painoi silmänsä alas.
— Mistä te tällä kertaa riitaannuitte? — kysyi Aljoša.
— Minulle aivan odottamattomasta asiasta! Ajattelehan, hän on

alkanut olla mustasukkainen »entiselle»: »Miksi, mukamas, sinä
ylläpidät häntä? Sinä olet siis alkanut ylläpitää häntä?» On kaiken
aikaa mustasukkainen, aina vain mustasukkainen puolestani! Hän
on sekä nukkuessaan että syödessään mustasukkainen. Kerran
viime viikolla oli jo mustasukkainen Kuzjmallekin.
— Hänhän tiesi, miten ovat »entisen» asiat?
— Siinäpä se onkin. Aivan alusta asti ihan tähän päivään saakka

hän on tietänyt, mutta tänään yhtäkkiä nousi ja alkoi torua. Ihan
hävettää sanoakin, mitä hän puhui. Senkin hölmö! Rakitka tuli hänen
luokseen, kun minä lähdin pois. Kenties Rakitka häntä yllyttää, vai
mitä? Mitä luulet? — lisäsi hän hajamielisesti.
— Hän rakastaa sinua, siinäpä se juuri onkin, rakastaa suuresti.

Mutta nyt hän on samalla kiihdyksissä.
— Kuinka ei olisi kiihdyksissä, huomenna tuomitaan. Minä menin

sanoakseni hänelle sanani huomisen johdosta, sillä minun on,
Aljoša, kauheata ajatellakin, mitä huomenna tulee! Sinä sanot, että
hän on kiihdyksissä, mutta miten kiihdyksissä olenkaan minä. Ja hän
alkaa puhua puolalaisesta! Senkin hölmö! Pian aikaan hän tulee
vielä mustasukkaiseksi Maksimuškalle.
— Minun vaimoni on myös hyvin mustasukkainen minun tähteni,

— pisti sanasensa väliin Maksimov.
— No, sinun tähtesi, — alkoi Grušenjka tahtomattaan nauraa, —
kenelle voisi olla sinun takiasi mustasukkainen?
— Palvelustytöille.
— Ah, ole vaiti, Maksimuška, ei minua nyt naurata, ihan vihaksi

pistää. Älä vilkuile piirakkoihin, minä en anna niitä, ne ovat sinulle
epäterveelliset, enkä anna myöskään palsamia. Tuonkin kanssa
tässä pitää rehkiä; aivan kuin minulla täällä olisi jonkinmoinen
vaivaistalo, totta tosiaan, — alkoi hän nauraa.
— Minä en ole teidän hyvien töittenne arvoinen, minä olen

mitätön, — lausui itkunsekaisella äänellä Maksimov. — Kohdistaisitte
hyväntekeväisyytenne mieluummin niihin, jotka ovat tarpeellisempia
kuin minä.
— Oh, jokainen on tarpeellinen, Maksimuška, ja mistä sen tietää,

kuka on tarpeellisempi kuin toinen. Kunpa ei tuota puolalaista olisi
ollutkaan. Aljoša, hänkin on tänään sairastunut. Olin hänenkin
luonaan. Nyt lähetän hänelle aivan tahallani piirakoita, minä en
lähettänyt, mutta Mitja syytti minua siitä, että muka lähetän, niinpä
nyt uhallakin lähetän, ihan uhalla! Ah, tuossahan on Fenjakin ja tuo
kirjeen! No, niin onkin, taas puolalaisilta, taas pyytävät rahaa!
Herra Mussjalovitš oli todellakin lähettänyt sangen pitkän ja

