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International Sporting Events and It's Expenses
International Sporting Events and It's Expenses
On the one hand, becoming a host nation for global events such as the World Cup or the
Olympics brings a number of economic and infrastructural benefits. During these
events, there is an influx of tourists from all over the world who need places to stay,
restaurants to eat in and traditional products to purchase. The efforts made to cater to
these tourists will remain long after they have gone. The cost of renovating a hotel might
pay for itself during the event and then begin turning a large profit in later years. The
other main area of development is related to the rapid expansion of quality
infrastructure. Nations will be forced to invest in new sports facilities like swimming
pools and stadiums as well as make renovations to pre-existing infrastructure like roads
and airports. For example, China used the Beijing Olympics as an opportunity to
modernise old buildings and roads.
On the other hand, these competitions use up tremendous resources from the host
nation for a temporary competition. To ensure the success of these prestigious events,
governments must waste a large percentage of the nation budget in the years leading up
to the competition, oftentimes in the billions of dollars. The newly constructed facilities
usually fall into disuse after each tournament. A salient example of this is Brazil as many
of the swimming pools and sports facilities that were used in the 2014 Olympics are
currently abandoned and becoming decrepit. Meanwhile, there are other pressing issues
that have been festering including the need for new schools for underprivileged students
and quality healthcare for the elderly population. If the government had prioritised these
issues the country would be in a better position and its citizens would have a higher
standard of living.
To summarize, due to the exorbitant costs, I am of the belief that the government should
not allocate such a large percentage of its financial resources to hosting global events
with negligible long-term impact. Instead these events should be hosted in the same
countries year after year so that the new infrastructure pays for itself over time.
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2.
Many people are divided over having a sports tournament for international competitors
occuring in their country. While some believe that money is wasted in hosting it, others
believe the event’s benefits justify its costs. Although these justifications seem
reasonable, I am inclined to express my disapproval toward this decision.
Organizing global sporting events might not be a wasteful venture. Certainly, new jobs
will be created, particularly those in the construction and service industries. The former
is expected to need more workers to build sporting facilities and lodging for the arriving
athletes, while the latter obviously demands more hospitality providers for the sports
tourists. Altogether, this results in a higher income overall for the population. Another
point of note is that hosting international sports tournaments produces an opportunity
to improve a country’s recognizability on the global stage. Such events, it is claimed, may
leave lasting impressions in foreign visitors and allow a nation’s tourism industry to
flourish for many years to come. The values created from organizing these events seem
significant enough to justify the decision.
However, I firmly believe that a nation is squandering its wealth by hosting international
sporting events. The expenses involved in such an endeavor, from lobbying for the rights
to host to constructing sporting facilities, are massive to the point of extravagance. As a
consequence, the home government incurs an exorbitant amount of debt, which
ultimately falls to the taxpayers to foot the bill. After a tournament has concluded,
meanwhile, the constructed facilities might end up a waste as well. This is likely the case
for the host of Olympic-style events, as arenas and sports complexes for less popular
disciplines fall into disuse. Even when they are used, the purpose is usually particular,
and the public, as usual, has to pay for their maintenance. It is hence reasonable to
oppose the holding of international sports tournaments.
In conclusion, organizing sports events for athletes from all over the globe is largely a
waste of money, and can be one of the worst financial decisions a nation can make. Any
government which likes to explore the possibility of doing so, in my opinion, would need
a good reason for it.
Đề bài, bài mẫu IELTS Writing Task 2 chủ đề: Hosting international sporting events
3.
Organizing international sporting extravaganzas like the Olympic Games or the FIFA
World Cup undoubtedly demands substantial financial investments. While some argue
that such expenditures are wasteful, others contend that they bring considerable
benefits to the host country. This essay will thoroughly discuss both viewpoints before
concluding that I am in favor of the former.
Admittedly, proponents of hosting international sports events may argue that the
benefits outweigh the costs. The key rationale behind this thinking is that these events
can significantly boost a nation's tourism industry, stimulate local economies, and create
numerous job opportunities. For example, the 2016 Rio Olympics drew millions of
tourists, injecting billions into the Brazilian economy and providing thousands of jobs in
the process. This underscores the belief that hosting such events can be a sound
economic investment.
