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Edited by
Sola Adesola · Feargal Brennan

Energy in Africa
Policy, Management
and Sustainability
Energy in Africa
Sola Adesola • Feargal Brennan
Editors

Energy in Africa
Policy, Management
and Sustainability
Editors
Sola Adesola Feargal Brennan
Oxford Brookes Business School University of Strathclyde
Oxford Brookes University Glasgow, UK
Oxford, UK

ISBN 978-3-319-91300-1    ISBN 978-3-319-91301-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91301-8

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018953179

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or
the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
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claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Preface

The Origin of This Book

This book was originally inspired by the first author’s senior academic
colleague, Professor Glauco De Vita, with whom they both successfully
supervised two PhD researchers to completion on local content policy
and stakeholder analysis, and energy demands in Sub-Saharan Africa at
Oxford Brookes University. Just after Professor De Vita left, he sowed a
seed of encouragement into Sola Adesola to consider publishing a book;
at that time, energy was never on the plan. The idea of a book then was
on entrepreneurship in Africa. From mid-2016, however, Dr Adesola had
been asked to be an international panel expert for the Nigeria Energy
Forum, and a panel member at the Nigerian Society Energy Conference
at Cranfield University. She also had the opportunity to peer review
energy conference papers. Prior to the conference, she had an unforget-
table opportunity to share her interest in energy from past voluntary
reviews of Cranfield PhD thesis on energy-related research and mock
vivas for Cranfield students. This strategic meeting was with Professor
Feargal Brennan, then the Director of Energy and Power at Cranfield
University, now at the University of Strathclyde, who later became the
co-editor of this book. It was at this meeting that the thought of publish-
ing a book on energy was conceived. The first author left that meeting
with the golden opportunity to present a “call for book chapters” at the
v
vi Preface

2016 Energy Conference in Cranfield. At this stage, no publisher had

been contacted, but we proceeded nevertheless.
This book is the result of nearly two years’ intensive work. It started by
first recognising the gaps in energy research that exist between engineer-
ing, commerce, socio-politics, environment, and management. Following
a quick Internet search, it became apparent that what was needed was a
collection of sound academic research and policy papers on energy from
a management perspective focusing on this important continent—Africa.
This edited book is a first attempt to collate interdisciplinary chapters in
one book volume. It is based, in part, on our collective involvement over
the past 25 years, in energy and power by Professor Feargal Brennan as an
internationally renowned expert, and on international business and
African Studies by Dr Sola Adesola.
The second reason why we felt that a new and different sort of book on
energy in Africa was needed is due to the changes taking place in the
wider world of international business and international organisations
which are altering the landscape of Africa. This book attempts to bridge
the language barrier between technical and soft issues. Feargal Brennan
makes the related point that energy is an international sector and most of
the largest and most exciting infrastructural developments ever seen are
poised to take place in the developing world over the coming decades.
Africa is a wonderful example and case study of the multifaceted socio-­
economic-­political-environmental criteria which influence the adoption
of technologies, balancing local content within an international context
with lessons and learning that can be applied to many other developing
regions.
The third reason why we thought that a different sort of book on
energy in Africa was needed is based more directly on the first author’s
own experiences and encounters in research on energy for more than
eight years. To explain this, between 2008 and 2017, Sola Adesola was
fortunate to be the co-pioneer of the PhD student mentoring support as
part of the local church outreach at Cranfield University. She participated
in voluntary reviewing of thesis and organising mock vivas for a number
of Cranfield students. She became an “adopted” engineer from familiari-
sation with engineering technical jargon. Most times she found herself
 Preface
   vii

asking questions relating to the managerial or policy implications of their

research, and most times, these had to be extracted from facilitation.
Over time, the authors have undertaken a succession of internationally
recognised peer-reviewed funded large research projects, often in collabo-
ration with others; other times the authors have incorporated energy case
studies into the teaching curricula for coursework assessment and presen-
tation. The outcomes of years of engagement in energy research and
scholarly work have resulted in world-class publications.
This book is compiled, in part, as a reference academic book, to help
those engaged in energy engineering, policy, and management in Africa
to better understand how they “fit in” together.

Oxford Brookes Business School Sola Adesola

Oxford Brookes University
Oxford, UK
University of Strathclyde Feargal Brennan
Glasgow, UK
 Acknowledgements

This book volume is a snapshot of a continuing conversation about

energy in Africa that we have been fortunate enough to have had with
colleagues, students, and friends. From the early days, we owe a particular
appreciation to Professor Glauco De Vita at Coventry University, who
encouraged the first author to undertake book chapter publishing, and
who, to this day, remains one of the most renowned scholars on interna-
tional business economics. We are particularly grateful for his unbiased
and constructive review and for his helpful suggestions for improving its
structure and contents. Most immediately, this book would not have
been completed without the immense and unrivalled support and col-
laboration of the co-editor, Professor Feargal Brennan and Cranfield
University Energy Conference platform for the initial introduction to get
the idea started.
Many academics and international experts have been generous in giv-
ing their time to critically review the chapters of the book as they have
emerged. Their comments and suggestions were of great value. Among
those who have provided assistance and support, we would like, in par-
ticular, to thank the following:

Professor Glauco De Vita Coventry University, UK

Professor Damilola Olawuyi Hamad Bin Khalifa University, Qatar

ix
x Acknowledgements

Professor Chuks Okereke University of Reading, UK

Professor Leo Daniel
Dr Uyiogbosa Igie
Dr Simon Adderley
Dr Georgina Whyatt
Maureen McCulloch
Dr Elias Boukrami
MIT, USA
Cranfield University, UK
Oxford Brookes University, UK
Oxford Brookes University, UK
Oxford Brookes University, UK
Regents University London, UK

The individuals that reviewed the chapters to this book are not respon-
sible for any opinions or judgements it contains. All errors and omissions
are solely the responsibility of the authors.
We would like to thank our copy editor, Mrs Heather Simpkins, for
her editorial support for the correction of the chapters, her eye for detailed
comments and suggstions for improving language and presentation.
Most importantly, a book like this could not have been completed
without the contributions of the authors of the chapters, who have shared
their research and practice with the world, and have raised critical issues
of policy, management, and sustainability from African energy perspec-
tives. We thank and acknowledge your contributions to Africa.
Finally, we thank Palgrave publishers who have helped to steer the
book to publication. We are also grateful to Lucy Kidwell for her invalu-
able assistance and patience. It has been a major undertaking simultane-
ously during academic year.
 Contents

1 Introduction to Energy in Africa: Policy, Management,

and Sustainability   1
Sola Adesola and Feargal Brennan

Part I Policy and Cross-Cutting Issues   13

2 Brexit and Trumpism: The Renaissance of Protectionism

and Nationalism and Its Effect on Twenty-First-Century
African Energy Policy  15
Kenneth E. Afe Aidelojie

3 The Impact and Role of the Regulator on Electricity

Market Growth and Sustainability in a Developing
Economy: The Case of Nigeria  41
Joy O. Ogaji and Stephen O. T. Ogaji

xi
xii Contents

Part II Management and Cross-Cutting Issues   73

4 Stakeholder Engagement and the Sustainable

Environmental Management of Oil-Contaminated Sites
in Nigeria  75
George Prpich, Kabari Sam, and Frédéric Coulon

5 Cooperatives’ Potential to Diffuse Appropriate Solar

Technologies in Uganda  99
Ahmed Kitunzi Mutunzi and Shailendra Vyakarnam

6 The Evolving International Gas Market and Energy

Security in Nigeria 117
Tade Oyewunmi

Part III Energy Transition: Clean Technology, Sustainability,

and Affordability 147

7 Clean Technologies and Innovation in Energy 149

Tosin Somorin, Ayodeji Sowale, Adefolakemi Serifat Ayodele,
Mobolaji Shemfe, and Athanasios Kolios

8 Renewable Energy in Africa: Policies, Sustainability,

and Affordability 199
Augustine O. Ifelebuegu and Peter Ojo

9 Conclusions and Emerging Perspectives on Africa’s Energy:

Can Multiple Perspectives on Energy Management Inform
Policy and Practice? 223
Sola Adesola and Feargal Brennan

Index 231
 Notes on Contributors

Sola Adesola is Senior Lecturer in International Organisations and

Corporate & Business Law in the Oxford Brookes Business School at
Oxford Brookes University, UK, having previously completed her PhD
and held research position in manufacturing management at Cranfield
University. Adesola is Director of Studies for research in energy policy,
entrepreneurship, and university interaction. She has written widely in
peer-reviewed journals and conferences including the following
publications:

Kolawole, A., S. Adesola, and De Vita. 2017. Factors that drive energy
use in Africa: Panel Data evidence from selected SSA Countries. OPEC
Energy Review Dec, 41 (4). doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/opec.12115.
Onabanjo, T., S. Adesola, and A. Kolawole. 2017. A state-level assess-
ment of the electricity generation potential of municipal solid wastes
in Nigeria. Journal of Cleaner Production ­doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.
jclepro.2017.06.228.
Kolawole, A., S. Adesola, and G. De Vita. 2017. A Disaggregated Analysis
of Energy Demand in Sub-Saharan Africa. International Journal of
Energy Economics and Policy 7 (2): 224–235.
De Vita, G., O. Lagoke, and S. Adesola. 2015. Nigeria oil and gas industry local
content development: A stakeholder analysis. Public Policy & Administration
31 (1): 51–79, doi:https://doi.org/10.1177/0952076715581635.
xiii
xiv Notes on Contributors

