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Educational Journeys,
Struggles and
Ethnic Identity
The Impact of State Schooling on
Muslim Hui in Rural China
X I NYI WU

Palgrave Studies on
Chinese Education in a
Global Perspective
 Palgrave Studies on Chinese Education
in a Global Perspective

Series editor
Fred Dervin
Department of Teacher Education
University of Helsinki
Helsinki, Finland

Xiangyun Du
Confucius Institute
Aalborg University
Aalborg, Denmark
“This remarkable volume offers deep insights into the lives of children from the
Hui minority in China, a unique Islamic group of over ten million with their own
autonomous region in China’s northwest. Extensive field work using critical eth-
nography in an impoverished southern county of Ningxia highlights the dilemmas
they face between state schooling and religious education. As both insider and
outsider, the author depicts their struggles in ways that are both vivid and
authentic.”

—Ruth Hayhoe
University of Toronto, Canada
The transformation of China into a global super-power is often attributed
to the country’s robust education system and this series seeks to provide a
comprehensive, in-depth understanding of the development of Chinese
education on a global scale. The books in this series will analyze and prob-
lematize the revolutions, reforms, innovations and transformations of
Chinese education that are often misunderstood or misrepresented beyond
its own borders and will examine the changes in Chinese education over
the past 30 years and the issues as well as challenges that the future of
Chinese education faces. For more information or to submit a proposal
please contact Eleanor Christie (eleanor.christie@palgrave.com)

More information about this series at

http://www.springer.com/series/14568
 Xinyi Wu

Educational Journeys,
Struggles and Ethnic
Identity
The Impact of State Schooling on
Muslim Hui in Rural China
Xinyi Wu
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA, USA

Palgrave Studies on Chinese Education in a Global Perspective

ISBN 978-3-319-57053-2    ISBN 978-3-319-57054-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57054-9

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017952318

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
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The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Abstract

This book examines how state schooling in China has economically, cul-
turally, and ideologically impacted and gradually transformed a traditional
Muslim Hui village in rural northwestern China. By discussing the inter-
pretation and appropriation of dominant educational discourse of “qual-
ity” in the rural context, it illustrates the dichotomies of poverty and
prosperity, civility and uncivility, and religiosity and secularity as they are
perceived and understood by teachers, parents, and students. Based on an
original ethnographic research conducted in a secondary school, it further
touches upon Muslim Hui students’ negotiations of filial, rural, and eth-
noreligious identities when they struggle to seek a life of their own in the
educational journey to prosperity.
The book captures the changing rural–urban dynamic as state school-
ing continues to guide local formal educational activities, as well as creat-
ing tension and confusion for both teachers and parents. It also introduces
audiences to multiple ways in which Muslim Hui students construct and
negotiate identities through state schooling, especially the educational
heterogeneity experienced by various Muslim youths, as more Muslim
Hui parents have developed diverse perceptions of compulsory education.
Most importantly, the book challenges stereotypes about Muslim Hui stu-
dents across China being assimilated into mainstream culture. It demon-
strates how Muslims in some parts of rural northwestern China find ways
to maintain their religion through living, studying, praying, and fulfilling
the five pillars of Islam while being educated with mainstream ideologies
in school. It will be highly relevant to students and researchers in the fields
of education, anthropology, sociology, and religious studies.

v
 Prologue

Born and raised in a Muslim Hui family in an urban Han-dominated

region, I always felt that I was not one of “them,” the people with whom
I grew up and studied in school. My middle-school classmates were sur-
prised to find out that I was a “Hui” and I did not eat pork like they did.
This little incident has remained deep in my consciousness and constantly
reminds me of how I downplayed my minority identity in school because
I did not want people to know that I was different. I also felt that I was
not capable of explaining my differences because of my own poor knowl-
edge of Islam.
Over the years, I became accustomed to not talking openly about my
minority identity, unless I was with my family, relatives, or close friends.
Thus, my identity as a Muslim Hui minority was often displaced by my
other identities as an urban resident, a diligent student, a good caring
daughter, a nice friend, and many more. However, during the years of my
early adulthood, I never forgot this part of myself, though it was sub-
merged and I seldom brought it up. When needed, I used the ethnic term
“Hui” to identify myself and shied away from the Islamic part of Hui
nationality, though ethnic and religious aspects of being Hui are inte-
grated in China (when you are a Hui, you are a Muslim). I am hesitant to
identify myself as a Muslim because I have limited knowledge of Islam and
have not followed the Islamic doctrines besides keeping the dietary restric-
tions and occasionally learning about Islam through reading the Koran,
visiting mosques, and discussing Islam with my father.
My personal understanding of Huiness is thus not aligned with societal
views of Hui as a radical and violent group of Muslims which often causes

vii
viii PROLOGUE

political unrest and cultural rivalry. Whenever I mention that I am Hui,

people ask, “Are you a Muslim? Do you believe in Islam?” In my experi-
ence, Hui is often a religious label attached to Chinese Muslims who have
some association with Muslims in other parts of the world, and the ethnic
nature of Huiness seems reserved only for official recognition and catego-
rization. The search for my own identities continues, but I continue strug-
gling to identify and hesitate to reveal myself as a Muslim Hui.
In recent years, studying and living in the United States, I usually pri-
oritize my identity as Chinese, and it often gets complicated to explain
myself as a member of a Chinese ethnic and religious minority, even to
Chinese people. My journey of finding, negotiating, and choosing my
identities became the impetus for my research topic around identities and
motivated me to study Muslim Hui and my cultural roots and religious
origins. Being an urban Muslim Hui, I am more interested in Muslim Hui
living in rural northwestern China where the Silk Road passed through
and where the first group of Muslim businessmen traveled through and
introduced Islam into China. I believe that this region, with its large
Muslim Hui population, preserves many Islamic traditions, though it is
less known to outsiders.
While I was formulating my research, a Muslim Hui friend recom-
mended to me an English book entitled The Diaries of Ma Yan: The
Struggles and Hopes of a Chinese School Girl published in 2005, an autobi-
ography of a schoolgirl from an impoverished rural village in the Xihaigu
region of Ningxia. In this book, Ma Yan describes her struggle against
hunger and poverty, as well as her wishes to continue her education for a
better life and to lift her parents and the children alike in her community
out of poverty. I was moved by her determination to get out of rural pov-
erty and her desire to take care of her parents through education. Inspired
by the schoolgirl’s autobiography, the terms Muslim Hui identities, rural-
ity, poverty, education, and filial piety converged in my mind and became
the topic of this research. A place unknown to me seemed to reveal a little
of itself in the book. I am propelled to find out if education has changed
the lives of the Muslim Hui as Ma Yan had wished during the ten years
since her diaries were published to the outside world. Reflecting on my
own experience with identities, I am also eager to know how Muslim Hui
in that region cope with their identities in the context of state schooling.
Therefore, this research is partly a fulfillment of my childhood dream to
take a personal journey and learn more about ethnic Muslim Hui in north-
western China. Most importantly, the study seeks to present stories of a
 PROLOGUE
   ix

rural ethnic group that is less known but struggles against poverty while
maintaining the practices of Islamic traditions. State schooling, believed
by the government as a pathway leading to prosperity, is questioned and
challenged by local Muslim Hui students about its promised value of edu-
cation. The dichotomies between mainstream ideologies and Islamic
teachings never cease to shape Muslim Hui students’ heterogeneous expe-
riences, as they manage to construct different educational journals to
prosperity through negotiating their multiple identities.
 Acknowledgements

In writing this book, I have benefited enormously from the assistance and
support of many people. My foremost gratitude is to the teachers, stu-
dents, families, and community members in the village and county in
Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region where I conducted my fieldwork. I
want to thank them for giving me the opportunity to listen to their life
stories and experience a new world in their classrooms, at their homes, and
on their roads. I am especially indebted to two local scholars, Jinbao Ma
of The Journal of Muslim Hui Minority Studies and Genming Wang of
Ningxia University, who facilitated my access to the research site and
ensured my safety during my fieldwork. Special thanks also goes to
Professor Huaizhong Yang of Ningxia Social Science Academy for his
mentorship and long-term support of my study. Because of the people’s
hospitality, genuineness, and sincerity, the months of staying in a village
surrounded by barren mountains, blown by sandstorms, and constrained
by water shortages were pleasant and enjoyable. The weekend meals pre-
pared by every family I visited kept me warm and encouraged me to persist
through the bad days.
I would also like to express my gratitude to an outstanding circle of
mentors, colleagues, and friends at University of Minnesota-Twin Cities,
who inspired me to use qualitative inquiry to pursue my scholarly interest
and challenged me in my thought process. My greatest indebtedness goes
to my co-advisors, Dr. Joan DeJaeghere and Dr. Frances Vavrus, whose
stimulating comments and insights constantly illuminated my ideas and
thoughts at different stages of my research and writing. Their encourage-
ment, guidance, and support during the time I was in the field were

xi
xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

e­specially precious and heartfelt, and provided me the confidence and

belief in myself to complete the work. I would like to thank them for
always being there for me and walking me through the PhD journey’s ups
and downs. I am also appreciative of Dr. David Chapman, Dr. Gerald Fry,
and Dr. Peter Demerath, who engaged with my work critically and shared
their knowledge and experience in anthropology, policy analysis, and cul-
tural studies.
Many colleagues and friends have also supported me along the journey.
Although it would be impossible to name all of them, I am indebted to
them for their love, care, wisdom, and inspiration. Thanks to my cohort in
the Comparative and International Development Education program for
their critical feedback on my topic when it was developing, formulating,
maturing, and finally settling, and for their intellectual stimulation and
rigorous academic critiques while I was writing. I also want to thank
Christen Opsal for all her patient assistance in editing my paper.
In addition to my friends and colleagues at Minnesota, I also want to
express my sincere gratitude to Andy and Daonna Start and their lovely
sons, Zachary and Andrew, for making me a new family in Minnesota and
mentally and socially supporting me to complete my study. My gratitude
also goes to Dr. Matthew Christensen, my colleague and mentor at
Brigham Young University, for his long-term support of my work and
research and his original thoughts and comments on the book writing
process; to Dr. MacLeans Geo-JaJa, my former advisor at Brigham Young
University, for his mentorship, friendship, and belief in my ability to
accomplish my work; and to Xi Wang, a childhood friend, for inspiring
and illuminating me with her wisdom and ensuring my progress in the
journey. I would also like to thank Yunpeng Shi for his unceasing encour-
agement, which pushed me through the difficult time in my writing
process.
Last but not least, I am very grateful to my parents for being the most
supportive and caring stewards of my life. Their unconditional love, end-
less patience, myriad sacrifices, and enormous trust have empowered me
with courage to fulfill my dreams and overcome challenges on a larger
stage. I would like to dedicate this book to them, to my father for provid-
ing feedback during my early fieldwork, and to my mother for ensuring
the health I needed to maintain the energy in completing the book. I
would not have walked so far without them.
 Contents

