Vipul Singh - Interpreting Medieval India - Early Medieval, Delhi Sultanate, and Regions (Circa 750-1550) - 01-Macmillan (2009)

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Salient Features:
Si Based on updated and recent researches in Medieval Indian Histoiy
si Emphasis on elements of change and continuity throughout the Medieval
period
Focuses on historical processes, rather than Sultanate
centered generalisations
Adopts a thematic, rather than a chronological narrative
An indispensable textbook for students ofHistory
VIPUL SINGH is Reader in History at Motilal Nehru College, University of Delhi,

where he has specialised in teaching Medieval Indian History and Environment. He
holds a Ph.D in History from the University of Delhi. He has been a part of many national
and international conferences and being the prolific writer that he is, has to his credit a
number of books, research papers and book reviews. Besides his academic interest in
history, Dr. Singh is also an active environmental activist who stresses on a more
pragmatic approach to solving problems currently being faced worldwide. His views, in
the matter, have been published in various national dailies.
" =365.00,
ISBN 023-063-761
MACMILLAN:Bi
Macmillan stiers India .LfS *
9 8 0 2 3 0 637610
INTERPRETING MEDIEVAL INDIA
Volume I
Early Medieval, Delhi Sultanate and Regions
(circa 750-1550)
VIPUL SINGH
MACMILLAN
© Macmillan Publishers India Ltd., 2009
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First published, 2009
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Qutb Complex, Delhi
Shore Temple at Mamallapuram, Tamil Nadu
Courtesy: Vipul Singh
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Preface
This first volume of the series, Interpreting Medieval India (circa 750-
1550), is a major departure from earlier textbooks of the kind, not only in
terms of its emphasis on elements of change and continuity throughout
the medieval period but also because it is the only book of its kind that
deals with all three segments of Medieval Indian history including the
early medieval period, the Delhi Sultanate and the regions of the time.
The book, with its focus on historical processes, tries to, unlike other
books which offer Sultanate-centered generalisations of the period, present
a more holistic picture of medieval India. It acquaints students with
possible alternative perspectives. I have tried to include debates and
discussions on matters of historical interpretation on diverse topics. To
that end, the book adopts a thematic, rather than chronological narrative.
In the historiography of the period 750 to 1200, there is a major
emphasis on regions. All these change in traditional writings with the
coming of the Turks and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. One
wonders why monographs and research on the Delhi Sultanate dominate
the historiography on state formation between 1200 to 1550. Histories of
the region certainly do find their way into the historiography of the
period, but only after the disintegration of the Delhi Sultanate as if no
state, other than that of the Delhi Sultanate, was in existence in the period
ranging between the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries.
Recent research suggests that studies of state formation as well as
religious and cultural transformations in regions have become vital and
indispensable for a holistic understanding of medieval Indian history. The
earlier historiography is also problematic on the count as it denies the
processes of continuous state formation from the local roots at the regional
levels with Delhi Sultanate providing a deep fissure. Thus, an alternative
historiography on the study of regions, not only from 1200 onwards but
from the eighth century itself, is now being contemplated. In this version
of historiography, the existence of the powerful Delhi Sultanate has
neither been contradicted nor questioned. Rather the Delhi Sultanate has
been considered as representing an important interventionist moment.
Thus, the focus of recent research in the area is now being directed
towards the endogenous processes of social and intellectual development
in the region.
In tune with this latest trend of medieval historiography, the book,
instead of presenting a narrative account of events in chronological order,
is geared to specific issues and themes divided into three major units.
Unit I includes Chapters 1 to 4 which deal with the early medieval period.
i
Preface ❖
Unit II deals with Chapters 5 to 9 that deal with the political, socio
economic and cultural developments in the Delhi Sultanate. Unit III is
comprised of Chapters 10 and 11 which deal with the histories of regions
like Vijayanagar, Bahmani, Bengal, Mewar and Gujarat. The regions of
the medieval period have, of late, attracted the attention of historians
because they find the study of the changing modes of legitimation at
different stages of state formation very significant. The process of
legitimation ranges from the princely patronage of tribal deities to the
construction of imperial temples by the rulers of the regional kingdoms.
The Jagannath cult of Puri is one such case study.
History is not just about great men or kings. It is much more about the
lives and activities of common people. This book would also help students
understand the use of primary sources. Undergraduate students should
cultivate a spirit of inquiry and become involved with the various debates
and controversies of historical interpretation. Effort has been made to
generate healthy and sustained inquisitiveness among students so that
they evolve into future historians.
The experience of teaching the vibrant students of the University of
Delhi has been a great source of inspiration for writing such a concise and
syllabus-oriented textbook. The book is based on my long engagement
with classroom teaching and is primarily aimed for the benefit of students
and should also be of interest to the general readers.
The teaching notes compiled over the years have been the foundation
of this book. I have consulted a number of modem works, monographs
and journals in the course of writing this book. To this end, a detailed
bibliography has been provided at the end of the book chapterwise. I have
borrowed ideas from diverse sources and can therefore say that this book
is no way entirely original. Its originality lies in the treatment of the
issues and the presentation of the debates therein.
I am specially thankful to Dr. R.P. Bahuguna, my teacher, for his
encouragement and thoughtful suggestions. I am indebted to
• Prof. Ganveer A.M., Mumbai University
• Dr. Snigdha Singh, Delhi University
• Dr. Maya Shankar, Patna University
• Dr. Bharti S. Kumar, Patna University
• Mr. Anand Kumar, Delhi University
for their invaluable suggestions and comments on the early drafts of my
manuscript.
I have benefitted deeply from the discussions on the various themes
of the Delhi Sultanate with Pankaj Jha. I am especially thankful to
Wanshai Shynret, Anubhuti Jain and Ashima Kanwar for their editorial
assistance.
❖ Preface ♦♦♦ vii
I need to thank my teachers at Delhi University - Prof. R.L. Shukla,

Prof. K.M. Shrimali, Prof. Bhairabi Prasad Sahu, Prof. Nayanjot Lahiri,
Prof. S.Z.H. Jafri, Prof. Sunil Kumar Dr. M.L. Bhatia and Dr. R.P. Rana.
In the course of my many years of teaching at Motilal Nehru College,
I recall with much fondness, the interactive sessions with my students and
the penetrating questions raised by them. I have benefited greatly from
the course of these discussions. I am specially thankful to Richa Ranjan,
who is perhaps my brightest student and whose inputs have enabled me to
understand my students and their manner of thinking better. I am thankful
to D.S. Sehmi for his assistance in cartography.
I would be failing in my duty if I do not acknowledge my appreciation
to Macmillan India Ltd., and specially to Sanjay K. Singh, the Chief
Publisher, for his sincere efforts in bringing out this book.
Thanks are also due to Dr V.K. Jain, Sh. S.C. Chibber and Dr S.B.
Bhardwaj for their constant inspiration and guidance. My colleagues at
Motilal Nehru College - Netrapal Singh, Kalpana Malik, Padma Negi -
have provided me with the encouragement I needed in writing a textbook
of this kind for students. I must not forget to thank, my once student and
now colleague, Prem Kumar, for helping with the source material.
My sincere thanks are due to the staff of National Archives of India,
Indian Council of Historical Research, Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library, Central Reference Library, Sahitya Academy and Motilal Nehru
college library.
I am also obliged to my wife, Neelam, whose useful suggestions on
the maps proved to be of immense importance. My heart-felt thanks are
due to her for her unfailing encouragement My daughter Vamika and son
Yug Jyotirmay have innocently inspired me to complete the work. And
finally, I wish to thank my parents, without whom this book would never
have seen the light of day.
New Delhi VIPUL SINGH

List of Illustrations
LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS
Chapter 4
Photograph 1: Shore Temple at Mamallapuram, Tamil Nadu 114
Photograph 2: Rajrajesvara or Brihadisvara Temple
Built by the Cholas, Tamil Nadu 115
Photograph 3: Gopuras at the Entrance of Rajrajesvara
Temple, Tamil Nadu 116
Photograph 4: Mahadeva Temple at Khajuraho, Madhya Pradesh 118
Chapter 9
Photograph 1: Quwwat ul-Islam Mosque at Qutb Complex 301
Photograph 2: Qutb Minar 302
Photograph 3: Engraving on Qutb Wall 303
Photograph 4: Tomb of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq 308
Chapter 10
Photograph 1: Kumbha Shyam Temple at Chittorgarh
(Mewar), Rajasthan 343
Chapter 11
Photograph 1: Jagannath Temple, Puri, Orissa 360
Photograph 2: Sun Temple, Konark, Orissa 364
Photograph 3: Adina Mosque, Pandua, Built by
Sikander Shah in 1364, West Bengal 379
Photograph 4: Tomb of Makdum Shah, Sarkhej
Built around 1451, Gujarat 380
Photograph 5: Chand Minar at Daulatabad Fort, Built by
Bahmani Sultan Alauddin Ahmad II
in 1436-58, Maharashtra 381
Photograph 6: Stone Chariot of Vithala Temple at Vijayanagar
built by Krishnadeva Raya, Karnataka 383
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 9.1: Qibla in a Mosque 299
Figure 9.2: Corbelled Technique in Arch 299
Figure 9.3: True Arch Technique 300
Figure 9.4: Evolution of Dome during Delhi Sultanate 306
List of Maps
Chapter 1
Map 1: History and Environment (Physical Map of India) 6
Chapter 3
Map 1: Major Kingdoms (circa 750-1200) 55

Map 2: The Chola Kingdom 66
Map 3: Medieval Trading and Urban Centres 96
Chapter 5
Map 1: Campaigns of Mahmud Ghaznawi and his Empire 141

Map 2: Campaigns of Mohammad Ghori 145
Map 3: Sultanate Cities of Delhi 152
Map 4: Delhi Sultanate in 1236 158
Chapter 6
Map 1: Area of Influence of Mongols in North-west Frontier 180

Map 2: Campaigns of Alauddin Khalji 184
Map 3: Mawas Area and Rigorous Revenue Collection
Areas of Alauddin 188
Map 4: Empire of Muhammad bin Tughluq 203
Chapter 10
Map 1: Regional Kingdoms (circa 1200-1550) 337

Contents
Preface v
List of Illustrations ix
List of Maps x
UNIT I
EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD
1. Characterising Medieval India 3-38
Shared Characteristics of the Medieval Period 7
Sources of Medieval Indian History 10
2. Interpreting Early Medieval India 39-53
J4orth India (750-1200): The Feudalism Debate 40
South India (750-1200) 49
3. New Kings and Kingdoms {circa 750-1200) 54-99
Major Kingdoms {circa 750-1200) 55
_>The Cholas 65
^jStfucture of Polities: The Rajputras and their Origin 75
^Fofins of Legitimation: Temples and Rituals 82
Âgrarian Structures and Social Change 87
Trade and Urbanisation 91
4. Religion and Culture {circa 750-1200) 100-123
Religious Developments 101
^-Regional Literature 110
Art and Architecture: Evolution of Regional Styles 112
UNIT n
DELHI SULTANATE
5. Foundation of Delhi Sultanate 127-173
Rise of Islam 128
The Arabs in Sind 137
The Ghaznavids: Nature of Turkish Campaign 138
Ghorian Invasions 142
What Led to the Success of the Turks? 145
Issue of Indian and Foreign: The ‘Other’ in Sources 148
Delhi Sultanate Under Bandagans 151
Impact: Urban Centres, Technology and Rural Society 168
6. Consolidation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate 174-214
The Mongol Threat 175
The Khaljis 182
The Tughluqs 193
Decline of Delhi Sultanate _ 209
The Lodis: The Sultanate in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century 210
I
xii ❖ Contents ❖
7. Political Structure of the Sultanate 215-232

Nature of State 216
Theories of Kingship (Governance) in Chronicles and
Normative Literatures 220
Administrative Structure: Blend of West Asian and
Central Asian Traditions 222
Apparatus of Administration 224
Iqta 228
8. Society and Economy Under the Delhi Sultanate 233-260
Sultanate Nobility: The Ruling Elite 234
Ulema 236
Revenue System 237
Monetisation 242
Technological Changes 245
Growth of Trade and Commerce 251
The Coming of the Portuguese 255
Urbanisation 256
9. Religion and Culture (circa 1200-1550) 261-312
Sufism: Doctrines, Silsilas and Practices 262
Sufis and Local Societies - Conversion to Islam 276
Bhakti Movements 280
Art and Architecture in the Delhi Sultanate 297
UNIT III
HISTORY OF REGIONS
10. The Regions (circa 1200-1550) 315-354
The Historiographical Issue: Formation of
Supra-Regional and Regional States 316
Supra-Regional Kingdoms 319
Vijayanagar 319
Bahmani 332
The Process of Regional State Formation 338
Gujarat 338
Mewar 341
Bengal 348
11. Religion, Society and Culture in Regions 355-385
Vaishnava Movement in Eastern India 356
Religious Cults 357
Women Bhaktas: Mahadevi Yakka, Lalded and Mira 367
Growth of Regional Literatures 372
Regional Art and Architecture 377
Glossary 387-394
Chronology of Events 395—402
Select Bibliography 403—412
Index 413^120
Unit I
Early Medieval India
Characterising
Medieval India
* SHARED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MEDIEVAL
PERIOD
* SOURCES OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY

> Archaeological: Epigraphy, Numismatics
> Literary: Foreign Travellers’ Account and
Persian Narratives
> Bardic Narratives
4 Interpreting Medieval India
istory is governed by a strong sense of chronology, which is to say

H that time needs to be divided and each epoch or period of time is
named and classified differently. For a historian time is not merely a
count of hours and days, but is viewed with a view to understanding the
myriad changes that have taken place in the social and economic life of
the times. The focus is on the study of the transformation of culture, ideas
and beliefs. Historians have been deeply interested in what has stood the
test of time in the face of so much upheaval and change. The study of
time is made somewhat easier by dividing past developments into the
somewhat larger segments or periods of time that hold shared and
somewhat similar characteristics.
The study of history has long been carried out under three different
time periods and each phase has a different titular heading to it and could
be described as either Ancient, or Medieval or Modem, depending on the
time-frame in which events happen to be located. However, in the Indian
context such a tripartite division of history could only have come up after
independence from British rule. In mid-nineteenth century British
historians had subdivided Indian history into three parts called: ‘Hindu’,
‘Muslim’ and ‘British’. This division was based on the idea that the
religion of the rulers determined the course of history. The British
historians, who dominated the writing of historiography during the
nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, believed that there were no
other significant developments taking place in the economy, society or
culture beyond the centre of power. In fact, such an understanding of
history was geared to deliberately ignite communal disharmony among
the Indian masses and to ignore its great diversity.
The period from the eighth to the eighteenth century of Indian history
witnessed considerable change. During these thousand years or so the
societies of the subcontinent stood witness to diverse changes and
transformations and in several regions the economy reached a level of
prosperity. In popular parlance the period could well be described as the
‘Medieval’ period of history, although describing the entire period as one
historical epoch (Medieval) is not without its problems since certain
marked changes were witnessed within the broad category.
The very use of the term ‘medieval’ leads us to compare it with the
‘modem’ period. For many of us modernity means material progress and
intellectual advancement, and therefore, this seems to suggest that the
medieval period was lacking in advancement. This is not really true
because the medieval period had its own levels of development and
progress. For the sake of convenience and a better understanding of the
changes in society, economy, politics, religion and culture during these
centuries, the medieval period is further subdivided into the Early
Medieval Period and the Late Medieval Period.
❖ Characterising Medieval India ❖ 5
The Early Medieval Period broadly stretches from the eighth to the
twelfth century, during which the Palas, the Pratiharas, the Rashtrakutas,
the Cholas and the early Rajputs dominated the political, socio-economic
and cultural patterns of life. The Late Medieval Period stretches from the
thirteenth to the eighteenth century. The Turks - who later established the
Delhi Sultanate and the various regional and supra-regional kingdoms,
and the Mughals - largely dominated the fate of history during this phase.
Here, in this volume however, we shall largely confine ourselves to early
medieval period’s new kingdoms, the Delhi Sultanate and the regions
which prospered parallel to the Delhi Sultanate.
Today we understand our country as ‘India’. However, such a modem
concept of the nation-state was not there in the historical past and people
identified themselves with the smaller regions to which they belonged. In
the medieval period a ‘foreigner’ or ‘Pardesi was any stranger who had
a somewhat different appearance from the local society or culture. Today,
a foreigner means a person who resides in another country and is only a
temporary visitor to our country. Therefore, historians have to be careful
about how terms have been used in historical literature because the
meaning of a certain word or term can come to mean something entirely
contrary to expectation given the passage of time. The first Article of the
Constitution of India states that ‘India, that is Bharat, shall be a union of
states.’ The word Bharat is derived from the name of Bharata, son of
Dushyanta, a legendary ruler mentioned in the Mahabharata. The realm
of Bharata is known as Bharatavara in the Mahabharata and later texts.
The term vama means a division of the earth, or a continent. Similarly,
the name ‘India’ has been in use since the seventeenth century. It is an
English term derived from the Greek (via Latin) word Indica which stood
for a region beyond the Indus river according to Herodotus (fifth century
bc). The name is ultimately derived from Sindhu which is the Sanskrit
name of the river.
Thus, the Republic of India can very correctly and officially be
referred to as either India or Bharat, while the term ‘Hindustan’ is
considered antiquated and is mostly used in historical contexts (especially
in British India). Today these three terms are interchangeably used to
refer to the political and national entity that is identified as India. But the
term Hindustan did not carry the same meaning during the medieval
period. The rulers in the Sultanate and Mughal periods called their Indian
dominion, centred around Delhi, Hindustan. For example, when the term
was used in the thirteenth century by Minhajus Siraj Juzjani, a chronicler
who wrote in Persian, he meant the areas of Punjab, Haryana and the land
between the Ganga and the Yamuna. He used the term in a political sense
for lands that were a part of the dominions of the Delhi Sultanate. In the
early sixteenth century Babur used Hindustan to describe the geography,
6 ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
the fauna and the culture of the inhabitants of the subcontinent. Excerpts
from the Baburnama read something like this - ‘Hindustan is ...a
wonderful country. Compared with our countries, it is different world. Its
mountains, rivers, jungles and deserts, its towns, its cultivated lands, its
animals and plants, its people and their tongues, its rains and its winds,
are all different...Once the water of Sind is crossed, everything is in the
Hindustan way - land, water, tree, rock, people and horde, opinion and
custom’
‘Hindustan’ was in use synonymously with ‘India’ during the British
Raj. In the nineteenth century, the term, as used in English, referred to the
northern region of India between the Indus and Brahmaputra and between
the Himalayas and the Vindhyas in particular, hence the term Hindustani
MAP 1: HISTORY AND ENVIRONMENT (PHYSICAL MAP OF INDIA)

HNS
for the Hindi-Urdu language. Thus, while the idea of a geographical and
cultural entity like ‘India’ did exist during the medieval period, the term
‘Hindustan’ did not carry the political and national meanings which we
perceive triday.
SHARED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE

MEDIEVAL PERIOD
The period between [750 and 1550] saw the movement of a large number
of people. The immense wealth and prosperity of the subcontinent
attracted not only the traders but also people who wanted to plunder its
wealth or carve out a kingdom for themselves. Among such political
groups were the early Muslim invaders like Mahmud of Ghazna and
Mohammad Ghori. They were followed by other Turks who founded the
Delhi Sultanate. Five different dynasties, about whom you shall read in
Chapters 5 and 6, ruled under Delhi Sultanate beginning with the Ilbari
Turks. Delhi Sultanate was uprooted by a new group of people from
Central Asia known as the Mughals who later went on to establish the
Mughal empire. While these people, from beyond the frontiers of India,
made this country their homeland, there were several groups of new
rulers who emerged from within the borders of India. Such groups
included the Rajputs , a name derived from ‘Rajputra’ (the son of a king),
who were known for their courage and valour. The term Rajput was
loosely applied to all the warrior classes who claimed the status of
Kshatriyas, be it the rulers or the soldiers.
The period saw great social and economic changes. Advancements in
agriculture were marked by the gradual clearing of forests, which in turn,
led to the migration of forest dwellers to other areas. More and more
people started tilling the soil. These new peasant groups gradually came
to be influenced by regional markets, chieftains, priests, monasteries and
temples. They became part of large complex societies, and were required
to pay taxes and offer goods and services to the local lords and chieftains.
Some peasants were rich while a majority of them were extremely poverty
stricken. There were some others who combined artisanal work with
agricultural activity. The result was a socially and economically
differentiated society. In a society of this kind, caste considerations came
to play an important role and determined the rank and status of a person.
The new people, who came to India, also brought with them new
ideas which resulted in better technology. In the field of irrigation, the
Persian wheel came to be used. The spinning wheel made weaving that
much easier than ever before. In combat, fire arms came to be used. Paper
was introduced and was soon put to use for writing purposes. New foods
and beverages arrived in the subcontinent including potatoes, com,
chillies, tea and coffee.
Region and Empire
The early medieval period saw the emergence of many smaller kingdoms,
which were more often than not in conflict with one another. In this
turbulent, strife-ridden period, the most popularly referred to conflict is
the one that included warring parties like the Palas, the Pratiharas and the
Rashtrakutas pitted against one another. In south India this period saw the
emergence of the powerful Chola kings, who subjugated large areas of the
peninsula and devised their own system of rule and implemented their
own agricultural practices. They were powerful not only politically but
financially as well. Wealth was primarily brought in by the merchants
who traded with the countries of South-East Asia and China. It was
largely because of the huge resources at the disposal of the Chola rulers
that many beautiful temples were built by them during the early medieval
period.
In North India and the Deccan, large states, like those of the Delhi
Sultans, Vijayanagar Kings and Bahmani Sultans were created which
encompassed various regions. However, each Delhi Sultan’s rule differed
in terms of success, strength and stability, and the dimension and control
of the empire varied depending upon the reigning Sultan, the duration of
his tenure and the policies he chose to adopt. Under powerful rulers, like
Alauddin Khalji, the central control remained dynamic not only in the
core regions surrounding Delhi, but also in the peripheral regions and
remote areas. And therefore, whenever there were long and continuous
periods of weakening central control, each beleaguered region, in a bid
for greater freedom, started emerging with its own area of rule. It
happened with the decline of the Delhi Sultanate in mid-fourteenth
century. However, this is not to suggest that the regions emerged only on
the ruins of the Delhi Sultanate. Many local, regional and supra-regional
kingdoms also became prominent with their own cultural and socio
economic characteristics even during the glory days of the Delhi Sultanate
beyond its boundaries.
The processes of centralisation and regionalisation were not mutually
exclusive and each influenced the other. On the one hand, the empire,
which comprised a characteristically divergent territory, had to take into
account the diverse regional ruling elite, each with its own peculiar
idiosyncrasies and style of governance, and on the other hand was also
subjected to long years of imperial rule. The result was a varied and
motley legacy, bequeathed to the people by their diverse rulers. This is
awss
visible in the fields of governance, economy, revenue generation
machinery and structure, architecture, painting and language. The regions
imbibed many of the features of the long existing Delhi Sultanate.
On the theoretical platform of historiography, the regions in Indian
history acquire a new significance in the 750-1200 period. It disappears
from the historiography during the heydays of Delhi Sultanate only to
reappear after 1400. This was to suggest that regions in Indian history
appeared only after the disintegration of the Dellii Sultanate. However,
over the recent years an alternative historiography is increasingly focusing
upon the study of the regions in terms of continuity and change circa
750-1550. In this historiography the Delhi Sultanate represents an
important interventionist moment, but at the same time historians tend to
find out the endogenous processes of social and intellectual development
in the region.
Religious Traditions
Religion played a predominant role in medieval Indian society because

people’s belief in God or the supernatural was deeply personal. However,
the period witnessed major developments in religious traditions and
important changes took place in Hinduism. By the twelfth century, Islam
had also made an entry point in society with the establishment of Turkish
rule. Apart from Islam another tradition, which came along from West
Asian culture, was the Sufi tradition. Thus, the early medieval period saw
the proliferation of diverse religious traditions in India and this was
bound to have a profound impact on Indian society.
One of the major repercussions was the worship of new deities, the
construction of huge and magnificent temples by the kings and the
growing importance of the Brahmanas (the priests) because of their
knowledge of Sanskrit texts. Their dominant position was consolidated
by the support of their rulers and patrons who were searching for
legitimacy. Probably as a challenge to this Brahmana-King (Rajput)
grouping, a major development took place and this was the emergence of
the idea of Bhakti. It meant access to a personal deity without the
intervention of priests or the religious clergy and certainly devoid of
elaborate rituals. This was also the period when a new religion called
Islam appeared in India. Merchants and migrants first brought the
teachings of the holy Koran to India in the seventh century and later, with
the rule of the Delhi Sultans, Islam became popular in India. The^greatest
change, in the religious tradition during the period, was the emergence
and popularity of the Bhakti and Sufi saints, who took up the cause of
socio-religious reforms and preached the gospel of'equality and universal
brotherhood. The Bhakti saints mostly belonged to the lower castes arid
used local dialects and regional languages, which could be easily

understood by the common people, to spread their message of love and
equality.
The themes, mentioned above, also relate to continuity and the thesis
of change in medieval Indian historiography. The early medieval period
has largely been treated as a period of change in terms of society, economy
and the political structure. Historians have also interpreted circa 1200 as
a point of significant change. However, in recent years, researchers have
come out with studies of small communities during the early medieval
period and even beyond, which is called the integrationist paradigm in
Indian history. The links of continuity are especially noticeable in the
processes concerning urbanization, the emergence of the peasantry from
the erstwhile tribal castes of India, caste changes and the emergence of
local and regional trade. These themes have been highlighted more
elaborately in Chapters 2, 3, 10 and 11.
SOURCES OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY

Historians depend on a variety of sources to learn about the past. However,
it is pertinent to know that while most of the sources of information
remain what they were in an earlier period and which included
inscriptions, buildings, coins, religious and non-religious literature, there
is a marked difference between the period under discussion and the
earlier periods of time. This could be evidenced from the fact that it was
in the medieval period alone that the practice of the writing and recording
of history as a distinct discipline took place. In this light we shall try to
weigh the various sources of medieval Indian history.
Archaeological: Epigraphy, Numismatics
Archaeological sources include inscriptions, coins, monuments, paintings,

weapons and other antiquities. They' are of immense value in the
reconstruction of the socio-cultural and political history of medieval India.
The inscriptions have been mostly published in the Epigraphia Indo-
Moslemica, Epigraphia Indica and other antiquarian journals.
The history of early medieval India, witnessed from inscriptional
sources, is more realistic and holistic than the literary sources are. The
society depicted in much of the brahminical and courtly literature from
the first half of the second millennium, especially in texts composed in
the Sanskrit language, have a class bias. For instance, the Dharmashastra
law books do not advocate the same behaviour for the entire population,
since different classes of people were held up to different standards. They
do not take the customs, traditions and lifestyles of the common people
into account. The literature and historiography of the period concerns

itself only with the privileged classes of society with very few references
to the subaltern class. Despite the presence of divergent voices, the
Dharmashastra tradition consistently propagated the pre-eminence of the
Brahmanas. Evidence of this can also be found in royal Sanskrit
biographies, which highlight the patron’s resemblance to the exemplary
kings of the past.
Cynthia Talbot1 explains as how historical processes can be tracked
more objectively through the medium of inscriptions in a manner in
which it could not possibly be done with medieval literary sources.
Inscriptions offer a view of history which has far more diverse group of
actors engaged in a larger range of activities and a broader spectrum of
society. Inscriptions make available specific contexts of time and place
that are lacking in many literary texts from the medieval period. It is
largely unconcerned with the historical present or even with the notion of
historical change. In other words, it is free from the contemporary styles,
trends and approaches of writing history, and therefore, can well be
considered more objective. Further, the literary texts might differ in
opinion because they were composed at a different point in time and by
different people. In contrast, inscriptions capture and preserve discrete
moments in time as a record of specific events. They are almost
customarily dated and are generally situated where they were originally
placed. We find most of them usually on the walls or structural columns
of a temple building or on a stone slab or pillar within the temple complex.
Cynthia Talbot has relied heavily upon a particular kinds of historical
source materials and medieval stone inscriptions, for writing the history
of the medieval Andhra region. Since stone inscriptions from medieval
South India, typically record religious donations, a history constructed
from it, therefore gets greater importance to the documented activities of
real individuals. Epigraphic texts describe the kinds of property given
away and also provide other useful details like the date on which a gift
was made, the donor’s name, his/her family background and personal
accomplishments, and praise of the monarch. In other words, they tell us
when, where, and which specific persons donated to the cause of Hindu
temples. Talbot believes that groups represented in inscriptions are
considerably more diverse than ‘elite literary compositions’ would
provide. So, along with the kings and Bahamans, whose munificence has
been taken ample note of, the inscriptions of the period also mention
merchants, landed peasants, herders, and warrior chiefs, along with their
wives, daughters, mothers, and sisters. Thus, inscriptions enable us to
trace individual actors in history. It gives us a diversified picture of
society and are, therefore, a more reliable primary source of information
about the people in this period of time.
ssss
Kesavan Veluthat 2 also makes use of the inscriptions in this period
for his study of the political structure of medieval south India. He has
divided these inscriptions into two broad categories: (a) the copper plate
grants with a Sanskrit prasasti in the beginning followed by a statement
in Tamil, which in most cases is a record of the grant of a piece of land
to Brahmans, temples or other religious institutions; and (b) the stone
inscriptions, mostly in Tamil (or in old Malayalam in the case of the Cera
kingdom) generally record land or property transactions made by temple
committees and other local groups. The Tamil inscriptions record the
details of the gift in question, with much attention paid to matters like
land boundaries, terms and conditions and witnesses. These records are
the title-deeds of property and are hence preserved in the lockers of the
owners and are not meant for public viewing. On the other hand, the stone
inscriptions record property transactions. This includes the assignment of
land endorsed to temples, the management of cattle endowed for the
maintenance of ‘perpetual’ temple lamps and other similar"matters.
Obviously, these records deal with the more important sections of society
such as land-owners - both Brahman and non-Brahman - merchants and
other notables. Thus, they keep out certain other major aspects of social
life, not covered by the scope of these records. Veluthat argues that it was
always possible for the historian to be misled by statements which could
well have been an exaggerated account of actuality, and the veracity of
which was highly suspected. The speculation and generalization on the
basis of inscriptional statement can well be replaced by systematic
treatment of available data. For example, in the case of the Chola region,
the fabulously rich data, contained in numerous inscriptions, has been, to
the delight of the many historians engaged in a study of this period,
subjected to computational analysis.
Noboru Karashima3 says that the main sources, for the study of the
Chola villages, are the contemporary inscriptions which usually record
the various donations made to temples. These inscriptions are, however,
mostly concerned only with the brahmadeya villages and very little
information on non-brahmadeya villages can be gathered from them. In
his study, Karashima has used one brahmadeya (Jsanamangalam) and
one non-brahmadeya (Allur) village of the early Chola times in the ninth
and tenth centuries. The purpose of his study is to contribute to a more
general understanding of the two kinds of Chola village community. He
focuses on two major points in his thesis - land tenure and the social
stratification of the community. The source materials of his study are
thirty stone inscriptions, which record land donations made to temples or
tax remissions of the land. Twenty-one inscriptions, which concern
Isanamangalam of the early Chola times, are from the Chandrasekhara
temple of Tiruchchendurai in Tiruchirappalli Taluk, Tiruchirappalli
District, and nine inscriptions, which concern Allur, are from the
Pasupatisvara temple of Allur of the same taluk. These two villages were
in the same locality on the southern side of the Kaveri river.
It is interesting to note that until the 1960s, inscriptions were mainly
read in order to build a chronological framework for regional dynasties,
and so it was only the tenure of kings and the important political events
mentioned in them, that interested scholars. Over the recent few years,
information relating to the functioning of temple institutions, the role of
religious patronage, and the nature of political structures has also been
extracted from epigraphic records and has been put to statistical analysis.
The primary criterion, in a statistical analysis of this kind, is the number
of endowments received by a temple, the identity of the donor, the location
of the temple, and the nature of the gift object. Furthermore, in organizing
information drawn from inscriptions, historians are trying to apply
categories that are inherently more meaningful and relate better to the
people under study.
Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate Period
The literary texts and chronicles of the Delhi Sultanate were not of the
nature which could hardly have been composed with the purpose of
communicating perceptions of communities. They had altogether different
functions. However, there are many Sanskrit inscriptions which were
inscribed by mercantile community during the reign of various Sultans of
Delhi. Although these early medieval inscriptions differed substantially
from the ancient counterparts, both in contents and in style, they were
still not reflective of the people’s history and had its limitations. They had
mainly one central concern and that was recording of gift and of
patronage. ‘The context of the gift introduced the royal element whose
presence and whose temporal qualities, like the spiritual qualities of a
Brahmana, a preceptor or a priest, had to be located in the context of the
gift’ .4 However, these inscriptions were slightly different from
contemporary chronicles and did not deal with political aspects only.
Even though the rulers were praised by highlighting their victories and
personal attributes, these were thus not political inscriptions as such,
‘because political could not be separated from the broad social context in
which grants were made’.5 B.D. Chattopadhyaya argues that the more
proper perspective from which to analyse the inscriptions should be
‘legitimational’ rather than ‘overtly political’.6
There are a number of remarkable thirteenth century epigraphs in
Delhi, which have largely been composed by the merchant families of the
area. B.D. Chattopadhyaya refers to a well-known Palam Baoli inscription
of ad 1276.7 Pushpa Prasad also provides a detailed discussion of the
content of such Sanskrit inscriptions of the Delhi Sultanate.8 Almost the

whole of the Palam Baoli is in Sanskrit and was authored by Pandita
Yogisvara. The inscription contains the genealogy of Thakkura Udadhara,
a purapati in Sriyoginipura (Delhi). He has been credited with having
constructed numerous dharmasalas and has also constructed a well, to the
east of Palamba-grama (Palam) and west of Kumumbapura. The
inscriptions also mention the contemporary rulers of Delhi, starting with
Sahavadina (Sihabuddin) and coming up to Sri Hammira Gayasamdina
(Ghiyasuddin Balban). These rulers are listed as a part of a genealogy of
rulers. The rulers in Delhi are: Sahavadina (Sihabbuddin), Suduvadina
(Qutbuddin Aibak), Samusadina (Shamsuddin Iltutmish), Pherujasahi
(Ruknuddin Firoz), Jalaladlna (Jalaluddin Razia). Maujadina (Muizuddin
Bahram), Alavadina (Alauddin Masud), Nasaradina (Nasiruddin
Mahmud), Sri Hammira Gayasadina (Ghiyasuddin Balban). A similar
genealogy is present in the Sarban stone inscription of ad 1378, found in
the Raisina area of Delhi.9 The purpose of this Sanskrit inscription -
composed by two merchant brothers, in the hope heaven would finally be
attained by deceased ancestors - is also to record the construction of a
well in the vicinity of the village Saravala (Sarban). The inscription
mentions that the city of ‘Dhilli’ was built by the Tomaras. The
Cahamanas, who looked after their subjects well, succeeded the Tomaras.
We also find references to terms like ‘Mlechha’, ‘Turuska’10 in these
inscriptions, which help us to analyse the Hindu-Muslim dichotomy of
the Muslim ‘others’. We shall be dealing with the issue in greater detail
in Chapter 5.
Thus, inscriptions are literary texts of a particular kind. Although
they record certain past activities and areas that are likely to be of interest
to us, they do so in ways that were considered meaningful and useful to
their contemporary audience. Inscriptions, just like medieval court
literature, are forms of discourse containing representations of the self
and the world. And therefore, the social and political aspirations they
embody, cannot be ruled out along with the ideology they convey and
carry by default.
It is also important to understand that inscriptions cannot tell us
everything we would like to know about medieval India. They provide us
with direct access to only one sphere of human activity and that is
religious patronage. Consequently, we may not be able to get evidence of
every strata of medieval society in inscriptions, for the simple reason that
only the relatively privileged could make a religious endowment or
discharge one. Because of the necessarily fragmentary nature of the task
on hand, the historian’s work becomes rather challenging. To attain the
best results, inscriptional information should be supplemented with a
study of other contemporary sources. Ideally one should use both
i
I
❖ Characterising Medieval India ❖ 15 .
inscriptions and literary texts to explore the Indian medieval past, as they
are the cultural products of a contemporary society.
Numismatics
Edward Thomas was the first, among the modem historiographers of

medieval India, to make extensive use of numismatics (the study of
coins). Coins are not only a valuable source for reconstructing the dates
of historical events, but they also give us an insight into the economic
conditions of the period under study.
Medieval states, with their many ruling dynasties and kings, issued
their own coins. These coins, in their own time, normally carried the same
value as that of the metal used in manufacturing the coins. Since these
coins were controlled and monitored by the state, they provide us with an
almost unparalleled series of historical documents. They make available
before us the life and times of those who had issued them. They weave
the texture of history into their being and are therefore interesting in the
context of the changing times. There is hardly any scope of manipulating
the information based on coins and so they furnish us with authentic, true
information.
In India, we do not possess much literature of the early medieval
period and so coins become a very significant source of historical evidence
in the modem sense of the word. Coins can shed light upon diverse facts
about rulers, their names, dynasties, their thoughts and actions. These
facts are well enough illustrated on our coins. So the study of coins is an
integral part of history. Likewise, coins add to and supplement the
information that can be obtained from other sources. This could well be
said of the Chola period.
Historians like R.S. Sharma argue that the numismatic picture, in the
period ranging from the reign of the Guptas to the advent of the Muslims
in India in the twelfth century ad, is extremely dismal. Gold coins are
rare, silver coins are few in number and copper coins are even rarer. R.S.
Sharma looks at these developments to indicate the collapse of the coinage
system. But we cannot be sure of this. There is a possibility that most of
the gold and silver coins might have disappeared as booty during the
invasions of Mahmud Ghaznawi. What we have been able to get, through
archaeological excavations, are the base metal coins of lower
denominations alone. In other words, historians must be careful in treating
and analysing historical changes on the basis of the coins available.
RL. Gupta11 provides a very interesting fact gleaned from Turkish
coins. Mahmud Ghaznawi and Muhammad Ghori, the early Muslim
invaders of India, have been portrayed by historians as inconclasts, who
were virulently anti-Hinduism. However, their coins tell an altogether
different story. Mahmud Ghazni had placed the true translation of the
Kalima in Sanskrit and in Nagari characters - the language and script of
the infidels and the Kafirs, that is, the Hindus. Mohammad Ghori had
stamped the figure of Lakshmi on his gold coins and had his name
inscribed in Nagari characters. The coins tell us that this early Turkish
invader was, in all likelihood, little liberal in religious outlook than most
other Muslim rulers who came to the throne of Delhi after him. Likewise,
coins are also a very important source of information on economic history.
The evidence of token currency, issued during the reign of Muhammad
bin Tughluq, is a very apt example of it.
Apart from history, coins have also an aesthetic and artistic value.
The dies, from which coins were struck, were the work of the artists of
the day. So they reflect the workmanship of the artists and also the
aesthetic tastes of the people of those times. The portraits of the kings and
other important political figures on the Chola coins reflect the art of
inscribing and minting at its best. They present before us a very accurate
portrayal of the monarchy. The Cholas issued some gold coins, but these
vary considerably in terms of the quality and weight of the gold used, and
are at times merely gold-washed. However, a large number of silver coins
were issued in the South. A new era was ushered in South Indian
numismatics with the foundation of the Vijayanagar kingdom in 1336.
The Vijayanagar coins, like the earlier South Indian coins, are, for the
most part, in gold. Silver coins are known only of Harihara (1336-1356)
and Devaraya II (1422-1466). The Vijayanagar rulers used Nagari,
Kannada and Telugu scripts on their coins.
With the advent of the Muslims in India, Indian coinage assumed an
entirely new pattern. The coins of earlier times had pictorial or heraldic
devices at least on one side. During the Turkish rule, the Sultanate coins
carried inscriptions on both sides either in Arabic or in the Persian script.
In Islam, the inscribing of the ruler’s name on the coins was invested with
special importance. This license, with the reading of his name in the
khutba (public prayer) implied the definite assumption of legal power by
him. It became the practice and prerogative of the Muslim rulers to issue
coins on each occasion of victory over a country or kingdom or even a
fort, or a town, and to record on them their names with all their titles and
the date in the Hijri era, and the place of issue of the coins. The crusading
zeal of the early Khalifas of Syria in the eighth century ad had introduced
the Kalima or profession of faith - La ilah-il-illah Muhammad-ur-Rasool
Allah (There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is the prophet of
Allah.12 Later this formed part of the Muslim coins. In India too, the
Kalima was used on the coins.
Mohammad Ghori, after defeating Prithviraj Chauhan and his allies
in the second battle of Thanesvara or Tarain in 1192, struck gold coins in
imitation of the coins that were current in the country. Each coin had the
name - Sri Mohammad bin Sam - inscribed in Nagari upon it and on the
obverse, was placed an image of the seated Lakshmi. Qutbuddin Aibak
was the first Sultan to set up his capital in Delhi; but no coin, bearing his
name, has so far been found.
Iltutmish (1211-1236) issued silver coins with various legends
inscribed upon them. One of the most important is that which has the
name of the Abbasid Khalifa-al-Mustansir on one side, with or without
the Kalima on the other. This gives proof of the investiture that Iltutmish
had received from the Khalifa in 1228. Balban issued coins with his name
inscribed in Arabic upon them. The inscription of his name was
circumferenced by the inscription of the Nagari legend, Sri Suritan
Gadhasadin.'3 The other side had his usual Arabic legend stamped upon
it. Copper coins of all the rulers have legends inscribed on either side of
each coin.
Alauddin Khalji, who had enhanced his treasury by his conquests in
the Deccan and South India, issued plentiful coins. He changed the pattern
of the inscriptions by making no mention of the Khalifa on the obverse of
his gold and silver coins and substituting it with the self-laudatory title -
Sikandar-us-sani Yamin-ul- khilafat.14 The gold and silver coins - from
the very beginning of their issue by the Sultans of Delhi, including
Muhammad bin Sam - are identical in terms of content, which is to say,
that the inscription, design, fabric and weight remain more or less the
same. They wejgh 170 grains, which was then the weight of one tola of
gold.
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq followed the pattern of the Khalji coinage and
issued coins in all the four metals - gold, silver, billon and copper. But his
son, Muhammad bin Tughluq, was very revolutionary in his ideas. He
surpassed his predecessors in the execution of coins, especially in the
matter of calligraphy. His coinage is the expansion of the mint system.
His coins are known to have been struck at Delhi, Darul-Islam
(Ranthambhor), Dhar, Lakhnauti, Satgaon, Sultanpur, Mulk-i-Tilangana
and Tughluqpur (Tirhut), Deogir. Thus, not less than nine mints were at
work issuing coins during his time. The earliest and most curious coins of
Muhammad bin Tughluq are those that he had struck bearing the name of
his father, whom he had murdered in order to occupy the throne. They
bear the inscription of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, accompanied by an
additional title - al-sahid (martyr). Probably these coins were issued
more as a calculated hypocritical step to clear his name from the crime
and thereby to absolve himself of blame, than to honour his father’s
memory. These coins were issjied during the first three years of his reign.
Then he issued coins in his own name and reintroduced the Kalima,
which had long been discarded from the coins after the reign of Iltutmish.
nw
It now became a permanent feature of the inscriptions of the Muslim
coins in India for quite some time to come. Muhammad Tughluq will
always be remembered for his experimentation with other aspects of
coinage. He first experimented with how much a coin should ideally
weigh. His earlier coins, in gold and silver, retained the standard weight
of 170 grains. He subsequently issued gold dinaras of 201.5 grains and
silver adlis of 144 grains.15
In ad 1329-30 Muhammad made a very brave venture of issuing
token copper coins in place of the silver and billon tankahs. In order to
ensure the success of his experiment, he had an appeal inscribed upon
them. It runs - man ataya al-sultan faqada ataye al-rehman (he who
obeys the Sultan obeys the Compassionate). He further added - Muhar
shud tankah rayaj dar rajagar bandah ummidavara (I hope that this
stamped tankah would be put in current use in transcations.16 But his
hopes were to be doomed. These coins could easily be forged and
reduplicated. According to a contemporary historian, every house turned
into a mint with the promulgation of this edict. Ultimately Muhammad
bin Tughluq had no choice but to withdraw the issued coins in 1331.
Sher Shah ruled for a short period of time, but he issued a large
number of coins in his name. His silver coins bear the Kalima and the
names of the four Khalifas - Abu Bakr, Umar, Usman and Ali - on the
obverse. His own name - Farid-ud-dunia wa din abu al-muzaffar Sher
Shah Sultan - and the pious prayer - Khald Allah mulk (May Allah
perpetuate his kingdom) - are also inscribed upon his coins.17 He issued
these coins from Ujjain, Agra, Panduah, Chunar, Ranthambhor, Satgaon,
Sharifabad, Shergarh Qila, Shergarh alias Qanauj, Shergarh alias Delhi,
Shergarh alias Bhakkar, Fathabad, Kalpi, Gwalior and Malot. Besides
these mints, there are some coins which bear the word jahanpanah in
place of the mini name and suggest that they were issued from the court
or from some camp mint. This practice of issuing coins from royal camps
became very popular in the Mughal period. Sher Shah’s silver coins do
not weigh 170 grains. They weigh nearly 1-80 grams and are known by the
name of rupiya, a term which is still in usage.
Thus, coins remain one of the key sources of studying the economic
history of the early medieval kingdoms, the Delhi Sultanate and the
regional kingdoms of the time. They could also be used as a corroborative
source for the political and social history of medieval times.
Literary Sources: Foreign Travellers’Account and Persian Narratives
The distinctive feature of the sources of the medieval period, especially

after the establishment of Delhi Sultanate, is that the number and variety
of literary or textual records increased noticeably during this period. One
of the possible reasons was that during this period paper gradually became
cheaper and was easy enough to procure. Chroniclers used it to write
about the tenure of rulers, the events and political intrigues, petitions
made, judicial records, accounts and revenues. The teachings of saints
and traders’ transactions were also duly recorded on reams of paper. As
paper was extremely expensive, manuscripts could only be collected by
the wealthy or could be kept in the possession of rulers, monasteries and
temples or they could be stored in archives.18 These manuscripts and
documents provide detailed information to historians. However, historians
have to be very careful while using these old manuscripts. Since there
was no printing press in those days, scribes had no option but to copy
manuscripts by hand. In the process of copying, errors must have crept in
unwittingly and inadvertently. In due course of time, most manuscripts
became replete with errors and major, substantive changes were
introduced in the text. Medieval chronicles were authored either by court
historians or by freelancers. Some of them came as travellers and wrote
about India (see Table 1.1). Such writings have their own advantages and
disadvantages. These works could not possibly be an objective account of
history, even though eye-witness accounts were included, because the
writer’s subjective standpoint and prejudiced opinions would often colour
the course of the narrative.
TABLE 1.1
IMPORTANT FOREIGN TRAVELLERS/ENVOYS
AI-Masudi (957): An-Arab traveller, he has given an extensive account of India.