However, I side with those who claim that the organization of global sports events is not
a prudent financial investment. This is because the exorbitant costs associated with
constructing state-of-the-art stadiums and upgrading infrastructure can place an
immense strain on a nation's budget. For example, the 2004 Athens Olympics left Greece
grappling with significant debt due to overspending on infrastructure projects,
burdening the country's finances for years to come. Additionally, global-scale sports
events often result in underutilized facilities once they conclude, giving rise to
maintenance expenses that further drain public funds. This can be seen in the case of
the 2016 Rio Olympics, where some venues were left unused, necessitating ongoing
maintenance funded by taxpayers. The unfulfilled promise of repurposing these
facilities for community use exacerbates the financial strain on the host city.
In conclusion, I feel that hosting international sports events is often a wasteful financial
endeavor. While there are potential benefits, the enormous costs, long-term financial
burdens, and underutilized amenities typically overshadow these gains.
4.
Hosting major international sports events like the Olympics or the FIFA World Cup
comes with a significant financial commitment. While some argue that these expenses
are extravagant, others believe that hosting such events brings a multitude of
advantages. This essay will examine both perspectives before presenting my own
viewpoint.
Advocates contend that the costs associated with hosting these events are justified due to
the potential economic benefits they bring. Organizing a major sports event draws in
tourists, stimulates local businesses, creates job opportunities, and encourages
infrastructure development. Moreover, it showcases the host country’s culture, heritage,
and capabilities to the world, leading to global recognition. Consequently, these events
can act as drivers for economic growth, leaving a lasting positive impact on the host
nation.
Detractors argue that the resources earmarked for hosting these events could be better
utilized for critical social issues like education, healthcare, and poverty alleviation. They
posit that the short-term financial gains may not outweigh the long-term costs, as the
infrastructure built for these events may become underused or unsustainable after the
event concludes. Critics also assert that the resources invested could be redirected
towards addressing more immediate and essential needs of the populace.
In conclusion, I believe that hosting major international sports events can be a beneficial
investment, provided there is careful planning and consideration of long-term benefits.
While it is imperative to ensure that funds are judiciously allocated and that the event
leaves a lasting legacy, the potential economic, cultural, and social benefits should not be
disregarded.
5.
While some individuals postulate that hosting monumental sporting tournaments, such
as the World Cup, amounts to a misuse of national resources, others assert that these
events can meaningfully enrich a nation's profile. In this discourse, I shall explore both
perspectives, culminating in my own considered viewpoint.
At the outset, there exists a cohort who contend that the financial allocations for grand
sporting spectacles often eclipse pressing societal needs. For instance, Brazil's
significant investment in the 2016 World Cup offers a sobering narrative. The nation
embarked on erecting sophisticated stadiums; however, post-tournament, venues such
as the Arena da Amazonia languished in underutilization. Simultaneously, a large
fraction of the generated revenue was appropriated by international organizations,
leaving Brazil grappling with subsequent financial burdens. Therefore, countries might,
in their zeal, inadvertently sideline immediate and pivotal needs.
In conclusion, while hosting large sporting gatherings has its allure, nations must decide
with caution, factoring in their own unique challenges and potential gains. Drawing from
instances like Brazil and Japan, the varied outcomes are evident. It is, therefore, clear
that each nation should tailor its decision based on its unique context. Looking ahead,
it's anticipated that countries will evaluate such undertakings with increasing prudence,
ensuring citizen welfare remains at the forefront.
Some people think that it is a waste of money for countries to host big sporting events
like the world cup, and that the money would be better spent on other things
ET Spotlight Special (2022). Qatar FIFA World Cup 2022: How much
money host nation spent on the most expensive men’s tournament?
[online] The Economic Times. Available at:
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/us/qatar-fifa-
world-cup-2022-how-much-money-host-nation-spent-on-the-most-
expensive-mens-tournament/articleshow/96319520.cms?from=mdr
[Accessed 10 Apr. 2024].
Craig, M. (2022). The Money Behind The Most Expensive World Cup
In History: Qatar 2022 By The Numbers. Forbes. [online] 21 Nov.