Kenneth E. Afe Aidelojie was former Senior Lecturer in International Energy

Policy at GSM London, University of Plymouth, UK. He is Professor of
Construction and Contract Law at School of Engineering and Applied
Science, Centennial College, Toronto, Canada, and a Principal Consultant
at Envinergy Consult. He has published papers in international trade,
environmental law and energy policy, and speaks at conferences on related
issues. Kenneth Aidelojie completed his PhD in 2012 at the Centre for
Environmental Policy, Imperial College London.
Adefolakemi Serifat Ayodele is a PhD research student in the Department
of Sociology, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. She has a multidisciplinary
background in social and management sciences with interest in industrial
development, virtual office, diffusion, and technology transfer.
Feargal Brennan is Director of the University of Strathclyde, UK, having
previously held senior positions at Cranfield University and University
College London. Brennan is a leading authority on the integrity of offshore
oil & gas structures and development of offshore renewables, including wind,
wave, and tidal stream. He has written over 150 papers in peer-reviewed
journals and conferences.
Frédéric Coulon holds a chair in Environmental Chemistry & Microbiology
at Cranfield University, UK, and is recognised for his internationally leading
contribution on water, soil, and wastewater treatment, resource recovery and
environment, and public communication of environmental science and
engineering.
Augustine O. Ifelebuegu is Principal Lecturer in Energy and Environment
at Coventry University and a senior fellow of the UK Higher Education
Academy. He has over 20 years’ work experience that spans the energy
industry and the academia. His research is focused on energy technology
and environmental remediation with particular focus on renewable
energy, process safety management, water and wastewater treatment pro-
cesses, and oil spill clean-up and remediation.
Ahmed Kitunzi Mutunzi is Lecturer of Business Administration and
Strategic Management in the School of Business, College of Business and
Management Sciences at Makerere University, Uganda. Kitunzi holds a
Bachelor of Arts in Economics & Education from Makerere University,
 Notes on Contributors
   xv

Uganda; an MBA from Maastricht School of Management, the

Netherlands; and a PhD in Management from the University of the
Witwatersrand, South Africa.
Athanasios Kolios (Dip Eng, MSc, PhD, MBA, PGCAP, CEng MIMechE,
FHEA) is Reader in Risk Management and Reliability Engineering and
Head of Offshore Energy Engineering Centre at Cranfield University,
UK. During his academic career, he participated in several projects related to
the development, analysis, and optimisation of energy systems through a bal-
anced portfolio of research council funded, industry sponsored, and specialist
consultancy projects of value exceeding £14.6 million as PI/co-PI/co-I.
Joy O. Ogaji is the pioneer Executive Secretary of the Association of
Power Generation Companies (APGC) in Nigeria. Ogaji holds a PhD in
Law from Warwick University, Coventry. She practised law both in the
UK and in Nigeria and was a member of the Presidential Taskforce on
Power, a body set up to drive the reform of the Nigerian power sector.
Ogaji has contributed to several technical publications and is a passionate
national and international speaker on public sector reforms
Stephen O. T. Ogaji (CEng, FHEA, FNSE) is a graduate in Mechanical
Engineering with a PhD in Gas Turbine Engineering from Cranfield
University, UK. He is a fellow of the higher education academy of UK
and a fellow of the Nigeria society of engineers. He is the head of depart-
ment for gas at the Niger delta power holding company, Nigeria, prior to
which he was course director of the internationally recognised thermal
power master’s programme at Cranfield University and later the technical
adviser to the Honourable Minister of Power in Nigeria. He was a mem-
ber of the Nigerian Presidential Task Force on Power (PTFP). Ogaji has
contributed to the publication of over 100 technical papers in peer-
reviewed journal and conferences as well as two engineering textbooks.
Peter Ojo received his BEng degree in Water Resources and Environmental
Engineering from Ahmadu Bello University, Nigeria, and his Master’s
degree in Environmental Management from Coventry University, UK. He
is a part-time lecturer and doctoral researcher at Coventry University. His
research interests include renewable energy, water and wastewater treat-
ment, and process engineering.
xvi Notes on Contributors

Tade Oyewunmi LLD, is a senior researcher and lecturer at the Centre

for Climate Change, Energy and Environmental Law (CCEEL), Law
School, University of Eastern Finland (UEF), Finland.
George Prpich is Assistant Professor of Chemical Engineering at the
University of Virginia, USA. He is recognised for his contributions to
environmental engineering, risk management, and environmental policy
and decision science.
Kabari Sam is Lecturer in Environmental Management and Pollution
Control at the Nigeria Maritime University, Delta State, Nigeria. He is
experienced in stakeholder engagement, environment, risk communica-
tion, resource recovery, sustainable and risk-based management of contami-
nated land. He is a consultant in sustainable environmental management
approaches and standards.
Mobolaji Shemfe joined the Centre for Environmental Strategy as a
research fellow in June 2016. He obtained his PhD from Cranfield
University in 2016, having previously obtained an MSc in Petroleum
Refining Systems Engineering in 2010 from the University of Surrey. His
doctoral research focused on the techno-economic and environmental life-
cycle assessment of the production of advanced biofuels via fast pyrolysis
of biomass and bio-oil upgrading using conventional oil refinery technolo-
gies. His PhD work was an integral part of the SUPERGEN Bioenergy
Challenge: Development of fast pyrolysis-based technologies for the pro-
duction of advanced biofuel funded by The Engineering and Physical
Sciences Research Council (EPSRC) and led by Sai Gu.
Tosin Somorin leads the development of a novel sanitary combustor at
Cranfield University, UK. She has a multidisciplinary background in
Applied Science and Engineering, with interest in technology develop-
ment and solutions. Her research is focused on thematic areas of waste
conversion, resource utilisation, and technology qualification, particu-
larly in biomass and bio-energy.
Ayodeji Sowale is a research fellow in Mechanical Systems, recognised for
the ability to improve competent designs and efficiency. He has BSc,
MSc, and PhD degrees in Mechanical Engineering. He is working on
system integration of the Nano Membrane Toilet (NMT) project funded
by Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation at Cranfield University.
 Notes on Contributors
   xvii

Shailendra Vyakarnam holds an MBA and a PhD from Cranfield

University, UK. He is the Director of the Bettany Centre for
Entrepreneurship at Cranfield and a resident senior member of Wolfson
College, Cambridge. He is a fellow of the RSA (Royal Society for the
encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce) and the European
Academy of Sciences and Arts. His particular focus is on science and
technology-enabled entrepreneurship.
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 US crude oil and liquid fuels production. (Source: US Energy
Information Administration (EIA) Short-Term Energy
Outlook Report, December 2017) 31
Fig. 2.2 UK dependent on energy imports in Q3. (Source: Adapted
from UK Department of Business and Strategy 2016) 34
Fig. 4.1 Stakeholder approach. (Adapted from Freeman 2010) 77
Fig. 4.2 Contaminated land policy development from 1956 to the
present. (1956–1968—period of no legislation; 1969–2001—
period of non-specific legislation; 2002–present—period of
specific legislation). (Source: Sam et al. 2017b) 83
Fig. 4.3 Stakeholder engagement framework for collecting information
about socio-cultural values relative to petroleum hydrocarbon
pollution and contaminated land policy in Ogoniland,
Nigeria. (Source: Sam et al. 2017a) 84
Fig. 4.4 Stakeholder voting preferences as a percentage of total votes
cast for each social value presented in the study. (Values are
ordered according to rank of importance from left to right.
The first four social values: Drinking Water Quality, Soil
Quality, Food and Local Supply Chain, and Human Health/
Wellbeing, were similarly ranked for all stakeholder
communities). (Source: Sam et al. 2017a) 88

xix
xx List of Figures

Fig. 7.1 Renewable energy potential in Africa: Solar irradiation (kWh/m2)

mapping of Africa—Top left, River network in Africa in terms of
mean annual streamflow (m3/s). Sub-figure shows areas where
mini hydro may be the most economic electrification option—
Top right, Geographical distribution of average wind speed over
Africa at 100 m height—Bottom left, Biomass (woody and
agricultural) density across Africa—Bottom right. (Source:
Belward et al. 2011) 152
Fig. 7.2 Hydropower generation potential (GWh) and ratio of
generation to the technically feasible hydropower potential
(%). (Data from Hydropower and Dams 2014) 159
Fig. 7.3 Flow diagram of the SimGas Biogas System. (1) Manure from
livestock, (2) anaerobic digestion, (3) piping, (4) milk chiller,
(5) cookstove, (6) biogas lamp, (7) organic fertiliser. (Source:
© SimGas 2018) 165
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 Stakeholder values as identified from literature and validated

by experts 86
Table 7.1 Technical energy potential for different energy sources and
African regions 154
Table 7.2 Distribution of PV and domestic solar water heater installed
capacity in selected Sub-Saharan African countries 157
Table 7.3 Large hydropower projects as a percentage of installed
capacity in selected African countries 157
Table 7.4 Wind energy capacity in Africa 160
Table 7.5 Existing policies for the development of clean energy
technologies around the world 181
Table 8.1 Renewable Energy Support Policies (REN 21-Renewable
energy policy network 2016) 207
Table 8.2 US-DOE Annual Energy Outlook 2017 212
Table 8.3 Levelised Cost of Energy (LCOE) for renewables and fossil
fuels (2014 US$/kWh) (Linklaters 2016) 212
Table 8.4 Funding approved (US $million) for the energy sector in
Africa by the World Bank (Gujba et al. 2012) 213

xxi
 1
Introduction to Energy in Africa: Policy,
Management, and Sustainability
Sola Adesola and Feargal Brennan