Al-beruni (1024-30): His real name was Abu Rehan Mahmud and he came to
India along with Mahmud of-Ghazni during one of his many Indian raids.. He
travelled all over India and wrote a book called Tahqiq-i-Hind. The book dealt
with the social, religious and political conditions in India.
Ibn Batuta (1333-47): A Moorish traveller, he visited India during the reign.of.
.Muhammad-bin-Tughluq. His book Rehla (the Travelogue) throws light on the-'
reign of Muhammad-bin-Tughluq and the geographical, economic and social
conditions in India.
Nicolo Conti (1420-21): A Venetian traveller, he gives a comprehensive account
of the kingdom of Vijayanagar.
Abdur Razzaq (1443-44): He was a Persian traveller who came to India and
stayed at the court of the Zamorin at Calicut. He has given a vivid account of the
Vijayanagar empire, especially of the city. He describes the wealth and luxurious,
life of the king and the nobles.
Domingos Paes (1520-22): He was a Portuguese traveller who visited the court
of Krishnadeva Raya of the Vijayanagar empire.
Today historians doubt the veracity of these accounts and these

versions of history are not seen as a truthful and authentic account of the
life and times of this period. The availability of readymade histories have
their own pitfalls. Such histories, with their aura of being ‘authentic’ and
‘contemporary’, often dull our critical senses. The advantage of having
written accounts can soon become a major problem to reckon with if the
nature of these works is not understood. An individual, who happened to
be writing a few centuries ago, was obviously responding to events in his
own highly personalized and subjective manner. It was he who decided
what to include and what not to in official historiography. Thus, for us it
is also important to know why and for whom he was engaged in the
course of writing an ‘official’ version of history, before we put his work
to any constructive use with a view to understand what ‘really’ happened
then.
The diversity and volume of source material suddenly increases for
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This was largely because of the
fact that during this period of Delhi Sultanate there is large availability of
Persian texts. We have read earlier that how historians working on the
seventh through the twelfth centuries rely primarily on epigraphic,
numismatic and archaeological sources. They use epigraphic and
numismatics sources to produce political and social history of small
communities. However, if one attempts to generalise and create a
theoretical framework from such data and it may lead to contradictory
conclusions such as ‘Indian feudalism’, ‘segmentary state’, ‘integrative
polity’, etc. These debates have been discussed in Chapter 2 ahead.
The Persian chronicles provide evidence and descriptions which are
quite the contrary of what is available in epigraphic and archaeological
sources. Sunil Kumar goes to the extent of arguing that ‘the expansive
canvas of Persian chronicles has effectively relegated epigraphic,
numismatic, architectural and archaeological evidence to secondary and
corroborative role’. He says that in contrast with an earlier time period
within which the historiographic world was more circumscribed, the
tawarikh (history) of the Delhi Sultans have facilitated the production of
narratives of state formation and institutions.19
Today we regard all such Persian sources of the Sultanate period as
historical records, which have a chronological narrative style and provide
us with an accurate description of statecraft, of the kings and his
subordinates, and the politics and events of the period. However, it is to
be noted that with the exception of Isami’s Futuh al Salatin all the
medieval Persian texts of the period were written from the perspective of
the Delhi .Sultanate.
The Persian literature, produced in north India in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, was influenced by Iranian Islamic traditions for its
formal stylistic convention. There were many genres of literary tradition

prevalent at that time.20 The one literary genre which gained popularity
under the Delhi Sultanate was the tawarikh. This interest in history as a
distinct branch of intellectual tradition was something new for the sub
continent. Kalhana’s Rajatarangni, a history of medieval Kashmir, was
perhaps the only surviving work in Sanskrit dealing with history. The
writing of history, on the other hand, had acquired the status of a distinct
discipline for Muslim intellectuals. There are several reasons for this new
trend. Many historians believe that the Koran is replete with historical
references. The Arabs have always been interested in genealogy and this
developed as a tradition in Islamic society. It led the early Muslims to
take a keen interest in the events connected with the rise of Islam. But the
real boost to historicity was given by Muslim intellectuals in compiling
the traditions of the Prophet (Hadith). Another significant factor which
contributed to this trend of narrative writing was the fact that the Arabians
had now begun to forge intellectual ties with other civilizations,
particularly the Byzantine and Sassanid civilizations. Further, the fact
that the early Caliphate state enjoyed a measure of prosperity, resulted in
greater literary activity. The introduction of paper, which began to be
manufactured in Baghdad by the end of the eighth century, provided an
added impetus.
The new genre of history writing was brought to India by the
Persianised Turks who conquered northern India. Most of our knowledge
of medieval Indian history is based on the information derived from these
sources.
The availability of written narratives is of tremendous help for
studying the history of Delhi Sultanate. However, it also presents serious
problems. Peter Hardy has pointed out that the lack of documentary
evidence in the Sultanate texts casts a shadow of doubt on what we
understand to be the modern standards of objectivity.21 Most often modem
historians have the tendency to paraphrase existing histories and to
provide them with a semblance of modernity. As a result the social and
political outlook of medieval historians is not really understood in the
correct perspective. The prejudices of a medieval chronicler could well
leak into modem works, resulting in a very erroneous view of history.
And thus, the advantage of having written accounts could well become a
disadvantage if not understood in a contemporary context.
E.H. Carr22 has rightly said that it makes more sense to study the
historian before you study his facts. Therefore, before depending so much
on medieval chronicles it must be agreed to that the historian’s political,
social and class affinities moulded his work. Why he was writing and for
whom, these are essential questions to reckon with before we put a
Persian chronicler’s work to any use. An individual, writing a few
centuries ago, was reacting in his own personal and subjective manner to
events and situations. It was he who decided what was important and
what was not, and what needed to be included in a written record. We
need to try and find out what the historian’s idea of history was, and what
he was essentially trying to say. We should also try to understand the
sources from which the historian collected information, the veracity of
these accounts, and the manner in which an event was rated in terms of
its importance to history. Peter Hardy in fact criticizes scholars who
expect to be supplied with readymade information.23
The important Persian historical sources of the Delhi Sultanate period
are the works of Alberuni, the philosopher- scientist whose Kitab al Hind
was the first and most important discussion on Indian sciences, religion
and society. The works of luzjani, Barani and Afif cover the history of the
Sultanate in its entirety from the time of its establishment to the end of
Firuz Shah Tughluq’s reign (1388 ad). Amir Khusrau also used historical
themes for his poems and his works shed a great deal of light on the social
history of the period. The Malfuzat texts, in the form of the discourses of
a Sufi master to his disciples are also a popular genre of literature in the
thirteenth century.
Alberuni
Abu’l Rayhan Alberuni authored the Kitab al Hind. Apart from history,
he had much interest in other areas like astronomy, geography, logic,
medicine, mathematics, philosophy, religion and theology. He was from
Khwarazon. He had travelled widely and had served the last of the
independent Khwarazm Shahs as a scholar and a diplomat till Mahmud of
Ghaznah conquered the kingdom. After that he was attached to Mahmud’s
court and accompanied him to India. Alberuni was a prolific writer. His
first major work was a historical one, an extensive chronological study
putting Muslim History into a wider perspective. At one place he estimates
that he wrote as many as 113 treaties.
Alberuni’s writings covered a wide spectrum of the contemporary
world and encompassed the fields of astronomy, physics, mathematics,
mineralogy and chemistry. He seems to have been familiar with Greek
thought, evidenced by the fact that he was acquainted with the Arabic
translations of the works of famous Greek thinkers. He mentions the
works of Plato, Aristotle, and Ptolemy among the works of many others.
Kitab al Hind is his most remarkable work. It is a survey of Indian
life based on Alberuni’s study and observations in the period between
1017-30, when he had accompanied Mahmud of Ghaznah on his various
expeditions. He was well-versed in Sanskrit, read the available literature
and conversed with learned men and scholars before he began to pen the
Kitab al Hind. It is the earliest work of its kind which can be termed as
truly scientific in the historical sense of the word.
Alberuni was in all probability motivated by his intellectual and
scientific curiosity, and therefore, tried his best to understand why Indians
thought the way they did. He explains what led him to study the
philosophical, religions and scientific systems of Indians. He was
extremely interested in comparative religion. He said that most of the
material available on India was second-hand, unoriginal and uncritical.
He, therefore, tried to acquire first-hand information by learning Sanskrit,
by reading religious and scientific texts and by meeting the scholars who
were more than willing to explain and discuss these texts and various
other issues with him. His approach was scientific and religious prejudices
do not mar the quality of his observations. He used many Sanskrit works.
Amongst them the works of Brahmagupta, Belabhadra, and Varahmihtra
are significant. He quotes from the Bhagvadgita, the Vishnu Purava and
the Vayu Purava. He also takes stock of Kapila’s Sankhya and the works
of Patanjali. He quotes extensively from these classical works. He takes
pains to state the viewpoints of Indian scholars on diverse subjects. He
often compares those with theories from Greece. He stresses that he was
not trying to make the theories of Indians better understood. One of the
most interesting aspects of Alberuni’s Kitab al Hind is that he explicitly
states that he is unsure of his stock of knowledge.
Kitab al Hind is also describes Indian customs and ways of life,
festivals, ceremonies and rites. Alberuni’s other observations are, also of
great interest. He takes note of the incongruity between the legal theories
expounded in law books and the practical aspect of the legal system.
Commenting on the caste system, he says that the castes are essentially
vamas or colours. He made great efforts to understand the system of
weights and measure and distances in India. He also provides interesting
geographical data and takes into account the local astronomical and
mathematical theories.
Alberuni was perhaps the first Muslim to have undertaken the study
of Indian thought and society on such a major scale. He classified Indians
as ‘ignorant’ and said that their notions about history, geography and the
sciences were absolutely ridiculous. Alberuni regretted that most Indians
of his time had given up the scientific attitude of their ancestors who
learnt freely from others and who were skeptical and critical about what
they learnt. He said that Indians had begun to depend too excessively on
tradition and authority, which was a hindrance to genuine intellectual
pursuit. Thus, despite Alberuni’s own personal .prejudices and opinions
about India, his Kitab al Hind is an important source for studying society
during the early years of the Turkish invasion.
Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani
Tabaqat i Nasiri of Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani is considered the first ever

account of the initial Turkish conquest of northern India. Fakhr-i-
Mudabbir has also dealt with this but his account concerns itself only
with the activities of Qutbuddin Aibak. Juzjani’s work provided a
chronological account of the Delhi Sultanate. Ziauddin Barani continued
from where Juzjani left off and Shamsi Siraj Afif claimed that he had
completed Barani’s work by taking the history of the Sultanante right up
to the end of Firuz Shah Tughluq’s reign (1388). Of these three, Juzjani
was the closest to the centre of power and maintained his relationship
with the Sultans of Delhi for the longest period of time.
During the early years of Turkish rule, many scholars were employed
in the three areas - namely propaganda, education and administration of
justice - where their learning could be of help to the state. Juzjani also
contributed to all these three areas.
Juzjani was most probably bom in 1193 ad. He came from a well-to-
do and learned family. He traced his genealogy back to the royal house of
Ghaznah. His father had been in the employ of Sultan Muizuddin
Muhammad bin Sam. Juzjani was well educated and ambitious. Like
many others in Central Asia, which had been destabilized by the Mangols,
he also migrated towards India. He reached Uchch in 1227 ad and was
appointed to teach at the Madrasa-i-Firuzi by Nasiruddin Qubachah, who
had tremendous power in Sindh and Multan. But when Iltutmish
challenged and defeated Oubachah, Juzjani joined Iltutmish and returned
to Delhi with him. In 1231 Juzjani accompanied Iltutmish on his
expedition against the Parihara ruler of Gwalior. The siege lasted for
eleven months and Juzjani would often provide his troops with religious
sermons as a morale boosting measure of sorts. He was appointed the
Qadi and Iman of Gwalior. In the reign of Raziya Sultan, he was appointed
as Qadi and later became the Chief Qadi of the capital. He lost royal
favour in the reign of Ala ud Masud Shah and spent his time travelling to
Lakhnawu and Jagnagar. He regained power in the reign of Nasiruddin
Mahmud. He was close to Balban and was once again appointed Qadi ul
Qudat and was also given the tide of Sadr i Jahan. He most probably died
in the reign of Balban.
Juzani’s most ambitious project was the Tabaqat i Nasiri. In addition
he also planned upon writing the history of the Maliks and the Sultans of
Islam. He began with Adam and brought it down to the fourteenth year of
the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud to whom he dedicated his work. His
book is divided into twenty-three tabaqas (chapters). He included in the
end the biographies of twenty-five nobles of his time. The early tabaqas
offer a very cursory survey of the dynasties of the former Caliphate. The
tabaqas became much more detailed by the time he reaches nearer to his
own times. He gives a list of the names of the sons, nobles, qadis, wazirs
and other maliks of Sultan Iltutmish. In his mention of the nobility, no one
is given as much importance as Balban is.
Juzjani’s Tabaqat i Nasiri is different from other contemporary
narratives because it is not structured within a simple chronological or
dynastic framework. Instead, Juzjani organized his narrative around the
groups of people who shared a common social affinity, according to Sunil
Kumar.24 In fact to understand Juzjani as a historian we need to understand
the motivation behind his endeavors. Monetary benefit would definitely
have been one reason because he was rewarded liberally by both Sultan
Nasiruddin and Ulugh Khan (Balban) to whom he gifted copies. But this
was more in the form of reward from flattery than recognition as a
historian. He did not earn his living by writing history. There could have
been intellectual reasons for pursuing the course of writing history.
History had tremendous efficacy. At a time when the political fortunes of
Islam were facing highly troubled times at the hands of the Mongols,
writing about the political and military glories of the Muslims was one
way of restoring the social confidence of the Muslims. Juzjani’s political
concerns also shaped his political convictions. He was committed to the
preservation of the Turkish state. Political authority was the only cause
that he understood and he believed that anyone who wielded power was
essentially and intrinsically good. He felt no sense of shame in singing
the praises of even those rulers who had come to the throne by violently
displacing their predecessors. For them history was the history of the
requisition and maintenance of political authority. Therefore, his work is
nothing but a narrative of political events written from a highly partisan
perspective. By doing thus, he was only following the trend of Islamic
historiography towards universal histories. But at the same time he was
also legitimizing the rulers of his own times.
Juzjani has covered a large area and period in his history, and
therefore, he naturally depended on many of the available written
histories. He usually trusted what he found in these works though he is
not always uncritical of his sources. For events closer to his time, he
depends on hearsay.
Juzjani constantly uses religious terminology in his work. Wars,
involving Muslims, are described in terms of religious bigotry, which
serve to indicate which side he favoured. Because he was the product of
an education and conditioning that was structured almost entirely around
religion, it is obvious that he knew no other terminology. His anti-Hindu
stance is more than visible when in times of conflict he does not even
notice, let alone condemn Hindus for not challenging the political and
military authority of the Turks. However, Juzjani’s history has been often
been considered rather boring. But at the same time it is also important to
understand that he is our only source of information on the activities of
the early Sultans of Delhi. He has also been criticized for being involved
only in affairs of kings and nobles and for not paying attention to the
conditions of ordinary people. Certainly, Juzjani was only interested in
the maintenance of political power and not much interested in recording
other details, and therefore, we do not get any reflection of the condition
of the people in general in his narrative. However, the Tabaqat i Nasiri
remains an important source of information about the Sultans of Delhi.
Ziauddin Barani
Ziauddin Barani takes up the historical narrative of the Delhi Sultanate

from the reign of Ghiyasuddin Balban to the sixth year of the reign of
Firuz Shah Tughluq. He begins the history of the Delhi Sultanate from the
point where Juzjani ends his description. He is our main source for the
crucial period of the history of Delhi Sultanate under Balban, the Khiljis
and the Tughluqs. He is also the authority from whom later historians -
like Farishtah, Sirhindi, Abd:al Haqq Dihlawi, and Nizam-al Din Ahmed
- draw their information regarding this period.
His Tarikh i Firuz Shahi is an important account of the history of the
Delhi Sultanate. His other major work, the Fatawa-i Jahandari, translated
as the Principles of Government, is a work of tremendous historical
significance. However, the two chronicles have also generated the
immense controversy that plagues the modem historiography of the
period. It is the socio-political attitudes of his works that have lent
themselves to so much debate and critical speculation. His attitude
towards society and politics is reflective of his social origin and
background and his deep personal frustration. His training as an alim
defined his religo-political outlook. This outlook can be taken as indicative
of the deep resentment and disgruntlement that the ulema had begun to
feel about the compromised position of Muslim governing classes in -a
predominantly Hindu Society.
Barani was bom in 1284 and came from a very well-connected family
of Sayyids. His uncle Ala-ul Mulk was an adviser to Sultan Alauddin
Khilji and was also the kotwal of the capital. His childhood was spent
close to the royal seat of power. His pursuit of knowledge brought him
under the tutelage of as many as forty-six scholars. He also seems to have
held the coveted post of a nadim for seventeen years, whose job was to
entertain and provide company to Muhammad bin Tughluq. He was also
close to other nobles.
Barani’s influence declined with the accession of Firuz Shah Tughluq.
He also seems to have been imprisoned for a short period of time.
Whatever the reasons for this imprisonment, Barani seems to have

suffered tremendously during the last years of his life. His property and
wealth were confiscated and he died a pauper. It was during the last year
of his life that Barani occupied himself with writing books on a variety of
subjects including Sufism and Islamic history. He probably hoped that his
efforts would please Firuz Shah Tughluq enough for the monarch to
forgive him and offer him the monetary benefits which would put an end
to misery, poverty and neglect.
There were other reasons for this outpouring of literary activity.
Barani states that his efforts were meant to help others. He thought that
this was a virtuous act, an act to atone for past wrongdoing. He was
particularly ashamed of the fact that he had failed to criticise Muhammad
bin Tughluq to his face about his cruel and his irrational manner of
functioning. Barani had immense regard for the discipline of history
writing. According to him, history familiarized people with the words of
God, and of the Prophet in addition to documenting the good and bad
deeds of the rulers. It showed kings and Maliks how to learn from the
mistakes and experiences of others. Also the hadith could not be
understood or studied in a dehistoricised manner. Barani was very clear
about the kind of audience he had in mind. He said that his history could
only benefit the great and the high bom. They and they alone had the
ability to understand history and use it optimally. Thus, Barani did not
really concern himself with anyone other than the governing classes.
Barani completed his Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi in 1357-8. His work shows
a distinct level of maturity and evolution in medieval history. He is
writing about Muslims in India alone. He does not concern himself with
Muslims located in other parts of the world. He covers the first six years
of the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq and documents key events in the
tenure of as many as six Sultans - Ghiyasuddin Balban, Kayqubad,
Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji, Alauddin Khalji, Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji,
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq and Muhammad bin Tughluq. Unlike Juzjani,
Barani dealt with political events in just one area. His chapters are based
on the successive reigns of kings and sultans and therefore do not overlap,
as in the case of Juzjani’s work. At the beginning of each chapter he gives
a list of royal princes and important nobles. When he comes to Firuz Shah
Tughluq he divides the chapter into eleven muqaddimahs or sections.
These deal with the general characteristics of the reign. He had intended
to write a hundred and eleven muqaddimahs but could not write after
eleventh.
Barani expressed his ideas through other historical personalities. His
works have been structured in the form of a dialogue between various
historical personages. That these were his ideas is confirmed by their
reappearance in the Fatawa-i Jahandani. Here they appear as advisory
lectures delivered by Mahmud of Gaznah to his sons. The Fatawa-i