1 Introduction to Education for Rural Muslim Hui  1

2 Education for Ethnic Minorities in China: Policies

and Practices 31

3 Ethnicity, Ethnic Identity, and State Schooling

for Ethnic Minorities 49

4 Discipline as Teaching: Construction of an Educated

Identity 69

5 From Aspiration to Participation: Confusions

and Struggles in a Time of Transition109

6 Negotiating State Schooling: An Unpredictable

Educational Journey to Prosperity129

xiii
xiv CONTENTS

7 Education for Muslim Hui Youth at a Crossroads175

Appendices 187

References 197

Index207
 List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Houses and Mosques scattered and nestled in a valley

of the Xihaigu region 2
Fig. 1.2 A village mosque standing in the middle of the harsh landscape 6
Fig. 4.1 The road traveled by cars, trucks, motorcycles, bicycles,
pedestrians, and animals 73
Fig. 4.2 The local community with mountains carved out with
crop terraces 74
Fig. 4.3 A typical house made of dirt in the local community 81
Fig. 5.1 Local farmers working long hours in the cornfields 113
Fig. 5.2 A typical mountainous village nestled in a terraced landscape
with an elementary school at the far side by the foot
of mountain 116

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction to Education for Rural Muslim

Hui

The bus carefully passes through and makes its rough turns alongside the
rugged mountains. As soon as the winding road ends, it is broadened up
and leads further to a land of barrenness with small villages remotely scat-
tered where mosques are seen standing in the middle of the harsh land-
scape and nestled at the foot of mountains, far away from the main road
but glittering at passersby with their shiny crescent moons and stars on the
top. Gongbeis, or enshrined tombs, are built magnificently containing the
remains of spiritual Islamic heroes or founders of various sects, stretching
a few blocks in villages; Qingzhen (Halal) restaurants line the streets of
counties and township, decorated with boards written Tasmi in Arabic
scripts that read, “In the name of God, the most gracious, the most merci-
ful.” Images of Al-Masjid Al-Haram, the Sacred Mosque or the Grand
Mosque in the city of Mecca, are hung up on the walls, while Hancan
(non-Halal) restaurants are nearly invisible. Men and women are often
seen in white hats and colorful headscarves on their scooters and bicycles
or driving small trucks and vans. This wide space is called Xihaigu, a name
unknown to many Chinese people, but a place that generations of Muslim
Hui call home. In the past, accessing this heartland of northwestern China
is nearly impossible. Today, it is still not easy to access, even with regular
bus and train schedules and asphalt-paved roads. It requires an approxi-
mate four-hour bus ride from Yinchuan, the capital city of Ningxia
Autonomous Region, or an eight-hour bus ride from Xi’an, the capital city

© The Author(s) 2018 1

X. Wu, Educational Journeys, Struggles and Ethnic Identity,
Palgrave Studies on Chinese Education in a Global Perspective,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57054-9_1
2 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

Fig. 1.1 Houses and Mosques scattered and nestled in a valley of the Xihaigu
region

of Shaanxi, to reach a main county center in the area, and it takes another
hour or more to get to the towns and villages within the county. There is
still no high-speed train stopping by the Guyuan City where the nearest
train station is located; with slow trains occasionally make their stops in
Guyuan, getting from the train station to any parts of county still needs
hours more of traveling (Fig. 1.1).
Xihaigu is a mountainous area in the southern Ningxia autonomous
region. This extended mountainous region is shaped as a turtle, sur-
rounded by Gansu province on the southwest with six counties in Guyuan
city, and Yinchi and Tongxin counties of Wuzhong city of Ningxia.
Located on the Loess Plateau and the Silk Road, it was historically an
important hub for importing and exporting trades, where many Muslim
traders finally settled and integrated into Chinese society. Xihaigu is also
the place where the culture of pastoralism from the north interacted and
integrated with the culture of farming in the central plain. Local farmers
rely heavily on crop farming and livestock husbandry with some house-
 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI 3

holds engaged in large-scale commercial agriculture. Because the region

has been geographically isolated by layers of mountains without a suffi-
ciently developed transportation system, it faces considerably slow eco-
nomic development compared to rapid national development in China in
recent years (Xu, 2012). However, Islamic practices are prevalent, as it is
the core component of local Muslim Hui life. Households in villages are
usually built around mosques where religious activities are conducted,
through which jiaofang, the religious communities, are formed and main-
tained (Ma, 2008).
In 1972, Xihaigu was listed as one of the world’s most uninhabitable
zones by the United Nations World Food Program. Year-round drought
makes it difficult for many crops to grow except potatoes, corn, and flax;
and overly grazed grassland leads to depletion and erosion of the soil. In
some remote mountainous regions, drinking water simply is not available,
and people have to walk miles to fetch water for daily needs (Zhu &
Chiang, 1996). Such chronic water shortages and harsh natural environ-
ment are ever-present threats (Chinadaily, 2013), which cause many peo-
ple to live in poverty, barely making ends meet. Since 1978, influenced by
the strong push for economic development initiated with the Open Door
Policy, the Chinese government has invested large amounts of money on
Xihaigu in an attempt to lift people out of poverty. A series of poverty-­
reduction initiatives was carried out to stimulate local economic develop-
ment. One of the important tasks was to preserve water resources and
build infrastructure to obtain water from underground or other regions
for the purposes of farming irrigation and daily necessity. More roads
started being built, linking villages to townships and nearby cities in the
hope of providing local people with access to outside opportunities. While
crop farming and livestock husbandry are still two dominant ways of liv-
ing, local governments have started to promote farming industry, forestry,
and family businesses, and encourage people to return the farmland to
growing trees (Tuigenhuanlin 退耕还林). More villagers receive financial
incentives to grow commercial crops and raise livestock in addition to the
traditional subsistence agriculture. A series of social policies were also
implemented to assist local farmers not only to survive but also to live a
better life. For example, each household was provided with skills and lit-
eracy training so that at least one laborer from each household could have
the skills to find non-farming jobs. Free TV dishes were installed for every
family so that they could have access to outside information and resources.
Solar cookers were also introduced to most families and installed with
4 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

government subsidies. “Immigrant villages” were recently established to

move villagers from the remote mountainous regions to designated places
near townships and counties, and provide residents with free housing and
other necessary supplies. Although these poverty-reduction initiatives
have helped a large number of local households live better, poverty is still
persistent, especially in the remote mountainous regions, largely due to
the population explosion in the 1970s and 1980s, limited natural resources,
the harsh environment and frequent natural disasters, and predominant
dependence on agriculture.
Economic development triggers social changes. The rural residents of
Xihaigu started to experience an unprecedented transformation from a
traditional society to a modern society, and they were forced into a tran-
sitioning period, during which they needed to seek alternatives for pov-
erty alleviation. Some were not prepared to respond to the sudden
change and still considered farming a primary source of income with
complementary part-time and off-season, labor-centric work in local
areas or nearby provinces; whereas others saw the opportunities outside
villages for non-­agriculture jobs and decided to migrate to other prov-
inces for high-income jobs. Since 1985, single males constituted the
majority of migrant workers, and they replaced the older major laborers,
who previously earned extra income for the family. Starting in 1994, the
idea of being a migrant worker swept through villages, and more and
more local farmers chose to leave farmland for urban factories and the
service sector. A diverse group of migrants, both old and young, have
emerged (Chen, 2002).
Responding to economic development and the social transformation of
local communities, four major social classes have appeared. The middle-­
upper class consists of county and township government officials, skilled
workers, private business owners, and religious personnel. The middle
class contains village managerial staff and small business owners. The mid-
dle lower class usually refers to farmers, loiterers, and anyone who is able
to work but is not employed. The last group is migrant workers who con-
stantly switch from labor-centric work in the city to farming work back in
the village during harvest season (Zhang, 2006). The increasing complex-
ity of social stratification leads to Muslim Hui’s discrepant perceptions of
education, as the new social stratification seems associated with levels of
education and corresponding employments. Therefore, education has
gradually been valued as a viable pathway to achieving prosperity and
acquisition of high economic and social status.
 MUSLIM HUI IN CHINA, NINGXIA, AND XIHAIGU 5