Available at: https://www.forbes.com/sites/mattcraig/2022/11/19/the-
money-behind-the-most-expensive-world-cup-in-history-qatar-2022-
by-the-numbers/?sh=6a18bf69bff5 [Accessed 10 Apr. 2024].
Global Sport Matters: The Olympics are fun. They’re often inspiring. They
make for great TV. And with an average cost since 1960 of $6 billion for the
Summer Games and $3.1 billion for the Winter Games, they are anything but
cheap. What should cities and countries bidding for the Olympics know about
the costs of hosting the Games?
Alexander Budzier: Exactly what you said! It’s not cheap. With the cost itself,
there’s an element that has to do with running the Olympics for two weeks, the
greatest show on Earth. And then, as we now see in Tokyo, and as we saw in
Rio, and that we always see, there’s what the whole thing costs—all of the
surrounding investments in infrastructure. And that’s at least half of the total
cost.
If we take Tokyo as an example, there’s about $6 billion that is the cost of
actually staging and running the events for two weeks. And that is just about
met by the various revenues cities are able to raise, even though we know
there are some questions about whether those are in cash or, as is often the
case, in in-kind donations. But on paper, at least, that is covered. Only then
you have another $10 billion, sometimes more, that you invest in stuff like
stadiums, athletes’ villages, broadcast centers, and transportation upgrades.
And some of those costs aren’t even included in the costs we studied.
So one of the greatest questions for any city or country embarking on [hosting
the Games] is affordability. Can you afford it? And if you're investing in it, are
you investing your money wisely? Do you really have a plan for what to do
with all that infrastructure afterwards? If you don’t, then there certainly is an
element of proceed with caution, and really know what you are getting
yourself into.
GSM: Just to clarify—your study of Olympic costs and cost overruns doesn’t
cover all of the infrastructure costs that come with hosting?
Budzier: No, we were looking at what we call “direct sports-related
investments.” That includes the stadiums, the media and broadcasting
centers, the athletes’ villages. But it doesn’t include things like upgrading your
airport, or expanding a metro, or building a light railway station to serve the
Olympic area.
GSM: That sounds like sports-stadium construction costs in the United States
that don’t include building a new highway interchange next to the stadium, or
upgrading the electrical or water infrastructure in that area, all of those other
necessary infrastructure things. You have to pay for them, too, but they’re not
on the official budget.
Budzier: They’re not on that budget. And that means it's very difficult to
compare those expenses between the different Olympics. These kinds of
additional investments are typically not captured in the "bid books" that are
put together when places bid for hosting the Games.
Those books are one of the main sources of data that we looked at. They very
much focus on what is needed to host the Games, and not necessarily on what
is needed to get people to them.
GSM: Who actually pays for the costs of putting on the Games? Is there a
difference between who pays for the budgeted costs and who pays for any
overruns?
Budzier: With the cost of running the events, the IOC [International Olympic
Committee, a non-governmental organization based in Switzerland that
organizes the Games], always claims that sponsorship, television rights, and
whatever the IOC gives to the host cities covers those costs. But that doesn’t
pay for any of the facilities or other stuff we discussed. The host cities are on
the hook for that, usually with [national] government-backed guarantees to
pay for it—which ultimately means taxpayers.
GSM: You note in your paper that host cities have legally-binding obligations
—that is, contacts with the IOC—to cover any cost overruns.
Budzier: Yes, and that is also part of the massive cost risk. When Rome
dropped out of their Olympic bid [for the 2024 Games], one of the things the
city’s mayor mentioned during their press conference was how the city hosted
the 1960 Olympics and still hasn’t paid back those loans.
GSM: Your paper states that “we cannot count on organizers, the IOC, and
governments to provide us with reliable information about the real costs, cost
overruns, and cost risks of the Olympic Games.” Why not, and how does that
effect trying to research and analyze these costs?
Budzier: It makes it very hard! There’s an apparent transparency over recent
Games, with the bid books being public, and the cost estimate, and the final
accounting also being public. But once you start looking into the individual
Games, it is difficult to really find apples for apples comparisons between what
goes in the bid books and what is given in the final accounts. You don’t quite
know how the money was accounted for. For the Sochi Games, for instance,
we still don’t know what the security costs were. Nobody has any idea.
GSM: So there’s no standardized way that different hosts and different Games
keep their books?