Jahandari is not a work of history as such. It is more an expression of
Barani’s views on various subjects. They are depicted in the form of a
series of lectures on statecraft delivered by Mahmud of Gaznah. A piece
of advice is accompanied by historical incidents to augment an argument.
Most of the incidents related are rather dubious, historically speaking.
The fact that only one copy of the Fatawa-i Jahandari is known to
survive shows that it might not have been a very popular piece of writing.
The book does not represent the actual political theory of the Sultanate
but the manner in which Barani would have wanted it to take shape.
Barani believed that kingship was an Islamic institution. Therefore, a
king could find salvation only as a defender of the Islamic faith. It was his
duty to enforce the Shariah and punish the kafirs. The state should also
prohibit immorality of any kind. The government should be entrusted to
the care of pious and religious men. Philosophers and rationalists had no
place in the given scheme of things. Kingship, as an institution, Barani
felt, could survive only through the power and charisma of majesty and
the fear it could instill in people. The king, however, needed to be fair and
just. He also stressed the need for a strong and efficient army which
constantly needed to be kept on its toes. Barani realised that the state
could not be governed by the principles of the Shariah alone. He,
therefore, accepts the need for secular laws (Zawabit).
Barani was very critical of Muhammad bin Tughluq for raising the
‘low-born’ to high offices. He blamed the philosophers and the rationalists
with whom the Sultan seems to have spent a lot of time. Barani, therefore,
advises future kings to take harsh, punitive measures against philosophers
as he considered them to be anti-Muslim. Barani understood that the
philosophers alone could not be blamed; there were other reasons for
social mobility. He advises teachers not to initiate the ‘low-born’ into
learning as it would equip them to get better jobs, which would only
result in social upheaval and unrest. He also felt there should be a fixed
place for each category of professionals. He endorsed feudalism, which
thrived on the surplus extracted from land. He felt that the merchants
were the worst of the- lot and did not ever want them to become rich and
prosperous. Barani was closer to the modem idea of a historian. He saw
himself as an interpreter, and not as a chronicler of history, who wanted
to educate rather than inform. He believed that a king’s success depended
entirely on the policies he adopted. While praising Balban for many
things, Barani traced the roots of the problems faced by Balban’s
successor to Balban’s faulty policies. Similarly, he felt that Alauddin’s
economic policies were necessary for the security of the empire. He
treated the entire reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq as a cause and effect
sequence. Barani gives a very distorted picture of the reign of Muhammad
HM
bin Tughluq. Barani admits that he did not ever really understand either
the Sultan or his policies. He only wanted to find out why the Sultan was
facing so many problems. For him, Muhammad bin Tughluq’s policies
were not an attempt to deal with problems, on the contrary, problems had
arisen only on account of the Sultan’s misadventures.
One of the many problems with the Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi is that of
chronology. He seldom mentions dates and when he does, they are often
wrong. Yet, Barani had a much wider historical perspective than Juzjani
did. Juzjani had only connected events chronologically and did not ever
try to draw a link in the series of events that took place between one
period and another. Barani reviewed every reign at the end of each chapter
and tried to trace the evolution of policies in the Sultanate. To Irfan
Habib, Barani’s factual account is correct in all substantive matters and
his analysis is sound and accurate.25 But one has to use Barani as a source
very carefully because he does not care to either provide factual events
chronologically or give a detailed description of military encounters. His
view of history is highly partisan and subjective. This can create problems
if used uncritically.
Shams i Siraj Afif
Afif wrote a Persian narrative by the same name approximately half a

century after Barani completed his Tarikh i Firuz Shahi. Though it is
supposed to be continuation of Barani’s work, its nature is very different
because of the conditions under which it was written. Juzjani had
chronicled the establishment of Turkish power in northern India. Barani
has described the consolidation, expansion and the beginning of the
decline of this power. Afif provided an accurate description of the last
few yeas of the Sultante before it was given a death blow by the armies
of Timur.
Afif was bom in 1356-7. He came from a family of minor officials
who were connected with the Tughluqs even before they acquired royal
power. Afif also held minor posts of sorts in the Diwan i Wizarat. He
claims that he was inclined towards Sufism and that his outlook was
deeply influenced by popular, devotional mysticism.
Only a part of Afif’s work has survived. He mentions having written
about Ghiyasuddin Tughluq and Muhammad bin Tughluq. He also
seems to have written a separate work on the destruction of Delhi at the
hands of Timur. The Tarikh i Firuz Shahi is composed of 90
muqaddimahs. He says he wanted to complete Barani’s one hundred and
eleven muqaddimah about Firuz Shah Tughluq, though Barani never
quite managed to complete his ambitious project. Thus, Afif’s purpose is
not very clear because we do not have all his works. It is obvious that Afif
had no particular wish to eulogise or flatter the king as Firpz Shah

Tughluq was already dead when Afif wrote his work. He was most
probably nostalgic about a world which had been completely destroyed
and devastated by Timur’s invasion. The image he paints of Firuz Shah
Tughluq’s reign reflects his own troubled times. He is of the view that this
was a peaceful era, devoid of conflicts or trouble. He provides an
extremely positive appraisal of even the negative features of Firuz Shah
Tughluq’s reign. This was no deliberate or willful distortion of facts.
Firuz Shah Tughluq’s ineptitude as a military commander is portrayed as
a bid for peace and the king’s tolerance of corruption is seen as his
concern for the welfare of his subjects. The economic situation of the
early fourteenth century might have been a cause for the constant
references made to the prosperous economic conditions under Firuz Shah
Tughluq.
Afif’s work has no intellectual posturing like that of Barani’s. In fact,
at times his concerns seem rather boring as he talks only of bearded
women, three-legged shop or cows endowed with the hooves of a horse.
Details of this kind, along with the popular-mystic overtones to his style,
indicate that Afif was writing what can be called a popular history. His
history is uncomplicated and is in the form of simple narrative. He tries
to make it interesting. He was not a political theorist in any sense of the
term. His aim was to provide his readers with an image of the past which
was glorious, comfortable and peaceful, and a definite departure from his
own times. His attitude towards non-Muslims also shows an evolution
from the views of Juzjani and Barani. He praises Firuz Shah Tughluq for
burning a Brahmin alive and for imposing the Jazia on Brahmins. This
was more in keeping with his attitude of endorsing and approving of
every deed of this king.
Afif has said that the Sultanate was destroyed by other Muslims like
Timur. The reason for Timur’s attack on Delhi was that the Sultan had
moved away from Islam. Afif is of the view that both Hindus and Muslims
suffered at the hands of Timur. He calls Timur the most destructive force
of his time and has tremendous empathy for the suffering of others. It did
not bother him that Hindus participated in religious festivals at the court.
Nor did the various Hindu customs that had crept into Muslim social life
bother him in any way.
Afif has also given a description of the architectural achievements of
Firuz Shah Tughluq, which included the building of canals, the planning
of gardens, the working of the royal mint, providing details of army
camps, regulating the prices of food, providing details of coinage,
arranging the celebration of festivals and revenue arrangement among
many other things. He throws more light on the social conditions of his
period than Juzjani and Barani do. Through his work we get, for the first
time a glimpse of the life of people outside court circles, though very
little.
Isami
Another historian who dealt with the period of Muhammad bin Tughluq
was Abdal Malik Isami. He was very hostile to the Sultan and his Futuh
us Salatin is very critical of Muhammad bin Tughluq. It is written in
verse and was composed under the patronage of Bahman Shah, the
founder of the Bahmani kingdom who himself had successfully carved
out his principality from Muhammad bin Tughluq.
Amir Khusrau
Amir Khusaru was not a historian in the strict sense of the term since his
works are not in the form of a narrative. But his masnavis provide an
entry-point into the social and cultural life of the period. He was bom in
1253 and he came from a family which was very closely associated with
the court. He himself had served as many as six Sultans. He had been
employed at the court of Prince Muhammad, the son of Balban.
Muhammad was killed while fighting the Mongols and Amir Khusrau
was taken captive by them. He escaped from captivity and joined the
court of Balban. He continued in royal service under Kanyqubad, Jalalud
din Khilji, Alauddin Khilji, Mubarak Shah and Ghiyasuddin Tughluq.
Amir Khusrau was enamoured of mysticism and was very close to Chishti
Shaikh Nizamuddin. He contributed greatly to the popular culture of
India through his poetry and music.
History writing was not the main concern of Amir Khusrau. Therefore,
we cannot judge him as we do the other historians. But he did offer a very
poetic rendition of history. He could not have possibly been an impartial
historian. Even the themes that he selected to compose his masnavis
around were not of his choice. He was told what to write on. Yet, as a
poet, he could introduce a subject or mention details of it that the regular
historian could not. He gives us a rare insight into the social and cultural
life of his times.
The first masnavi that he wrote on a historical subject was the Qirn
us Sadayn. It describes the meeting between Bughra Khan and his son
Kaiqubad. It gives us interesting details about Delhi, its building, the
imperial court and the social life of officials and nobles. He also used this
book to express contempt for the Mongols. He wrote Miftah-ul Futh in
1291. In this he deals with the military campaigns of Jalaluddin Khilji,
the rebellion and suppression of Malik Chajju, the Sultan’s advances into
Ranathambhor and the conquest of Jhayan. His Khaza’in ul Futuh, which
..,32* ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
is also known as the Tarikh i Ala was a very flattering account of the first
fifteen years of Alauddin’s reign. Though it is essentially a work of
literature, it is very important because it is the only surviving
contemporary account of Alauddin Khilji. He dealt with the Sultan’s
conquest of Gujrat, Chittor, Malwa and Warrangal. It is an eye witness
account of Malik Kafur’s Deccan expedition and is extremely rich in
geographical and military details. He also describes Alauddin’s building
and his administrative reforms. But he takes care to not mention anything
that the Sultan would find embarrassing. This is not surprising because
the real purpose of the work was to flatter the ruler and not to record
history.
Another work which includes a good description of Hindustan and its
people is found in the Nuh Sipehr. It is a flattering account of Mubarak
Shah Khilji’s reign. He talks of his buildings and his military victories as
also the climate, vegetables, fruit, languages and philosophy, and life in
general. His last historical masnavi was the Tughluq Namah. He gives an
account of Ghiyasuddin’s accession and the defeat of Khrusau Shah. The
story is replete with religions overtones. Ghiyasuddin, in this work,
represents the power of good over evil, as represented by Khusrau Shah.
Amir Khusrau’s work is historically very useful because he provides
readers with a fairly accurate sense of chronology, which is that much
more reliable than that of Ziauddin Barani. His works also talks about
social conditions, an area which did not interest other historians in any
major way. He has left, scattered in this poetry, details about weapons of
war, military expeditions, cities, various professions, games and sports
and music and dance. His work is important precisely because it is the
work of a poet and not a historian. As a poet his concerns and methods of
treatment of his subjects was different and therefore, adds to the material
provided by the other historians. Thus, Amir Khusrau’s writings cannot
be treated as pure history, but they give us a very useful insight into the
life of the common people.
Yahya bin Ahmed Sirhindi
Sirhindi’s Tarkih i Mubarak Shahi covers the period following the reign of
Firuz Shah Tughluq. It is the only contemporary history of the period
1388-1434. It is a useful account of the Delhi Sultanate after the invasion
of Timur. Tarkih i Mubarak Shahi is based on the works of Juzjani, Barani
and Khusrau till 1351. After that he relies on the accounts of various
witnesses, on hearsay and on his own observations. He describes all events
chronologically and is only concerned with political and military history.
For instance, he ignores the economic policies of Alauddin Khalji. He was
close to the Sayyid rulers and dedicated his work to Mubarak Shah.
SHKSa
Malfuzat
The Malfuz texts, also known as the malfuzat, record the teachings of the
mystic or Sufi saints and of the pirs and sheikhs. During the thirteenth
century, the oral teachings of these saints took on a canonical textual form
and gradually these works were recognised as the authoritative and
normative genre both by the members of the Sufi order and for their lay
followers. The authors of the malfuzat texts did not actually take down
copious notes when the master was speaking. Instead they penned down
and transcribed the master’s sayings from memory. Later on their work
was improved upon by the Sufi saint himself. Carl Emst says that it is
only in some cases that the author’s work was intervened upon by the
master.26
The malfuzat texts, in the form of the records of Sufi discourses, were
an extremely popular genre of literature during the thirteenth century in
north India and are, therefore, of tremendous historical importance. One
of the most admired of these malfuzat texts is the Fawa’id al-fuad,
translated as the Morals of the Heart. The book was written by Amir
Hasan Sijzi Dihlavi, a poet and disciple of Nizamuddin Auliya. It is a
beautifully written account of the Sufi teachings of Nizamuddin Auliya.
Carl Emst says that the Fawaid al-fuad is valued more for its historic
value as a corrective to the exclusively dynastic focus of the court
historians than for its religious content.27 The social history of the period,
not found in dynastic chronicles, can well be ascertained from the malfuzat
texts. According to K.A. Nizami,28 we can get a glimpse of medieval
society, and the popular customs, manners and problems of the people
from recorded conversations of this kind.
Later on, the malfuzat tradition was furthered by Hamid Qalandar,
who compiled the teachings and speeches of Nizamuddin Auliya’s
successor in Delhi, Nasiruddin Mahmud Chiragh-i Dehli. Hamid has
provided us with an elaborate description of how the collection of works
compiled in Khair al-Majalis (the best of assemblies) began in 1354 and
were then forwarded to the master, who finally approved of it.
Thus, the heroes of the malfuzat were very different from those of the
Persian chroniclers. The malfuzat had great Sufi saints as their
protagonists. These texts did not really care to concern themselves with
either the Sultan or his entourage.
If we use the Persian sources with caution it could be very productive
for writing the history of Delhi Sultanate. They certainly provide us with
a sense of chronology, context and social, political and economic
relationships during the period. The task of modern historians is to ask a
variety of questions. One should not simply follow the narratives or what
Peter Hardy 29calls the ‘scissors and paste’ method. As opposed to
34 ❖ Interpreting Medieval1 India ❖
TABLE 1.2
PERSIAN NARRATIVES
Authors Persian Text Ruler, Date of , Rulers
Dedicated to Completion of . covered in
Text Narrative
Alberuni Kitab-al Hind - a.d. 1030 : Mahmud
Ghaznawi
Fakhra-i Tarikh-i Qutubuddin a.d. 1208 • Qutubuddin
Mudabir Fakhra al-din Aibak Aifoak-
Mubarak Shah
Minhaj-us- Tabaqat:i- Nasiruddin-. A.D. 1260 Qutubuddin,
Siraj Juzjani Nasiri Mahmud Iltutmish,
Raziya;
Bahram Shah,
Masud Shah,
Nasiruddin -
Mahmud.
Amir Khusrau 1. Miftah al- Jalaluddin A.D. 1292 Jalaluddin
Futuh Khalji Khalji
2. Khazain al- Alauddin A.D. 1312 Alauddin
Futuh Khalji Khalji
3. Huh Siphr Mubarak A.D. 1318 Mubarak
Khalji Khalji
4. Tughluq Ghiyasuddin A.D. 1320 Ghiyasuddin
Nama Tughluq Tughluq
Amir Hasan Fawaid al- Shaikh a.d. 1322
Sijzi Fuad Nizamuddin
Auliya
Ziauddin 1. Tarikh-i- Firuzshah A.D. 1357-58 Balban,
Barani Firuzshahi Tughluq Jalaluddin
Khalji,
Alauddin
Khalji
2. Fatwa-i-
Jahandari
Ibn Batuta Tughlaqnama Muhammad Muhammad
Safarnama bin Tughluq bin Tughluq
Rehala
Hamid Khair al-
Qalandar Majalis Shaikh 1350 Muhammad
Nasiruddin bin Tughluq
Chirag-i Dehli
Khwaja Malik Futuh-us- Alauddin 1350 Muhammad
Isami Salatin Hasan bin Tughluq
Bahman Shah
Rankean positivism, to which a historian’s job is to merely to ascertain

the facts and tell how it really was, the modem historian certainly has to
make his own choices of facts and tell the story in his own way. To do so
he reinterprets the same primary data. The beauty of this kind of research
and history writing lies in the fact that the earlier narrative might be
overturned by subsequent research. For instance, going beyond the statist
discourse of the Persian chronicles is the latest trend of historical writing
on Sultanate period. The researches of modem historians like Richard
Bulliet, Bosworth, Simon Digby, Bruce Lawrence, Carl Emst, etc. are not
just based on the tawarikh of the court. They use malfuzat record of the
discourse of Sufi Shaikhs, the tazkirat biographies of poets, religious
scholars and Sufis apart from the Persian narratives.
Bardic Narratives
Since early times, knowledge of past events has customarily always been
handed down from generation to generation. Many a times these oral
narratives were transmitted in mythical forms and on occasions, history
and mythology would become inextricably enmeshed. These bardic
narratives are a form of the transmission of history. However, in many
parts of the country, professional bards and genealogists were attached to
communities of varying status, and the records of these bards became the
repositories of a considerable volume of historical material. The bards of
the more advanced communities, however, relied largely on written
records.
A systematic effort to collect and preserve the poetry of the bards,
attached to the Rajputs, was begun in 1914, when the Asiatic Society of
Bengal sponsored a ‘Bardic and Historical Survey of Rajputana’ by L.P.
Tessitori. According of Tessitori, historical manuscripts were in the
possession of bards called the Charans and the Bhats. There is no
fundamental difference between the Bhats and the Charans, the two
principal bards in Rajputana and Gujarat.
The bards preserved the genealogical records of their Rajput patrons
and maintained ledger books (vahi) containing their patrons’ family
register. Traditionally in past ages the duties of the bards involved frequent
attendance on their patrons, and many a bard would find himself
accompanying his patron on various warrior campaigns and thus obtained
first-hand information about the warriors’ heroic deeds.30 At the death of
a bard his records would be passed on to his son, and the bards had thus
become the permanent custodians of the family histories and genealogies
of most ruling clans of Rajasthan. In return for his services, he would
receive a fee. The fee amount depended on the patron’s status and his
paying capacity. Bards were not located in and confined to Rajasthan and
Gujarat alone. Hereditary bards can well be found in many parts of South
India as well. According to C. Von Furer-Haimendorf 31 the repertory of
the bards of Rajasthan consists of epic poems of two main categories: (1)
Those relating to famous Rajput heroes of ancient times. Such epic poems
are the general heritage of all the Bhat and Charan bards. (2) Then there
are compositions relating to particular Rajput houses and hence not of
general interest. Both types of bardic poems are composed in two archaic
languages - Dingala and Pingala. According to Tessitori, these are two
distinct languages, the former, a long dead old local vernacular dialect of
Rajputana, has survived in bardic songs and narratives. Pingala, on the
other hand, was the Braja bhasa, a polite language used by poets.
However, bardic narratives have one major limitation. There is the
great possibility of the false glorification of a ruler. A.K. Forbes also says
that though bardic accounts are accurate in so far as they reflect social
conditions, their construction of chronology is extremely erroneous and
deeply flawed. Col. Tod’s 32 book was largely based on bardic literature,
and did not undertake a critical analysis of the sources. Tod, basing his
analysis largely on bardic narratives, developed a rather romantic concept
of the identity of Rajasthan and the various Rajputana states. He based
his reconstruction of history on long poems, which were essentially bardic
compilations of ancient chronicles.33
Prose chronicles, known in Rajputana as khyats, are to a very large
extent works of individual scholars of the time and are not the production
of bards. They offer a better, more chronologically accurate history of
Rajasthan The Khyat literatures were written with the aid of royal
patronage and we may use the information provided in them to
substantiate our understanding of archival written accounts.34 According
to Tessitori the chronicle paper {Khyat) came into evidence towards the
end of the sixteenth century ad and it seems that the impulse responsible
for their composition emanated from the court of Akbar, who must have
been a source of inspiration to Rajput princes. Tessitori emphasized that
these historical records could only have been compiled by officials -
called Pancholis and Mahajnas, and who were officially known as the
mutsaddis - employed by and in the service of the reigning monarch or
prince. They alone could write correctly and view facts in an objective
manner. They were trained in business transactions and knew how to
work accurately and methodically. The bards, on the other hand, have
never had a reputation for orthographical and intelligible writing. C. Von
Furer-Haimendorf35 says that, to the princes of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, these more or less objective narratives of the
sixteenth and seventeenth century chroniclers were no longer acceptable.
They preferred the pompous eloquence of the Bhats and the Charans to
the plain language of the historical records and commissioned their bards
ii'K.
to recast old chronicles in a more poetic form. According to Tessitori, Tod

based his Annals on these historical poems and disregarded the real
chronicles, which remained largely unknown to him.
We may also use folklore as supportive evidence for writing the
history of a community.36 However, it should not be used as an alternative
source of information. Folklore cannot provide authentic data for the
reconstruction of history. It is very difficult to frame the time period when
these were invented and became part of popular culture. In the case of
Rajasthan, oral narratives seeped into written records in a massive way
and then, in due course of time, elements from written literature were
again transmitted into the field of oral literature. Thus, folklore, to a large
extent, complements archival sources, but is not considered an important
and authentic source of history on account of the fact that it neither
understands the context nor does it take people’s responses into account.
Thus, past can now be constructed out of variety of sources and no
one can be sure what tomorrow’s past will hold. Today with a question
mark being put on the authenticity of Persian chronicles and official
histories, a new kind of historian has emerged who is not entirely
dependent on structured state-oriented narratives and chronicles and who
relies more on archaeological sources, inscriptions, folklores, etc., in
order to write people’s history. It is my firm belief that the writing of
medieval Indian history in most of the cases, whether conciously or
unconciously, has remained alluded to a political project. And, therefore,
there is need to explicate the politics of available histories. This could be
achieved only when we use the whole variety of sources available to us.
NOTES
1. Cynthia Talbot, Precolonial India in Practice: Society, Region, and Identity in
Medieval Andhra, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2001
2. Kesavan Veluthat, The Political Structure of Early Medieval South India, Orient
Longman, Delhi, 1993
3. Noboru Karashima, History and Society in South India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 2001)
4. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Representing the Other, p.26.
5. Ibid.,p.26.
6. Ibid., p.26.
7. Ibid., pp.48-49.
8. Pushpa Prasad, Sanskrit Inscription of Delhi Sultanate 1191-J526, Delhi, 1990, pp.
3-15.
9. Ibid., pp.27-31.
10. See Pushpa Prasad, ‘The Turuska Or Turks In Late Ancient Indian Documents’,
Proceedings Of Indian History Congress, 55th Session, 1994, pp.171-175. Also see
Romila Thapar, ‘ Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modern
Search for a Hindu Identity’, in Interpreting Early India, Delhi, 1992, pp.60-88.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya also examines the issue in his ‘Images of Raiders and Rulers’,
Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims, pp. 28-60.
11. P.L. Gupta, Coins, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1969.
12. Ibid, p.105.
13. Ibid, p.110.
14. Ibid,
15. Ibid, p. 113.
16. Ibid, p.ll4.
17. Ibid, p.ll8.
18. An archive is a place where old manuscripts and documents are stored. The National
Archives of India, to take an example, maintains many old documents. Similarly,
Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner has a huge collection of Rajasthani manuscripts
and official documents of the rulers of Rajasthan.
19. Sunil Kumar, The Emergence of Delhi Sultanate, Permanent Black, N. Delhi, 2007
20. Ibid, p. 366, p. 21.
21. Peter Hardy, Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1997
22. E.H. Carr, in What is History? Penguine, England, 1965
24. Sunil Kumar, The Emergence of Delhi Sultanate, p. 367
25. Irfan Habib, ‘Barani’s Theory of the History of the Delhi Sultanate’, Indian Historical
Review, 7 (1981), pp.99-115.
26. Carl Emst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi
Center, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2004, p. 63
27. Ibid, p. 67.
28. K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India in the Thirteenth
Century, Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, Delhi, 1974, Delhi, 1978, p. 374; also see his
‘Historical Significance of the Malfuz literature of Medieval India’ in On History
and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1982, pp.163-
97
30. (See Norman Ziegler, ‘Marvari Historical Chronicles: Sources for the Cultural History
of Rajasthan’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol.13 (1976), pp.219-
50).
31. C. Von Furer-Haimendorf, ‘The Historical Value of Indian Bardic Literature’ in
Philips C.H., ed.. Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, Oxford University Press,
London pp. 87-93.
32. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1829-32).
33. Vipul Singh, Unpublished Ph.D thesis, The Marathas in Rajasthan in the I8'h
Century: A Study of Socio-economic Relationships, University of Delhi, Delhi, 2002,
p.7
34. Ibid. p.7.
35. C. Von Furer-Haimendorf, ‘The Historical Value of Indian Bardic Literature’ in C.H.
Philips, ed., Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, p. 92.
36. Vipul Singh, Unpublished Ph.D thesis, The Marathas in Rajasthan in the 18,h
Century: A Study of Socio-economic Relationships, University of Delhi, Delhi, 2002,
p. 2). '
Interpreting Early
Medieval India
♦ HISTORIOGRAPHY AND RECENT DEBATES
> North India (750-1200): The Feudalism Debate
> South India (750-1200)
he early medieval period in Indian history has been described by