tapansa mukaan kaunosanaisen kirjeen, jossa pyysi saada lainaksi
kolme ruplaa. Kirjeeseen oli liitetty kuitti, jossa tunnustettiin
rahamäärä saaduksi ja sitouduttiin maksamaan se takaisin kolmen
kuukauden kuluessa; kuitin alle oli kirjoittanut nimensä myös herra
Vrublevski. Tämmöisiä kirjeitä ja tämmöisiä kuitteja oli Grušenjka
saanut »entiseltään» jo monta. Niitten tulo oli alkanut silloin, kun
Grušenjka pari viikkoa sitten oli tullut terveeksi. Hän tiesi myös, että
molemmat herrat olivat hänen sairautensakin aikana käyneet
tiedustamassa hänen vointiaan. Ensimmäinen kirje, jonka Grušenjka
sai, oli pitkä ja isokokoiselle kirjepaperille kirjoitettu, suurella perheen
sinetillä suljettu ja hirveän hämärä ja korusanainen, niin että
Grušenjka luki sen vain puoliväliin ja jätti siihen, koska ei ymmärtänyt
siitä mitään. Eikä hänellä silloin ollut aikaa ajatella kirjeitä. Tätä
ensimmäistä kirjettä seurasi seuraavana päivänä toinen, jossa herra
Mussjalovitš pyysi häneltä lainaksi kaksituhatta ruplaa hyvin lyhyeksi
ajaksi. Grušenjka jätti tämänkin kirjeen vastaamatta. Sen jälkeen
seurasi kokonainen sarja kirjeitä, kirje päivässä, kaikki yhtä juhlallisia
ja kaunopuheisia, mutta lainaksi pyydetty summa niissä yhä pieneni,
aleni sataan ruplaan, kahteenkymmeneenviiteen, kymmeneen
ruplaan, ja lopulta Grušenjka yhtäkkiä sai kirjeen, jossa molemmat
herrat pyysivät häneltä ainoastaan yhden ruplan ja liittivät mukaan
kuitin, jonka molemmat olivat allekirjoittaneet. Silloin oli Grušenjkaa
yhtäkkiä alkanut säälittää, ja hän pistäytyi hämärissä itse herrain
luona. Hän tapasi molemmat puolalaiset hirveässä köyhyydessä,
melkein kurjuudessa, ilman ruokaa, ilman puita, ilman savukkeita,
velassa emännälle. Mitjalta Mokrojessa voitetut kaksisataa ruplaa
olivat nopeasti hävinneet jonnekin. Grušenjkaa hämmästytti
kuitenkin, että molemmat herrat ottivat hänet vastaan ylpeän
arvokkaasti ja niinkuin riippumattomat miehet, kaikkia muotoja
noudattaen ja komein puhein. Grušenjka vain nauroi ja antoi
»entiselleen» kymmenen ruplaa. Silloin hän nauraen kertoi tästä
Mitjalle, eikä tämä ensinkään ollut mustasukkainen. Mutta tästä
lähtien herrat takertuivat Grušenjkaan ja pommittivat häntä joka
päivä kirjeillä, joissa pyysivät rahaa, ja tämä lähetti joka kerta
pikkuisen, mutta nytpä tänään Mitja yhtäkkiä sai päähänsä tulla
hirveän mustasukkaiseksi.

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Adapting Tests in Linguistic and

Cultural Situations 1st Edition Drago■

The Tech Professional's Guide to Communicating in a

Woman 99 1st Edition Macallister Greer

Adapting to Climate Change in Agriculture-Theories and

Advances in Discourse Analysis of Translation and

Progress in the Chemistry of Organic Natural Products

Big 99 Daddies Book 2 1st Edition Casey Cox [Cox

Children in Street Situations: A Concept in Search of

Advances in Hydroinformatics SimHydro 2019 Models for

Test adaptation, often also called test localization or test indigenization, is

on the challenge of writing a book on

researchers the wish to prove themselves innovative and successful in

test adaptation: science or practice?

Components of speciﬁc activities that may be undertaken when con-

supplementary points may be easily written for each of the proposed

historical roots and their impact on

Why the Confusion?

Different Stages and Challenges

Finally, new evolutions, such as simultaneous test development, large-

the social and professional need for

Stakeholders of Test Adaptations

established measure of counterproductive work behaviors that was previ-

Drivers behind the Increased Interest for Test Adaptation

There is a Growing Interest in Cross-Cultural Studies

Interest for testing is growing internationally, and test usage is

There is Widespread Interest in Society for Large-Scale

Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the World Health Organiza-

Important Work in the Domain of Test Adaptation Has Been Done

studying in the USA. For providers of technology-related credentialing

Fairness Considerations Are an Important Driver in the

Cross-cultural Research Is Popular

Globalization and Migration

the structure of this volume

Preliminary steps Chapters 1, 2, 3

Translation stage Chapter 7

Examples (Chapter 11)

Construct validation stage Chapters 4, 5, 6

Norming stage Chapter 9

Closing the process Chapter 10

f i g u r e i . 1 The place of the book’s chapters in the logical and chronological

the translation phase of the test adaptation process, as well as issues of

What Is Test Adaptation?

adaptation vs. translation

adoption, adaptation, and assembly

t a b l e 1 . 1 Levels or types of test adaptations, according to van de Vijver (2015a)

Type Description Procedure

with an imposed-etic stance. Adaptation is equivalent with an etic stance

such a way that equivalence is obtained. This is oftentimes an iterative

and practice that test adaptation, if followed in a professional and diligent

4. Fourth, of course, sometimes, due to rather ideological reasons,

Why Assembly (Local Development) Is Oftentimes

— En, en ole vielä lukenut, mutta aion lukea. Minulla ei ole

— Sanokaa, Karamazov, halveksitteko te minua kauheasti? —

— Halveksinko teitä? — sanoi Aljoša katsellen häntä ihmeissään.

— Älkää olko huolissanne minun luonteestani, — keskeytti Kolja

— Ah, minä naurahdin aivan muulle. Tiedättekö, mille minä

— Ah, sehän on aivan oikein! — alkoi Kolja yhtäkkiä nauraa

— Miksi sitten kuristaa? — hymyili Aljoša.

— No, minä lörpöttelin kenties, myönnän sen. Minä olen toisinaan

— Niin, niin! Kunhan rupeatte käymään talossa niin näette,

— Oi, kuinka olen pahoillani ja soimaan itseäni siitä, etten tullut

— Niin, se on hyvin ikävää. Te näitte itse, kuinka suuresti te