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Textbook Engaging Men and Boys in Violence Prevention Michael Flood Ebook All Chapter PDF
Textbook Engaging Men and Boys in Violence Prevention Michael Flood Ebook All Chapter PDF
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GLOBAL MASCULINITIES
ITIES
Series Editors
Michael Kimmel
Department of Sociology
Stony Brook University
Stony Brook, NY, USA
Global Masculinities
ISBN 978-1-137-44210-9 ISBN 978-1-137-44208-6 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-44208-6
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
America, Inc.
The registered company address is: 1 New York Plaza, New York, NY 10004, U.S.A.
Praise for Engaging Men and Boys in
Violence Prevention
“Michael Flood has long been the world’s most important and prolific
researcher in the area of engaging men on a range of topics related to
men’s violence against women. You can see why when you look through
the treasure trove that is Engaging Men and Boys in Violence Prevention,
a remarkable synthesis of user-friendly research, analysis and concrete
suggestions for action. This book belongs on the shelves and in the
hands of educators, activists, policy-makers and anyone else who wants
to gain insight into the crucial question of how to mobilize men as active
allies to women in the era of #MeToo.”
—Jackson Katz, Ph.D., co-founder of Mentors in Violence Prevention
and author of The Macho Paradox: Why Some Men Hurt Women
and How All Men Can Help
v
vi PRAISE FOR ENGAGING MEN AND BOYS IN VIOLENCE PREVENTION
“The MeToo moment and years of feminist advocacy have finally made
ending violence against women the global priority it must be. But we still
have a huge way to go to engage men and boys in effective ways. Flood
provides the big picture we have long lacked: what works, why it works,
how to scale it up, and how to get violence prevention right, by women
who deserve lives free of violence, and by men who need to be allies in
the cause as well as those who already are.”
—Gary Barker, President and CEO of Promundo
Contents
1 Introduction 1
3 Prevention 39
vii
viii Contents
12 Conclusion 377
References 393
Index 435
List of Tables
ix
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Men have a vital role to play in ending men’s violence against women.
The field of efforts to engage men and boys in violence prevention is
growing rapidly, across policy and programming, scholarship, and advo-
cacy and activism. This is embodied in the growth of national and global
interventions and campaigns, initiatives by international agencies, and
scholarly assessments of their impact and significance. Across the globe,
a wide variety of violence prevention initiatives in schools and elsewhere
now address boys and young men, sporting codes have adopted meas-
ures to involve male players in building respectful cultures, and institu-
tions such as the military are moving towards similar initiatives.
This book provides a comprehensive guide to engaging men and boys
in the prevention of violence against women and girls and other forms of
violence and abuse. It provides an informed and accessible framework for
understanding, supporting, and critically assessing men’s roles in violence
prevention.
There are three elements to the book’s background. First, violence
against women (including physical and sexual assaults and other behav-
iours which result in physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffer-
ing to women) has been identified as a widespread social problem.
Second, there is an increasing emphasis on the primary prevention of
violence against women in government and community efforts—on not
just responding to victims and perpetrators, but also in preventing this
violence from occurring in the first place. Third, a significant trend in
violence prevention is the growing focus on engaging men and boys in
prevention. Around the world there are growing efforts to involve boys
and men in various capacities: as participants in education programs,
as targets of social marketing campaigns, as policy-makers and gate-
keepers, and as activists and advocates. There is a groundswell of com-
munity-based prevention activity directed at men and boys. There is
significant policy support for male involvement in violence prevention,
evident in recent plans of action by national governments and affirmed
by international agencies. In short, violence prevention efforts aimed at
men and boys are on the public agenda, are being adopted and funded
increasingly widely, and have a powerful rationale.
The book Engaging Men and Boys in Violence Prevention provides a
critical assessment of efforts to engage men and boys in violence preven-
tion. It offers a distinctive and timely discussion of an area of work and
scholarship which is receiving growing national and international atten-
tion. The book highlights innovative, creative, and compelling examples
of work engaging men and boys, both among particular groups (such as
sports players, faith leaders, corporate men, blue collar men, young men
in schools, and men in uniform) and in particular settings (such as work-
places and social movements).