T historians, as largely speaking, a rather dark phase of Indian history
characterised by political disintegration and cultural decline. New studies
have offered fresh perspectives and are not willing to accept such a bleak
description of the period under scrutiny. The absence of political unity,
that was once considered a negative attribute by earlier scholars, is now
redefined as the key causal factor that led to the emergence of rich
regional cultures and the kingdoms of the early medieval period. We shall
try to delve into the whole range of debates both in the context of North
India and South India.
NORTH INDIA (750-1200):

THE FEUDALISM DEBATE
The existing historiography of the early medieval period has been ,

classified broadly into two sets of propositions termed as: ‘Changeless’
and ‘Change’ . The first proposition tries to explain that traditional polity
is~essentially changeless. Historians, relying on this hypothesis, have
described polity in early medieval India as ‘traditional’ or as ‘Oriental
despotic’. Karl Marx characterised the Indian state in terms of,Asiatip
Modeof Production having absolute power of' oriental despolic_rulers?
Through his explanation of Asiatic Mode of Production Marx has
excluded the pre-modem Asia including India from the orthodox mode of
production of slaves and feudal societies. He thus postulated special
mode of production in the context of India. Marx’s concept was. however,
challenged by Indian Marxist historians like R.S. Sharma and Irfan Habib.
Hermann Kulke1 also says that Marx’s model of ‘oriental despotism’ was
an outcome of ‘occidental preijidice against an alleged .oriental
despotism’.
In other words, the 'changeless' model looked at the early medieval
society and economy as static. But the recent reasearch shows that the
period witnessed many dynamics of change.
Most of the works on the ‘Change’ hypothesis came up in the post
independence period. These writings envisage the possibility of change as
agaihsUan~eariier version which staunchly believed in the essential
changelessness of Indian polity. One of the first models to have ever
come up with the assumption of change, is the ‘centralised state model’.
Cfiange, according to historians supporting thisThddell~io^.£9a£eiMed
and understood only in terms of territorial and dynastic changes in the
empire. In other words, change is viewed as indicating instability as
opposed to the idea of a centralised state. This approach does not give a
holistic picture of the early Indian society, and is therefore, not very
❖ Interpreting Early Medieval India ❖ 41
aagg®'
helpful in gaining an insight into the processes involved in state formation
during the period under study. Another model, and of late the most
dominant premise, is based upon the assumption of dynamism or change.
It is also referred to as the ‘Indian FeudaJianL model
The early medieval state and society in north India has been explained
in the“cbht^TbfIndian feudalism by historians like JD.D. Kosambi. R.S.
ShdnhaTlTN JEaTOf.S. Yadava and various, others. D.D. Kosambi was
the first to provide a conceptual definition of Indian feudalism when he
A W T ywtto
talked about what he described as ‘feudalism from above’ and ‘feudalism
from below’. ‘Feudalism from_above’. according to him means a state
wherein a king levied tribute from subordinates who still ruled" in their
~ "" •- '■‘ -t"1*1*"'?r*1 miih'iwn i. .'i ~— 111 1 ■ iHnirx'inwri-r'u ir
ownTaght as long as they paid to the king. They did what they liked in
their own territory. By ‘feudalism from below’ Kosambi meant a stage
where a class,of.land^ga^^ tAe state_jn£die
peasantry within the village to ..wield armed power over the local
population The secondTind,’according to him, began after the emergence
ofTSelhi Sultanate. Kosambi explains that whereas in ‘feudalism_fix>m ~
above’ the taxes were collected directly by the royal officials, jn
‘feudalismTrom below’ taxes were colle^tedJbv.small intermediaries who
passedAnFa-fractibh to the feudal hierarchy.2
Later, the most important theoretical construct, that contributed
towards a better understanding of the early medieval period, was
developed by R.S. Sharma.3 He argued that the period between 750- 1200
was a period when a number of changes took place in Indian society. R S. jj
Sharma was of the view that tuTeverincreasing number of land grants ' V '
have been made, to Brahmins, religious institutions and much later on to W-"
govemment officials in the post-Gupta period. He indicated the fact that
grantees were being endowed widimoreImd more concessions and were
how increasingly encroaching on ‘communal’ village land which led to
the exploitation of the peasantry. The hereditary land holders gradually
assumed’Wahy ofThe functioris of the government. They not only .got the
power to collect revenue, but also had administrative powers like rights
of awarding punishments and exacting fines. They also assumed the ‘
rights to sublet their lands...
According to R.S. Sharma, this situation was further aggravated by a ] h cr
decline in urbanism and tradeTparticularly in foreign trade. Another factor
was the paucity of coins. Thus economically, this period, according to
R.S. Sharma’s view of it, was one of decay and decline. He described the
period, in pol tical terms, as one which stood witness to a continuous
process of fragmentation and decentralisation, caused by the widespread
practice of granting land holdings to feudatories and officials who.
established their control over these territories and emerged as independent
potentates, The crux of Shanna’s argument, therefore, is that feudal polity
Sil
emerged from the gradual breakdown of a centralised bureaucratic state

system, the best example of which was the Mauryan state. The system of
assigning land gradually became widespread in the early medieval period
and was tied up with the transfer of the rights of administration of the
centralized state as well as its rights over sources of revenue. This process
gradually eroded the authority of the state and resulted in a weakened
sense of sovereignty.
B.N.S. Yadava, another proponent of the Indian Feudalism model,
found new evidence of an increasing practice of land-grants__made to
C-QQVy
militaiy officers during the post-Gupta period and which imposed added
restrictions on the mobility of peasants. B.N.S.Yadava, who seems to be
influenced by the writings of Marc Bloch and Max Weber, shifted
------------------------- ---------------- ----------------- - --------- ■—■> ..................... <6^----------------------- "I. Ilium » J— I
emphasis towards the political aspects of feudalism. For him, the most
,
important feature of Indian feudalism was the samanta or the independent

rq I
neighbouiing-Xhief. who rose to prominence in about bOO orjso. In other

words, his main intention was to reinstall feudatories and court dignitaries
and to reclaim them from the oblivion that their erstwhile vanquished
status had relegated them to. In the new conception of empire, the
territorial aspect was no longer in^rtant ~Fr7trHacertKFexitension of
the tribu^^sy^^^Soe^np^ÛAccording to Yadava, such empires
were at best tributary superstructures ahi! Therefore^ lacked solidarity,
stabiTityand political unity. R.S. Sharma calls this type of agrarian set up
3 as essentiallyTeudal in nature, based as it was on the pan-Indian character.
'F- The salient features of ‘Indian feudalism’4 were as follows:
o (4) R.S. Sharma says that the disintegration of polity was one of the first
-S ^'characteristics of the period7^îs=prwess~was antithetical to the
centralised polity of the Mauryan period. It got consolidated in the post
Gupta period. The essential characteristics of the state included: vertical
gradation, division of sovereignty, and the emergence of a separate
category of semi-independent rulers also referred to as the samantas, or
the mdhasamantas. The period saw the emergence of landed
intermediaries, who soon rose to ascendancy in the social hierarchy.
Vassals, officers of the state and other secular assignees, also called
samantas, had diverse military obligations. Subinfeudation, by the
recipients of land grants, to get their land cultivated by others, led to the
growth of a different strata of intermediaries. It was a hierarchy of landed
aristocrats, tenants, share-croppers and cultivators. This hierarchy was
also reflected in the administrative structure, where a sort of lord-vassal
relationship emerged. There was also a prevalence of land grants,
bestowed mainly upon Brahmins or religious institutions, in the initial
period dating from the early centuries of the Christian era to later times.
In the post-Gupta phase, land grants were made to individuals for other
somewhat more secular purposes. In other words, Indian feudalism
❖ Interpreting Early Medieval India ❖
consisted of an extremely inequitable distribution of land and its

production.
) R.S. Shanna also talks about the prevalence of forced labour. The
v-d>'u>
right of extracting forced labour (Vishti) is believed to have been exercised
by the Brahmanas and other powerful land grantees. Forced labour was
originallyaprerogative of the king or the state. It was later transferred to
the grantees, petty officials, village authorities and various others. As a
result, a kind of serfdom emerged, in which agricultural labourers were
reduced to the position of semi-serfs. However, according to Harbans
Mukhia, such a situation of begar or vishti was exceptional rather than a
rule.
Sharma also argues that, on account of the growing claims of the
greater rights of rulers and intermediaries over unfortunate peasants,
resulted in the colossal suffering of the latter. Peasants not only
experienced the severe curtailment of their land rights, but were also
reduced to the position of tenants faced with the ever-growing threat of
eviction. A number of peasants were only share-croppers (ardhikas).
Factors like the ever-on-the-rise taxes, coercion and rapidly escalating
debts made the lot of the peasants even more unfortunate. An important
constituent of Indian Feudalism was a decline in the market economy,
trade and urbanism. Services were paid for through land assignments.
With the growth of an agrarian economy, social relations in the rural areas
underwent an even greater sense of transformation due to the movement
of groups into rural areas and the consolidation of the jajmani (patron-
client) system. The peasants were subjected to high taxation, cornpulsory..
labour and were deprived of the right to mobility. They could no longer
freely move from one place to another.
q) Sharma says that one unique characteristic, of the post-Gupta period,
was the emergence of .social stratification,. This was brought about on
account of the prevalence of a concept called yamasankarA which could
be, roughly speaking, understood as the intermixture of the castes, a
phenomenon which had originated in the pre-Gupta period. This process
of intermingling, which resulted in the emergence and rapid proliferation
of new caste groups, gained greater strength and added momentum in the
post-Gupta period. Due to this phenomenon many new categories, like
those of the kayasthas and the/untouchables, came into existence.
According to R.S. Shanna, the basis of the ideology and culture of this
period was Bhakti, a concept which was analogous to the feudal construct
since both relied upon attributes like fealty and faithfulness. The
deterioration in the sphere of religious practices - such as the development
of Tantrism, the development of a court culture, andLthe emergence of the
landbcTintermediaries - led to the crystallisation of the feudal ideology.
The construct of Indian Feudalism by R.S. Sharma drew criticism

from scholars like D.C. Sircar5 who was of the view that, compared to the
proven, beyond scope of doubt, belief that a large number of grants were
made to Brahmins and other religious institutions, there was scant evidence
of the existence of land grants of a secular kind with service tenures.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya6, has questioned the theory of urban decay and
the decline of trade in the post-Gupta period, a very essential premise of
the ieudaiism argument. An even harsher point of view has come from
Harbans Mukhia.7 Mukhia is of the opinion that Indian feudalism could
weTThave been a non-existent, make belief construct for which there was
no supporting evidence. He pointed out that, in the European context,
feudalism emerged due to changes in society., whereas in India, the
establishment of feudalism has been attributed to thc state practice of
making lancfgrants. He is of the view that feudalism, which is a very
coinpleF'socioôiiticar structure, could not have possibly, been a^state
impositionTwfiichgained more ground and later became more firmly
entrenched on Indian soil through administrative and legal procedures.
Harbans Mukhia also expressed virulent disbelief in the existence of
serfdom. He argued that the Indian peasantry has always been
predominantly free.
Harbans Mukhia, after refuting the Indian feudalism thesis at the
theoretical plane, goes on to compare the medieval Indian scenario with
that of the scenario in medieval Europe at the empirical level. Can
feudalism be at all conceived of as a universal system, is Mukhia’s
question-poser. ‘If capitalism has had no aim beyond the maximizing of
profit, if the only intention was to achieve an ever rising scale of
production and an ever expanding market until it encompassed the whole
world, and if it could see nothing beyond establishing a world system
under the hegemony of a single system of production, then, logically
speaking and keeping the above-mentioned premise in mind, it would
simply have been impossibly beyond the reach of any pre-capitalist system
to expand into a world system.’ It was the force of consumption rather
than the profit motive that was the driving force behind pre-capitalist
economic systems, and it was this that limited their capacity for expansion
beyond the local or the regional level.
Mukhia says that, even within the same region, the variations are so
numerous that some of the most established historians of medieval Europe
such as Georges Duby and Jacques Le Goff, tend to avoid the use of the
term feudalism altogether. Mukhia came up with a comparative appraisal
of the history of medieval Western Europe with that of what was
happening in medieval India. He chosg to focus his study onJhree. major
concerns the ecological conditions^the technology available ancrjhg
social organisation of forms otlaboim-used in the agriculture of the two

regions concerned. Harbans Mukhia explains that, as opposed to Europe,
Indian ecology was marked by almost ten months of sunshine, a fact that
was conducive to agricultural processes. Because of the intense heat,
followed by rainfall, the upper crust of the soil was made more fertile.
and therefore did not require deep, or intensive labour. The hump on the
Indian bullTUbwed peasantsto use the bull’s drought power maximally
for it allowed the plough to be placed on the bull’s shoulder; however, the
plain back of the Indian bull’s European counterpart could not support the
plough which would inevitably slide downwards on being pulled. It took
centuries of technological improvement to facilitate the full use of the
bull’s drawing power on medieval European fields. Land productivity
was also much higher in medieval India. Besides, most Indian lands
yielded two crops a year, something unheard of in Europe until the
nineteenth century.
Mukhia says that the fundamental difference in conditions in India,
compared to those in Europe, also made it imperative that the forms of
labour use in agriculture should follow a different pattern. Begar, or tied
labour, paid or unpaid, was seldom part of Ihfi^proeessrof. production,.hgre.
It was used more for non-productive purposes where peasants would '
carry the zamindar’s load or possessions on his head, or be required to
supply oil or milk to the zamindar’s or the jagirdar’s homes on specific
occasions. Iji other words, the tension and discord, between the peasant
and the zamindar or the jagirdar, was played out outside and beyond the
process of production on the question of the quantum of revenue. We do
not therefore witness the same levels of technological breakthrough and
transformation of production processes in medieval India as. we see in
medievaHiuroperal though it must be emphasised that neither technology,
nor the process of agricultural production was ^tatic.ror_..unchange.d in
Indj^^.
.
Harbans Mukhia is of the view that the medieval Indian svstem_w.as
.________ J_|_I r nunninjiri 1.1 'l, 11 ‘r.xrai l.riT,TWUii-»m-<iiiimiiii if । ■■■ n iib/b i ■ i "1“" ■’ 1'
marked by a ‘free peasant economy’. A free peasant was understood to be

entirely different from the medieval European serf. Whereas the serf’s
labour for the ‘purposes of agricultural production was set under the
control of the lord, the labour of his Indian counterpart was under his own
control; what was subjecTto the stateVcontrol was the amount of produce
of the land in the form of revenue. A crucial difference here was that the
resolution of tension over the control of labour resulted in transformation
of the production system from feudal to capitalist in European agriculture
from the twelfth century onwards; in India tension over revenue did not
affect the production system as such and its transformation began to seep
in only in the twentieth century under a different set of circumstances.’
X B.D. Chattopadhyaya8 agrees that the existence of land grants cannot

be denied, nor can the presence of the contractual element in these land
---.grants be negated completely. He also accepts that the system of
- assignments, wherever it existed, did bring in important changes in
"x agrarian relations. However, he points out that all this does not help to
explain the origin of feudal polity. Instead, he considers land grants
> J (secular) as an important but not the sole criteria for understanding the
■o structure of polity. While subjecting the single line argument for the
formation of polity to skeptical inquiry, Chattopadhyaya, basing his
premise on the evidence of land grants, is of the view that no system can
be totally centralised, indicating thereby that the problem should be
A'- addressed from another stand point altogether. This leads us to studies on
> the complex interrelationship between the socio-economic and political
aspects that have shaped the formation of early medieval polities.
Chattopadhyaya tries to give a fresh look at the formation of polity in
o
early medieval India and it is this that has led historians to reinterpret
'J
developments from a macro to a micro-level. This new group of historians,
led by him, has perceived political changes through the integration of and
interrelationship between socio-economic and political processes. The
process of change, according to these historians, has been a result of the
emergence and gradual development of a ‘state society’ (formation of
C ruling lineages). Thus ‘pre-state polities’_gradually evolved into state
polities and it was this that resulted in the assimilation of local polities
into larger state structures. B.D. Chattopadhyaya explains that the
establishment of large polities took place in nuclear areas.
£' According to Herman Kulke9 this process of the expansion of state
society, through the transformation of pre-state polities into state polities,
was based on and progressed along with certain other crucial phenomena.
fL One of these was, the emergence and spatial expansion of ruling lineages.
V' '■ ■
This was achieved through, what he calls a process of Kshatriyaisation or
Rajputisation.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya also highlights the formation of ruling lineages
from the perspective of the process of social mobility in early medieval
India. He explains that through Kshatriyaisation, any lineage or segment
of a large ethnic group could make an attempt to assume political power
and establish a large state structure by an effective mobilisation of force.
Ruling lineages owed their origin to the expansion of agricultural
settlements. This development was heightened by the improvement of
agricultural techniques and the transformation of tribal groups into peasant
groups, which helped in the colonisation of new areas and the emergence
of a state structure. Although this period was marked by the emergence of
many ruling lineages, which could not find permanent rootedness in a
geographical region for any significant duration of time, and faded into
an
oblivion in due course of time. Several other lineages emerged as
offshoots of the same clan. New political powers emerged through
expansion into newer regions.
The model, developed by Chattopadhyaya, is called ‘Integrative
Polity’ which linked the process ofjhe formation oL&tate polities with
•^gnoihic^nd social processes .,.He has successfully been able to link the
expSsion~oFa^^^^cietv through th^peaga^â^giy^J^gkggjips.
Tl^m^^^re^S^dikelhe feudal polity, also sees political processes
intfie~context of contemporary economic, social and religious
developHSff^ncraM^T^^wtp^^^^^^rararagrarian^s^kments.
the^Tonrontalspread of the dominant ideology of the social order based
on the vama division, integration of local cults, rituals and sacred centres/
places into a larger structure. But, at the same time in the ‘feudalism’ and
‘segmentary state’ models that Burton Stein, whom we will discuss in
greater detail later in the chapter, is talking about, land grants to Brahmins
and temples are attributed a ‘divisive’ and hence negative role leading to
a process of the fragmentation of political authority and the resultant
strengthening of a segmentary structure of state. However, as B.D.
Chattopadhyaya points—out in his model of Integrative Polity, )i g
administrative measures like brahmadeyas and devadanas helped in
providing legitimacy to the temporal power in the areas occupied by
jhermTluring the process ofThe^preadof a lineage society, the several
cults and practices of lineage groups were brought into a uniform
framework and the precepts of Bhakti provided the basis for this
integration. The temple served as the focal point of the Bhakti ideology.
The religious cults and traditions, which were institutionalised and
integrated through the temple and the principles of Bhakti, became an
instrument for legitimising state power.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya expresses his scepticism about the decentralised
polity standpoint and while conceding the fact - that in the samanta
scheme of things the relationship between the overlord and his subordinate
was an admittedly hierarchical and unequal one - also felt that this
inequitable world did not necessarily result in centrifugal and disruptive
tendencies. In fact, contrary to expectation, it actually served as cohesive
force and an instrument of integration. The expansion of ruling lineages
horizontally was brought about due to many factors like a growth in
agricultural settlements and the transformation of tribes into peasant
groups Tc/T'ich B.D. Chattopadhyaya prefers to call the peasantisation of
tribes)? This type of polity could sustain itself only through the
hierarchical feudatory {samanta) system in which administrative powers
and resources had to be parceled out. A local and regional ruling lineage
could emerge as a supra local power only with the aid - military and
otherwise - of other ruling lineages and this necessitated a hierarchical
system based on gradation. Thus, according to Chattopadhyaya. the

feudatory system was integrative, rather.than de.centralised,...in.character.
R.S. Shanna, after major criticisms from different quarters, defended
his thesis of Indian feudalism in a paper called, ‘How Feudal was Indian
Feudalism?10 Since Sharma had faced much criticism for looking at the
rise of feudalism in India entirely as a consequence of state action in
transferring land to intermediaries, he modified his earlier stance and
expanded its scope to understand feudalism as an economic formation
which evolved from an economic and social crises in society, thereby
heralding the beginning of Kaliyuga. Sharma does not hold the view that
feudalism is nothingbufaYonsequence of state action anymore.
B.N.S. Yadava also supports R.S. Sharma with a detailed study of the
notion of Kaliyuga in early medieval Indian literature and suggested that
this notion had all the characteristics of a crisis - it provided the ideal
cohteSTofTKeTran^fion of a society from one stage to another. All this
considerably enriched the argument on behalf of Indian feudalism. R.S.
Sharma11 was also able to trace several other instances of peasant
resistance. He has also tried to draw attention to the ideological and
cultural aspects of a feudal society in his latest book,12 which is, in fact,
a collection of essays. He has revised several of his old arguments and
included new themes like ‘The Feudal Mind’, where he explores the
impact of a hierarchically structured feudal system on art and architecture.
He also comes up~with the interesting viewpoint that seems to suggest
’that the much desired emotions of gratitude and loyalty were actually
nothing but a feudal construct and an ideological subterfuge aimed to
preserve and bolster an extremely unequal, feudal status quo. These forays
into the cultural sphere have been undertaken by several other historians
as well. In a collection of sixteen essays, the editor D.N. Jha13 has included
papers exploring the cultural and ideological dimensions of what he calls
the feudal order. One of the major dimensions so explored is that of
religion, especially' popular religion or the Bhakti cult, both in north and
south India and the growth of India’s regional cultures and languages.
Most scholars would view the rise of the Bhakti cults as a popular protest
against the domination of Brahminical orthodoxy; the proponents of
feudalism, however, would view the Bhakti ideology - of total, selfless
surrender and subjection and loyalty to a deity - as a tool to buttress
BrahminicaTdominatiom"Tfiis deify - who demands^biind unauestioning
faitlif loyalty and self-surrender - could well be nothing but a powerful
feudal T6rd7“Hisfdnans have held diverse opinions on the Kaliyuga crisis.
TfieyHaveTound an inconsistency between the locale of the evidence of
the notion of Kaliyuga and the site of the ‘crisis’ which the kaliyuga hints
at.
B.P. Sahu14 has also questioned the, validity of the evidence of

kaliyuga as indicative of a crisis. He has perceived it more as a redefinition
of kingship and therefore a reassertion of Brahminical ideology rather, than
a”cnsis within it. Sahu also believes that, although epigraphic evidence
forTorcedTabour, (yisti which R.S. Sharma has at length talked about)
comes from western, central and south India in the second half of the first
millennium, the practice seems to have whned and fallen into disuse after
about 1000 ad. To Sahu, land tenures and villages were by no means
uniform and they varied from region to region.13 Thus, he also raises
doubts about the uniform existence of a self-sufficient village system.
R S Sharma, while arguing for his ‘Indian Feudalism’ model, had also
placed much emphasis upon the absence of long distance external trade as
the cause of the rise of feudalism in India. But trade had flourished in
severaTregr6ns"oF"’lndia long before the feudalism proponents set a
deadline for its revival around the year ad 1000. B.D. Chattopadhyaya has
shown that trade flourished even before ad 900. More recently Ranabir
Chakravarti in his two books of note16 has brought forward ample
evidence of a flourishing trade in the concerned period. The patterns of
trade has been discussed in Chapter 3 ahead.
Thus, the stereotypical construct of Indian Feudalism has been
subjected to a radical reappraisal. The integrative polity model has gained
much popularity in recent years because it tries to accommodate the long
term dynamics of change in Indian history.
SOUTH INDIA (750-1200)