Budzier: Technically, the local organizing committee books are there, and they
sort of publish what they spend. You can follow up on that. But then,
somehow, sometimes budgetary items just disappear. For Rio, for example,
there were some documents published just before the Games where costs were
split between the city, the region, and the state for things like refurbishing the
Olympic Village into housing after the Games, things that later weren’t
counted as official costs.
At first look, you can say, ‘yeah, it’s all very transparent.’ But once you start
moving the numbers, it all becomes a little more complicated and fishy.
GSM: By your accounting, the 2014 Sochi Games cost $21.9 billion. That made
them the most expensive Games ever—at least until Tokyo—and also made
Sochi more expensive than all previous Winter Games combined. Why did
they cost so much?
Budzier: Everybody thinks it was corruption. That’s the working assumption.
Nobody can prove it. But it’s unclear how you could spend so much on the
different bits of infrastructure and how particular types of infrastructure could
be so expensive. Like ice hockey, how much can you really spend on the
stadium? The money must have gone to somebody, somewhere.
GSM: So what has happened with ballooning costs for the Tokyo Games? Is it
the pandemic? Were cost overruns a problem before Covid?
Budzier: So, the official, announced budget in 2019 was $12.6 billion. After the
pandemic and the Games being postponed, that rose to $15.4 billion. A state
auditor has said that there are another $9.7 billion in costs that aren’t being
accounted for and should be accounted for.
So pre-Covid, the Tokyo Games had at 73 percent cost overrun. Now it’s 111
percent according to their own calculations—and if you trust the state auditor,
we’re talking about a 244 percent overrun. It’s hard to see what is due to covid
and what isn’t, because to some extent those costs overlapped.
GSM: In the paper, you describe the budget for most megaprojects as the
maximum value to be spent—but with the Olympics, you write, it is “more like
a fictitious minimum” or a “down payment.” Why is that?
Budzier: The Olympics have a different spending profile compared to other
projects. Normally, you have a little bit of a ramp up, then you have a lot of
activity and spend a lot of money, and then it ramps down. The middle of a
construction period is always the most work-intensive. So you end up with a
bell-shaped kind of curve.
But the Olympics are always back-ended. The activity really happens toward
the end of the Games cycle. So people are, to some extent, completely
unrealistic about planning. It’s a long time period—seven to nine years—and in
the first four years, nobody actually realizes how much things will change once
they actually have to host the Olympics. There are always changes around
security requirements, requirements for the media, all of that stuff.
Another thing we hear over and over again from the Olympic cities is that they
will just reuse their existing [sports and event] facilities. Which doesn’t really
work. The requirements around the Olympics when it comes to security, when
it comes to the media, etcetera, are so much higher than those for the
stadiums that have already been built. People involved in the Games say that it
often would be cheaper to demolish existing stadiums and build new ones
than retrofit.
The other thing is that the people making bids don’t have a particular interest
in putting together a realistic bid. They want to stage the Games! And they
need to sell it to their country and the local population. A really realistic
estimate of cost will probably not be a great selling point to get people on
board.
GSM: Using statistical analysis, you conclude that the Olympics carry a 20
percent risk of a three-fold increase—or higher—in cost. That seems high!
How does that risk compare to the risks of other megaprojects?
Budzier: It’s in the most extreme category of risks that we’ve found so far.
GSM: Your paper also states that Olympic cost overruns are “not just the
unfortunate, happenstance incidents they appear to be, that are regrettable
but will hopefully be avoided in the future, with more awareness and better
luck. Instead, Olympic cost blowouts are systematic, ruled by a power law that
will strike again and again, with more and more disastrous results.” Are you
basically saying that Olympic cost overruns are not a bug, but rather a feature?
Budzier: I think that's a fair way to put it. It’s not like life insurance or the
weather—things we can reasonably forecast, that sort of average out over time.
GSM: Let’s talk about reasons for Olympic cost overruns. Your paper lays out
a number of explanations, starting with the fact that once a city decides to host
the Games, it’s very difficult to reverse that decision—which leaves hosts in a
“in for a penny, in for a pound” position.
Budzier: It’s very hard for a whole city to back out. Something severely bad
must happen. If I remember correctly, Denver is the only Olympic host that
said, “no, actually, we’re not going to do that.” The public voted against it.