Energy is an integral part of a modern economy due to the important role

it plays as an important factor of production employed in the production
of goods and services, when combined with capital and labour. It is also
a significant contributor to global warming due to greenhouse gas emis-
sions. Africa’s energy sector is vital to its future achievement of socio-­
economic growth and development. This is in sharp contrast with the
abundant energy resources available, which could be harnessed to provide
the needed energy. To achieve sustainable economic growth and develop-
ment in Africa, affordable, sustainable, and reliable energy must be pro-
vided. The stakes are enormous. Achieving the economic, social, and
environmental promise of the region depends on the ability of the stake-
holders to develop the energy infrastructure.

S. Adesola (*)
Oxford Brookes Business School, Oxford Brookes University, Oxford, UK
e-mail: sadesola@brookes.ac.uk
F. Brennan
University of Strathclyde, Glasgow, UK
e-mail: feargal.brennan@strath.ac.uk

© The Author(s) 2019 1

S. Adesola, F. Brennan (eds.), Energy in Africa,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91301-8_1
2 S. Adesola and F. Brennan

Africa Energy Outlook

The overall energy landscape in Africa is changing. Africa has experienced
more rapid economic growth than in the past, with a corresponding
increase in the demand for energy. Keeping pace with energy growth and
needs is priority for policymakers, to enable economic growth and extend
access to modern energy to all. These are not easy challenges, where sup-
ply lags demand and over 600 million people in Africa still do not have
access to electricity, and approximately 730 million people rely on tradi-
tional biomass (IEA 2014). The percentage population with access to
electricity in North Africa, West Africa, East Africa, Central Africa, and
Southern Africa are respectively 98%, 47%, 23%, 25%, and 43%. Gross
domestic product (GDP) per capita is generally three to five times higher
in North Africa, where less than 2% of the population is without access
to electricity. In contrast, half of the population in West Africa and three-­
quarters in East Africa and most of Southern Africa lack access to electric-
ity (although only 15% in South Africa lack electricity access). North
Africa on average consumes eight times more electricity per capita than
the rest of the continent, excluding South Africa.

Trade and Investment

Since 2013, the Sub-Saharan economy has more than doubled to reach $2.7
trillion (IEA 2014). Recent economic growth is attributed to a variety of
factors, including a period of relative stability and security, improved macro-
economic management, strong domestic demand driven by a growing mid-
dle class, global drive for Africa’s resources, population growth, and
urbanisation. Nigeria and South Africa are the largest economies so far
accounting for more than half of the SSA, with Angola, Ethiopia, Sudan,
and Ghana being the next largest. On trade and investment in the region,
the role of China’s engagement is notable, particularly in oil, gas, and other
natural resources which account for 80% of China’s imports from Africa
(Sun 2014) from 2005 to 2011. This is nearly double the level of the
European Union and that of the USA over the same period. China’s increas-
 Introduction to Energy in Africa: Policy, Management… 3

ing stake in oil and gas in Africa is well known in Angola, Chad, and Uganda.
However, the interest is not restricted to hydrocarbons; Chinese companies
are among the largest investors in renewables across the continent including
major hydropower projects, solar, wind, and biogas (IEA 2014).

Urbanisation
In defining the Africa energy outlook, rapid demographic trend in Africa
is the growing rates of urbanisation, another result of economic growth,
and the focus on industrialisation. For instance, the urbanisation rate for
Africa was 61% and annual population growth was 1.07% (CIA World
Factbook 2011). Population growth has been split relatively evenly
between urban and rural areas, in contrast to the strong global trend to
urbanisation. Only 37% of the Sub-Saharan population lives in urban
areas—one of the lowest shares of any world region—which has impor-
tant implications for the approach to solving the energy challenges.
Growth in urbanisation and changing population framework lead to an
increase in the demand for energy access and infrastructure.

Market Environment and Infrastructure

Businesses in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) most frequently cite inadequate
electricity supply as a major constraint on their effective operation. It is a
widespread problem that affects both rich and poor countries in energy
resources. Insufficient and inferior power supply has a large impact on
the productivity of African businesses (Escribano et al. 2010). The power
problem is hinged on poor infrastructure; many countries face difficulties
in financing the needed infrastructure costs. The Programme for
Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA) identifies a need for $360
billion programme of infrastructure investment through to 2040, spread
across energy, transport, information and communication technologies
(ICT), and trans-boundary water resources (PIDA is led by the African
Union Commission [AUC], the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
[NEPAD], and the African Development Bank [AfDB]).
4 S. Adesola and F. Brennan

Governance, Affordability, and Sustainability

The role of government in the energy sector of Africa is substantial.
Governance is defined by Kaufmann et al. (2008) as the traditions
and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised and
encompasses such factors as the process by which governments are
selected, monitored, and replaced; the capacity of the government to
effectively formulate and implement sound policies; and the respect
of citizens and the state for the institutions that govern economic and
social interactions among them. Significant to the realisation of eco-
nomic development in Africa is the establishment of more effective
and robust systems of governance. Many governments have failed on
corruption, poor regulatory and legal frameworks, weak institutions,
or poor transparency and accountability to shield actors from eco-
nomic shock. These failings are significant factors as hindrances to
investment in the continent, and thus pose a key issue for the energy
sector if they are to attract foreign investors. Some countries have
made progress than others in improving energy sector governance,
but this is far from complete. For instance, five out of the nine coun-
tries producing 100,000 barrels per day (kb/d) of hydrocarbon liquids
have new petroleum law under consideration—these include Nigeria,
Ghana, Gabor, Congo, and South Africa. According to IEA (2014),
transparency and accountability will continue to be important fea-
tures of energy sector decision-making designed to command public
acceptance and international respect.
Energy affordability is an important issue affecting end-user energy
prices and expenditure. Prices vary significantly across SSA depending on
whether they are regulated, controlled, or subsidised. Where subsidies
apply, they serve to support energy access for the poor, but these are often
exploited by fuel smugglers into nearby markets with higher prices. For
electricity, tariffs in SSA, though vary by country and by type of cus-
tomer, are in many instances among the highest anywhere in the world.
On average, SSA electricity tariffs are between $130/MWh and $­ 140/
MWh, with those for services and industries being 5% and 8% higher
 Introduction to Energy in Africa: Policy, Management… 5

than those charged to households. In comparison, electricity tariffs in

Latin America, Easter Europe, and East Asia are around $80/MWh
(Briceño-Garmendia and Shkataran 2011). The inability to set electricity
tariffs at reasonable costs is a major obstacle to the long-term sustainabil-
ity of many utilities in SSA.

Outline of the Book

This book Energy in Africa: Policy, Management, and Sustainability brings
together conceptual, theoretical, and empirical contributions from a
diverse set of experts and scholars to provide an analytical and interdisci-
plinary approach to energy in Africa from the lens of policy, manage-
ment, challenges of sustainability, affordability, and cross-cutting issues.
The book is compiled to better understand energy in Africa through rich
assessments of the global energy environment and security in the region,
along with policy, management perspectives, and challenges of environ-
ment and sustainability. To date, little or no book has explored energy in
Africa from the lens of management perspectives. This well-researched
analysis is enriched by African and international perspectives and
anchored in detailed country examples. Bridging local perspectives on
energy management and sustainability, this compendium transcends
multi-stakeholder views and interdisciplinary approach of energy in
Africa. The book covers a broad range of energy, for example, oil and gas,
electricity, and renewables.
Understanding the policy, management, and sustainability of energy
requires a broad knowledge of the energy business and the global econ-
omy. Energy in Africa: Policy, Management, and Sustainability equips
readers with theoretical and applied knowledge of international energy
production. Through the interdisciplinary nature of this book, readers
will improve their understanding between state, business, and interna-
tional agencies in the industry.
The primary objective of this book publication is to provide a more
holistic, broader but deeper perspective of energy in the Africa develop-
ing economies than is commonly found in other books on the subject.
6 S. Adesola and F. Brennan

The book is an essential reading for advanced undergraduate and post-

graduate students studying and researching energy management and
policy, international business, energy sustainability as well as for practi-
tioners who want to increase their understanding of such markets.
The book follows a three-part structure with nine chapters begin-
ning with an introduction to the theme in Chap. 1, and then divides the
chapters into parts and chapters, ending with a conclusion. The book
covers a wide range of intellectual and practice-based scholarly thinking
on energy policy, protectionism and regulation, stakeholder engagement,
cooperatives’ entrepreneurial potential to diffuse energy source, energy
security, clean technology, and innovation, and issues on sustainability
and affordability. The main chapters contain numerous citations of the
main texts, which, together with the extensive reference section at the
end of this book, should enable energy researchers and practitioners, as
well as policymakers and students, to delve more deeply into each of the
issues discussed.