This book provides robust, practical guidance regarding effective
strategies to reduce and prevent violence against women. The book is
oriented towards the production of practical guidance for educators,
advocates, and policy-makers: a conceptual framework for understand-
ing and supporting men’s and boys’ roles in violence prevention, robust
assessment of particular interventions, and guidance regarding the effec-
tive use of key strategies. In short, the book identifies what works and
what does not.
Engaging Men and Boys in Violence Prevention has an international
focus. Some of the most well-developed or innovative efforts to involve
men and boys in violence prevention take place outside North America
and the UK, with notable efforts visible in Brazil, India, and elsewhere.
The book includes case studies from a wide variety of countries and
regions. It offers a framework for engaging men which is applicable in a
wide variety of settings, national and international. At the same time, the
book highlights the challenges of violence prevention with men and boys
in particular cultures and contexts.
The book avoids two extremes regarding men’s and boys’ involve-
ment in violence prevention. On the one hand, there is a naïve optimism
that short-term, simple interventions will shift lifelong habits of behav-
iour and entrenched inequalities. On the other, there is a paralysing
1 INTRODUCTION 3
• Does the claim often made in this field that ‘most men do not use
violence’ excuse men from collective responsibility for violence
against women and neglect many men’s use of various strategies of
coercion and control against women?
• Does an appeal to the ways in which men will ‘benefit’ from pro-
gress towards non-violence and gender equality downplay what
men also have to lose if patriarchal privileges are challenged?
Men’s and boys’ lives are structured not only by gender but by other
forms of social difference and inequality. Chapter 11 argues that violence
prevention efforts with any group of men or boys in any cultural context
must have an intersectional approach. This chapter of the book begins by
describing an intersectional approach to men, masculinities, and violence.
It explores how forms of social difference such as race and ethnicity
shape men’s violence against women, including victimisation, perpetra-
tion, and the ways in which this violence is represented and understood.
The chapter then provides detailed guidance on ways to engage immi-
grant, ethnic minority, and indigenous men in violence prevention. Such
efforts must address the social and economic conditions of men and
communities, be based on culturally relevant content and processes, and
acknowledge racism and intersectional disadvantage.
What is the future of efforts to engage men and boys in the preven-
tion of violence against women? The final chapter in the book begins
by assessing the state of the field: its achievements and its limitations. It
highlights the challenges which continue to mark the field and the issues
and questions which are newly emerging. Finally, the book offers a call to
action, appealing to men and boys to take personal and collective action
to end violence against women.
PART I
What is ‘men’s violence against women’? What are its dynamics, impacts,
and causes, and how can it be prevented? This chapter begins by describ-
ing the problem itself, the patterns of violence which have become the
subject of feminist and other efforts. The chapter highlights the insights
of contemporary scholarship and activism regarding violence against
women and notes prominent debates in the field.
Let us start with the question of language. There is a bewildering
variety of terms for the forms of violence and abuse which take place in
people’s lives. This is true for example for the violence perpetrated by
individuals against their intimate or sexual partners or ex-partners. A
common term for this is ‘domestic violence’. The term ‘domestic vio-
lence’ refers to interpersonal violence enacted in domestic settings, fam-
ily relationships, and intimate relationships, and is most readily applied
to violence by a man to his wife, female sexual partner or ex-partner.
However, ‘domestic violence’ is used also to denote violence between
same-sex sexual partners, among family members (including siblings and
parent–child violence either way), and by women against male partners.
Four other terms commonly applied to some or all of these forms of vio-
lence are family violence, wife battering, men’s violence against women,
and intimate partner violence. Each of the terms excludes some forms of
violence, is accompanied by certain theoretical and political claims, and is
subject to shifting meanings in the context of both academic and popular
understandings.
and ‘private’ behaviours such as sexual assault and intimate partner vio-
lence have collective and institutional foundations, as I explore later in
this chapter, and some may be perpetrated collectively, as is the case with
multiple-perpetrator rape.
The book’s focus is both pragmatic and political. Pragmatically,
efforts to engage men in violence prevention have focused overwhelm-
ingly on violence perpetrated by men and against women (Flood, 2015).