Otherwise, the pattern seems to be to throw good money after bad money.
GSM: Another reason for cost overruns is that Olympic hosts—and not the
IOC—are legally obligated to cover them.
Budzier: That’s a point we make about governance structures. The IOC says
they’re looking after the operational costs of the Games. If those increase, they
can always find a bit more sponsorship money or whatever. But the IOC isn’t
involved with the stadiums and all the other infrastructure. The host cities and
countries pay for that.
In projects, you always talk about balancing your cost, your schedule, and your
scope. With the Olympics, the schedule is defined. You know exactly when the
opening date is going to be. In normal times, that is not going to be moved.
Similarly, the scope tends to expand. The governing body for swimming will
say, “Okay, your aquatic center must have these specifications for the pool,
and these specifications for the warm-up rooms.” And you just have to do it.
You need to deliver, and you have no influence over saying “no, let’s do it later
or cheaper.” So something has to give, and that ends up being the costs.
GSM: Your paper also lays out recommendations for lowering Olympic costs
and cost overruns, including budgeting more money up front for
contingencies; making the IOC more responsible for paying for cost overruns;
shortening the delivery period for the Games; and even having cities walk
away from hosting altogether. Which of these steps would be the most
effective if taken?
Budzier: Quite honestly, the last one is probably the least effective: Just walk
away, don't do it anymore. That's probably not in anybody's interest! And it's
sort of a tongue-in-cheek recommendation.
GSM: People have proposed hosting the Games in one or a few permanent
locations—something that could lower costs by allowing facilities to be reused
and also eliminating the eternal beginner syndrome.
Budzier: That is how the Olympics used to run in ancient times.
GSM: Your paper takes that idea one step further by recommending that the
Games “be spread geographically with different events going to different cities,
but with each event having a more or less permanent home, say track and field
in Los Angeles, tennis in London, equestrian events in Hong Kong.” What are
the chances that something like this ever happens?
Budzier: In some ways, it’s against the principles of the Olympic movement.
Participation in sports is kind of their thing. They want to spread Olympic
sports across the globe. So they travel around and go to different continents.
But the question is, does that still work? Because the Olympics increasingly
are a thing that only very rich countries can afford.
GSM: And even those countries are having second thoughts! In the last 20
years, we have seen a dramatic decrease in the number of cities applying to be
Olympic hosts, as well as applicants including Boston, Toronto, Munich, and
Rome walk away from the bid process. Next year’s Winter Games will be held
in Beijing—a city not exactly known for winter sports—and Kazakhstan was
the only other bidder. How important is to the future of the Olympics to get
costs and cost overruns under control?
Budzier: It’s very important. The Olympics are really something that has
gotten out of hand. It is tremendously expensive. The IOC launched its
“Agenda 2020” in 2014 in part to make the Games more cost-efficient. Tokyo
implemented a lot of those ideas. Even before covid, they didn’t seem to be all
that cost-effective. We shall see if they manage to do something for Paris and
Los Angeles (the respective host cities of the 2024 and 2028 Summer Games).
That’s questionable, to say the least.
Is the IOC in any shape or form an organization that can actually turn this
around? I’m not very hopeful.
GSM: Are all of these big costs and bigger overruns inherent to the nature of
the Olympics themselves? Or are they the result of the people in charge of
awarding and staging the Games not being motivated to control costs? Put
another way: could we have cheaper Olympics if we really wanted them? Or is
it just impossible to control costs?
Budzier: I think it’s a matter of behavior. The worst outcome from our paper
would be that people say, “oh, well, these guys found that the Olympics follow
this weird power law, so cost controls are impossible.” Well, what we say is
that while cost forecasting is very hard, cost control is very much possible.
What’s needed is to set a realistic baseline for the costs, up front, and then
deliver to that baseline. Do not accept any other overruns. You do that by
appreciating the monumental task of delivering the Olympics on time and to
specs. Understand how ambition and wanting to show off a bit for the world
also can drive these costs. Don’t kid yourself that you’ll be able to get away
with a big stadium that’s cheap and ugly—it’s going to be on TV everywhere all
the time. You’ll want something pretty!