Part I: Policy and Cross-Cutting Issues

 rexit and Trumpism: The Renaissance
B
of Protectionism and Nationalism and Its Effect
on the Twenty-First-Century Africa Energy Policy

Kenneth E. Afe Aidelojie

Chapter 2 explores the recent shifts towards the more protectionist
and nationalistic policies in the political terrain of the two major energy-­
importing and consuming nations, the US and Britain, set to pose exis-
tential concerns and questions for energy and trade policymakers in
oil-producing—especially those of Africa—developing economies.
Understanding these shifts within an historic context, in relation to inter-
national trade laws in energy, and the domestic energy policy dynamics
of Africa oil-producing states will be considered in this chapter. Also,
appropriate recommendations on how policy blunders can be mitigated
by policymakers of these rentier economies.
 Introduction to Energy in Africa: Policy, Management… 7

 he Impact and Role of the Regulator on Electricity

T
Market Growth and Sustainability in a Developing
Economy

Joy O. Ogaji and Stephen O. T. Ogaji

Regulation is imperative, especially in the electricity sector, since elec-
tricity is a utility which serves the society with vested public interest.
Chapter 3 adopts the exploratory methodology to review the role of the
regulator in ensuring sustainability of the gains of privatisation in a devel-
oping country such as Nigeria. The chapter argues that the regulator can
only be efficient and play its critical role, if freed from the political inter-
ferences from which it suffers currently. Several inhibitors of the regula-
tory process in the Nigerian power sector are highlighted, along with a
review of the emerging functions of a well-versed sector regulator. The
authors take the position that flexibility and incentive-driven methods
should be used in regulating the sector, to avoid rigid regulation which
may lead to stunted growth (Baumol 1996).

Part II: Management and Cross-Cutting Issues

 takeholder Engagement and Sustainable
S
Environmental Management of Oil-Contaminated
Sites in Nigeria

George Prpich, Kabari Sam, and Frédéric Coulon

African nations are experiencing rapid economic growth and develop-
ment, particularly within the energy sector; however, this growth has
come at a cost to the environment and society. Nowhere have these
impacts been felt more precisely than in the oil and gas producing regions
of Nigeria where years of neglect and mismanagement have resulted in
vast areas of hydrocarbon-contaminated lands. In Chap. 4, we present a
case study of the Niger Delta. We show how constructive stakeholder
engagement can be used to integrate the values and perspectives of
affected communities and how this information can be used to inform
8 S. Adesola and F. Brennan

environmental regulation and sustainable development. Lessons learned

are relevant to other countries seeking to develop their energy resources
in a sustainable manner.

 ooperatives’ Potential to Diffuse Appropriate Solar

C
Technologies in Uganda

Ahmed Kitunzi Mutunzi and Shailendra Vyakarnam

Chapter 5 explores the barriers and possible enablers for spreading
solar technologies in Uganda. We focus on the requisites for solar diffu-
sion and the relative strengths and weaknesses of Savings and Credit
Cooperatives (SACCOs) in spreading solar technologies. The study is
inspired by the apparent significance of renewable energy sources, the
scarcity of electricity, and the documented attributes of SACCOs. The
chapter is the result of a qualitative survey that entailed extensive litera-
ture reviews, focus group discussions, and interviews with various stake-
holders of cooperatives. The chapter contributes towards viable policies
for scaling up the uptake of solar-powered technologies and is framed in
the context of innovation adoption theory.

 he Evolving International Gas Market and Energy

T
Security in Nigeria

Tade Oyewunmi
Over the past two decades, natural gas has increasingly become the
preferred primary source of energy, especially for electricity generation.
Developing countries with significant gas reserves, such as Nigeria, had
previously dealt with gas mainly as a revenue earner through export proj-
ects. However, due to the growing demand for electricity and energy that
trails social and economic development, there is now a significant move
towards optimising domestic gas utilisation and supply. Thus, the regula-
tory framework for access, production, and commercialisation of gas
resources, as well as safeguarding timely investments in supply infrastruc-
ture, inevitably becomes crucial to energy security. In view of such ­factors,
 Introduction to Energy in Africa: Policy, Management… 9

Chap. 6 examines the institutional and regulatory dimensions of energy

security in Nigeria within the context of the evolving international gas
supply market.

 art III: Energy Transition—Clean Technology,

P
Sustainability, and Affordability
Clean Technologies and Innovation in Energy

Tosin Somorin, Ayodeji Sowale, Adefolakemi Serifat Ayodele, Mobolaji

Shemfe, and Athanasios Kolios
Developing countries are faced with multiple energy challenges—the
dilemma of increasing energy services to billions of people who currently
live without electricity, and the need to operate low-carbon, intensive
energy systems for environmental sustainability. Clean energy technolo-
gies can reduce fossil fuel dependency, provide jobs, and play a central
role in improving access to energy; however, there are questions on avail-
ability, accessibility, reliability, affordability, and appropriateness of these
technologies in developing countries. Chapter 7 provides an overview of
the clean energy sources and technologies in Africa. It concludes with
case studies of clean energy projects (potential, ongoing, tried and tested)
across the different African countries and highlights the challenges, barri-
ers, and approaches to the development, transfer, and diffusion of new
and innovative energy technologies.

 enewable Energy in Africa: Policies, Sustainability,

R
and Affordability

Augustine O. Ifelebuegu and Peter Ojo

Africa is endowed with significant renewable energy resources: abun-
dant biomass, wind, hydropower, geothermal, and solar energy. However,
these huge potentials remain largely unexploited, with Sub-Saharan
Africa having the world’s lowest electricity access rate, at only about 24%.
The level of investment and policy interest in renewable energy remains
10 S. Adesola and F. Brennan

low. A major challenge to Africa’s efforts to develop renewable energy

sources and the associated technologies is cost. Affordability is therefore a
major consideration in the development/uptake of renewable energy
technologies and depends mainly on the type of technology, policy direc-
tion, sustainability, and investment considerations. Chapter 8 will review
the policies and policy direction of African countries on renewable energy
and the factors that affect the affordability of the technologies currently
and in the future.

 onclusions and Critical Perspectives on Africa’s

C
Energy: Can Multiple Perspectives on Energy
Management Inform Policy and Practice?

Sola Adesola and Feargal Brennan

In this concluding chapter (Chap. 9), an attempt is made to identify
common and emerging issues of energy across Africa countries as well as
highlighting industry- and country-specific issues. Understanding the
directions in which Africa’s energy sector is set to develop is essential for
policymakers and industry practitioners.

References
Baumol, W.J. 1996. Rules for Beneficial Privatisation: Practical Implications of
Economic Analysis. Islamic Economic Studies 3 (2): 1–32.
Briceño-Garmendia, C., and M. Shkataran. 2011. Power Tariffs: Caught Between
Cost Recovery and Affordability. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Escribano, A., J. Guasch, and J. Pena. (2010). Assessing the Impact of Infrastructure
Quality on Firm Productivity in Africa: Cross-Country Comparisons Based on
Investment Climate Surveys from 1999 to 2005. World Bank Working Paper
Series: 5191, Washington, DC.
Kaufmann, D., A. Kraay, and M. Mastruzzi (2008). Governance Matters VII:
Aggregate and Individual Governance Indicators for 1996–2007. World
Bank policy Research Paper no. 4654.
Another random document with
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numbers of warriors declared openly that it was useless to fight men
who not only appeared to be invincible, but who could read their very
intentions. While in this state of demoralization they were startled by
the jingling of bells and the tramp of the dreaded horses, magnified
by their fears and by the weird moonlight into a host. The next
moment the Spaniards announced their presence by a ringing
“Santiago!” and, undeterred by the few stray and feeble volleys of
stones and arrows sent against them, they rode into the crowds of
natives already in full flight, slashing and riding down in all directions.
[314]