Compared to the number of violence prevention initiatives engaging
men and boys in the prevention of violence against women, there are
very few which engage and boys in gender-conscious ways in prevent-
ing other forms of violence. Nevertheless, this text does include such
initiatives where they exist. Politically, the need to address men’s vio-
lence against women remains as pressing as ever. The field of violence
prevention related to men’s violence against women is growing rapidly,
and an assessment of its character and achievements is timely. Yes, there
are other forms of interpersonal violence. The victims of violence often
are male, and yes, the perpetrators sometimes are female. Efforts to
address these forms of violence are vital as well, although they are not
the primary focus of this book. The text therefore usually uses the phrase
‘men’s violence against women’, while also making use of other terms
and making reference to overlapping forms of violence.
What, then, do we know so far about men’s violence against women?
Forty years of scholarship and activism have generated a series of insights
regarding the key features of men’s violence against women.
First, men’s violence against women comprises a wide range of forms
of violence, abuse, and coercion perpetrated by men against women. It
is important to recognise the range of behaviours which can be identi-
fied as violent. ‘Commonsense’ and dominant beliefs limit the range of
behaviour which is deemed unacceptable and define other behaviours as
normal or inevitable. In contrast, by listening to women’s experiences,
feminists have documented a wide range of male behaviours which
women perceive as threatening, violent or sexually harassing (Maynard
& Winn, 1997). This work has broadened what can be named as vio-
lence, and generated new terms for forms of violence and abuse which
had been invisible or normalised. For example, it is a feminist achieve-
ment that forms of forced, coerced, and pressured sex in relationships
and families now are named as violence or abuse.
Related to this, feminist work has identified a continuum of violence
experienced by women (Kelly, 1996) from seemingly extreme events like
14 M. FLOOD
threatens his partner with the use of violence against her or their chil-
dren, sexually assaults her, and intimidates her with frightening gestures,
destruction of property, and showing weapons. He isolates her and mon-
itors her behavior, which increases his control, increases her emotional
dependence on him, and makes it easier to perpetrate and hide physical
abuse. He practises insults, mind-games, and emotional manipulation
such that the victim’s self-esteem is undermined and she feels she has no
other options outside the relationship. Finally, he minimizes and denies the
extent of his violent behavior, disavows responsibility for his actions, and
blames the victim for the abuse. (Flood, 2004, pp. 235–236)
Four further insights regarding men’s violence against women are crit-
ical. First, in contrast to the stereotype that rape and other forms of vio-
lence are perpetrated by ‘abnormal’ and ‘mad’ individuals, the research
highlights that most violence against women is perpetrated by ‘normal’
men, in the context of a gender-unequal society. They are ‘normal’ men
in the sense that they are acting out the gender norms and values with
which many men have socialised, in unequal gender relations which
themselves have been seen as normal.
Second, there is a crucial link between violence and power. Men’s vio-
lence both maintains, and is the expression of, men’s power over women
and children. From feminist research we now have the important insight
that men’s violence is an important element in the organisation and
maintenance of gender inequality. In fact, rape and other forms of sexual
violence have been seen as paradigmatic expressions of the operation of
male power over women.
Related to both of these, men’s violence against women has social
causes. These can be grouped into three clusters, as noted in further detail
below. First, men’s violence against women is shaped above all by gender
inequalities. These are linked to violence at the individual, relationship,
community, and societal levels, and there are strong associations between
violence against women and gender roles, gender norms, and gender rela-
tions. Second, there are links between violence against women and the
acceptance and perpetration of other forms of violence. Third, violence
against women is shaped by the material and social resources available to
individuals and communities, including patterns of disadvantage.
The fourth and final insight is that men’s physical and sexual violence
against women is a fundamental barrier to gender equality. This violence
harms women’s physical and emotional health, restricts their sexual and
reproductive choices, and hinders their participation in political decision-
making and public life. Men’s violence is a threat to women’s autonomy,
mobility, self-esteem and everyday safety. Violence against women is now
also being described as a threat to or denial of women’s human rights
and of women’s rights to full citizenship. In these senses, men’s violence
against women is a fundamentally ethical and political issue.