Muslim Hui in China, Ningxia, and Xihaigu

The Muslim Hui population is approximately 10 million across China
based on the data from the sixth national population census (National
Bureau of Statistics of China, 2010). As the second largest ethnic group,
its members are both concentrated in certain ethnic minority regions and
scattered through all provinces, municipalities, and autonomous regions
(State Ethnic Affairs Commission of People’s Republic of China, n.d.).
According to Yang (2006), Muslim Hui people on the east coast occupy
21.05% of the total Hui population in China; Hui members in the middle
regions account for another 18.21%; and the majority of the Hui popula-
tion (60.75%) resides in western China. In northwestern China, the
Muslim Hui are mostly concentrated, as opposed to their counterparts
scattered along the eastern coast. The Ningxia Hui autonomous region,
located in northwestern China, was established in 1958 and is the desig-
nated provincial-level region for Muslim Hui. There, the Hui population
occupied 35% of the total regional population in 2010 (Ningxia Statistics
Bureau, 2011), and with large numbers considering Xihaigu home.
Because the Muslim Hui reside in diverse parts of China, they express a
wide spectrum of ethnoreligious identities influenced by their social and
political environments (Gladney, 2004). For example, in urban areas,
many Muslim Hui do not equate their ethnic category with a religious
affiliation, and they are often difficult to identify by the ways in which they
practice Islam. In some regions, occupational specializations, such as small
restaurant business owners, and dietary restrictions may indicate the
Muslim Hui; however, among Muslim Hui who follow dietary restric-
tions, the practice of consuming only Halal food also differs across differ-
ent Muslim communities (Gladney, 1991). Because Ningxia Hui
Autonomous Region has the most concentrated Muslim Hui population,
Muslim Hui express a strong Hui identity through exhibiting their Islamic
beliefs and actively participating in religious rituals (Gladney, 1991). By
1997, the total population in Ningxia was about 2,360,000, and Muslim
Hui represented 45%. In some counties, Muslim Hui occupy over 90%,
such as some towns and villages in Xihaigu. Such high concentration of
Muslim Hui has created a landscape where Hui is culturally dominant and
Han are the perceived minority (Fig. 1.2).
Although Muslim Hui express a wide spectrum of ethnoreligious iden-
tities across China, Muslim Hui in Xihaigu are among the most conserva-
tive ones. They not only follow strict dress customs and dietary restrictions,
6 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

Fig. 1.2 A village mosque standing in the middle of the harsh landscape

but also actively engage in a variety of religious rituals, both at home and
in the community, such as fulfilling five pillars of Islam and observing holi-
days according to the Islamic calendar. As a tradition, Muslim men and
women are required to wear white hats and cover their heads with colorful
headscarves, and they do not take them off except when they go to sleep.
Boys and girls who attend mosque education to learn Koranic texts also
wear white hats and colorful headscarves to show their statuses as Manla,
apprentices of Ahongs (Imams) of mosques. In contrast, people rarely wear
sleeveless shirts, shorts, or skirts, as overexposure of the skin in public is
culturally unacceptable. Although I, as an urban Muslim Hui, was not
expected to dress alike, I was reminded by my local Muslim Hui friends
that I needed to keep long pants and long-sleeved shirts handy in case I
was invited to events at the mosques or casual meetings with local Muslim
Hui. As my local Muslim friends explained, because Muslim Hui is the
majority in the area and they are strict about this dress code for everyone,
one would be criticized for dressing inappropriately regardless of one’s
nationality. To accommodate the Muslim Hui’s needs, markets in the area
 MUSLIM HUI IN CHINA, NINGXIA, AND XIHAIGU 7

usually sell all kinds of daily necessities specifically for Muslim Hui, such as
Tangpings for washing purpose (plastic ewers), hats, headscarves, large
water containers, Halal food (rarely available in other parts of China), and
prayer rugs. When people drive from their villages to gather in a large field
for the markets, their various head coverings often create a beautiful scene
to show their uniqueness.
Not only does the traditional clothing distinguish Muslim Hui in the
region from other people residing in rural areas, but regular practice of
Islam also tells them apart. For Muslim Hui, learning Islamic practices is
considered essential for preserving and inheriting Hui culture and tradi-
tions. Education, as a fundamental mechanism, carries much responsibility
for continuing these traditions. Traditionally, Muslim Hui’s education is
religious, and it is carried out both in families and in the mosques. With
religious education at home, Muslim Hui children develop their ethnic
consciousness by following their parents’ religious practices and inheriting
Islamic knowledge from their parents. By attending religious lessons in the
mosques, Muslim Hui children learn how to read Koranic texts and the
basic teachings of Islam. Modern education, or what we call state school-
ing, has not been very attractive to Muslim Hui, as it is perceived to assim-
ilate ethnic minority groups into the Han culture (Hansen, 1999; Kaup,
2000; Mackerras, 1999; Zhu, 2007) and children would lose their eth-
noreligious identity (Gladney, 1991; Lin, 2007).
In addition, Muslim Hui are also regularly engaged in various kinds of
activities to express their ethnoreligious identity. Celebrating Islamic festi-
vals is one of the major events Muslim Hui grandly observe and collec-
tively participate in, as opposed to celebrating Chinese national holidays,
during which they rarely give each other greetings. Local Muslim Hui
employees with government appointments are also given days off to
observe Islamic holidays; and some Muslim Hui families who have
migrated to other cities usually travel back to celebrate, such as Shangfen,
or visiting ancestors’ tombs. Although Muslim Hui are granted a few days
off for state-recognized national holidays, they only take advantage of
these days to rest and finish family chores. For instance, when some
national holidays fall onto the crop harvest season, Muslim Hui parents
have their children help finish the work on the farms. In a word, Islamic
holidays play an indispensable role in reinforcing religious education.
Zanshengjie, the Eid al-adha or the Feast of Sacrifice, an important
Islamic festival, is also widely observed throughout the region. Muslim
Hui students who attend state schooling usually receive a day off to
8 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

celebrate, as it is a regional policy specific to the Ningxia Hui Autonomous

Region. In the morning of the Festival, local families clean their house
and prepare meals for the celebration. Male family members get up
early, clean themselves, and dress in their best clothing in preparation to
attend prayers at local mosques. Villagers generally fast and wait for
congregational prayers to be said at the mosques. Female Muslims are
not allowed to be present in the mosques but stay home and prepare
Youxiang, fried round doughnuts, and Sanzi, fried string doughnuts,
typical Hui dishes, and meat dishes for their families. Some affluent fam-
ilies sacrifice their animals, usually cows and sheep, and share them with
their relatives and friends in the neighborhood. Poorer families also sac-
rifice their domestic animals, usually chickens, to feed the families and
share with Ahongs residing in the local mosques. The animals are sacri-
ficed with Ahongs reciting Tasmi, as it is how Halal food is prepared and
is believed to “taste better”. To local Muslim Hui students, it is not only
a holiday reminding them of its religious significance, but also a day
filled with delicious food when they could spend time with relatives and
friends.
Kaizhaijie, or Eid al-Fitr, Festival of Breaking the Fast, is also a widely
observed Islamic festival in the region. It is the celebration of the end of
Ramadan, a month of Sawm, or fasting—one of the five pillars of Islam.
While the majority Han in other parts of China maintain regular work and
study hours during the month of Ramadan, the life of the Muslim Hui in
this community is different. Most restaurants are closed, with only a few
left open for travelers who pass through counties and towns to do busi-
nesses. Many local Muslims fast and pray during Ramadan, because they
believe that they will be more thoroughly blessed by Allah if they do so.
Many Muslim youths also follow their parents in observing Ramadan, fast-
ing and praying every day in the local mosques. As a young Muslim Hui,
Guoqin shared his experience of observing the month of Ramadan. Both
his parents were very strict about following the prayer schedule and he
went to the mosque to pray with his father. However, he felt regretful
about missing the last day of prayer as he was too tired to stay up. He was
sad that he could not receive the full blessings from fasting because he had
not completed it. His experience showed the importance of Islam in his
life and in the life of his community.
In addition to Sawm, other pillars of Islam are also fulfilled by the local
Muslim Hui. Friday is one of the busiest days in the community, and
people flood into a nearby mosque for Zhuma or Jumu’ah, a c­ ongregational
 MUSLIM HUI IN CHINA, NINGXIA, AND XIHAIGU 9

prayer held every Friday. Muslims who have jobs do not usually pray five
times a day due to the conflict of work and prayer schedules, but they
generally attend Zhuma once a week. Local mosques can be fully packed
with crowds, and mosques with facilities for female Muslims, mostly in
large towns, also attract large numbers of female Muslim Hui. Cars are
seen parked randomly on the street, and nobody seems to care about
whether the cars are blocking the roads. Public shower services are closed
for a few hours to the general public but reserved for worshippers prior to
Zhuma. The purpose of such closure is to ensure that as many Muslims as
possible can make Wudu, or cleaning any impurities of their bodies by
washing their hands, mouth, throat, nose, ears, arms up to the elbow, and
feet. However, among these large masses of local people, few Muslim
youths could attend it because the school schedule does not accommodate
the prayer schedule, even though they are taught to pray and attend
Zhuma from nine years old.
While prayers are widely practiced in the community, Chaohezi in the
local language or the pilgrimage to Mecca is only fulfilled by relatively
affluent Muslims because it usually costs a local Muslim his or her life sav-
ings to complete this fifth pillar of Islam. When making ends meet is
already difficult due to consistent poverty, going on such a trip is unthink-
able. As so few people had and would have the opportunity to complete
this once-in-a-lifetime event, Chaohezi is more than an individual fulfill-
ment of fifth pillar—it is a community celebration of blessings brought
back by local Muslim Hajjis who have successfully completed the pilgrim-
age to Mecca. Therefore, the return of Hajjis is one of the grandest rituals
every year for the local community. Muslim Hui children and youths are
usually brought or asked by their parents to join the celebration. On the
day of Hajjs’ return, people as old as 80 and as young as babies in their
mothers’ arms line up on the side of the road, anxiously waiting for cars
and vans transporting Hajjs to arrive. The cars and vans are decorated with
red signs reading “Welcome Hajji” on their dashboards. Hajjis, usually
the elderly, wearing garlands of red flowers, step out of cars and vans and
stroll down the road to greet crowds. Local people receive blessings by
being touched by Hajjs and firmly shaking their hands. The ritual contin-
ues, as Hajjis go to other neighboring villages. An elder Muslim Hui once
expressed his admiration for Hajjs, since it was too expensive for him to
go. After Hajjs return, they still need to sacrifice a cow for more than
10,000 RMB ($1500 USD) and share with the villagers. Thus, joining the
celebration of Hajjs’ return gives local Muslim Hui blessings that they
10 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