After this lesson Xicotencatl appears to have made no further

attempts to molest the Spaniards, although small skirmishing parties,
chiefly Otomís, continued to hover round the camp and give the
soldiers opportunities for sallies. Gomara magnifies these skirmishes
into daily attacks on the camp by the army, whose divisions take
turns so as not to embarrass one another. This caused them to fight
better, partly from a spirit of rivalry to surpass the preceding record.
The ambition of the natives was to kill one Spaniard at least, but the
object was never attained, so far as they knew. This continued for a
fortnight, and daily came also messengers with food to sustain the
strangers.[315]
In order to farther impress upon the Indians that fighting by night
was quite congenial to the Spaniards, Cortés set out one midnight to
raid and forage in the direction of a large town called
Tzompantzinco, which could be distinguished beyond a range of
hills, toward the capital.[316] The soldiers had not gone far before
one horse after another began to tremble and fall, including the
general’s. This was regarded a bad omen, and the men urged a
return, but Cortés laughed it off, sent back five horses, and
proceeded with the rest, declaring that God, in whose cause they
were engaged, was superior to nature.[317] Two small villages were
surprised, with some slaughter, and shortly before dawn the
Spaniards fell upon the large town, containing twenty thousand
houses, it is said. Frightened out of their senses by the noise, the
people rushed from the dwellings to join in the crowd which sought to
elude the pursuers. Finding that no resistance was attempted,
Cortés speedily stopped the attack, and collecting his men in the
plaza he forbade any attempt on life or property. The chiefs and
priests presently appeared with gifts of food and two female slaves,
pleading that the proximity of Xicotencatl’s army had prevented them
from sending in their submission. They would henceforth prove their
gratitude for his leniency by sending supplies to the camp. Cortés
accepted their excuses, and told them to proceed to Tlascala to urge
upon the lords the necessity for accepting peace. Before returning,
Cortés ascended a hill, and thence saw the capital, with its
surrounding villages. “Behold,” he said to those who had objected to
his leniency with the towns, “what boots it to have killed these
people, when so many enemies exist over there?”[318]
Although left in comparative peace for some days, the end of the
campaign seemed to the Spaniards as remote as ever. The harass
and hardship of their life, the vigils, the cold nights, the scanty
supplies, the absence of salt, medicine, and many other
necessaries, all this was severely felt, particularly since so large a
number were either sick or wounded, including Cortés and Padre
Olmedo.[319] The ailments and wounds were as a rule slight, yet they
helped to magnify dangers, and to dim every cheerful aspect. The
very cessation of regular hostile demonstrations seemed to cover a
plot for a new Tlascalan combination. If this people could exhibit
such armies and such valor, what must be expected from the far
more numerous and equally warlike Aztecs? These views owed not
a little of their acceptance to the fears and exaggeration of the Indian
allies, and through their medium the prospect of reaching the
impregnable Mexico began to appear preposterous. Cortés was
aware that this feeling existed among a large number, for in making
his customary tour of the camp one evening he had overheard a
party of soldiers express themselves pretty strongly about the
madness of his enterprise. It would happen to him as to Pedro
Carbonero, who ventured with his force among the Moors and was
never heard of again. The general should be left to go alone.
The murmurs in camp grew particularly strong during the raid on
Tzompantzinco, promoted of course by Velazquez’ men; and when
Cortés returned, a deputation of seven, whom Bernal Diaz forbears
to name, appeared before him to recommend that, in view of the
suffering, the danger, and the dark prospects, they should return to
Villa Rica, build a vessel, and send to Cuba for reinforcements. They
were only tempting providence by their foolhardy course. Finding
that arguments would be lost on these men, Cortés had caused his
adherents to rally, and turning to them he recalled the determination
formed at Villa Rica to advance on Mexico, and extolled their
valorous deeds, which dimmed even the Greek and Roman records.
He was suffering equally with them, yet he wavered not. Should they,
the brave Spaniards, belie their character and country, and desert
their duty to their king, to their God, who had protected them
hitherto? To retreat now would be to abandon the treasures to be
found only a few leagues off, the reward for which they had striven
during a whole year, and to draw upon themselves the contempt not
only of their countrymen, who at present looked on them as the
bravest of the brave, but that of the natives, who regarded them as
gods. The Tlascaltecs had already sued for peace, but let the
Spaniards take one step in retreat, and the enemy would turn with
renewed ardor on them, joined by the Mexicans, so far held in check
by their fame and deeds. Even the allies would for their own safety
join to crush them. To retire was impossible, because it would be
fatal. In any case, death was preferable to dishonor. The usual
marks of approval which followed the speech silenced the
deputation, and nothing more was heard about retreat.[320]
Great was the sensation in Mexico at the successive reports of
easy Spanish victories over the stanch armies of Tlascala—victories
by an insignificant band over armies which had successfully resisted
the vast forces of the Anáhuac allies. Since it was only too evident
that force could not keep the strangers from reaching the capital,
Montezuma again called his council to consider the situation.
Cuitlahuatzin proposed that they should be bought off with presents,
while Cacama represented that their mission was probably harmless,
and that they should be frankly invited to the city, there to be awed
with the grandeur of the monarch. Others favored this course, but
with the idea of laying traps for the strangers. The fear of their being
warned and aided by Ixtlilxochitl, the rebellious brother of Cacama,
caused Montezuma to incline to the advice of Cuitlahuatzin; and six
prominent lords, headed by Atempanecatl,[321] were accordingly
despatched to the Spanish camp to congratulate the white chieftain
on his victories, and to offer annual tribute in gold, silver, jewels,
cloth—in fact, to do almost anything that his king might desire, on the
condition that he should not proceed to Mexico. The envoys entered
the presence of Cortés followed by two hundred attendants, and
laying before him a present of twenty bales of embroidered cloth and
feathers, and about one thousand castellanos in gold-dust, they
delivered their message.[322] They explained that their monarch
would gladly see him in Mexico, but feared to expose the Spaniards
to the hardships of the rough and sterile country wherein Mexico was
situated. Cortés expressed his thanks, and said that he would
consider the proposal.[323]
While entertaining the Mexican envoys the camp was stirred by
the announcement of the Tlascalan plenipotentiaries, consisting of
fifty leading men, headed by Axayacatzin Xicotencatl himself.[324]
The soldiers crowded forward to gaze at the dreaded general, who
appeared to be a man of about thirty-five years, tall and broad-
shouldered, well formed and robust, with broad, rough face, grave in
manner and commanding in presence, though he came a suppliant.
He had used every means as a noble patriot to save his country from
the enslavement which he seemed with prophetic spirit to have
foreseen; and as a brave soldier he had struggled to uphold the
honor of the army. With pride subdued he had sought pardon of the
lords for disobeying their orders,[325] and offered the best amends in
his power by personally humbling himself before the chief who had
torn the wreath from his brow. He approached Cortés with the
customary profound salute, while his attendants swung the copal
censer, and announced that he had come in the name of his father
and the other lords to ask his friendship, and to offer their
submission to the mightiest of men, so gentle yet so valiant.
Accepting a seat by Cortés’ side, he entered into explanations, and
frankly took upon himself the blame for the resistance offered, but
pleaded the Tlascalan love for liberty, threatened, as they imagined,
by an ally of Montezuma, for were not Mexican allies in the Spanish
train? and had not the Aztec monarch exchanged friendly
intercourse with them? While delighted with the manner of the chief,
and particularly with the object of his visit, Cortés thought it
necessary to administer a slight rebuke for the obstinate refusal of
his friendly offers; yet since his people had already suffered enough
for this, he freely pardoned them in the name of his king, and
received them as vassals.[326] He hoped the peace would be
permanent; if not, he would be obliged to destroy the capital and
massacre the inhabitants. Xicotencatl assured him that the
Tlascaltecs would henceforth be as faithful as they had hitherto been
unfriendly. In proof of their sincerity the chiefs would remain with him
as hostages. He begged Cortés to come to the city, where the lords
and nobles were awaiting him, and regretted not being able to offer a
present worthy of his acceptance, but they were poor in treasures,
even in cloth and salt, and what they once possessed had been
surrendered to the Mexicans.[327]
Mass was said by Padre Diaz to celebrate the concluded peace,
and in honor of the occasion Tecohuatzinco received the name of
Victoria.[328] Both Spaniards and allies concluded the day with
feasting and appropriate demonstrations of their delight. At Tlascala,
where it was soon understood that the Spaniards were in some way
to liberate the state from the tyranny of Montezuma, floral
decorations and sacrifices gave eclat to the festivities, and twenty
thousand leading men are said to have taken part in the mitote
dance, singing to the prospective overthrow of the Mexicans and to
the glory of the Spaniards.
The Mexican envoys felt not a little chagrined at a peace which
could bode no good to their nation. Before Cortés, however, they
sought to ridicule the whole proceeding as a farce on the part of the
Tlascaltecs. The latter were too treacherous to be trusted. When the
Spaniards were once in their city they would fall on them, and
avenge the defeats and losses which till then must rankle in their
hearts. Cortés told them that the Spaniards could not be overcome in
town or field, by day or night. He intended going to Tlascala, and if
the inhabitants proved treacherous they would be destroyed.
Xicotencatl had been no less abusive of the Mexicans during his late
interview, and Cortés, as he declares, enjoyed their dissension,
sympathizing alternately with either party, in order to promote his
own ends.[329] Finding the general so determined, the envoys
begged that he would remain at the camp for a few days while they
communicated with the emperor. This was granted, partly because
Cortés wished to await developments, not being at all sure of the
Tlascaltecs, and partly because he and others needed a respite to
recover from their wounds and fevers.[330]
 The only result of the message to Mexico appears to have been
an instruction to the envoys to use every effort to prevent the
Spaniards from going either to Tlascala or to Mexico; and to make
their representations more weighty a present was sent, consisting of
ten pieces of wrought gold, worth over three thousand castellanos,
says Bernal Diaz, and of several hundred pieces of cotton fabrics,
richly embroidered.[331] It served but as another magnet to aid in
attracting the invaders. Cortés accepted the presents, but held out
no hopes of changing his determination.
The Tlascaltecs had meanwhile kept the camp liberally supplied
with provisions, for which they would accept no recompense, and
were daily urging Cortés to depart for Tlascala. Alarmed at his delay,
the lords thought it best to go in person, accompanied by the leading
nobles, to entreat him.[332] The last envoy from Montezuma had just
delivered his presents when they were announced. Descending from
their litters they advanced toward Cortés with the customary salute,
[333]
the lead being taken by Xicotencatl, ruler of Tizatlan, so blind
and old that he had to be supported by attendants, and by
Maxixcatzin, of Ocotelulco, the youngest and wisest of the lords.[334]
Xicotencatl expressed his sorrow for their resistance, but
reminded the Spanish chief that, this being forgiven, they had now
come to invite him to their city, and to offer their possessions and
services. He must not believe the slanderous insinuations which they
feared the Mexicans had uttered. Cortés could not resist the evident
sincerity of this appeal from so prominent a body, and he hastened
to assure them that preparations for the departure and other affairs
had alone detained him.[335]
The lords accordingly returned to prepare for the reception, and
to send five hundred carriers to assist in the march, which began the
following morning. The Mexican envoys were invited to accompany
the Spaniards, in order that they might witness the honors paid to
them. The road to Tlascala, some six leagues in length, passed
through a hilly yet well cultivated country, skirted on the east by the
snow-crowned peak which was soon to bear the revered name of
Malinche. In every direction were verdure-clad slopes spotted with
huge oaks, while above and beyond the vista was closed by a dark
green fringe of the hardier fir, which seemed to rise like shielding
bulwarks round the settlements in the valleys. The leading towns on
the route were Tzompantzinco and Atlihuetzin, where the population
turned out en masse to receive the Spaniards.
A quarter of a league from the capital they were met by the lords
and nobles, accompanied by a great retinue, attired in the colors of
the different districts. Women of rank came forward with flowers in
garlands and bouquets; and a long line of priests in flowing white
robes, with cowls, and flowing hair clotted with blood from freshly
slashed ears, marched along swinging their copal censers, while in
the rear and around surged a crowd estimated at one hundred
thousand persons.
Before them rose the capital, prominently located upon four hills,
“so great and so admirable,” quoth Cortés, “that although I say but
little of it, that little will appear incredible, for it is much larger than
Granada and much stronger, with as good edifices and with much
more people than Granada had at the time it was captured; also
much better supplied with the things of the earth.”[336] There were
four distinct quarters, separated by high stone walls and traversed by
narrow streets. In each stood a lordly palace for the ruler, and here
and there rose temples and masonry buildings for the nobles, but the
greater part of the dwellings were one-story adobe and mud huts.
The highest quarter in situation was Tepeticpac, the first settled,
separated from Ocotelulco by the river Zahuatl.[337] The latter was
not only the largest and most populous, but the richest, and held a
daily market attended by thirty thousand people, it is claimed.[338]
Quiahuiztlan lay below on the river, and above it Tizatlan, the
residence of the blind chief.[339]