In short, men’s violence against women comprises a diverse range of
violent, coercive, or controlling behaviours and strategies. These may or
may not involve physical violence. They often take place between men
and women who know each other, and they may be deliberately hidden
from public view. They may or may not be illegal and criminal. And they
may be seen as ‘normal’ or acceptable by community members.
16 M. FLOOD
Debates and Trends
This chapter began by identifying a range of insights or points regarding
the key features of men’s violence against women. However, there is in
fact debate over these points and indeed over the very fundamentals of
the field—over how to define interpersonal violence, and also over how
to measure, explain, and thus prevent it. Overlapping with this, there
is heated debate over the gendered character of interpersonal violence.
This section examines these debates, before discussing a series of further
trends in scholarship regarding men’s violence against women.
KUVERNÖÖRIN LUONA
Lisäksi vaikutti Morenoon kaikki, mitä hän tähän asti oli nähnyt
uudessa ympäristössään, unelta, erittäin sekavalta unelta, jota järki
ei ollenkaan ymmärtänyt. Assanoff oli kyllä tavallaan selittänyt, mitä
ympärillä tapahtui; mutta paitsi sitä, että insinööri piti kaikkea tätä
aivan luonnollisena ja syrjäytti helposti juuri enimmin selitystä
kaipaavat asiat, oli hän epävakainenpa kykenemätön mitään
selitystä tai ajatuskulkua loppuun viemään.
"No, hyvä", sanoi soturi ylpeästi, "Murad, Hassan Beyn poika, jos
olet isäsi poika, näytä mihin pystyt!"
"Oletko hullu? Mitä merkitsee se ilve, jota äsken esitit? Kuinka voit
sillä tavoin näytellä itseäsi? Etkö voi ilmaista kotiseudunrakkauttasi
muutoin kuin tuollaisilla vinkuroimisilla?"
Hän poistui heti. Kun Assanoff sai nämä sanat sellaiselta kauniilta
tytöltä, jota tähän asti oli pidetty aivan tunteettomana ja kokonaan
voittamattomana, — jossa ruumiillistui kaupungin kaikkien
tanssijattarien maine, juuri siksi, että hän oli hyvin vähän taipuvainen
kykyään näyttämään, palauttivat ne hänet taas yhdellä iskulla
sivistyksen piiriin, jonka hän oli joku minuutti sitten näyttänyt
kokonaan unohtaneen, ja pistäen kätensä Morenon kainaloon hän
veti tämän muutamia askeleita syrjään ja kuiskasi hänen korvaansa:
"Kenen kanssa?"
"Hyvä on, mutta näytät ilman sitäkin tänä iltana jo kyllin olevan
päästäsi pyörällä!"
TATAARIEN KUNNIA
"Oletteko siellä?"
"Kun sinä otat minut vastaan tällä tavalla, niin en oikein tiedä mitä
täällä teen."
"Et siis koskaan näe siitä yöstä unta? Panet maata ja nukahdat ja
lojut kaiketi kuin laiska lihamöhkäle aamuun asti tai ehkäpä
puolipäivään ajattelematta mitään! Ja lopulta ehkä teetkin siinä
oikein! Sinun koko elämäsihän on vain kuolemaa! Et muistele
mitään, et mitään mennyttä? Enosi, isäni, minun isäni — tiedäthän?
Et, sinä et tiedä mitään! No, minä sanon sinulle: minun isäni siis,
Elam Bey, hirtettiin puuhun karavaanipolun vasemmalle puolelle;
sinun isäsi, minun setäni, naulattiin pistimellä kotioveensa. Sitä et kai
enää muista? Tosin olit vasta kaksitoista-vuotias, mutta minä olin
vain neljän vanha enkä ole siitä mitään unohtanut! Ei, en ole, en,
sanon sinulle, en vähintäkään, en pienintäkään seikkaa. Erään
sotilaan kuljettaessa minua ohitse roikkui enosi puussa niinkuin tuo
takki tuolla seinällä takanasi roikkuu naulassa!"
"Odotin vain sitä aikaa, jolloin olisin kyllin vahva! Kuusi kuukautta
vain lisää — ja minä olisin tappanut hänen molemmat tyttärensä!"
"Muistatko sitä?"