look forward to but are not able to receive in person. Attending the cele-
bration, the younger generation of Muslim Hui learn about Islamic tradi-
tions and keep their wish to fulfill the most challenging pillar of Islam.
Actively practicing five pillars of Islam has played a critical role in enforc-
ing learning and teaching about the Islamic religion, as an essential com-
ponent of their everyday life. A strict observance of consuming Halal food
is also considered as a way that local Muslim Hui distinguish themselves
from the Han by their dietary restrictions “not eating pork and non-Halal
food.” Non-Halal food includes but is not limited to food that is prepared
by Han members of the community, cooked by cookware and cooking
utensils used to cook non-Halal food, and food not prepared in an appro-
priate religious way or prepared clean. Eating non-Halal food is perceived
as wrong, thus expecting and enforcing this strict observance would con-
tinue when young Muslim Hui go to college in other cities dominated by
Han. When Halal food is unavailable, Muslim Hui are suggested to con-
sume substitutes, such as eggs and fruits, and cook this themselves with
their own cookware and utensils. Water, the most precious resource in the
community, is also separately used by Hui and Han, and Hui would not
drink or use water offered by Han. When I first arrived in the area, some
students asked me if I was Hui or Han, and I was puzzled and did not
understand why this even mattered. Later, a teacher enlightened me,
“When Hui students ask you, they most likely want to find out if it would
be fine for them to borrow water from you whenever it is needed.” As not
everyone is Hui, it is important for the Hui students to find out who are
and are not Hui so that they would not mistakenly consume non-Halal
food.
To many Muslim Hui in Xihaigu, preserving Islamic traditions is as
important as expressing ethnoreligious identity, and endogamous mar-
riage, in this sense, is critical to conserving and inheriting Huiness and
Hui culture. Although intermarriage is allowed, it has to be that a Muslim
boy marries a Han girl; if a Muslim girl decides to marry a Han boy, her
family would generally prohibit it. Muslim Hui believe that if a Muslim
boy marries a non-Muslim girl, she would join the Muslim family, become
a Muslim, and practice Islam together with her husband. On the contrary,
a Muslim girl would eventually stop practicing Islam if she is married to a
Han boy. Such belief is widely accepted by the young Muslim Hui girls, as
they have never thought of marrying Han boys, even when they are in big
cities where very few Muslim Hui boys are available for marriage. During
 RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN XIHAIGU 11

one of my visits, I happened to meet a 42-year-old grandmother. She had

an endogamous marriage with a Muslim boy from a neighboring village
when she was 16, and they immediately started a family. Her daughter was
also married to a Muslim boy at age 16 and had given birth to three babies
by the time she was 21. They have lived on farming and sedentary pasto-
ralism without ever leaving the village. As a typical situation in the com-
munity, only children who attend state schooling are allowed to postpone
their marriages. Even so, Muslim Hui parents are committed to ensure
that their children would have an endogenous marriage.

Religious Education in Xihaigu

Although daily practice of Islam at home and in the community is impor-
tant to express and maintain Hui’s ethnoreligious identity, a formal reli-
gious education is seen as pivotal in shaping and reinforcing the
distinctiveness of Muslim Hui in Xihaigu. Before state schooling was
introduced and became a requirement for local Muslim Hui children, reli-
gious education has long contributed to local Muslim children’s intellec-
tual and spiritual development for hundreds of years. Jingtang education,
or Spiritual Hall education, conducted in the mosques, is considered a
primary form of religious education by parents for their children to gain
knowledge of Islam since the Ming Dynasty (Wang, 2012). Its existence
and later expansion satisfy the needs of inheriting religious and cultural
practices (Ma, 2014). Since Muslim Hui believe that they cannot identify
themselves as Muslim Hui if they do not have a basic knowledge of Islam,
Jingtang education, in such sense, plays a role of raising ethnic conscious-
ness and strengthening ethnoreligious identity. It is currently chosen by
the mass Muslim Hui in Xihaigu as a dominant form in educating Muslim
Hui children. To certain extent, it connects Jiaofang, or Muslim commu-
nities, facilitating religious activities, and, more importantly, ensuring the
passing of Islamic knowledge and practice to the next generation of
Muslim Hui.
Jingtang education constitutes two levels: the primary level and the
advanced level. As Hui children (age six to seven) develop an under-
standing of basic knowledge and practice of Islam at the primary level,
such as recognizing Arabic texts, reciting Koranic verses in prayers and
during fasting, and cleansing oneself for prayers, they would advance to
the higher level to further learn the language and grammar of the Koran.
12 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

If they want to pursue religious professions, such as Ahong or clergy in

the mosques, they would need to continue to learn “philosophical and
juridical works and scriptural exegeses” (Alles, Chebbi, & Halfon, 2003).
Jingtang education is also a free religious education supported by dona-
tions from local Muslim Hui families. It teaches the Jingtang language
that uses Chinese characters to “imitate the odds, syntax, and structure
of Arabic” (Ma, 2014), through which Muslim Hui students learn how
to read the Koran and understand classical texts in Arabic and Persian.
Because Jingtang education starts a year before students attend state
schooling, it often overlaps the time that children are required to receive
compulsory education. Therefore, a dual educational system, including
both state and religious education, exists to meet different needs. For
some families, religious education is the sole choice for their children; for
many others, attending both education systems is ideal; and only a few
families sacrifice religious education for state schooling, but they still
want their children to continue going to mosque when off from state
schooling.
In addition to Jingtang education, there are two other types of reli-
gious education: state-sponsored Islamic Institutes and private
Chinese–Arabic schools. They accept students who have previously
attended Jingtang education or received a basic knowledge of Islam.
These are also the alternatives for dropouts from middle schools, those
who do not make to regular high schools and colleges, or those who
choose the route to religious professions. State-sponsored Islamic
Institutes are specialized four-year higher institutes with primary mis-
sions of preparing students to work in religious professions. Although
these institutes only accept high-­school graduates and intend to train
prospective religious leaders and personnel, they do broaden the job
choices of Muslim Hui. Chinese–Arabic schools, on the other hand,
are private, and they prioritize Arabic language learning over theologi-
cal knowledge teaching. Many Chinese–Arabic schools are vocational
and technical schools, and they provide job skills, such as computer
skills and international trade with Arab countries, as well as language
education to prospective Muslim Hui youth. They have more system-
atic curricula than those of Jingtang education, which tend to be
loosely structured (Tang & Ding, 2014). Because these two types of
religious education offer skills training as well as religious knowledge,
they are often more suitable for Muslim Hui who seek a dual life of
secularity and religiosity.
 STATE SCHOOLING AND COMPULSORY EDUCATION IN XIHAIGU 13

State Schooling and Compulsory Education

in Xihaigu

As religious education has been a dominant form in educating Muslim

Hui’s spirituality, state schooling was introduced as a government initia-
tive to alleviate poverty in rural ethnic regions by teaching people from the
ethnic groups scientific and cultural knowledge in school for stimulating
economic development and eventually achieving material prosperity.
Along with other initiatives mentioned above that have focused on mon-
etary support and social services, state schooling aims at alleviating human
poverty via improving the quality of the labor force, as they are thought to
be the causes of persistent poverty in western regions (Liu, Yeerken, &
Stein, 2013). Providing free compulsory education was among the strate-
gies the government believed to be critical to the improvement of the
quality of the rural ethnic labor force, through which they would be more
prepared with skills to seek non-agricultural employment.
The push for universalization of basic education started in the mid-­
1990s in Ningxia with the intention of ensuring school-aged children
enroll in elementary schools and eliminating adult illiteracy through train-
ing. The regional government had targeted students living in both north-
ern plain and southern mountainous regions. However, the results were
quite different between the two regions. Due to geographic features, a
friendly environment, and abundant irrigation resources, the northern
plain region had almost achieved the goal of universal primary education
by late 1990s, except for one county. However, in southern mountainous
Ningxia, mainly Xihaigu region, very little progress was made because
poverty had caused limited financial resources from the local government
to be allocated to state schooling. By 2001, approximately 90% of local
financial expenditure was still compensated by the central government.
Educational infrastructure was lacking, and educational resources were
scattered in small scales without accessibility to local students. Since 2002,
the regional government changed its approach to targeting specifically key
barriers to educational equity, and it advocated that the government
needed to guarantee schooling, parents needed to send children to schools,
schools needed to take responsibility for implementing educational activi-
ties, and communities needed to support schooling. More financial
resources, including donations from local families, were given primarily to
improve school infrastructure and recruit school-aged children, especially
girls. Other initiatives, such as the Western Development Plan started in
14 1 INTRODUCTION TO EDUCATION FOR RURAL MUSLIM HUI

1999, also contributed to the expansion and improvement of compulsory

education. Volunteers, mainly college students from urban China, have
started to go to these rural areas to aid local students to study in the hope
of increasing the enrollment rate, decreasing the retention rate, lowering
dropout rates, and boosting academic performance. In 2005, 50% of
towns and villages in six mountainous counties had achieved universal
compulsory education. By 2010, more than 80% of the 18 counties have
obtained the goal of becoming counties with relatively high-quality
schooling. Since 2006, the central government has further waived tuition
and textbook fees for all enrolled students. The previous small-scaled
schools were closed and integrated into larger-scaled schools to accom-
modate more students from nearby townships and villages. Educational
resources have been consolidated and prioritized to meet the needs of
local students. As a result, Boarding schools have been established for stu-
dents from faraway locations, especially those who are from mountainous
regions. The government has also provided financial subsidies to cover the
living costs of students enrolled in the boarding schools. More and more
families have sent their children to state schooling for various purposes.