It was here that the Spaniards entered on September 23d,[340]

henceforth a feast-day to its people. Through streets adorned with
festoons and arches, and past houses covered with cheering
multitudes, they proceeded to the palace of Xicotencatl, who came
forward to tender the customary banquet. Cortés saluted him with
the respect due to his age,[341] and was conducted to the banquet-
hall, after which quarters were pointed out in the courts and buildings
surrounding the temple.[342] Neat beds of matting and nequen cloth
were spread for the troops. Close by were the quarters of the allies
and the Mexican envoys.
A round of invitations and festivities was tendered the guests in
the several quarters; yet Cortés allowed no relaxation in the usual
discipline and watches, greatly to the grief of the lords, who finally
remonstrated against this apparent want of confidence. The
Mexicans must have poisoned the mind of Malinche against them,
they said. Malinche was becoming a recognized name for Cortés
among the Indians. It seems strange that they should have fixed
upon no higher sounding title for so great a leader than ‘master of
Marina,’ as it implied, while the inferior Alvarado was dubbed
Tonatiuh, ‘the sun.’ The Tlascaltecs had, however, another name for
the general in Chalchiuitl, the term for their favorite precious stones,
and also a title of Quetzalcoatl, ‘the white god.’[343] Cortés was quite
touched by the fervor of the lords in their newly formed friendship.
Untutored in some respects, they appeared to rush like children from
one extreme to another—from obstinate enmity to profound
devotion, now worshipping the doughty little band who had
overcome their vast number, and admiring their every trait and act,
willing to yield life itself for the heroic leader. He hastened to assure
them of his confidence, and declined the hostages they offered,
asserting that strict discipline was part of the military system which
he was in duty bound to maintain. This seemed to convince the
lords, and they even sought to introduce among their own troops
some of the regulations which they learned to admire.
The second day of their sojourn Padre Diaz said mass in the
presence of the two leading lords, who thereupon presented Cortés
with half a dozen fishes made of gold, several curious stones, and
some nequen cloth, altogether worth about twenty pesos, says
Bernal Diaz.[344] Insignificant as was the gift, they expressed a hope
that in view of their poverty he would accept it as a token of
friendship. Cortés assured them that “he received it from their hand
with greater pleasure than he would a house filled with gold dust
from others.”[345] In return he gave them some of the robes and
other useful articles obtained from Montezuma, beside beads and
trinkets. They now proposed, as a further proof of their good-will, to
bestow on the captains their daughters, in order to have for relatives
men so good and brave. Cortés expressed himself pleased, but
explained that this could not be admitted till the Tlascaltecs
renounced idolatry and its attendant evils.[346] He thereupon
proceeded to expound to them the doctrines of his faith and contrast
them with the impure, cruel, and bloody rites practised by them. This
was ably interpreted by Marina and Aguilar, who were by this time
expert in preaching, and the cross and virgin image were produced
to illustrate the discourse. The lords answered that they believed the
Christian’s God must be good and powerful, since he was
worshipped by such men, and they were willing to accord him a
place by the side of their idols;[347] but they could not renounce their
own time-honored and benevolent deities. To do so would be to
create an uprising among the people, and bring war and pestilence
from the outraged gods. Cortés produced further arguments, only to
be told that in time they would better understand the new doctrines,
and might then yield, but at present their people would choose death
rather than submit to such sacrilege.
Finding that the religious zeal of Cortés threatened to overcome
his prudence, Padre Olmedo hastened to interpose his counsel,
representing the danger of losing all that their valor and
perseverance had gained if they pressed so delicate a subject with a
superstitious and warlike people as yet only half gained over. He had
never approved of forcible conversion, and could see no advantage
in removing idols from one temple when they would be sure to rise in
another. Indeed, persecution could only tend to root idolatry more
deeply in the heart. It were better to let the true faith work its way into
the appreciation of the people, as it would be sure to do if the natives
were given an opportunity to contrast their bloody rites with the
religion of Christ, provided the Spaniards would themselves follow
the precepts of love and gentleness they were commending to the
Indians. The success of the conquest owes much to Olmedo, whose
heart, like Las Casas’, warmed for the benighted Indians, to him
wayward children who must be won by moderation. Like a guardian
angel he rose in defence of his flock, saving at the same time the
Spaniards from their own passions.[348] Alvarado, Velazquez de
Leon, and others, who had no desire to witness a repetition of the
Cempoalan iconoclasm, supported the father in his counsel, and
Cortés agreed to content himself for the present with having an
appropriate place set aside in the temple for an altar and a cross.
[349] And upon this cross, say the credulous chroniclers, a white
radiant cloud, in form of a whirling pillar, descended at night from the
sky, impressing the natives with the sacredness of the symbol, and
guarding it till the conquest had established the faith in the land.[350]
The Spaniards succeeded further in abolishing human sacrifices,
and the fattening-cages being torn down, a large number of intended
victims sought refuge in their camp, lauding their doctrines and
aiding not a little to pave the way for conversion.[351]
 The inaugural mass for the new altar was followed by the
baptism of the brides, the daughters and nieces of the lords being
the first to undergo the ceremony. Cortés pleading that he was
already married, Tecuilhuatzin, the daughter of Xicotencatl, destined
for him, was at his request given to Alvarado, his brother and captain
as he proclaimed him, and blessed with the name of Luisa, while her
sister Tolquequetzaltzin, baptized as Lucía, was conferred on the
brother, Jorge de Alvarado. Maxixcatzin’s niece Zicuetzin, a pretty
girl, was named Elvira and given to Velazquez de Leon, it appears.
Olid, Sandoval, Ávila, and others also received distinguished brides
with dowries. Cortés found it necessary, however, to decline
accepting wives for the whole company, as the lords proposed.[352]
Indeed, they urged him to settle among them, offering to give lands
and to build houses for the whole party.[353]
Finding him determined to proceed to Mexico, they offered their
coöperation, and gave an account of the wealth, power, and
condition of the lake states, dwelling in particular on the
magnificence of Montezuma. They did not omit a tirade against his
tyranny, and stated that whenever he proposed to attack Tlascala no
less than one hundred thousand men were placed in the field. It was
because they were forewarned that their resistance was so
successful, and because the Aztec troops, gathered as they were to
a great extent from subject provinces, fought with less spirit.[354]
Cortés had now a further motive for going to Mexico, which was
the alliance proposed to him by Ixtlilxochitl, the rebellious brother of
Cacama, and ruler of northern Acolhuacan, who hoped with Spanish
aid to overthrow the hated Montezuma, and raise himself to the
throne of Tezcuco, at least, and to the head of the allied states. To
this pleasing proposal Cortés replied in a manner which could not fail
to promote his own interests by keeping alive the spirit of dissension
among his prey.[355] Huexotzinco, the ally of Tlascala, sent in her
formal adhesion about the same time.
Finding that the Spaniards could not be kept away from Mexico,
Montezuma thought it best at any rate to hasten their departure from
Tlascala. An urgent invitation to visit him in his capital was
accordingly sent through four prominent caciques, attended by
followers bearing as usual a costly present, consisting of ten bales of
embroidered robes and a number of gold articles, worth fully ten
thousand pesos.[356] A council was held to consider the departure
and the route to be taken. The lords of Tlascala did not relish the
idea of a friendly visit to Mexico by their new allies, to be won over
perhaps by the arts of the enemy. They sought to impress upon
Cortés that Montezuma was the incarnation of treachery, awaiting
only an opportunity to get them into his power and to crush them.
They were ready to join in an armed descent upon the tyrant,
proposing to spare neither young nor old; the former, because they
might grow up to be avengers, the latter because of their dangerous
counsel. Cortés suggested that he might yet establish friendly
relations between them and the Mexicans, and reopen the trade in
salt, cotton, and other articles; but this aroused only an incredulous
smile. With regard to the route, they favored either the Calpulalpan
road, proposed by Ixtlilxochitl, or that leading through Huexotzinco,
friendly to them, declaring that it would be preposterous to pass by
the way of Cholula, as urged by the Mexican envoys, since this was
the very hatching-place for Montezuma’s plots. The road to it, and
every house there, were full of snares and pitfalls; the great
Quetzalcoatl temple-pyramid, for instance, being known to contain a
mighty stream which could at any moment be let loose upon
invaders, and Montezuma having a large army hidden near the
saintly city.[357]
 The extraordinary accounts of Cholula served to arouse Cortés’
curiosity, and the representation of dangers made him the more
resolved to encounter them, chiefly because he did not wish to
appear intimidated. This route was beside easier, and passed
through a rich country. He accordingly decided in favor of it, and
when reminded of the suspicious absence of any deputation from
that city, he sent a message to the rulers that they might remedy the
omission.[358]
The Cholultec council was divided on the answer to be sent,
three of the members being in favor of compliance, and the other
three, supported by the generalissimo, opposing any concession.
[359]Finally a compromise was effected by sending three or four
persons of no standing, and without presents, to say that the
governors of the city were sick and could not come. The Tlascaltecs
pointed out the disrespect in sending such men and such a
message, and Cortés at once despatched four messengers to signify
his displeasure, and to announce that unless the Cholultecs within
three days sent persons of authority to offer allegiance to the
Spanish king, he would march forth and destroy them, proceeding
against them as against rebels.[360]
Finding that it would not do to trifle with the powerful strangers,
some of the highest nobles in the city were despatched to the
Spanish camp, with a suitable retinue, to tender excuses, pleading
that they had dreaded to enter Tlascala, a state hostile to them.
They invited Cortés to their city, where amends would be made
by rendering the obedience and tribute which was considered due
from them as vassals of his king.[361]