It is very difficult to define the period 750-1200 in South India as strictly
‘Medieval’, since there are no episodes of spectacular conquests or
dynastic changes in the eighth century which were dramatic enough to
proclaim the exit of ancient period and entry of the medieval period. To
quote Kesavan Veluthat17 ‘digits of periodization in South Indian history
have been cruder than those in relation to “Indian History”. He argues, ‘A
tripartite division of the whole historical period in this part of the country
is not acceptable for the simple reason that there would be certainly more
than three parts there. In such a situation, “medieval’ becomes a
meaningless term to describe the period which followed the earliest
historical period.’18 However, in the overall perspective, we certainly find
evidences of new state structures, social formations and cultural patterns
being clearly established during and after eighth century in south India as
well, though definitely distinct from north Indian situation.
Till the 1960s the history of south India was highly dominated by the
works of Nilakantha Sastri and his students. He represented the Chola
state as a highly centralised empire, presided over by a ‘Byzantineuxiyalty’

and comprising of a ‘numerous and powerful bureaucracy’, supported by
the coercive power of an impressive army of ‘numerous regiments’ and
an equally impressive navy of ‘numberless ships’ , which, in fact could be
translated to mean an elaborate revenue mechanism, and vital local bodies
with considerable power and autonomy..
Forffie^fifst time Burton Stein19 exposed the contradictions in this
construction of a centralised state, showing that a strong centre and
autonomous local groups do not necessarily go together. Using the
impresHveTmdings of Y. 3idjl5arayi^ the political
geography of the Chola country, Stein sought to explain evidence from
medieval south India in terms of the model of a ‘segmentary state’ , which
A. Southall had used to explain the situation iii tlie East African society
of the Alur. Applying this concept to south India, Stein argues that south
Indian society,'during the period of the Cholas and the dynasties that
succeeded them had been integrated as a state only ritually. Politically, on
the contrary, it consisted of a number of independent segments which
were well defined in themselves and in ethnic territories called nadus in
Chola inscriptions. The segmentary state of Stein is said to have had the
following characteristics: (1) a dual sovereignty consisting of actual
political sovereignty and what is called ‘ritual hegemony’; (2) multiplicity
of ‘centres’, each of them exercising political control over a part, or
segment, of the political system encompassed by the state but with one
centre exercising primacy over others as a source of ritual hegemony;
(3) ‘specialized administrative staff operating within the segments and
not necessarily being a part of the primary centre alone; and-the distinct
and unique relationship of the subordinate levels or ‘zones’ of the
segmentary state with a pyramidal organization which, in contrast with
other typical hierarchical forms of political organization, have a series of
relationships between the centre and the periphery of any particular
segment, which can well be understood to be a replica of the relationship
between the primary centre and the periphery of that entire state.
According tcStein,Lno state control was maintained oyer the lives of
the people within those segments. Accordingly, he denies the existence of
a bureaucracy and state administration in the Chola state, and criticises
Nilakantha Sastri for talking about ‘the almost Byzantine royalty of
Rajaraja.’ Accordingly, south India, in this period, was characterised by a
plethora of centres, a political centre being identified in each of the 550
nadu divisions, a dual sovereignty of the actual political and ritual
varieties, a specialised administrative staff in each of the centres and a
pyramidal segmentation. This model is not quite acceptable to some
historians. One of the major objections raised by historians like Veluthat
is that it. was first constructed, to explain-a-tribaLLineage. society, in Africa
and does not suit a highly stratified society like that of medieval south
India with jts widespread literacy and monumental architecture. Further,
in this peasant society, which is presented as being, cemented on kinship
and marriage ties, Stein has identified numerous vertically divided
segments. These segments are sought to have been sustained by a balance
accniffif^ffbm the opposition of elements within the segment itself, an
example of it can be seen in the presence of the left and right hand castes.
Over the last two decades the ‘Feudal State’ model has attracted the
attention of historians working on early medieval south India. Earlier the
hypothesis of feudalism had not been systematically situated in the context
of the historical situation of early medieval south India. However, there
have been casual suggestions and a somewhat casual and ‘loose’
application of the feudal jargon in the context of this part of the country
by Nilakantha Sastri and Mahalingam. They have, at length, talked about
the ‘king’s barons’ and also of the ‘oath of fealty’. Likewise, M.S.
Govindasamy and V. Balambal have written about the role of feudatories
in the time of the Pallavas and the Cholas in south India. But in none of
these works is there a rigorous reformulation of the concept of feudalism
as observed in the writings of R.S. Sharma and D.N. Jha. Nor do they
bring out the interplay of various forces, like the economy, society and
polity in any noteworthy detail.
It was Noboru Karashima’0 who used the concept of a feudal state
with some force, and was able to deduce evidence from inscriptional
records. He has suggested that, at least, the later years of the Chola rule
could well be described as feudal although his ppmt-^JagwJirather
tentanVBTT^ made a detailed exposition,
especially in relation to the post-Chola period. Noboru Karashima21, and
his associates, have taken up a quantitative analysis of the information
contained in the epigraphical material of early medieval South India.
However, unlike the ‘Indian Feudalism’ model, he feels that every village
in the south did not necessarily have all the caste and occupational groups
required to ensure self-sufficiency M.G.S. Narayanan and..Kesavan
VeTuthat22 have argued that the Bhakti Movement in. SoutlTTndiawas
intrinsican^Landessentially feudal in content. Veluthat has also argued
that the entire polfficS“stnJcture,~ih early medieval South India, had a
feudal character to it
““^mother model, that has been proposed recently as an explanation for
the Chola state in medieval south India, is that of the ‘Early State’. This
model was made use of by Y. Subbarayalu and later by James Heitzman23
the ‘early state’ is a highly
centralised socio-political organization geared to regulate social relations
in a complex stratified society divided into two emergent classes - that is,
the rulers and the ruled - whose relationship was characterised by the
political dominance of the former and the tributary obligations required

of the latter. This unequal relationship was provided legitimation by a
common ideology of which reciprocity was the basic principle. But the
Chola polity, according to Kesavan Veluthat24 was an ‘early state’ only in
the sense that its agrarian base and the political power of its elite were in
Veluthat argues that sate in south India did not just mean the king and
various nodes of power existed with in the confines of the state. They
derived their power ‘either from a delegation or from other sources which,
however, were integrated into the system by the superordinate authority
of the state’.25 He describes these nodes as small territories within the
kingdom controlled by political chiefs and officials of the state. Such
political structure which emerged in the seventh century got clearly
established by the ninth century in all the three major kingdoms of South-
Pallava, Chera and Chola. Veluthat sites various examples from records
which show the recognition of the ‘superordinate authority’ of the ruler
by the political chiefs. These chiefs were required to pay tributes to the
ruler.
To conclude our discussion, the development of political institutions
in north and south India must be viewed and understood somewhat
differently. While in the North Indian regions, local rulers emerged as
regional kings and were able to integrate local and tribal forces; the south
Indian kingdoms emerged as typical early states. But these imperial
kingdoms, both in the north and in the south, were not in a position to
install a centralised administration beyond the confines of the extended
core area. However, within this area, they sometimes achieved a high
degree of direct central control as recent research on the Cholas in the
eleventh century has shown.
NOTES
1. Hermann Kulke, The State in India, 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1995.
2. Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History,
Popular Prakashan, Bombay, Reprint 1985, pp. 295-96.
3. R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, c.300-1200, 2nd edition Delhi, 1980.
4. Ibid.
5. D.C. Sircar, ‘Landlordism Confused with Feudalism’, Land System and Feudalism in
Ancient India, Calcutta, 1966.
6. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1994.
7. Harbans Mukhia, ‘Was There Feudalism in Indian History?’, The Journal of Peasant
Studies, vol. 8, no. 3, (1981), pp. 273-310
8. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India.
a-SSS®
9. Hermann Kulke, The State in India, 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1995.
10. R.S. Sharma, ‘How Feudal was Indian Feudaism? in Hermann Kulke (ed.), The State
in India, 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1995..
11. R.S. Sharma, ‘Problems of Peasant Protest in Early Medieval India’, in Bhairabi
Prasad Sahu (ed.), Land System and Rural Society in Early India, Manohar, Delhi,
1997, pp.343-60.
12. R S. Sharma, Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation, New Delhi,
2001
13. D.N. Jha, (ed.), The Feudal Order: State, Society and Ideology in Early Medieval
India 2000.
14. B.P. Sahu, Land System and Rural Society in Early India, Manohar, Delhi, 1997
15. Ibid, pp. 31-2.
16. Ranbir Chakravarti, (ed.) Trade in Early India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2001
and Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, 2002.
17. Kesavan Veluthat, ‘Into the “Medieval” - and Out of It: Early South India in
Transition’, Sectional President’s Address, Medieval India, Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress, 58th Session (Banglore), Aligarh, 1998, p.170
18. Ibid, p.196
19. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, Oxford University
Press 1980.
20. Noboru Karashima, History and Society in South India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 2001)
21. Noboru Karashima, ‘The Village Community in Chola Times: Myth or Reality’, in
Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, vol. 8, 1981, pp. 85-96
22. M.G.S. Narayanan and Kesavan Veluthat,‘The Bhakti Movement in South India’ in
S.C. Malik (ed.), Indian Movements: Some Aspects of Dissent, Protest and Reform,
Simla, 1978 Indian Institute of Advance Study.
23. James Heitzman,‘State Formation in South India, 850-1280’, The Indian Economic
and Social History Review, vol. XXIV, no.l, March 1987, pp.35-61. Also see his
Gifts of Power, Delhi
24. Kesavan Veluthat, The Political Structure of Early Medieval South India, p. 129,
Orient Longman, 1993.
25. Kesavan Veluthat, ‘Into the “Medieval” - and Out of It: Early South India in
Transition’, Sectional President’s Address, Medieval India, Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress, 58lh Session (Banglore), Aligarh, 1998, p.170.
New Kings and
Kingdoms
{circa 750-1200)
* MAJOR KINGDOMS
> The Rashtrakutas
> The Palas
> The Pratiharas
> Conflict for Riches: Tripartite Struggle
* THE CHOLAS
4. STRUCTURE OF POLITIES: THE RAJPUTRAS AND
THEIR ORIGIN
* FORMS OF LEGITIMATION: TEMPLES AND RITUALS
* AGRARIAN STRUCTURES AND SOCIAL CHANGE

> Peasantisation of Tribes
> Proliferation of Castes
♦ TRADE AND URBANISATION

❖ New Kings and Kingdoms (circa 750-1200) ❖
MAJOR KINGDOMS (CIRCA 750-1200)

he early medieval period has been perceived as a phase of political
T decentralisation by some historians. R.S. Sharma1 provides us with a
detailed analysis of ‘feudal polity’ in various kingdoms. During the early
medieval period a number of powerful regional kingdoms arose in north
India, the Deccan and in south India. All these kingdoms essentially had
one aim in mind - territorial expansion and the desire to build an empire.
As a result, these kingdoms were perpetually at loggerheads with each
other for greater control over neighbouring territories. The Palas came
into dominance in eastern India, whereas the Gurjara-Pratiharas gained
MAP 1: MAJOR KINGDOMS (CIRCA 750-1200)

ascendancy in western India and in the upper Gangetic valley. The third
major kingdom was that of the Rashtrakutas, who controlled the Deccan
and also the territories in north and south India. The Pratiharas, the Palas
and the Rashtrakutas were referred to by the Arabs ..omewhat differently.
To the Arabs, the Pratiharas were known as Al-Jurz, the Palas were
known as Rhumi and the Rashtrakutas were referred to as Ballahara. A
number of Rajput kingdoms, such as those of the Chahamanas or
Chauhans, also emerged during this period. The Cholas, on account of
their sound administrative structure and policies of agrarian expansion,
emerged as the most powerful kingdom in the South.
Historians have tried to see the emergence of such regional kingdoms
in the context of Indian Feudalism, the defining feature of which was the
rise of landgrants. R.S. Sharma 2 has pointed out that, from the seventh
century onwards, there was a marked increase in the number of landgrants
made and the trend became widespread throughout the country. Land
grants were given not only to the petty lords but also to Brahmins and
religious establishments like temples and monasteries on a large scale by
kings, chiefs, members of the royal family and their feudatories. These
landgrants came to be known as the brahmadeyas and the agraharas.
Villages, which were donated to and inhabited by the Brahmins alone,
were known as the brahmadeyas. Agrahara villages, though occupied
predominantly by the Brahmins, had non-Brahaman residents as well. In
South India such villages were also known as the mangalams.
As a consequence of these profusely made landgrants, the period saw
the emergence of big landlords, who came to be referred to by extremely
high-sounding titles like: samanta, mahasamanta, rana, rauta etc. In
Western and Central India they were known by titles like mandalika,
maharajadhiraja, mahamandalesvara, mahamandalikas, mahasamantas
and samantas, etc. The most important of the Chaulukya landlords were
the Paramaras of Abu and the Chahamanas of Jalor. The more powerful
landlords would in turn sub-assign land to petty, smaller landlords. For
instance, a considerable portion of the Chahamana state, epecially in
Nadol and Jalor, was held by landed intermediaries variously known as
thakkuras, ranakas, and bhoktas. Their job was to provide the overlord
with a certain quota of soldiers whenever required. The feudatories also
had diverse fiscal and military obligations vis a vis the overlord.
The proponents of the Indian Feudalism model feel that the polity, in
the early medieval period, had been structured in an essentially flawed
manner that was replete with contradictions. The feudatory chiefs were
always looking for an opportunity to free themselves from their rulers. An
example of this is the emergence of the Rashtrakutas, who were, to begin
with, under the rule of the Chalukyas of Karnataka, in the Deccan.
llil
❖ New Kings and Kingdoms (circa 750-1200) ❖ 57
Dantidurga, the Rashtrakuta leader, overthrew the reigning Chaluykan

king, Kirtivarman, and took over a large portion of the Deccan; He
performed the hiranya-garbha ritual to seek legitimacy from the
Brahamanas for the creation of a separate Kshatriya status. The ritual
sought to give a separate caste identity to Dantidurga as a Kshatriya, even
though he was not a Kshatriya by birth. Similarly, the Guijara-Pratiharas
(also known as the Pratiharas) used their military skills and power to
carve out a kingdom in Western India. Nagabhatta I, a Pratihara, defended
western India, from Sindh to Rajasthan, from Arab incursions. He was
thus able to carve out a powerful principality comprising Malwa and parts
of Rajputana and Gujarat.
To say that it was the breakdown of a centralised state structure that
led to the crisis or the emergence of a feudal polity, is a perspective that
has not found favour with scholars like B.D. Chattopadhyaya3. He feels
that the emergence of regional states was entirely predicated upon the
proliferation of local ruling clans and their later transformation into local
state and regional structures.
During the early medieval period agriculture expanded and more and
more forest land was brought under cultivation. This resulted in the
assimilation of many tribal communities into the social fold, which in
turn, led to the peasantisation of these tribes. In the process many changes
took place, which contrary to popular belief, did not affect the tribal
communities alone, but, also had a deep and indelible impact upon
everyone concerned. Mainstream culture has been deeply influenced by
tribal customs and modes of life, which have found rapid assimilation in
the social set-up. The worship of the Jagannath cult in Orissa, the origin
of which can be located in early medieval tribal culture, is one such
example.4 Local state formation brought about the convergence of local
and regional customs and traditions in the Dharmshastric social and
Puranic Hindu religious traditions. It contributed to the emergence of
regional patterns in polity and culture.
The rise of Bhakti and of regional cults was also an important feature
of this period. B.D. Chattopdhyaya points out that temples became the
major institutional loci of Bhakti in the early medieval period. Through
the temple ‘the king could seek to approximate the sacred domain through
a process of identification with the divinity enshrined in the temple’. It
may mean that the king wished to present himself as god’s appointee on
earth and thereby to seek legitimation for every political decision he took.
For example, the Pallava and the Chola kings identified themselves with
their temples and the life size images of the ruler and his queen were also
placed in the temple. In some other regions the king used to surrender
temporal power to the divinity and its cult was raised to the status of the
central cult. Hermann Kulke has shown as to how Jagannath cult in

Orissa was a mechanism to legitimise the king’s power.
The early medieval period also witnessed the origin of Rajputs as
ruling authorities.The emergence of the Rajputs during this period can be
attributed to the materialisation of various tribal groups. They belonged
to different lineages like the Hunas, Chandelas, and the Chalukyas, etc.
and managed to acquire greater power by the eleventh and twelfth
centuries. They gradually replaced the erstwhile rulers, especially in
agricultural areas, and came to be regarded as the ‘Rajputras or the sons
of the King’5. Further, as the economy grew and the needs of society
changed, people with newer skills were required. It has been suggested
that, in the early medieval period, the Vaishyas suffered a major setback,
on account of a rapidly diminishing trade and commerce. Earlier it was
the Shudras who had served as slave labourers, but, in the early medieval
period, the Shudra vama became a somewhat more amorphous, all-
encompassing term which rapidly drew aboriginal tribes and foreign
ethnic identities to its fold. Likewise, tribal groups, which were into
cultivation, metamorphosed into revenue-paying Shudra peasants. Smaller
castes, or jatis as they are called, soon emerged in society. For example,
new castes appeared amongst the Brahmins. On the other hand, many
tribes and itinerant groups found assimilation in a caste-based society and
were given the status of jatis. Specialised artisans - smiths, carpenters
and masons - were also recognised as separate jatis. Similarly many
traditional singers and story-tellers, like the bhants, were recognised as
castes.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya has also pointed out that the early medieval
period was a phase marked by the formation of ruling lineages or families.
He looks at the emergence of Rajput lineage groups like the Guhilas and
the Chalukyas, which were spread out in parts of Gujarat, Rajasthan,
Central India and Uttar Pradesh. In the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries
the medieval state of Mewar became prominent under the Guhila clan,
belonging to the Nagda-Ahar branch. The Gurjaras, who have been
referred to as agriculturists in the inscriptions and who were known as
such to the many ruling families in Western India, were an offshoot of the
Gurjaras. Similarly, in Orissa in the period between the fourth and the
twelfth centuries, state formation was characterised by the proliferation
of lineages. The most important amongst these were the Coda-Gangas
who emerged as a powerful clan in the eleventh century.
However, it is pertinent to note that the emergence of the ruling
families took place in regions which provided the scope for resource
mobilisation, evidence for which can be found in the landgrants of the
period. The expansion of agrarian economies, development of irrigation
techniques and landgrants indicate a distinct growth in the number of

agricultural settlements. B.D. Chattopadhyaya6 has shown that, in early
medieval Rajasthan, betterment in the field of irrigation, to a certain
extent generated greater economic and social power.
Thus, the proponents of the ‘Integrative Polity’ model - who sought
to link the formation of state polities with the expansion of agrarian
societies, a phenomena which took place due to the peasantisation of
tribal groups - have tried to analyse early medieval society not as a period
of crisis but as a phase when historical changes led to the emergence of
regions which had very distinctive political, social, economic and cultural
attributes. Polities faced much political and social turbulence in the form
of a series of battles that took place in this period, and which often
resulted in the formation of new power blocks and networks in which the
original identity of a lineage was completely obliterated and wiped out.7
We would briefly discuss the emergence of three major dynasties below.
The Rashtrakutas
The Rashtrakutas were the officers-incharge of territorial divisions called