Kleen, B. (2021). Paying For the 2021 Tokyo Olympics - Global Sport
Matters. [online] Global Sport Matters. Available at:
https://globalsportmatters.com/business/2021/07/21/tokyo-olympics-
breaking-budgets-skyrocketing-costs-controlled/ [Accessed 10 Apr.
2024].
Football fans can hardly accuse Qatar of being tight-fisted. The Arab state has
reportedly spent $300bn in the 12 years since it won the rights to host the
men’s World Cup. It only expects the tournament to inject $17bn back into its
economy. Much of that spending spree has gone into building infrastructure,
including a whizzy new metro system built to accommodate the 1.5m visitors
expected to show up to football’s biggest party. Organisers insist all the
construction will serve a purpose even after the final goals are scored. They
should hope so. As an investment, sporting mega-events are almost always a
dud
Between 1964 and 2018, 31 out of 36 big events (such as World Cups or
summer and winter Olympics) racked up chunky losses, according to
researchers at the University of Lausanne. Of the 14 World Cups they
analysed, only one has ever been profitable: Russia’s in 2018 generated a
surplus of $235m, buoyed by a huge deal for broadcasting rights. Still, the
tournament only managed a 4.6% return on investment. (The data for
Mexico’s World Cup in 1986 is incomplete. It probably ran a deficit.)
Almost all the main expenses fall on the host country. FIFA, the sport’s
governing body, covers only operational costs. Yet it takes home most of the
revenue: ticket sales, sponsorships and broadcasting rights go into its coffers.
The last World Cup, for instance, scored FIFA a cool $5.4bn, part of which is
then transferred to national teams.
Economics aside, Qatar is also struggling to bank the prestige that host cities
aim to attract. According to one analysis, two-thirds of coverage in the lead up
to the World Cup in British media has been critical, focusing on the desert
state’s poor human-rights record. Fans may also be unimpressed by its abrupt
ban on alcohol in stadiums. As with any party, hosting is not all it’s cracked up
to be.
Meanwhile, less than six months away from the event, Parisians continue to
grumble over a lack of consultations with locals, warnings of gridlocked traffic,
closed metro stations, extensive video surveillance and other grievances. So
for host countries, what was the point of the Olympics, again?
In academia, the debate about the potential positive and negative effects of
large-scale sporting events is ongoing. Although these events are often
associated with substantial economic losses, the long-term benefits are the
main argument in favor of hosting them. These include the development of
material and soft infrastructure such as hotels, restaurants or parks. Big
games can also help put the host region on the map as an attractive place for
sports and cultural events, and inspire a better entrepreneurial climate.
If the actual figures exceed the predicted ones, we consider the event to have a
net positive impact. Otherwise, we consider that it had a "crowding out" effect
on "regular" tourists. While conducting this analysis, we distinguished
between short-term (i.e., focusing just on the year of the event) and mid-term
(year of the event plus three subsequent years).
Our results show that the effects of large-scale sporting events vary a lot across
host countries: The World Cup in Japan and South Korea 2002 and South
Africa 2010 were associated with a distinct increase in tourist arrivals,
whereas all other World Cups were either neutral or negative. Among the
Summer Olympics, China in 2008 is the only case with a significant positive
effect on tourist inflows.
The effects of the other four events (Australia 2000, Greece 2004, Great
Britain 2012, and Brazil 2016) were found to be negative in the short- and
medium-term. As for the Winter Olympics, the only positive case is Russia in
2014. The remaining five events had a negative impact except the one-year
neutral effect for Japan 1998.
By contrast, the United States and Europe, both of which are traditionally
popular with tourists, have no single case of a net positive effect. Put
differently, the large-scale sporting events in Asia and Africa helped promote
their host countries as tourist destinations, making the case for the initial
investment. In the US and Europe, however, those in the last few decades
brought little return, at least in terms of tourist inflow.
Savin, I. (2024). Does hosting the Olympics, the World Cup or other
major sports events really pay off? [online] Phys.org. Available at:
https://phys.org/news/2024-02-hosting-olympics-world-cup-
major.html#:~:text=Host%20countries%20appear%20to%20suffer
%20from%20increased%20tax,onerous%20running%20cost%20of
%20facilities%20after%20the%20event. [Accessed 10 Apr. 2024].