Muslim Hui Students’ Dilemmas Between Nianshu

and Nianjing

Since both religious education and state schooling are available for stu-
dents to attend, with the former being fundamental and the latter being
mandatory, the dilemma arises when Muslim Hui students need to make
the commitment to attend either or both forms of education. The phrase
Nianjing (literally translated as “read Koranic scriptures”) refers to receiv-
ing religious education, mainly Jingtang education for Muslim children
and youths; and Nianshu (literally translated as “read books”) means
attending state schooling and is the nine years of compulsory education.
Nianjing, as a traditional home-based and community-supported form of
education, is widely accepted as a pathway to learn basic knowledge and
practices of Islam, acquire Hui identity, and fulfill their responsibilities to
inherit and transmit Hui culture. Nianshu, on the contrary, is a modern
form of education that teaches students to acquire skills and knowledge to
adapt to the modern state and mainstream Han culture. In the past,
Nianjing itself seemed to satisfy the spiritual needs of Muslim Hui f­ amilies,
since the living skills of farming and sedentary pastoralism could be
passed down through families; but nowadays when poverty is persistent,
 MUSLIM HUI STUDENTS’ DILEMMAS BETWEEN NIANSHU... 15

Nianjing has become limited in meeting the needs of Muslim Hui society.
Skills that were used for making a living are no longer suitable for tackling
challenges that have emerged from globalization and the knowledge
economy that “demands a large portion of the workforce with a university
education and with access to lifelong learning opportunities” (Brown,
Lauder, & Ashton, 2008, p. 135). For example, migrant workers who
used to be physical laborers need technical and specialized skills to com-
pete in an increasingly competitive job market. Nianshu became an option
for promoting the economic development of the Hui, and Nianjing is
sometimes seen as holding the Muslim Hui back in terms of development
due to its traditional teachings. In the meantime, the concept of Nianjing
goes beyond solely referring to religious education: it also includes teach-
ings of ethnic Hui culture, as Hui are also members of an ethnic group
(Li & Wang, 2003).
The relationship between Nianjing and Nianshu also carries new inter-
pretations. According to Li and Wang (2003), Nianshu is newly advo-
cated among Muslim Hui to be essential to preserving religion because
cultural knowledge gained through Nianshu could help better understand
religion during Nianjing. It is also regarded as a mechanism to educate
Muslim Hui talents who play the critical role of developing the Hui group
and its society. Furthermore, Nianshu also leads to material prosperity,
with which Muslim Hui would become stronger as individuals and as an
ethnic group while maintaining the practice of Nianjing. With Nianshu,
the ethnic Hui group would possess its religious leaders and personnel as
well as the talented in all occupations, including teachers, engineers, doc-
tors, and businessmen, etc.
However, as both the government and some Muslim Hui strive to inte-
grate Nianjing and Niangshu, certain conflicts remain unsolved. Many
Muslim Hui families have not positively recognized the value of Nianshu
since the early 1980s. Seeing no children make it to college in the 1980s
and an approximate 15% graduation rate among Muslim Hui in the mid-­
1990s, majority of local Muslim Hui would rather be migrant workers at
earlier age to earn extra money than wait to graduate for potential unem-
ployment. Muslim Hui parents’ long-term preference for Nianjing over
Nianshu also contributes to students’ lack of interest in state schooling
(Lin, 2007). One of the reasons for this preference is that they are afraid
of their children being assimilated into the Han culture if they are ­educated
in state schooling. Muslim Hui students, similarly, feel unmotivated to
study in a secular learning environment with which they are unfamiliar
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 —Daa’s net! t’jonge … doar lait ’n lekker hoekie wind
hier! Sel d’r bloase hebbe f’murge, toen Ant d’r hier
plukt hept. Se waa’s d’r ook soo meroakels koud, dat ’t
waif hep stoan bibbere aa’s ’n koors hee? Se hep d’r
de heule murrege mit main jas anloope! Op ’t pad
hebbe se d’r aige naskraiuwt: Lamme Krelis! làmme
Krelis!

Kees zweeg. Z’n wijf kon ’m geen zier schelen. Woest

was ie op ’r dikke buik. Hij had ’r wel plat willen
trappen, want telkens zag ie ’r z’n eigen stomheid in,
z’n vuile stomheid. Stom nijdig plukte ie door, maar
Piet wou praten.

—Nou, da’ sel main ’n godsliefeheer skele! of je àchter

of veur ’n singel lait.… lait mi plukke.. En dan mi’ soo’n
guur end wailand veur je lampies! daa’s alle-jesis-
koud! En aa’s [257]je vaif uur achter mekoar plukt hep,
mò’ je rais kaike wa’ je hep.… puur niks meer aa’s ’n
poar mandjes!

—Joa … aa’s je soafes stopt, soek je vast noà wá’ je

daan hep!

—Nou, je bint t’r nou op kommende waige hee?.…

Moar ikke mot d’r nog ’n dot plukke! de Ouë is d’r puur
tuureluurs van, nou die soo feul kwait kèn aa’s tie wil!

Stil ’n poos bleven de kerels doorkruipen, ritselend in

de struiken, afknijpend de zwartgloeiende vruchtjes,
ze bij trossen smakkend in groote blanke sloffen voor
hen uit, op ’t stovende reuk-bedrenkte gras. Rond ze
heen, in struik en teelt onder vruchtboomen en hagen,
gloeide middagzon. ’t Groen stroomde lichtglans af,
 zilverig, goudvlammig en fijn beschaduwdoezeld in al
andren gloei, tegen ’t licht. Onder de dichtgegroepte
vruchtboomen lommerde ’t koel als in ’n
kreupelboschje. Enkele in hoogen uitgroei waaierden
wat kronkeltakken uit, betrost met appeltjes, zacht
rose blozend als warm gestoeide kinderkopjes. Overal
onder getwijg, groen en rozerood, vlekte vruchtglans
tegen doorschemerend luchtblauw, takkenprieel in
zware dracht van vruchten, die vergoudden in vloed
van zonnevuur. Kleintjes zwollen de vruchtjes áán,
dof, tintwarm en pastelteer. Vlak bij den mossigen
stam verdrongen ze elkaar om licht en lucht. Wat
takken, harpig uitgebogen, goud-groenden in
zonnejool en appeltjes gloeiden dáár in glanzenden
wasem. In wilderen uitgroei stonden de pereboomen,
bronzig-dof bevrucht en de pruimen, donker
voldragen, groen als groote olijven. Op naakten hoek
tegen luchtblauw in, stronkigde vlak vóór Kees, op
woest onkruid-plekje, één appelboompje, smal en
tenger-rank voorover gebogen, luisterend naar de
zoemende zomer-geruchten.

En rondom vervloeide de geur van doorstoofde

gouden vruchtenhofjes, zèlf behageld van rozeroode
wang-appeltjes, nog gesmoord in groeigloed.
Afgevallen peertjes en appeltjes verwurmden
bleekgroen en gelig, overal verwaaid en uitgestrooid
onder de boompjes in ’t heet-geschroeide gras en
onkruid, tusschen koolen en zoete fransjes. [258]

Piet, met triestig gebaar wees naar ’n pruimeboom.

—Kaik Kees, wà vol die stoan hee? aa’s t’ie moar nie
’t weggetje naimt van sàin doar op ’t hoekie! die
gladekker! bai de biete main ik! die hep tug puur sain
aige dood draigt hee! snó’f’rjenne! da hai je d’r puur
nooit sien! die hep ’r sóó veul had dá’ tie nie raip hep
kenne worde hee? t’jong ’n skoon sicht da’ waa’s.. da
hep je d’r vast nooit sien!

Er ruischte weer stilte in den tuin en boomblaren

windsuizelden golf-zacht.—

Kees plukte door, sjouwde de volle bakken naar den

dorsch, waar al ’t marktgoed, buiten zonnebroei
opgestapeld stond. Op elkaar tegen stal áán, op groep
en voorgang, dromden de kisten met versche sla,
dopperszakken, aardbei-vrucht, frambozen, roode en
gouden bessen; één feest van kleur, saamgebroeid
met zweet, ùit zonnelaai naar koelenschouw en
dorsch gedragen.—Door den tuin klonk zangerig
gejoel en jeugd-jubel van kinderstemmen; meisjes die
meeplukten en meesjouwden. Dirk was van ’t
peenbossen naar de snijboonen gesjòkt, hurkte
tusschen d’enge wanden van hoog goud-groen, die
poortten als ’n hal van lommerlicht op ’t pad, waar de
zon goud schroot over uitgescherfd had, rijzen en
latten in gloei verglinsterend.—

—Aa’s wai dá’ weertje nou d’r moar houê, riep ouë
Gerrit in ’t voorbij gaan tegen Dirk.

—Nou op haide smoor je van de hitte en strak-en-an

bibber je van de kou.… hee.. Ouë!.. set rais ’n kerel an
de andaifie hee! Mot nou skoffele! Sel’k d’r sellefers
wel de bolletjes opknappè!
 Gewroet van laat-zomersche drukte woelde rond in
Wiereland en Duinkijk. Het haventje, op marktdagen,
daverde en mokerde vol van woel en klank. In alle
hoeken schreeuwden en sjacherden de koopers weer
met duizenden kilo’s roode bessen, zwarte, gouden en
paarse; frambozen en aardbei, in zoetrookige geuren,
verwasemend door de groenten. De Haven lag
volgestort van nieuwen kleurbrand en vruchten.—De
groentekarren, [259]in d’r frisschen uitbouw van sla en
wortelen, bakken en manden, ratelden áán, hortten
weg, als steeg er weer razernij van mid-zomerschen
uitvoer en pluk. Vóórklank van boonentijd weerschalde
er, boonentijd die in den helleroes van kermis had
moeten vallen. Maar van alle kant werd er geraasd op
de Haven, dat ’t leelijke weer van half Juli den boel
had bedorven, dat ’t gek-laat zou worden, nou met de
boonepluk.