FOOTNOTES
[307] Cortés, Cartas, 62-3. According to Gomara the Indians pursued to the very
camp, where they were defeated with great slaughter, after five hours’ fighting.
Hist. Mex., 76-7.

[308] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Duran gives a short speech, delivered in the
council-chamber. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 422-3.

[309] Cortés places the arrival of this embassy on the day following the raiding of
the ten towns, Cartas, 63; but Bernal Diaz at a later date. He makes the envoys
four in number, and allows them, in returning, to instruct the neighboring
settlements to furnish supplies to the Spaniards, all of which Xicotencatl prevents.
Hist. Verdad., 47-8, 50, 55.

[310] Bernal Diaz assumes that the lords consult the diviners, and allow a night
attack to be made; but then he describes two night attacks, while Cortés and
others distinctly allow only one, and he forgets his former admission that, in
addition to the peace party, half the army had actually abandoned Xicotencatl. It is
after this first night attack, ignored by other writers, that the senate send in their
submission, and order Xicotencatl to desist from hostilities. He refuses to obey,
and detains the envoys on their way to the Spaniards, whereupon his officers are
ordered to desert him. Finally he repents and is forgiven. Hist. Verdad., 46-7. The
detention of the envoys must be placed on their return from the Spanish camp, for
Cortés distinctly states that the peace proposals from the lords arrived before the
night attack.

[311] According to Gomara, Cortés announces that his men are mortal like
themselves, which is not very likely. Hist. Mex., 77. Bernal Diaz calls the slaves
four old hags, and allows the Indians to act in rather an insulting manner, and
without tendering the usual courtesies, which is also unlikely, when we consider
that they had an object to gain. Hist. Verdad., 49.

[312] ‘Los mandé tomar á todos cincuenta y cortarles las manos,’ says Cortés,
Cartas, 63; but the phrase may be loose, for Bernal Diaz specifies only seventeen
as sent back with hands or thumbs cut off. Hist. Verdad., 49. ‘El marques les hizo
á algunos de ellos contar (sic pro cortar) las manos.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., ii. 570. ‘Mandò cortar las manos a siete dellos, y a algunos los dedos
pulgares muy contra su voluntad.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. viii. Gomara places
this occurrence on the 6th of September, but it is most likely later, and makes the
spies a different party from those bringing the slaves and feathers, who arrive on
the preceding day. Hist. Mex., 77-8. Bernal Diaz accounts for this difference by
stating that the party had been in camp since the previous day. Robertson
reverses the order by assuming that mutilation of the spies so perplexes the
Indians that they send the men with the slaves and feathers to ask whether they
are fierce or gentle gods, or men. He does not understand why so many as 50
spies should have been sent, but had he read Cortés’ letter more closely, he
would have divined the reason, that they intended to fire the camp, and otherwise
aid in the attack. He stigmatizes as barbarous the mutilation, Hist. Am., ii. 42, 451,
but forgets, in doing so, that the Spanish conquerors belonged to an age when
such deeds were little thought of. Spies even now suffer death, and the above
punishment may therefore be regarded as comparatively lenient, particularly by a
people who daily tore out the heart from living victims. The mutinous pilot of Villa
Rica had his life spared, but lost his feet. Cortés, as the captain of a small band,
was obliged to conform to his age and surroundings in the measures taken for its
safety.

[313] ‘En yendose las espias, vieron de nuestro real como atrauessaua por vn
cerro grandissima muchedumbre de gente, y era la que traya Xicotencatl.’
Gomara, Hist. Mex., 79.

[314] Cortés, Cartas, 63-4; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 78-9; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta,
Col. Doc., ii. 569; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. viii. Bernal Diaz describes a night
attack with 10,000 warriors, made a few days before, in which the Spaniards drive
back the Indians and pursue them, capturing four, while the morning revealed
twenty corpses still upon the plain. Two of the diviners appear to have been
sacrificed for their bad advice. He now reappears with 20,000 men, but on meeting
the mutilated spies he becomes disheartened, and turns back without attempting a
blow. Hist. Verdad., 46, 49-50. He is the only authority for two night expeditions.
Having already been defeated in one night attack, Xicotencatl would be less likely
to attempt a second, particularly since nocturnal movements were contrary to
Indian modes of warfare. Cortés distinctly intimates that the present occasion was
the first attempt at a night raid. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 291.

[315] He begins to suspect that their object may also have been to spy. Cortés
was suffering from fever at this time, and one night he took pills, a course which
among the Spaniards involved the strictest care and seclusion from affairs. Early
in the morning three large bodies of Indians appeared, and regardless of his pills
Cortés headed the troops, fighting all day. The following morning, strange to say,
the medicine operated as if no second day had intervened. ‘No lo cuẽto por
milagro, sino por dezir lo que passo, y que Cortés era muy sufridor de trabajos y
males.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 80. But Sandoval assumes ‘que sin duda fue milagro.’
Hist. Carlos V., i. 173. Solis applies this story to the night attack, which seems
plausible, and smiles philosophically at Sandoval’s conclusion. Hist. Mex., i. 271;
Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 291; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 47-8. ‘Tenia calenturas, ò
tercianas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 47. Some place the story with the later
capture of Tzompantzinco, where it is entirely out of place, if indeed worth
recording at all, for this expedition was a voluntary project, calling for no sick men
to venture out. Duran relates that, tired of being besieged, Cortés one night made
a sally in different directions. One party surprised all the native leaders together
and asleep, and brought them to camp. In the morning they were sent back to the
army, which had awakened to find them missing. In recognition of their kind
treatment the chiefs raised the siege. This is told on the authority of an eye-
witness, who evidently reserved his choicest stories for Padre Duran. Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 419-20.