‘rashtras’. They originally belonged to Lattatura, better known as Latur in
Maharashtra. They were feudatories under the Chalukyas of Badami. The
founder of the Rashtrakuta kingdom was a chieftain called Dantivarman
or Dantidurga (735-56) who, after defeating the Chalukya king
Kirtivarman in the early part of the eighth century, wrested power and
along with it the greater portion of the Deccan as well. The Rashtrakutas
were the followers of Jainism. They overthrew the Chalukyas and ruled
up to 973. Dantidurga was succeeded by his son Krishna I (756-74).
Other kings of this dynasty were Govinda II (774—80), Dhruva (780-90),
Govinda III (793-814) and Amoghavarsa Nrupatunga I (814—87). The
later Rashtrakuta rulers included Krishna II (ad 880-914) ); Indra III
(914—29); Amoghavarsha II (929-30); Govinda VI (930-35); Krishna III
(939-67) and Khottiga (967-72) . However, the later Rashtrakutas could
not withstand the might of the rising Chalukyas of Vatapi. The Chalukyas,
under Tailapa II, overthrew the last Rashtrakuta king, Karka II, in 973 and
laid the foundation for the Chalukyas of Kalyana.
Dantivarman was succeeded, in ad 750, by his uncle Krishna I, who
gave the final blow to the Chalukyas of Badami, attacked the Gangas of
Mysore and left the Chalukyas of Vengi with no choice but to
acknowledge his supremacy. Krishna I is credited with having built the
Kailasa temple at Ellora. He is also said to have cast a shadow on the
contemporary Chalukya rulers. His son, Govinda II, was dethroned by his
yonger brother Dhruva in 779. Dhruva ruled from c. 77-to 793-94. Like
his predecessors, he defeated the Chalukyas of Vengi, the Gangas of

Mysore and launched a pitched battle against the Pallavas, who, after
being defeated, sued for peace. He was the first Rashtrakuta ruler to
decisively intervene in the struggle for supremacy in North India arid
defeated both the Pratihara king, Vatsaraja, and the Pala king, Dharmapala.
These victories made the Rashtrakutas emerge as the greatest ruling power
of the period in north as well as in South India.
Dhruva was succeeded by Govinda III (793-814). It was he who, like
his predecessor before him, made a seies of incursions into North India
and fought successfully against the Pala king, Dharmapala and his protege,
Chakrayudha, the ruler of Kanauj. He wrested Malwa from the Pratihara
king, Nagabhata II and assigned its rule to his official, Uperdra of the
Paramara dynasty. When Govinda III was away in north India, the Ganga,
Chera, Pandya and Pallava rulers formed a confederacy to jointly fight
against Govinda III. However, the confederacy’s efforts to resist the might
of Govinda III met with dismal failure.
Amoghvarsha I, or Sarva (814-78), who succeeded Govinda III, was
one of the most outstanding Rashtrakuta rulers. The extent of the
Amoghvarsa’s empire can be estimated from the accounts of the Arabian
traveller, Sulaiman, who visited his court in 1851 and expressed the view
that Amoghavarsa’s kingdom was among the four greatest empires of the
world, the other three being - the Roman empire, the Chinese empire and
the empire of the Khalifa of Baghdad. There were long drawn out battles
with the Eastern Chalukyas and the Gangas. After Amoghvarsha’s victory
against the Eastern Chalukyas, the Rashtrakuta armies remained in
occupation of Vengi for about twelve long years. Historians believe that
Amoghvarsha, who had been deeply influenced by the teachings of
Jainism, was deeply lacking in the martial spirit of his predecessors. He
was a patron of literature and authored Kavirajamarga, which is the
earliest Kannada work on poetics.
Amoghvarsh was succeeded by Indra III (915-27) and Krishna III
(939-65). The Arab traveller Al-Masudi, who visited India during this
period, calls Indra III the greatest king of India. He defeated the Pratihara
king, Mahipala I, plundered the capital city of Kanauj, and challenged the
Eastern Chalukyas.
Krishna III was also an important Rashtrakuta ruler. He invaded the
Chola kingdom and his armies reached upto Rameswaram, where he built
a pillar of victory and a temple. In about 963 he led an expedition to north
India and brought Vengi under his control. But on account of his military
belligerence and his frequent skirmishes with neigbouring kingdoms, he
alienated almost everyone and created serious problems for his successors.
The period after Krishna III'was an extremely turbulent and dissension-
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ridden period. The king’s successors had neither his strength nor his
political vision. Taking advantage of this situation, the Paramaras of
Malwa, who were the feudatories of the Rashtrakutas, declared their
independence. Soon other feudatories of the Rashtrakutas also declared
themselves independent. In 974—75, the Chalukya Taila overthrew the last
Rashtrakuta ruler, Karka II, and founded the Chalukya kingdom of
Kalyani. Thus by the end of tenth century ad the rule of the Rashtrakutas
came to an end.
The Rashtrakutas were very open-minded in terms of literature, art
and religion. That they were liberal and progressive can be seen from the
fact that they patronized Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhransa and Kannada
literature. They also patronized art and architecture. In fact, the Indian
rock-cut architecture reached its zenith under them. The Kailash temple,
built by the Rashtrakuta king Krishna I, is an outstanding and stunning
piece of art. The rock-cut cave temples at Ellora, which include Brahman,
Buddhist and Jain temples, are indicative of their spirit of religious
tolerance. They were also supportive of Saivism, Vaishnavism and
Jainism. Their secular spirit of religious tolerance was extended to
relatively lesser known religions like Islam and Muslim merchants were
permitted to settle, build their mosques and spread the message of the
faith in the Rashtrakuta territory. This was perhaps what encouraged
several West Asian travellers to visit the kingdom.
The Palas
The Pala dynasty was the most important dynasty in eastern India.
Sulaiman, an Arab merchant who visited India in the ninth century ad, has
termed the Pala Empire as Rhumi. The Pala Empire was founded by
Gopala in 750. He was not of a royal lineage and is said to have been
elected by the people, according to one of the inscriptions of his son,
Dharmapala. He was a devout Buddhist and is supposed to have built the
monastery at Odantapuri (Bihar Sharif district of Bihar). Gopala was
succeeded by his son, Dharmapala (790-821) who is credited with taking
the Pala kingdom to glory. Soon after his accession Dharmapala was
involved in a struggle for ascendancy with the two main antagonists - the
Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas. The Pala empire, under Dharmapala, was
very large and it comprised the whole of Bengal and Bihar. Besides, the
kingdom of Kanauj was a dependency ruled by Dharmapala’s own
nominee. Beyond Kanauj, there were a large number of vassal states in
Punjab, Rajputana, Malwa and Berar, the rulers of which acknowledged
Dharmapala as their suzerain.
After a thirty-two year reign Dharmapala died, leaving the large

legacy of his extensive dominions to his son Devapala. Devapala
succeeded to the throne in 821 and ruled for the next forty years. He
extended his control over Pragjyotishpur (Assam), parts of Orissa and
parts of modem Nepal. He was a staunch Buddhist and founded the
famous mahavihara of Vikramashila near Bhagalpur. He is also credited
with the construction of a vihara at Somapura (Paharpur). He also
patronized Haribhadra, a great Buddhist writer.
Devapala is regarded as perhaps the most powerful Pala ruler.
Epigraphic records credit him with extensive conquests ranging from the
Himalayas to the Vindhyas and extending from the eastern to the western
ocean. He is said to have defeated the Guijaras and the Hunas and having
conquered Utkala and Kamarupa. Balaputradeva, king of the Buddhist
Sailendras ruling Java, sent an ambassador to Devapala, asking for a
grant of five villages in order to set up a monastery at Nalanda. Devapala
granted the request. He appointed Viradeva, as the head of the Nalanda
monastery. After the death of Devapala, the Pala Empire began to steadily
disintegrate.
The ebbing fortunes of the Palas were somewhat revived by Mahipala
I, who ascended the throne in 980. The most important event in Mahipala’s
reign was the invasion of Bengal by Rajendra Chola. Rajendra’s Tirumalai
Inscription records the details of his conquests in the north.
The Sena family ruled Bengal after the Palas. Samanasena, its
founder, was described as ‘Brahmakshatriya’. The title ‘Brahmakshatriya’
indicates that Samantasena was a Brahmin, though his successors called
themselves Kshatriyas. Samantasena’s son, Hemantasena, took advantage
of the political instability in Bengal and carved out an independent
principality. The coming of Lakshmanasena to the throne (1179)
encouraged developments in literature, art and culture. He was a devout
Vaishnava. Jayadeva, the famous Vaishnava poet of Bengal and author of
the Gita Govinda, lived at his court. However, his reign was extremely
dissension ridden and then there took place the invasion of Bakhtiyar
Khalji. This dug the final nail in the. dynasty’s coffin.
The Palas played a crucial role in the religious and cultural revival of
eastern India. They supported Buddhism, which was in a major state of
decline in other parts of India. Mahayana Buddhism, influenced by the
cult of the mother goddess, attained its specific Tantric form in Bengal.
The age-old Buddhist Nalanda University regained its reputation under
Pala patronage. And thus it became the Mecca of Buddhist scholars of
South-east Asia. Dharmapal even founded the Vikramshila University for
Buddhist learning.
The Pratiharas
The Pratiharas are also called the Gurjar-Pratihars probably because they
had their origins in Gurjaratra or south-west Rajasthan. It is believed that
originally they were a branch of the Gurjaras, a nomadic Central Asian
tribe that came to India along with the Hunas following the disintegration
of the Gupta Empire. The strength of the Gurjara Pratihara dynasty was
based to a large extent on the integration of various Rajput tribes and
clans into the imperial system.
The Arab traveller, al-Masudi, who visited India in the year 915-16,
also refers to the power and resources of the king of Kanauj whose
kingdom extended up to Sind in the west and touched the Rashtrakuta
kingdom in the south. The Pratiharas came into prominence in the middle
of the eighth century ad under Nagabhatta I. He was able to leave to his
successors a powerful principality comprising Malwa and parts of
Rajputana and Gujarat. Later on Vatsaraja emerged as a capable ruler and
established an empire in north India. He defeated Dharmapala, the king of
Bengal, and laid the foundation of a powerful empire. He, however, was
defeated by Dhruva, the Rashtrakuta king. Vatsaraja was succeeded by his
son Nagabhatta II who tried to regain the lost glory of the Pratiharas. He
overran Kanauj and made it the capital of the Pratihara kingdom. He then
advanced into Monghyr and defeated Dharmapala again, the second time
over. The Gwalior inscription also informs us of Nagabhatta H’s forays
into and conquest of Anartta, in northern Kathiawar, Malwa or cental
India, the Matsyas or eastern Rajputana, the Kiratas of the Himalaysa
regions, Turushkas, who were the Arab settlers of western India and the
Vatsas in the territory of Kausambi or Kosam. However, the Pratihara
power declined owing to the aggressive policies of the Pala king,
Devapala.
The Pratiharas could regain their lost glory only after Mihirbhoja,
popularly known as Bhoja, ascended the throne. Mihirbhoja had a long
forty-six year reign and his eventful career drew the attention of the Arab
traveller, Sulaiman. He re-established Pratihara supremacy in
Bundelkhand and subjugated Jodhpur. Bhoja’s Daulatpura Copper Plate
shows that the Pratihara king had succeeded in re-asserting his authority
over central and eastern Rajputana. In the north, Bhoja extended political
control up to the foot of the Himalayas.
After the death of Devapala, Mihirbhoja defeated the weak Pala king
and brought a considerable part of the Pala king’s western dominions
under his sway. He also defeated Krishna II on the banks of the Narmada
and occupied Malwa. Thus, the territory of the Pratiharas extended up to
Sutlej in the north-west, the foot of the Himalayas in the north, Bengal in
BWSiS
the east, Bundelkhand and Vatsa territories in the south and south-east,
and Narmada and Saurashtra on the south-west including a major portion
of Rajputana on the west.
Mihirbhoja was succeeded by his son, Mahendrapala I, who
patronised the large number of scholars in his court. The most famous
court illuminary was Rajasekhara, the author of Karpuramanjari, Bala
Ramayana, and Kavyamimamsa. The process of decline of the Pratihara
Empire began with Devapala and was further accelerated during the reign
of Vijayapala.
Conflict for Riches: Tripartite Struggle
Each ruling dynasty of the early medieval period had its own area of
influence, but kept striving for greater territorial acquisition and more
wealth. One such lucrative and much-coveted area was Kanauj in the
Ganges valley, over which the ‘tripartite struggle’ was waged for centuries.
The Palas, the Gurjara-Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas were engaged in
long, bitter and acrimonious disputes over political ascendancy. Historians
have described this as the tripartite struggle or the struggle among three
rival powers. It is said that the main cause of this struggle was the desire
to possess the city of Kanauj, which was then a symbol of sovereignty.
This warfare was also aimed at intermediate fertile regions.
One of the prime reasons for conflict was the desire for more wealth,
which extended beyond their own territories. This was possibly because
the rulers needed greater resources to enhance their military prowess.
They also tried to demonstrate their power and resources by building
large temples. That is why temples became a primary target area. Looting
the temples served two purposes - one, it laid siege to what was
understood as a symbol of power and opulence; and secondly, it provided
access to the immense resources and wealth of these temples.
After going through this rather brief, sketchy and impressionistic
account of political events in the early medieval period in North India,
one may well find it quite baffling to make some sense of the plethora of
dynastic accounts, battles, victories and defeats that took place in this
period. After all, the study of history goes far beyond the mere listing of
political events, and deals mainly with the analysis of political processes
and social and economic formations. Of what use, then are these sketchy
accounts of the dynastic histories of different regions to modern day
historians. B.D. Chattopadhyaya rightly points out that ‘even the
seemingly bewildering variety of details of the political in story of early
medieval India - the absurdly long genealogies, the inflated records of
achievements of microscopic kingdoms, the rapidity of the rise and fall of
❖ New Kings and Kingdoms (circa 750-1200) ❖
centres of power - are ultimately manifestations of the way in which the

polity evolved in the period and hence is worthy, not so much of
cataloguing, but of serious analysis.’
THE CHOLAS
The Chola dynasty is one of the most popular dynasties of South India,
which ruled over Tamil Nadu and parts of Karnataka with Tanjore as its
capital. Asoka’s Rock Edicts II and XII are the earliest historical
documents in which the Cholas find mention. The Karikala Cholas, who
ruled in the second century ad, were amongst the earliest Chola rulers.
After them, the Chola dynasty remained in a state of political dormancy
for centuries before re-emerging in its full splendour 850 under
Vijayalaya. He captured Tanjore, exploiting the strife-ridden Pandya-
Pallava relationship to the fullest. He built a temple at Tanjore to
commemorate his accession.
Rajaraja I (985-1014) ) was the founder of the newly-organised
Chola kingdom. He snatched back the territories he had earlier lost to the
Rashtrakutas to become the most powerful of the Chola rulers. Rajaraja I
was known by a variety of titles, such as - Mummadi Choladeva,
Jayandonda, Chola-martanda, etc. and under him began the most glorious
epoch of the Cholas. With his ability, prowess, and military skills he soon
re-built up the Chola Empire and raised himself to a position of supremacy
in the South. One of the earliest exploits of Rajaraja I was the subjugation
of the Cheras, whose fleet he destroyed in Kandalur. He. them captured
Madura and defeated the Pandya king, Amarabhujanga. Taking advantage
of the fact that Sri Lanka was in a state of complete political disarray,Jie
invaded the island and annexed its northern part which became a Chola
province and was henceforth known as Mummadi Chola-mandalam.
Rajaraja I then overran the Eastern Chalukyan country of Vengi. Rajaraja
I’s claim to fame rests also on the beautiful Siva temple which he is said
to have constructed at Thanjavur. It is called Rajarajesvara after his name
and is specially noted for its huge proportions, simple design, elegant
sculputes, and find decorative motifs. On the walls of the temples is
engraved an account of Rajaraja’s exploits.
The king, aided by a. council of ministers, was the central head of the
state. However, the administration was democratic. Land revenue and
trade tax were the main sources of income. Society was divided into
Brahmans and non-Brahmins. The temple was the hub of social and
cultural affairs and it was here that art and literature flourished. The
Brihadeswara (Siva) temple at Tanjore was built by Rajaraja I. The giant
statue of Gomateswara at Shravanabelagola was built during this period.
Rajendra Chola, the son of Rajaraja I (1012-44) was another
important ruler of this dynasty who carried on with his father’s aggressive,
expansionist policies. He conquered Orissa, Bengal. Burma and the
Andaman and Nicobar islands and the Chola dynasty reached its zenith
during his reign. By his military valour and administrative acumen, he
raised the Chola Empire to the pinnacle of glory. Within a few years of
ascending the throne, he annexed the whole of Sri Lanka, its northern part
having been previously conquered by Rajaraja I. The following year he
reasserted Chola supremacy over the kings of Kerala and the Pandyan
country. Rajendra I now turned his attention towards the North, and in no
time at all, his armies marched triumphantly into and invaded the
dominions of the Pala king, Mahipala. It was undoubtedly an audacious
campaign and to commemorate it he adopted the title of gangaikonda.
But the series of conquests did not yield any permanent results but for the
fact that some minor Karnataka chieftains settled in Western Bengal, and
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that Rajendra I invited a number of Shaivas from Bengal into his kingdom.
The Chola monarch’s achievements were not limited to land acquisitions
alone. He possessed a powerful fleet which gained success across the Bay
of Bengal. Rajendra I founded a new capital, called Gangaiknoda-
Cholapuram, now known as Gangakundapuram in the Tiruchirapalli
district of Tamil Nadu. It has a magnificent palace and a templeâdomed
with exquisite granite sculpture.
Rajendralwas succeeded by his son, Rajadhiraja I, in 1044. When he
came to the throne, Rajadhiraja I had to face many troubles, but all
opposition was soon brought under control. He subdued the Pandyan and
Kerala kings, who were in league with the rulers of Sri Lanka. Presumably,
it was to celebrate his victories over these adversaries that Rajadhiraja I
performed the Asvamedha sacrifice.
The other important rulers of this dynasty were: Rajadhi Raja I (1044-
52); Rajendra II (1052-64); Veera Rajendra (1064-69); Kulottunga I
(1069-1120); Vikramachola (1118—35); Kullottunga II (1133-50); Raja
raja II (1146-73); Rajadhiraja ll (1173-78); Kulottunga III (1178-1216)
and Raja raja III (1216-46). The last ruler of the Chola dynasty was
Rajendra III (1246-79). He was a weak ruler who surrendered to the
Pandyas. Later, Malik Kafur invaded this Tamil state in 1310 and
extinguished whatever was left of the Chola Empire’s claim to glory.
Thus, bythe beginning of the fourteenth century the Chola power declined
and their place was taken by the Hoy sal as of Dwarsamudra and the
Pandyas of Madurai.
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri8 believes that the reason for the resurgence of
the Chola dynasty was the control over the Malacca and Sunda straits
through which the Eastern trade had to pass. The Cholas also enhanced
their maritime strength by gaining control over all the strategically located
important coastlines. They captured the south west coast of India and
almost the entire east coast upto the mouth of the Ganges. They also
seized the Maldi ves, Sri Lanka and the Andamans.
The Cholas undertook vast irrigational projects. Apart from sinking
wells and excavating tanks, they threw mighty stone dams across the
Kaveri and various other rivers , and created newer channels to distribtute
water over large tracts of land. One of the most remarkable achievements
of the time belongs to the reign of Rajendra I. He dug an artificial lake
near his new capital - Gangaikonda Cholapuram - the water for which
came from the Klerun and the Vellar rivers. Its embankments were sixteen
miles in length and it was provided with stone sluices and channels. JThe
Cholas also constructed grand trunk roads which served as the channels
of coiiimerce and communication. Troops were stationed at regular
intervals along important roads, and public ferries were provided across
rivers.
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❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖ U
The Chola rulers were devout worshippers of Siva, but they were not
intolerant of other faiths. Rajaraja I was an ardent Saiva himself but made
generous contributions to the temples of Vishnu and of the Buddhist
Vihara at Negapatam. The Jains also were allowed freedom of faith and
lived in peace and harmony. The Saiva Kulottunga I is recorded to have
granted a village to a Buddhist Vihara.
The Chola Administration
The Emperor was the axle on which the state’s machinery revolved. He
governed the state with the advice and help of his council of ministers and
other important officers and state dignitaries. The Chola inscriptions
prove that the system of administration was highly organised on highly
efficient lines. The verbal orders of the Emperor (tiruvakya-kelvi) were
drafted by the Royal or Private Secretary. The system of hereditary
succession to the throne was occasionally modified by the ruling king’s
choice in the matter, as a younger prince, or a yuvraj could well be
preferred over his seniors. The princes were associated with the ruling
sovereigns and were actively involved in state affairs, be it a war-ravaged
period or a time of uninterrupted political peace. The absolutism of
monarchy was supported both by a ministerial council and by an organised
administrative staff. The head of each department was in close contact
with the king, and often consulted by him. Royal tours contributed to the
efficiency of the administration and the officers were paid land
assignments, and honoured and encouraged by the bestowal of important
titles. The higher officials enjoyed the status of penundaram, and the
lower ones were called sirutaram. Administrative activities, as well as
military and trade movements, were facilitated by the construction of
trunk roads.
The revenue of the state was derived mainly from land. It was
collected either in cash or in kind, or in both forms, by the village
assemblies. Land could either be an individual possession or it be owned
by a group of people or a community. Peasant proprietorship existed
along with other forms of land tenure. Agricultural prosperity was ensured
by the special attention given to the field of irrigation by the government
as well as by local authorities. Great tanks supplemented the proper
utilisation of the water of the Kaveri and other rivers. Village assemblies
supervised the maintenance of tanks and were also entrusted with the task
of reclaiming forests and wastelands. The state’s land revenue demands
seem to have come to about one-third of the gross produce in the time of
Rajaraja I. This proportion was fixed after an elaborate land survey. There
were periodical revisions of land classifications and of the assessment of