Wiereland koortste weer in fellen zomerbrand en

zonnelaai. Zeegasten stormden áán, iederen dag
meer, en ’n woelige kinderbende, meisjes, prachtig
bekleurd met roode en blanke japonnetjes, cier- en
stroo-hoeden stoeiden rond. Moedertjes jong, met
bloei-bloemige mousselientjes, teêre krepjes en
neteldoek-blank, in dartele cier, kuierden met parasols
statig tusschen de schooierige plukkertjes van
Wiereland; stedeke-kinders, die stil afgunstig ’t
vakantie-jolende stadsvolkje van rijkaards begluurde.
’n Por van moeders en broers in hun ribben en gauw
hurkten ze weer neer, de verbrande tronietjes naar de
heete aarde gebukt, plukkend van knie op knie, in
beestigen zwoeg, àl voort.—
Langs hun akkers strooide de tingelingende bellezang
van tramkoetsiers vroolijke jubel-klanken rond,
vergalmend over de zwoegkoppen, als een trillend
zomersch vreugdgeluid door de zonnige lucht en ’t
landgroen.—Rijtuigen stoften áán en wèg in
zandorkaan; fietsen snorden voorbij, in spakenfonkel.
En heel de brandende ploeterstreek drukte en raasde
van zomergenot, omtooverde met hittekleur en licht,
de gasten en ’t joelend vakantiebezoek. Dwars door
den zwoeg van ’t land joeg de zeetram de menschen
en kinders, met kleurig speelgoed, spaden en
emmertjes, scheepjes en harken. Wierelands
notabelen zwierden mee in zomerpronk; nuffige
dametjes met blank spel van felle kleuren òpzengende
parasols, kleur-zonnen in ’t helle groen, in den
zonneregen van licht en vlam.—Zomerkostuumpjes
lichtten en blankten tusschen de stille lommerlaantjes,
overal drentelden dametjes en heertjes, met
kraakschoen-gestap, rijkelui’s-lekker op de zand-
zachte paadjes.—Zoo, met den dag, [260]stroomden
meer gasten aan, door de groote beukenlaan, die als
’n wondre goud-groene poort lommerig den weg naar
zee opende. En langs heel den weg van Duin- naar
Zeekijk, gloeide en zand-koekte het heete gruis,
brandde en zengde ’t zomerleven, omschroeiend in
stuifselwolken boerenkarren, rijtuigen en trams, dat de
landwerkers, achter de hagen, vlak aan de straat,
onder zuilen van stofwarrel verstikten. Loom
passeerden de tuinders ’t zomergewoel. In hùn
ploeter, voelden ze ’t dwaas, ’n gang naar zee, voor
hùn zelf. De zee, waar ze vaagjes, in teisterenden
winterstorm en schal, alleen ’t gerucht van hoorden
aandruischen achter veréénzaamde duinen. Ze
verroerden geen stap voor ’t pronkende, schreeuwige
stadsvolkje, dat brutaal zich nestelde in hùn streek; de
verhuur-kamertjes van verdiengrage luitjes bejoelden,
de wegen bestoften in stikzand. Ze wisten van geen
zeelucht de zwoegers; van geen zilte zouten
ademhaal, geen frisschen stoei van strandstorm. En
Zondag’s, als ze vrij hadden, rookten ze liever hun
pijp, wandelden ze met de meiden naar den
Lemperweg, of bleven hokvast broeien binnen de
mikken, in zaligen luier.—Dàt veel liever, dan op stap,
op den gloeizandweg naar zee, ’n uur gaans. En de
ouderen, vol van zorg en moeheid en weekzwoeg,
hokten in hun naar lucht-snakkende, behorde duffe
kamertjes, slurpten d’r koffie, koffie en weer koffie,
smakten d’r pijp, d’r pruim; besabbelden d’r sigaar en
loerden rustigjes naar ’t gewas. En ’s avonds de zuip,
stillekens de warme kroeg in, met ’t Zondaggegons
van alderlei spreeksel nog in d’ooren. Door de week,
ging van zelf voort hun zwoeg en zonnebrand, hun
sjouw en pluk, dat ze ’t bloed onder de nagels vuurde.
Niet meer keken ze òp, naar ’t vakantiegewoel op de
paadjes, langs hun akkers, bang voor ’n minuut
verlies, vóórt tot laat-avond, naar havenkant. En daar
nog zweet-doordropen van ’t gloeiende land, met ’n
afzakkertje, zogen ze in, ’t heete vocht, als zalige
lafenis voor dichtgebrande van stof verstikte kelen.—
[261]

[Inhoud]
 IV.

Twee weken vóór de kermis was de lucht weer

gedraaid. De roode kolen stonden verkwijnd, met rot-
doorvreten bladeren. Angstige drukte en onrust joeg
er onder de tuinders.

—Daa’s t’met ’t lekkerstje weertje da je hebbe kèn,

zeurde Klaas Koome, voor ’n akker van Ouë Gerrit;—
ik konstesteer van daa’tje nou t’minste loope ken, en
d’r nie je aige f’rsmelt.. enne de boonebeweging goan
tog s’n gangetje.. want moànd blaift moànd … op dá’
terrain merkeere de boontjes de paàs …

—Hoor hemmis, hoor hemmis! hoonde Dirk bij de

andijvie gehurkt,—skoenmoaker hou je bai je leest
hee? bi jài besuikerd?—

Ouë Gerrit bromde wat mee, gejaagd en kramperig als

ie zich voelde in ’t onweer-zwoelige grauwe weer. Die
dreigluchten maakten ’m soms stikken, of ’r wurgangst
op z’n strot drukte, in vaaglijk onbestemde benauwing
’t bloed ’m naar den kop jagend.—Angst die ’m aan ’t
fantazeeren bracht, doorhollend hallucineeren, in al
erger benauwing om dingen die gebeuren kònden.
Angst die ’m zelf folterde, z’n brein martelde, hèm
allerlei dingen liet zien, die nièt bestonden, z’n oogen
in donkeren floèrs legden, waarin lichtende
sterrendans vonkte. En dan maar brommen en klagen
luid, luid, om iets ’r tègen te doen.

—Nou, da sel d’r ’n mooie worde, mit de boone!.…

hoho! d’r is gain son.. wá’ sit dá’ ding! aa’s tie moàr nie
wegblaift hee? ’t is te dol.. en.. en.. tug.. vier en vaif en
nie g’nog!.. daa’s één raige al raige! enn hoho!.. ’s
aofus hep je dâ dolle onwair, sonder daa’t hiet waa’s
hee?

Koome lummelde nog wat voor de haag, lolde met

Dirk over de kermis, waar heel Wiereland al vol van
was; slenterde eindelijk verder.

Drukker werd er geschoffeld tusschen de selderie.

Kees plantte andijvie uit en zette op regels.—Laat-
gezaaide sla werd weer in bakken uitgedragen naar
de markt. Tot schemer doken en verbukten de kerels
en kinders op de duisterende akkers. Wisselend [262]in
gang, trokken de werkers drie maal òp naar de groote
stad. Het groote kargerucht, de hos van ’t landvolk,—
één in hun epischen samengroei van man-paard en
kar-en-koopwààr, verklonk als onweer al over de
bekeide straatjes. De Haven daverde van herrie en
hartstocht-koop der venters.

Op ’t land trapten de kinders, nu vaders en bazen naar

stad waren, de verdorde erwtenranken òp, de goud-
gele slepende haarbossen. In alle tuinderijen nu,
schemerden tusschen jong-groeiend boomgroen en
boerenkool, de goud-verrotte leeggeplukte
erwtenranken, soms èven zonnig overgloeid, als
brandende braam, vlam-roerloos. In enkele dagen
fladderden de bossen op de rijzenpunten, harige
kopgedrochten op pieken, hóóg tegen donkere lucht.
—Aan voet van rijzen, waar ’t stroo opgehokt stond,
bloeiden al weer late sperzie- en snijboonen.
Ouë Gerrit wou niet drogen op rijzen, in dat vuile weer;
smakte de ranken op hoopen bij modder-greppeltje
achter ’t erf, toch zuinig ze bewarend voor
koestrooisel. Kees was druk in de weer, rankte nieuwe
aardbeibedden in, en zuiverde ze van vuil.—Elk half
uurtje, tusschen marktgang, werd gewied. Heele
akkers met leege rijzen bleven nog naakt de lucht
inpieken, om dat er geen tijd was ze op hok te
smakken. Toch waren ze blij, dat de aardbeipluk
gedaan leek, al kopten ze nog wat mandjes. Van de
vroeg-soorten begonnen de blaadjes al rood te
gloeien, bloedrood en meloen-goudheet bezoomd,
sterfzang van ’t loof in den zonnezomer. Andere
bedden kwijnden met roest op ’t blad, door plotsen
guren omdraai van weer, wind en regen, in ’t hart van
groei en bloei geslagen.—

Ouë Gerrit gromde van ’s morgens tot ’s avonds.—

Het was geen làvende zomerregen meer, die als ’n

koele dronk neersuisde op ’t land, en tegen den
avond, over de akkers zangerige regenruisch verzong
door de donkere boomen en ’t loof, en dán zuchtte als
ademhaal van orgelregisters; dan droomerig tikkelde
en zacht knetterde heel fijn en weemoedig,—maar ’t
bleef ’n nattige wind-wilde regenzwalp, ’n modderig
plassende, dorrend-vernielende grauwe nattigheid.—
Ouë Gerrit vloekte, vloekte, onder ’t inranken van de
beplaste aardbeibedden. Wàt ie aanraakte
[263]klefferde, was bemodderd. Z’n klompen zogen in ’t
natte zand, kledderden en smakten zuigend onder z’n
hielen. Rechts en links de bedden, rankte ie tegelijk de
jonge stekjes. Wrevelig groef ie de plantjes in, keilde
 ie verrotte voor zich uit. Toch was ie dolblij dat ie
dezen zomer niet alles op één worp had gegooid met
de aardbeien, zooals die stomme dokter Troost dat
wilde. En lol had ie ’r om, dat ie die beroerde grimmige
Ant had gebonjourd.