[316] Bernal Diaz places it one league from the camp, and Tapia four leagues.
Ixtlilxochitl calls it Tzimpantzinco; others vary.

[317] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 80. Tapia allows the horses to overcome their attack
and proceed. It appears to have been due to the cold night winds.

[318] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 80-1. According to Herrera, Alcalde Mayor Grado
counselled Cortés, on seeing this populous country, to return to Villa Rica and
send to Velazquez for aid. Deeply grieved at such advice, the general remarked
that the very stones would rise against them if they retreated, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap.
viii.; Cortés, Cartas, 64-5. Bernal Diaz places this raid before the final night attack.
Hist. Verdad., 47; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 568-9.

[319] ‘Nos vimos todos heridos â dos, y â tres heridos, y muy cansados, y otros
dolientes ... y faltauan ya sobre cincuenta y cinco soldados que se auian muerto
en las batallas, y dolencias, y frios, y estauan dolientes otros doze.’ Bernal Diaz,
46. Prescott, i. 458, is careless enough to accept this verbally, but the run of the
text here and elsewhere indicates that the sentence is rather figurative. The last
four words, ‘twelve others were on the sick-bed,’ indicate that only three per cent.
were laid low, and that the general health and condition must therefore have been
tolerably good. This also indicates that the 55 missing soldiers could not have died
since they left Vera Cruz, as certain writers assume. The only obstacles under
which the soldiers could have succumbed in any number were the several battles
with the Tlascaltecs, wherein the total number of the wounded nowhere foots up to
more than 100. Of these 50 per cent. could not have died, to judge from the
warfare engaged in, and from the very few, a couple at the most, it is said, who fell
on the field. Nor could diseases have killed many during a month’s march through
a fine and fertile country, for the passage of the Cofre de Perote did not affect the
Spaniards seriously. Hence it must be assumed that the 55 dead include the 35
who fell out of the ranks ere the army reached Villa Rica. This leaves, say, fifteen
casualties for the present expedition since it left Villa Rica, and that appears to be
a fair proportion. The only one who rightly interprets Bernal Diaz on this point
appears to be Torquemada, who says, ‘desde que salieron de Cuba, se avian
muerto cinquenta y cinco Castellanos.’ i. 428. The old soldier confirms the
interpretation by stating in more than one place that the Spaniards numbered 450,
or nearly so, on entering Mexico City. ubi sup., 65, 109.
[320] Gomara gives a long speech, and intimates that it was delivered before a
regular meeting. Hist. Mex., 81-3; Cortés, Cartas, 65; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap.
ix.; Torquemada, i. 428-9; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 571. Bernal
Diaz addresses the speech to the committee, and states that Cortés, on finding
them still unconvinced, abandoned the gentle tone he had used, and exclaimed
with some asperity that it was better to die like brave men than to live dishonored.
The men being appealed to upheld him, and declared that they would listen to no
contrary talk. Hist. Verdad., 48-9; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 259-63.

[321] Surnamed Tlachpanquizqin, it seems. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Veytia,

Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 380. Bernal Diaz calls them five leading men.

[322] Nearly every writer states that Montezuma acknowledged himself the vassal
of the Spanish king, but it is doubtful whether he stooped so low before a distant
enemy. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 79, calls the present 1000 ropas and 1000
castellanos de oro, and Cortés says pesos de oro, which doubtless means dust;
but Bernal Diaz terms the latter gold jewels worth that amount. Prescott confounds
these presents with a later gift, and assumes without good authority that they
came after Xicotencatl had brought in his submission. Gomara on the other hand
places their arrival on September 6, which must be altogether too early.

[323] ‘No les quiso dar luego la respuesta, porque estaua purgado del dia antes,’
says Bernal Diaz, in explanation of the delay. Hist. Verdad., 51. Brasseur de
Bourbourg, however, lets Cortés declare that the orders of his king oblige him to
disregard the wishes of the emperor. But the general was too prudent to give an
open rebuff ere he saw how affairs would develop. According to Gomara he
wished to detain them to witness his prowess against the Tlascaltecs. Hist. Mex.,
79; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. x.

[324] Ixtlilxochitl alone differs by stating that they were headed by Tolinpanecatl
Tlacatecuhtli the younger brother of Xicotencatl; but he appears confused.

[325] Solis causes him to be dismissed from the office of captain-general. Hist.
Mex., i. 272-3. In Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 154, is a portrait of him,
corresponding fairly to the description.

[326] It is generally accepted that the Tlascaltecs submitted as vassals. Yet it is

just as likely that they merely offered their friendship and alliance, a relation which
after the conquest was changed into vassalage.

[327] According to Bernal Diaz the Tlascaltecs gave but one present, and that at
the capital, but some authors prefer to bring it in here. ‘Le presentó cantidad de
alpargatas para el camino.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi.
cap. x.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 84-5; Cortés, Cartas, 66-7.
[328] Herrera, loc. cit.

[329] ‘Aun acordéme de una autoridad evangélica que dice: Omne regnum in
seipsum divisum desolabitur; y con los unos y con los otros maneaba.’ Cortés,
Cartas, 70. According to Ixtlilxochitl quite a quarrel sprang up between the
Mexican and Tlascalan representatives in the presence of Cortés, attended by an
exchange of epithets. Hist. Chich., 292.

[330] Cortés gives only his suspicions of the Tlascaltecs as a reason for the delay,
without referring to any communication being sent to Mexico. Cartas, 67.
Meanwhile he wrote to Escalante at Villa Rica, informing him of occurrences, and
asking for a supply of holy wafers and two bottles of wine, which speedily came.
Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 51.

[331] After an absence of six days, six leading men came from Mexico, who
brought, beside the ten pieces of jewelry, 200 pieces of cloth. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 52. The envoys who had been sent to Mexico came back on the sixth
day with ten beautifully wrought jewels of gold and 1500 pieces of cloth, far richer
than the former. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 85-6.

[332] ‘Todos los señores me vinieron á rogar.’ Cortés, Cartas, 67. ‘Vinieron assi
mismo todas las cabeçeras y señores de Tlaxcallan a rogarle.’ Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 86. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52, names five lords, but the names are very
confused, except Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin, which approach nearer to the usual
form. Ixtlilxochitl states that Cortés made it a condition that the lords should come
and ask him, whereupon they each select two high representatives to proceed to
the camp and escort him to Tlascala. They were guided by the envoys
Tolinpanecatl and Costomatl, and brought a few jewels as presents. Hist. Chich.,
292-3. Nor does Camargo allow the lords to go to the camp, but Costomatl and
Tolinpanecatl are sent. Hist. Tlax., 146.

[333] ‘Tocarõ las manos en el suelo, y besaron la tierra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 52.

[334] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 155. Maxixcatzin is put forward by the Spanish writers
as the principal lord, chiefly perhaps because he was the most devoted to the
conquerors, but also because his quarter of Ocotelulco was the largest and
richest. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl place Xicotencatl first, and he certainly takes the
lead in speaking and in receiving the Spaniards at his palace. His age, which
Camargo raises into the hundred, may have had something to do with this,
however.

[335] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52, states that he pleaded the want of carriers,
which was not very plausible, unless intended as a hint at Tlascaltec hospitality.
[336] Cortés, Cartas, 67.

[337] Now Atoyac.

[338] Cortés proceeds to give an account of articles sold here, which is on a par
with his Granada comparison, and accords little with the declared simplicity or
poverty of the people. In the temple over 800 persons had been sacrificed during
some years. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. ii.

[339] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 87-8; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. caps. v. xii. xiii.; Carbajal
Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 162; Las Casas, Hist. Apolog., MS., 13-14.

[340] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52. Gomara, followed by Herrera, says the 18th.

[341] ‘Se quitó la gorra y les hizo una muy grande y humilde reverencia, y luego
abrazó á Xicotencatl,’ says Ixtlilxochitl, with an exactness which is doubtless
intended to impress the ruder Spanish population of his day. Hist. Chich., 293.
Camargo also describes ceremonies with some detail, Hist. Tlax., 147, and Duran,
Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 425-7.

[342] Gomara, Hist. Mex., 86. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl quarter the Spaniards in
the palace. ‘Á las casas reales.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 17.

[343] Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 150; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52.

[344] Camargo calls it a rich present.

[345] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 53.

[346] According to the somewhat mixed account of Bernal Diaz, Xicotencatl offers
his daughter at once to Cortés, who accepts, and thereupon urges Padre Olmedo
to begin a raid against idolatry. The latter tells him to wait till the daughters are
brought. They are introduced on the following day, five in number, and Xicotencatl
joins the hands of the general with the one intended for him. He accepts her, but
declares that she and her companions must remain with their parents till
conversion is consummated. Finally the daughter is transferred to Alvarado.

[347] A not uncommon practice in Mexico, carried out in the same manner as
among the Romans. See Native Races, iii., passim.

[348] Portrait in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 165, and Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii.
514.

[349] ‘En aquel templo adonde estaua aposentado, se hiziesse vn capilla.’

Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. xv. A new temple near by was set aside for this. Bernal