Introduction
The Olympics have evolved dramatically since the first modern games were
held in 1896. In the second half of the twentieth century, both the costs of
hosting and the revenue produced by the spectacle grew rapidly, sparking
controversy over the burdens host countries shouldered. A growing number of
economists argue that the benefits of hosting the games are at best
exaggerated and at worst nonexistent, leaving many host countries with large
debts and maintenance liabilities. Instead, many argue, Olympic committees
should reform the bidding and selection process to incentivize realistic budget
planning, increase transparency, and promote sustainable investments that
serve the public interest.
The 2020 Summer Olympics in Tokyo highlighted the ongoing debate over the
costs and benefits of hosting such a mega-event, especially after the ongoing
COVID-19 pandemic forced a year’s delay and sparked public opposition over
going ahead with the festivities during a major outbreak. The multibillion-
dollar bill Tokyo faces in the aftermath of the games is not unique: other
former host cities still struggle with the debts they incurred, leading some
candidate cities for future games to withdraw their bids or scale down their
plans.
There is also usually the need for more general infrastructure, especially
housing and transportation. The IOC requires cities hosting the summer
games to have a minimum of forty thousand available hotel rooms, which in
Rio’s case necessitated the construction of fifteen thousand new hotel rooms.
Roads, train lines, and airports need to be upgraded or constructed.
Altogether, these infrastructure costs range from $5 billion to over $50 billion.
Many countries justify such expenditures in the hopes that the spending will
outlive the Olympic Games. For instance, some 85 percent of the Sochi 2014
Games’ more than $50 billion budget went to building non-sports
infrastructure from scratch. More than half of the Beijing 2008 budget of $45
billion went to rail, roads, and airports, while nearly a fourth went to
environmental clean-up efforts.
Operational costs make up a smaller but still significant chunk of hosts’
Olympics budget. Security costs have escalated quickly since the 9/11 attacks—
Sydney spent $250 million in 2000 while Athens spent over $1.5 billion in
2004, and costs have remained between $1 billion and $2 billion since.
Also problematic are so-called white elephants, or expensive facilities that,
because of their size or specialized nature, have limited post-Olympics use.
These often impose costs for years to come. Sydney’s Olympic stadium costs
the city $30 million a year to maintain. Beijing’s famous “Bird’s Nest” stadium
cost $460 million to build, requires $10 million a year to maintain, and has sat
mostly unused since the 2008 games. Almost all of the facilities built for the
2004 Athens Olympics, whose costs contributed to the Greek debt crisis, are
now derelict. Gangwon, the South Korean regional government responsible for
most of the 2018 games’ infrastructure, is expected to incur an $8.5 million
annual deficit due to upkeep of unused facilities.
Economists say the games’ so-called implicit costs must also be considered.
These include the opportunity costs of public spending that could have been
spent on other priorities. Servicing the debt that is left over after hosting the
games can burden public budgets for decades. It took Montreal until 2006 to
pay off the last of its debt from the 1976 Games, while Greece’s billions in
Olympics debt helped bankrupt the country.
The debt and maintenance costs of the Sochi 2014 Winter Games will cost
Russian taxpayers nearly $1 billion per year for the foreseeable future, experts
estimate. But while some in Sochi see the unused stadiums and overbuilt
facilities as a waste, other residents argue that the games spurred spending on
roads, water systems, and other public goods that wouldn’t have otherwise
happened.
In Brazil, the first South American country to host the Olympics, the cost of
the 2016 games exceeded $20 billion, with the city of Rio alone shouldering at
least $13 billion. Challenged by the country’s deep recession, Rio required a
$900 million bailout from the federal government to cover the cost of policing
the Olympics and was unable to pay all of its public employees. The city also
had to invest heavily in a broad range of infrastructure, which was meant to
reinvigorate some of its struggling neighborhoods, yet in the aftermath most
venues have been abandoned or barely used.
Ultimately, there is little evidence for an overall positive economic impact.
Boston’s National Bureau of Economic Research has published findings that
hosting has a positive impact on a country’s international trade. But
economists Stephen Billings of the University of North Carolina and Scott
Holladay of the University of Tennessee-Knoxville found no long-term impact
of hosting on a country’s gross domestic product (GDP).