Voor Kees nou nog alleen wat bij de boonen, en dan

die ook òpgemarcheerd. Die paar mandjes aardbei en
bessen kon d’r Guurt zelf nog wel halen, die toch ook
’t land had an Ant. Gister had z’n meid nog veertig
mandjes geplukt.… Toch ’n rakker die Guurt. Als ie
maar wist wat of ze vóór had, met d’r vrijers..

En die Piet! hep d’r nog acht sint moakt! Waa’s d’r
puur ’n meroakel! hoho! aa’s die noar stad gong.…
waa’s ’t alletait ’n kwart meer aa’s Dirk, die krek vaif
sint hoalt!

Ouë Gerrit wist zich niet goed meer te roeren. Dirk gaf
’m eerst na den grootsten worstel, de ontvangen
guldens uit den zak. De Ouë kromp van angst, als ie
’m dronken van den marktdag zag den dorsch
inschommelen, angst dat ie den heelen boel zou
verzopen hebben, of verspeeld. En als ie dan maar ’n
kik gaf, blafte Dirk hem nijdig tegen z’n hielen, dat ie
schrok, en afgebluft loenschte. Piet gaf alles dadelijk,
al gapte ie ’r later weer van weg voor de zuip, maar
Dirk hield de duiten in z’n ijzeren knuisten heet
gevangen.—Dan eindelijk, moest ie na z’n verbluffing
opspelen, schreeuwen, stompen en beuken in
bloedspuw van nijd, en traag ging de klepzak dan
eindelijk open, klefferden de morsige dubbeltjes,
kwartjes en centen naar buiten, naar hèm toe, onder
één grom en snauw. Ging hij natellen dan vloekte Dirk.
„Tel aa’s je je koarsies uitbloast”, hoonde die, en
sarrend liet ie ’m zien de notities, wel wetend, dat ouë
Gerrit toch niet lezen kon, ’n letter zoo groot als ’n
paardekop niet.—

Smartelijker, gejaagder voelde ie z’n onmacht, ouë

Gerrit, omdat ie zelf niet meer de stad inventen kon.
Soms, als ie wat beet had weer, kon ’m de heele boel
niet meer schelen; zag ie heel klaar z’n ondergang in,
hij op ’n hokkie, de kerels op ’t [264]land als knechten.
Dan weer bedacht ie, dat zoo iets toch maar niet in
een ging, hij z’n meeste geld toch bij de fabrieken,
vast liet liggen, tot hij November zelf betalen moest.
Soms, drensde ’m door z’n kop dat Dirk vroeger veel
beter voor ’m geweest was, toegevender en niet zoo
snauwend, maar dan zag ie later Dirk weer goeiiger
tegenover hem.—Als de vent maar geen geld zag,
want dàn wier ie dol.—

Vandaag had ie nog ’n bak bessen geplukt, ’n

dubbeltje per mandje. En nog ’n prachtig dotje
frambozen! Dat klein goed gaf toch nog heel wat.…
Hoho!.… dá’ beskouwde ie nog wel ’n vaiftien pop
veur.… hai most d’r vast meer van tele, al há’ je d’r
tuinders die d’r niks mee van doen wille hewwe.. Da
klain goed.. want aldegoar benne se tug doodarreme
poerders. Van murrege, van vaif tot ses op ’t ploatsie,
had ie ’t nog uitrekend.… veur de feule framboosies
moakte ie nog twoalef sint ’t mandje.. hoho! wa’ skol
’t? Nou hoalde ie di joàr an sain vruchies.… frank … ’t
hooi uut! Ommendebai honderdvaiftien pop veur twai
koebeeste.…
 Maar angstiger iederen avond, nà z’n stil gemijmer,
keek ie òp naar de lucht, angst-verwurgd voor onweer
en regen. Tegen iedereen klaagde ie.… ’t werd ’m te
benauwd.—

—De boone groeie d’r wel in ’t gewas hoho! moar de

frucht set nie! mi die raige! Wa binne dá’ nou weer
suinige weertjes.. in ’t hart van ’t somer, je sit d’r puur
te rille.… en soàfus omwair!

—Jaò buurman, f’rlaije jair satte wai op haide

hardstikke in ’t drukst van de boonetait hèe?

—Hoho.… vier- en vaif en nie g’nog.… suinige

weertjes …

En iederen dag, dat ’t guur-winderige weer aanhield

werd Ouë Gerrit banger en grimmiger. Er zat angst in
z’n keel. De zware onweerswolken voelde ie pletten
op z’n borst. Dan weer wreef ie zich aan z’n strot als
zat ’r ’n wurgklauw die telkens z’n luchtpijp zachtjes
toekneep, en hem nog maar uit ’n spleetje ademen
liet! Angst voor z’n boonen groeide. Nu en dan zag ie
z’n wijf verdwaald rondzoeken in de tuinderij. Hoe ze’r
heengestapt was wist ze zelf niet meer, en waar ze
terug moest nog minder. [265]Ze drentelde maar wat en
sufte. Plots ’n woesten snauw, greep ie ’r bij den arm,
bracht ’r in huis.—

—Jou stommeling, je loopt d’r t’met hardstikke in main

seldrie mi je klaufe.… hoho! jai geep! dwarrel! moak
jai d’r gain kapsies hee?—
 Woest had ie ’r thuis op ’n stoel geduwd, waar ze
versuft neerblokte, en grommend sprong ouë Gerrit ’t
achterend uit.

—Dâ sal d’r ’n mooie sain.… Net had ie sain seldrielap

f’rkocht, veur vier sint ’t kilo! Waa’s d’r in sint meer
aa’s verlaije joar!.… Hoho!… sel je dá’ lamme dooie
waif d’r mi d’r blinde klaufe instappe … Wá’ gong die
seldrie nou hain?.. noa febriek?… had die dàor nie
meer moake kenne?.. of noar Amsterdam? da lamme
waif!.… Moar s’n spersie en snaiboone … da gong d’r
noar Noord-Skarrefou.. en Aiselmonde.. of ie ’t nie
wist! Da stomme waif.. sel d’r f’rduufeld soo p’rdoes op
sain duute trappe!.… Moar de boone … mostte ’t tug
dâ joar goed moake … most de loodpot vulle.. aers
waa’s die d’r gloeiend bai.… gaf de seldrie en vruchies
tùg nies.. nies.…

In regen en plassende nattigheid werd op de akkers

gewied, gekerfd met spa, geplukt in bakken. Seldrie
verwasemend door regengeur, stond gesneden en de
aardappels werden voor eigen maal wat gerooid hier
en daar.

Op de bollenakkers, wijd-om de tuinderijen en

gaarden gecirkeld, rookten blauwige wolkzwierselen.
In de greppels, volgeschoffeld met rot loof, hadden de
werkers ’n brandje gestoken, dat niet vlamde, maar
smeulde, en zwaar hei-brandig dampte over de
velden. Soms, als achter regengrauwe lucht en
wolkzilverend grijs, nattig en bleek, even de zon kwam
koekeloeren, met bewaterde gelige tronie, strooide ’t
licht wat nattig goud, schijnselig en blas, door de
blauw-dampende in rook stikkende akkers. De rooiers
dáár, in den ijl-blauwen smeulnevel, die glansde in
bleek zongoud, gebaarden in rokigen gloed, in mist-
blauw en zacht zonnevuur aangegloeid, stralend en
omsluierend tegelijk. Zoo, ’n uur lang, de bollenakkers
trilden in ’t waas-blauwe, zacht begloeide rooklicht, als
welfde zich een dampige [266]reuzengrot boven ’t land,
waar kleurige nevel doorheen woei, in stoei en spel,
van grotgeesten, in-en-uit. En rond ’t rookende loof
verschuifelden de glansen van dag-goud en
grasgroen, onder de werkende luchten, vol
regengrauw en paars-duister onweergedreig.

Na ’n uur dook zon weer wèg, vertraande z’n bleek-

gele waterige tronie achter droef-grauwe
wolkburchten, stortte regen weer neer bij hoozen. En
over de avond-akkers bleef ’t donker ruischen, soms
kletteren door bladloover, heel vèr en snaterend-
monotoon.

Ouë Gerrit beefde, snikte van angst als in wolkdonker,

’n vuurflits ’t fosforesceerende zwerk vlammig
doorzeisde, zònder dat donderslag nadreunde.—

’s Morgens, zóó uit angst-doorschokten korten slaap

wakker gejaagd, keek ie ’t eerst naar z’n boonen. Dit
jaar had ie moffenboonen bijgeplant, waarvan ie ook
nog heel wat mocht verwachten. Maar ook dàt gewas
stond hoe langer hoe slechter. Met angst in z’n oogen
keek ie schuw naar den bloesem van de hooge stok-
boonen, of ’r niet te véél verdorden en afvielen. De
paadjes dáár, schemerden wit van bloesem. En in z’n
angst zag ie ’t al erger sneeuwen, vol afgewaaide
dorrende bloesems. ’n Paar dagen had ie achtereen in
huis, wat bollen gesorteerd. Maar nou, met de rooi van
wat narcissen moest ie eruit, sorteeren op den
klefferigen modderig verzogen grond, omdat zulk
goedje altijd buiten liggen bleef. En de kerels, achter ’t
erf, en op de Beek, tusschen de aardappels en
koolen, stonden verzopen en verflodderd van regen
en nattigheid, te wroeten in de vunzige aarde. Soms
zóó doorzogen tot op ’t hemd, dat ze zich iederen
avond d’r regen-stinkende kleeren uit te wringen en te
verdrogen hadden boven vuur. En voort over de
zomerlanden joegen de grauwe wolkensteden, laag,
bang-dreigend, vol duister-paarse ontzetting.

Soms kon Ouë Gerrit de heele boel geen drommel

meer schelen, al bralde en rotsblokkig-roffelde en
stortte ’t onweer in, boven z’n kop, al flitste ’t vuur zig-
zag vizioen-snel door den hemel, al had ie z’n centen
voor pacht en hypotheek nog voor [267]’n kwart deel
niet bij elkaar, al rotten z’n boonenbloesems ’m zóó,
voor de oogen weg. Die uurtjes leefden er zalig voor
’m, als ie pas wat gegapt had, en met heerlijk-woest
voluptueus steelgenot, met nog jeuk-brandende
knuisten van grijp-verlangen, naar z’n kelderhoek
holde. Vloeken kòn ie, als ie daar niet dikwijls genoeg
vrij mocht afzakken. Guurt in haar dralende
onnoozelheid, had in den voorhoek allerlei rommel
neergesmakt; mandjes, roestpannen, zaklorren,
houtblokken, takkebossen, waar ze nou telkens
tusschen snuffelde. Snauwig keek ze ’m aan, als ie
trapgat afstrompelde. Dan bitste ze ’m nijdig toe wat ie
in den kelder van doen had. ’t Was verduiveld, of ze
voèlde dat ’t dan hevig heet in ’m liep; dat zorgen en
 angst in z’n strot dichtschroefden, dat ie àfwilde van
z’n benauwing, hem z’n roeszaligheid van-bij-z’n-
spullen-zitten, dáár kon verzwijmelen en zich
verdooven. Gauw moest ie dan ’n uitpraatje klaar
hebben, en zoo liep ie wel uren rond te scharrelen in ’t
vervuilde kelderhok, allerhande pestige vervelende
dingetjes doend, die hij niet wòu doen, Guurt
vervloekend, dat zij, in d’r smerigheid en
verwaarloozing van huishoudingen, noù, nou hìj heet
liep, zich daar vastzoog tusschen de lorren,
rondsnuffelde met Job’s geduld, en hèm belette z’n
rommel te grijpen, te omtasten, met z’n brandende
begeer-oogen te omgretigen.—Als ze eindelijk
opstapte, holde ie naar z’n hok, in woesten grabbel
met angst-argwaan, heet-gejaagd loerend op ’t
keldertrapgat, in duizelende verrukking en hart-
mokering, dat ze’m toch nooit zouên snappen. Hoorde
ie gedruisch boven ’t luik, voetgeschuifel en kreukig
rokgeschuur, dan beefde ie, bééfde ie, bleef ie toch, in
koorts-spannende angst-verrukking oogen-gretigend
waanzinnen bij z’n spullen, wagend, alles wagend tot
de laatste gevaar-sekonde.—

Aan tafel ’s middags keek ie angstiger Guurt áán, of

ze wat zeggen zou, wat gemerkt had, maar er kwam
geen woord uit z’n meid, daarover.

—Ouë nog ’n spekkie? was ’t eenige wat ze zei, klonk

’m gemoedelijk, na z’n overspannen angst voor
gesnapt-zijn, fantazie-angst die ’m folterde en doorreet
van schok-gevoel, elk [268]oogenblik: noù-zal-je ’t
hewwe.—En vriendelijk-lekker antwoordde ie:
 —Heul groag maid, heul groag!

Daarna zei ie in zich zelf, de vraag van Guurtje wel

tien maal over, dat ’t van binnen in ’m druischte en
klonk:.. Ouë nog ’n spekkie?.. Ouë nog ’n spekkie?..
Maar telkens veranderde ie toon-accent, zich zelf dan
afvragend of ze ’t wel zoo ècht gemoedelijk bedoeld
had, als hij ’t eerst meende.—Voor zijn wijf had ie
heelemaal geen angst meer. Ging ie ’s nachts soms
nog naar z’n kelderhok, voorzichtig in de paar uurtjes
duister maar, dan bleef ze’m soms aanstaren, keek hij
haar terug áán zonder dat ze ’n stom woord kon
uitbrengen. Meestal kon ’r spraak zich niet eens meer
op den naam van ’r man smakken. Dan voelde hij zich
overmoedig, demonisch-sarrend, lolde ie ’r even
zachtjes in de ooren.

—Gerrit goan d’r bai s’n bulle waif, sain bulle waif!
hoho!

—Bulle.. bulle? klankloos haperde en teemde ze

idioterig terug, zonder besef de woorden van ’r lippen
versullend. Dan grinnikte ie zoetjes-gesmoord, bang
voor de anderen die wèl beseften. Kwam ie terug uit
den kelder, dan lag ze weer te lip-puffen of staarde ze
wakker naar ’m òp, zonder begrip, met staar van ’n
stille idiote in d’r doffe oogen.

Maar nou, in die broei-grauwe luchten, met al dat

onweer, dat ’m deed stikken van benauwdheid was z’n
overmoed tegenover haar ook dikwijls wèggezakt.

Z’n boonen! z’n boonen! als die maar bleven!

 Van de stamsperzies hadden de jongens al wat
gehaald. Kees was bedankt, mocht weer eens
aanslenteren in ’t drukst van den pluk. Ouë Gerrit
raasde, schold, giftiger onstuimiger op ’t weer. Hij
berukte z’n baard, z’n haren, zich-zelf omfolterend met
angstvragen, hoe dat afloopen moest. Nou had ie
gedacht er zoo onverschillig mogelijk onder te blijven.
De bloesem en afval sneeuwde áán met z’n angst
mee, en telkens keek ie bangelijker hoe de ranken
zich hielden.

—Hoho … vier-en-vaif en nie genog, kaik d’r rais

waa’n woar d’r lait! doar ken je ’n huurtje van
beskouwe.. snof’rjenne, [269]teemde ie naar Dirk die ’m
met ’n snauw afgromde, en zonder ommezien op z’n
uitgeplante andijvie aanstramde, kopgebukt en spier-
gespannen, als ’n paard dat vrachtkar aansjort in
eersten opzet.—

—Is da nie vast ’n skande, soo veul nat weer, in ’t

harretje van Augustus t’met. Z’n kinderkop wrangde
elk uur knorriger, en z’n bisschopsbaard trok ie met
woeste handvegen, heen en weer. Wat had ie d’r nou
an dat stelletje moffeboonen, en die dubbele
stamsperzies.… aldegoar grof goed.. aa’s de
stokboone nie gonge! kaik! nou had Piet d’r f’murge ’n
tàchtig boontjes fònde.. ’t Waa’s god-gekloagd!
Skande.. skande! En hep d’r Dirk nie veuls te loat
d’andaifie uitplant? en soo waid van malkoar.. Dá’ had
d’r end Juli op regels motte stoan. Nou most tie d’r
nog òpbinde.… aa’s ’t goed gong! Somers-andaifie
òpbinde! wie hep d’r ooit soo sout gaite? Die staifkop!
hoho! D’r had al ’n gaile krop insitte kenne.. aa’s tie se
op malkoar plant had.…

Morrend en vloekbrommend liep ie overal door den

tuin, loerender en banger, iederen dag. Ja, wel was ie
stom geweest om die spruitkool tusschen zijn boonen
te zetten.

—Sel d’r is ’n nat klompie gaife!

Langzaam zetten de boonen áán. ’t Weer bleef guur,

grauw-zilverig, al stroomde de regen niet meer. De
spruitkoolen, omzaaid van kleine bolletjes, dropen van
water, in glans-plassig nat. Gloei-droppels trilden op
de vette roode kolen, op de bieten, sla en ruche-fijne
gekartelde boerenkool. ’t Groen rondom blonk en glom
nattig onder ’t grijze luchtzware grauw. Onrustiger,
banger sjokkerde ouë Gerrit door z’n tuinen, dan op
de Beek, dan achter z’n huis, dan in ’t duin, wel
voelend met scheutjes blijdschap dat er wat hitte
aanbroeien ging onder ’t onweer-zwoele grauw.

De landwerkers zongen opgewondener onder hun

arbeid. Nog drie dagen en de kermis zou er zijn, de
groote uitbarstende pret voor hun zomerzwoeg, het
kleurigbonte wonder van tenten, kramen en spullen.—
En overal rondom, de kristallen fonkel van kronen en
de helle gloeilichtflakker van lampen, verduizelend
[270]voor hun begeer-oogen. Nou kwam de kermisgloei
die ze bekroop als ’n achtdaagsche koorts, ’n krisis
van hevig leven bracht, waarin ze uitbarsten en
verzwijmelen zouden, zich rollen, met hun zware
boerenpassie, in de modder van diergenot. Daarin
zouden ze zich wreken òp bijeengespaarde woede,
 haat en wrok. Nou mochten ze vechten, mokeren,
zuipen, geilen.

En overal koortste ’t lied uit, zongen ze op de akkers,

in de straatjes, zalige onbestemde dwarrel van
ronkende geluiden; krijsch naar genotsroes die
opvuren kwam. Hun wreede kelen raasden, en
verschalden kermiszang van ’t vorige jaar. En
klankengalm bevend en rauw van hartstocht,
verschorde over ’t grauwend-zomersche land.

Ouë Gerrit vloekte tegen de kermis die z’n boel nog

meer ging verpesten; de kerels lambeuken zou van
vermoeiïng, slaperigheid en hangerigen kregel.—

Dàt ging nou opstormen, dwars door ’t zware

boonenwerk. Maar toch wilde ie smoren z’n razernij,
want hóórden ze’m grommen, dan zouden ze’m vast
heelemaal laten stikken met den grooten haal, in de
blakerende kermisjool.— [271]