land revenue. The other items of public income were: customs and tolls,
taxes on diverse professions, mines, forests and saltpans. The numerous
taxes - though not particularly well-thought-out from a pragmatic
economic point of view - were intended to supplement the ever
fluctuating, prone-to-remissions land revenue. There were occasional
famines, particularly the 1152 famine, which deserves special mention.
Unpaid labour was frequently employed. Though there is evidence of a
sympathetically imposed tax system, Kulottunga I earned immense fame
by abolishing toll. However, some cases of oppression are on record.
Failure to pay land revenue involved sale of the land in question, not
excluding temple lands. The chief items of public expenditure were the
regular expenses of the king and his court, army and navy, civil
administrative staff, roads, and irrigation tanks and channels besides
temples and religious endowments.
The army consisted of elephants, the cavalry and the infantry - the
three limbs of the army. As many as seventy regiments, each named after
aToyal title, find mention in the various inscriptions of the period. The
military participated in the civic life of society and made grants to temples.
Attention was given to their training, discipline and cantonments. There
were recruits from Kerala in the army. The strength of the elephant corps
was 60,000 and that of the entire army, about 150,000. It was composed
chiefly of^kaikkolas—able-bodied. men . with strong arms the
sengundars - or the spear wielders and theêlaikkaras - or bodyguards
of the monarch - trained to give up their lives to defend that of the
Sovereign’s. Expensive Arabian horses were imported in large numbers in
order to strengthen the cavalry, but most of them died soon after being
brought into the country on account of the poor upkeep.
Armies were by and large led by the king and rulers like Rajaditya
and Rajadhiraja I died on the battlefields of Takkolam and Koppam.
Army commanders - who were either Brahamans, or Vellalas, or belonged
to the upper caste echelons of society - were referred to as the nayaka,
senapatis or the mahadandanayakas. The naval achievements of the
Cholas reached their zenith during the reign of Rajaraja and his
successors. Not only were the Coromandel and Malabar coasts controlled
by them, but the Bay of Bengal became a Chola lake. However, we cannot
gamer more information about the Chola techniques of naval warfare or
for that matter other details about the naval forces, on account of the lack
of information available on the topic. Some think that merchant vessels
were employed in transporting the army and that Chola naval fights were
actually nothing but land battles fought on various ship decks.
gwsg:
Village Assemblies
The village was the primary unit of society and. polity in the Chola
kingdom. Burton Stein 9 has pointed out that the idea of a village being a
self-sufficient unit was at best a myth. Groups of villages formed larger
units called nadus. The village administration gradually grew from
comprising a simple group of people to the more elaborate and
complicated machinery of committees and officials that have been
described in the Chola inscriptions of the tenth and eleventh centuries.
From the inscriptions we find reference to at least three types of
assemblies which played a regular part in local administration, namely (a)
theJJr, (bj the Sabha or the Mahasabha and (c) the Nagaram.
Q\) The Ur was evidently a village assembly of a commoner kind, where
land was held by all classes of people who were, therefore, entitled to
membership in the local assemblpThe Sabha. was probably an exclusively
Brahmin assembly of the Brahmadeya villages where land belonged to
the Brahmins alon^The Nagaram was an assembly of merchants which
was functional largely in localities where traders and merchants were in
a dominant position. Diverse kinds of assemblies often coexisted in the
same locality. Whenever necessary, a matter could be placed before these
different assemblies who would consider the problem amongst themselves
and then come to a joint decision of sorts, keeping in mind the interests
of the people concerned.
An inscription from Uttaramerur dated 993-94 records the decision
of the Sabha about the payment of fines. According to the Sabha’s decision
the responsibility for the payment of a fine levied by either the king’s
court (rajadvaram), the court of justice (dharmasanam),or the revenue
department (vary) rested squarely on the shoulders of the particular
community, group or class to which the person fined belonged. The
groups which find special mention are: the Brahmins, the Siva Brahmins,
the Vellalas, and other motley groups of accountants, merchants and other
caste groups also referred to as the jatigal.
The Brahmadeya or the agrahara villages were those villages that
were granted to Brahmins and were almost exclusively inhabited by
them., These were much more prosperous because of their exemption
from tax. Dayadana were villages dedicated to the service of a presiding
deity. The revenue from these villages was received by the temple
authorities. During the Pallava period, the first two types of villages were
predominant, but under the Cholas the third or the last type gained more
popularity when the temple came to acquire seminal and unrivalled
importance in the life of the villagers.
The Ur consisted of the tax-paying inhabitants of an ordinary village.
In the Sabhas, membership was entirely restricted to the Brahmins of the
HM
village, put another way, Sabhas were functional only in exclusively
Bfahfnin-inhabited villages. Nagarams were found more commonly in
cities and towns which were important centers of trade. The Ur and the
Sabha could well be located in the same village. Larger villages could
well have as many as two Urs, if this measure could enable a better,
smoother and more convenient administrative functioning.
The manner of functioning of these assemblies differed form place to
place according to the prevailing local conditions. The Ur was,
theoretically speaking, open to all tax- paying adults of the village, butjn
effect older members played a more prominent role with some forming a
small executive body called the Alunganam. the numerical strength of
which was never specified. Nor was there any clarity about the manner in
which its members were to be appointed. The Sabha had a more complex
machinery, as it functioned largely through committees called Variyams.
Both Alunganam and Variyam usually constituted smaller committees of
different sizes from among their members for specialised work.
Members of the executive body and of the other committees of the Ur
or the Sabha appear to have been selected by a draw of lots from among
those who were eligible. Rule amendments could always be made
whenever necessary. The Uttaramerur Inscription, belonging to the reign
of Parantaka I, gives a detailed account of the functioning and constitution
of the local Sabhas. It says that people should aspire to have a better and
more honest value system. A sound education and assets, in the form of
property and other valuables, are listed among the countless attributes
considered worth having. Likewise there are specific injunctions against
corruption of being, and an unsound mental health. The assemblies had
various tasks at hand: (i) to collect the land revenue; (ii) to levy additional
taxes for specific purposes like the construction of a water tank; (iii) _tp
settle agrarian disputes over duration of tenure and irrigation rights; (iv)
to maintain records pertaining to donations and taxes. The larger
assemblies kept a small staff of paid officials, but most of the work was
done on a voluntary basis in smaller assemblies. It can well be said that
the role of the Ur in local administration was fairly similar to that of the
Sabha.
Nilakanta Sastri explains that two Uttaramerur inscriptions of the
twelfth and fourteenth centuries (919 and 921) of the Chola monarch,
Parantaka I, give a fairly detailed account of the history of the Chola
village assemblies. In these inscriptions we see the Chola period in a
transitional phase. In place of the erstwhile executive bodies, we now
stand evidence to the establishment of a fairly elaborate committee system,
by means of which important sections of the local administration were
entrusted to six or twelve member committees - or variyams -depending
on the kind of duties allocated to them.
MB
The extent of village autonomy can well be judged from the functions
performed by these assemblies. The Sabha possessed proprietary rights
over communal land that was either jointly held or was a group or
community possession. Privately owned land also came under the
jurisdiction of the Sabha. It did everything preliminary to conveyance of
property deeds, which required the sanctioning of the central authority.
The Sabha was concerned with the reclamation of forest and waste lands.
The collection of land revenue was one of the most important tasks
entrusted to the Sabha. In default cases the Sabha had the power to sell
the land in question by means of a public auction. Disputes about land
and irrigation right were settled by it and, in special cases, assemblies
from the neighbourhood were requested to intervene in the matter of
reaching a decision.
The judicial committee or the Nyayattar of the assembly settled
disputes, took the final decision about whether a person was innocent or
guilty as charged and was entrusted with the additional task of awarding
punishments. The jury’s verdict in the matter was final and.binding in the
system that prevailed under the Cholas.
Each Sabha had a small staff of paid servants called the madhyasthas,
who assisted the committees of the Sabha in their work and maintained
the records of the village. They also attended the meetings of the Sabha
and kept a record of the minutes of each meeting.
Revenue
The state’s demand of land revenue was fixed at one-third of the

production after an elaborate land survey made in the time of Rajaraja I.
There were periodical revisions of the Irrigation taxes.
Nilakanta Sastri says that in one of the Chola Inscriptions we find
reference to the possible sources of irrigation- ‘...He who receives the
land can build large rooms with upper stories made of baked bricks, he
can get large and small wells dug, he can plant trees and thorny bushes,
if necessary, he can get canals constructed for irrigation. He should ensure
that water is not wasted, and that embankments are built.’ In order to
ensure agricultural prosperity special attention was given to providing
people with better irrigation facilities by the state as well as by the local
authorities. Village assemblies were responsible for the maintenance of
tanks and for reclaiming forest and waste lands. The Cholas spent huge
amounts on building canals, tanks, dams and wells. Rajendra I dug an
artificial lake near his new capital called Gangaikondacholapuram.
MB
Army
The Chola army was well organised backed by a very strong navy.
According to K.A. Nilakanta Sastri the central government concerned
itself with matters like external defence, the maintenance of peace and
order, ensuring the general prosperity and cultural progress of the empire.
Most other matters were left to smaller village assemblies, with the
central government intervening only in matters of conflict or exceptionally
difficult and trying situations. The administration of villages was well
organised on popular lines conducive to the progress and prosperity of
their inhabitants.
Chola Empire: Was it a Centralised Empire?
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri has put before us the picture of a highly centralised
empire in the Chola country, equipped with an efficient bureaucracy, a
comprehensive revenue system and a strong navy. The glory of the polity
found expression in art, architecture and literature. Minakshi Appadorai
and T.V.Mahalingam later on followed his line of argument.
This historiographical tradition was shaken when Burton Stein came
out with his critique of a centralised administration, followed by his own
alternative model of a Segmentary State. Burton Stein is of the view that
the peasant society of the Cholas, which was presented as a cohesively
structured one, the primary bonds being those of kingship and marriage,
was in effect an extremely stratified society, vertically divided into
numerous segments. These segments created a highly pyramidal which
fostered a series of relationships between the centre and the peripheries.
Each of these segments had a specialised administrative staff. It also had
a plethora of centres, and all the features of a duaLsovereignty-consisting
of political as well as ritual sovereignty.
Recently, Noboru Karashima and Kesavan Veluthat have attempted
an alternative model for understanding the nature of the Chola state. They
have attempted a systematic application of the idea of feudalism to the
socio-economic formation in the early medieval period in south India and
have called it a ‘Feudal State’.
James Heitzman10 and Y.Subbarayalu11 have preferred to call the
Chola state an ‘Early State’. According to this model, the Chola state was
a centralised socio-political organisation, in a complex stratified and
extremely unequal society, which consisted of the rulers and the ruled.
The relations between them are characterised by the political dominance
of the former and tributary obligations of the latter, legitmized by a
common ideology of which reciprocity was the basic principle. Heitzman12

says that royal political unification took place under the Cholas. The
earliest policy displays the characteristics of the ritual segmentary state
through which the Chola kings attempted to bring the disparate, fiercely
rebellious and fairly autonomous local leaders under the yoke of a single,
mediating agency through ritual means. This mediating role was
performed by a royalty that offered protection to religious institutions and
temples through the establishment of tax-free revenue grants. In addition
to this, temples received liberal donations for the construction of shrines.
Further, the king was also involved in the periodic arbitration of local
disputes, typically involving religious institutions, either in person or
more often through representatives who were drawn from allied local
elite groups. The second policy involved a tightening of royal control
over local resources through the recruitment of the elite into a more
bureaucratically structured organisation for the collection of taxes and the
implementation of a sound system of taxation in the rich agricultural
zones that supported religious institutions. This second policy also reveals
a drive towards an increased revenue extraction and greater centralised
control within the core area of the empire. The Chola kings remained
ritual leaders but aspired to be managers in the Arthashastra style.
Heitzman says that the success of royal integrative policies depended
on local variables of geography. The most striking feature of the Chola
rule was the rapid decline of royal influence with increasing trend towards
decentralisation. Even within the outer reaches of Cholamandalam, the
core area of an extended polity, the royalty was more likely to strike a
deal with the local leadership than to implement a centralised
administrative apparatus.
James Heitzman elaborates that the underlying dynamics of state
formation rested on the ability of these agencies to give direction to the
aspirations of the village elite. Political and economic leadership, within
a predominantly agrarian economy, rested on the possession of land or
came from control exercised over profits accruing from land. The policies
of the local leaders included control over agricultural resources. The
local leaders were only too happy to offer support; thus the early policies
of the Chola kings, who rarely entered into local affairs but offered
avenues for local legitimation and opportunities for boory, enlisted their
support in the implementation of imperial policies. Thus, according to
Heitzman the Chola polity was an ‘Early State’ since its agrarian base and
the political power of its landed elite were at a rather nascent stage of
development.
❖ New Kings and Kingdoms {circa 750-1200) ❖ 75
STRUCTURE OF POLITIES:
THE RAJPUTRAS AND THEIR ORIGIN
We have already seen that from the Gupta period onwards there was a
marked differentiation of polities due to the horizontal spread of state
society. B.D. Chattopadhyaya expatiates at length upon the fact that from
aboufthe beginning of the eighth century there emerged a political set-up
in Western and Central India in which newer social groups acquired
political power by bringing more and more areas under their control. The
rnanneFinwhich the Rajputras or Rajputs - for whom political authority
was organized in a very clan-based form - emerged was somewhat
different and shows a marked deviation from developments taking place
outside Western India. The bid for a much coveted Kshatriya status was
not restricted to Western India alone as similar processes were in operation
elsewhere as well in early medieval India. The newly acquired role of a
Kshatriya would provide ruling clans, which were in the highly
transitional phase of moving from a feudatory to an independent status,
with the legitimation they needed for what they were doing. To this end,
the ruling Kshatriya clans of Western and Central India formulated a
detailed genealogical account of their transition to independence. They
consolidated their political position by means of specific patterns of land
distribution.
The differentiated polities, including clan-based ruling lineages, had
certain shared components that cut across all the major political structures
of the early medieval period. The region of Western and Central India was
no exception. It had a lineage-based state but lineage cannot be understood
in terms of political power alone. Landholding was a that much more
important attribute. There is evidence of land grabbing on the part of the
ruling families. Important government functions soon became inextricably
linked up with the politics of landholding and the power that came with
it. Thus, under the rule of the Gurjara Pratiharas we find references to
estates held by the Chahamana, Guhila and Chalukya clan chiefs.
Mathanadeva, another chief of the Gurjara Pratihara lineage, also claimed
to have obtained his allotment as svabhogavapta (own share).
It may be noted that the lineage state does not offer an alternative
political structure. No wonder, therefore that - even in these states of
Western and Central India, where there is reason to believe that diverse
political structures, with different foci, styles of functioning and levels of
power and authority do exist - there is ample evidence, that beyond scope
of doubt reiterates the validity of the hypothesis of a feudal polity. But B.D.
Chattopadhyaya says that what is understood as the samanta system was
not, however, a uniform category. It included a wide range of designations

all of which corresponded to those of the landed aristocracy of the period.
The kingdoms of all the major powers of Western and Central
India included territories which were under the control of feudatories.
These feudatories were known by the generic title of mandalika.
However, fancier and better-sounding titles like - maharajadhiraja,
mahamandalesvara, mahamandalika, mahasqmanta and samanta - were
also in existence. The most important of the Chaulukya feudatory princes
were the Paramaras of Abu and the Chahamanas of Jalor; others of minor
importance being Mer King Jagamalla and Paramara Somesvara.
Likewise, a considerable portion of the Chahamana state, especially in
Nadol and Jalor, was held by a group of landed intermediaries variously
known as the thakkuras, ranakas, and bhoktas, with the condition
appended that they keep up the supply of a certain quota of soldiers
whenever required by the overlord.
Chattopadhyaya argues that feudatory chiefs of note like the
Paramaras of Ambudamandala and the Paramara Mahakumaras enjoyed
an enviable degree of internal autonomy. They could create their own
sub-feudatories and appoint their own officers. Feudatory chiefs could
also distribute their lands among their dependents. The thakkuras served
the feudatory chiefs in almost all the Paramara states. The feudatories
could also impose taxes, alienate villages and exempt certain people from
taxation. This practice of granting land, and its associated fiscal and
administrative rights, is called sub-infeudation.There is surprisingly
sufficient evidence for this, particularly in the Pratihara period. Examples
of sub-infeudation, caused by service grants in Gujarat under the
Chaulukyas, are common knowledge. A subordinate functionary, probably
a bania under Bhimadeva-II, constructed an irrigation-well with a watering
trough attached to it, and for the maintenance and upkeep of the same, he
granted certain plots of land to a man of the Pragvata clan, who was in all
probability a merchant. Evidence of sub-infeudation in the Paramara
kingdom is scanty and somewhat lacking in clarity. Thus, in course of
time the samanta system encompassed a wide and rapidly increasing in
number range of motley designations and in course of time, acquired all
the characteristics of a highly hierarchically structured political formation
represented by ranks like: ranaka, rama, thakkura, samanta,
mahasamanta, etc.
The most important duty of a feudatory prince was to help his suzerain
against enemy forces. Sometimes feudatories conquered new territories
for the suzerain or brought another prince under the latter’s vassalage. An
inscription seems to imply that, at the accession of a new king, feudatories
would take an oath of allegience and loyality to their new overlord who
would, in turn, give them every reason to believe that they would enjoy
security of life and possessions. Feudatories are also said to have paid a
ritual tribute to their overlord both in cash and in kind. However, there
was no hard and fast rule regarding feudatory obligations. The relationship
between an overlord and his feudatory depended upon the circumstances
and the relative strength of the feudatory vis-a-vis his suzerain. The
Chalukya feudatories like the Paramaras of Abu or the Chahamanas of
Nadol ruled over fairly extensive territories and had their own systems of
administration.
However, political instability, in most territories in the west and in the
north, was largely on account of the samanta-feudatory system. Often the
hierarchical relationship between an overlord and his feudatory depended
upon the personality of the overlord. Overlords who went on expeditions
to distant lands had to entrust some of their more capable generals, who
could well be called feudatory chiefs, with the administration of certain
territories. The relationship between the king and the subordinate, who
might have been strong enough to keep the territories entrusted to his care
together for a generation or two, faded into oblivion in course of time and
feudatory chiefs began to assert their independence. More often than not,
samantas had no permanent or lasting bonds of allegience and would
often transfer allegiance to a powerful invader in return for greater
privileges.
Origin of the Rajputs

I"
The period between the ninth and the eleventh centuries saw the
emergence of various ‘warrior castes’. These so-called ‘warrior castes’
were in effect nothing but military ruling clans which ultimately coalesced 1
into a single caste, that of the Rajputs, the term being derived from the
Sanskrit word Rajaputra. The four Rajput clans that claimed special
status during this time were the Pratiharas, the Chalukyas, the Chauhans
(also called Chahamanas), and the Solankis.
Several theories have been propounded by scholars regarding the
origin of the Rajputs'ySome consider them to be of foreign stock while
(pothers think that they belong to the Kshatriya vamaSSardic traditions
refer to them as having originated from agnikunda on Mount. AbivLater
heroic poems or traditions suggest that the Rajputs, who to begin with did
not have more than twelve to twenty-four clans, grew in number to have
as many as thirty-six clans However, recent writings have tried to study
the history of the emergence of various ruling lineages in early medieval
India.Thus, the focus in the study of early medieval polity has moved
away from the dynastic history of ‘Rajput’ kingdoms to the analysis of the
factors which led to the emergence of state structures comprising local

ruling clans. The formation of these ruling lineages has been described as
a ‘process’ of sorts, which emerged and was strengthened by the fact that
a lot of these ruling clans took on a Kshatriya status. The Arab invasions
of the eigth and ninth centuries - in Sind, Multan, Marwar, Malwa and
Broach - contributed to remarkable changes in the political map of
Western India and the Deccan. The Rashtrakutas and the clans now
knpwn to us aS the Rajptrts came to the fore in this period. These clans,
not heard of in earlier times, began to play an important part in the turn
of events from about the eighth centuiy onwards. Lineages, of a somewhat
more obscure origin, like those of the Paramaras and the Chahmanas
came to acquire center stage, given a backdrop of inter-state conflicts
between the Gurjara Pratiharas and the Rashtrakutas.
The rise of the Rajputs to political ascendancy seems to have been an
accidental occurrence of sorts. But an understanding of the early political
developments shows that their appearance on the political scene was
neither sudden nor abrupt. The genesis of these clans took place squarely
within the existing hierarchical political structure. Their emergence,
therefore, should be understood as a total process.
The problem of the origin of Rajput dynasties is highly complex and
controversial. Their gotrochhara makes them Kshatriyas of the Lunar
family (Somavamshi) while on the basis of the old kavyas, some maintain
that they were of a solar race. The myths of solar origin regard them as
Kshatriyas created in the kaliyuga to wipe the mlecchas, or the foreigners,
out of existence. Rajasthani bards and chroniclers regard them as fire-
bom (Agnikula).
According to the Agnikula myth, recorded by a court poet, the founder
of the Paramara house originated from the firepit of Sage Vasistha on
Mount Abu. The man, who thus sprang out of the fire, forcibly wrested
the wish-granting cow of Sage Vasishtha from Sage Vishwamitra and
restored it to the former. Sage Vasistha gave him the befitting name of
Paramara or the -- slayer of the enemy. From him sprang a race which was
held in high esteem by reigning kings. Inscriptions of the period suggest
that the Paramaras originated from the fire of Sage Vasishtha on Mount
Abu.
The Rajasthani bards went a step further and were of the view that the
genesis of the Pratiharas, the Chaulukyas of Gujarat and the Chahamanas
was laid in fire, like it was for the Paramaras. Speaking of the
Chahamanas, bardic tales suggest that Agastya, along with other sages,
began a great sacrifice on Mount Abu. Demons desecrated it by showering
filth upon it. Vasishtha created three warriors - Prathihara, Chaulukya,
and Paramara - from the fire but none succeeded in keeping the demons
away. Vasishtha dug a new pit from where fire blazed forth to keep the
demons away. Vasishtha dug yet another pit from which an armed figure
sprang out. The sages decided to call him Chahuvana. It was Chahuvana
who defeated the demons.
Many recent works have shown that the problem of the origin of the
Rajputs, when viewed in its totality instead of from the perspective of a
particular dynasty, would facilitate a better understanding of the political
turn of events of the time. The practice of new social groups claiming
Kshatriya status became widespread in the early medieval period. A
Kshatriya status was eagerly sought after by emergent social groups who
were essentially looking for the legitimation of their newly acquired
power. The Rajput clans of medieval India, who were a fairly motley lot
and who consisted of a large number of petty estate-holding chiefs, came
into political eminence gradually. The same can well be said of the
Pratihara, Guhila and Chahmana rise to political ascendency subsequent
to acquiring a Kshatriya status.
These dynasties, like those of the Paramaras and the Chahmanas,
claimed descent from the ancient kshatriyas long after their accession to
power. In an inscription of the late ninth century, issued by King Bhoja-
I, the Pratiharas claim that they are of Solar descent and say that
Lakshmana, the brother of the epic hero Rama, was their family ancestor.
Their inscriptions are silent on the question of origin till the glorious days
of Bhoja. This epigraphic tradition of solar descent can be linked to the
period of the Gurjara-Pratihara political dominance. The tradition, thus,
represents a stage of imperial prominence and tempts one to draw a link
with the heroic age of the epics.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya shows that the growth of an agricultural
economy resulted in a growth in agricultural settlements. Inscriptional
evidence from Western and Central India refers to the subjugation of the
Sabaras, the Bhillas and the Pulindas by the Rajput clans. The Rajput
ruling lineages gained power at the expense of disadvantaged tribal
groups.Various traditions mentioned either in the inscriptions or the heroic
poems refer to the migration of Guhilas from Gujarat to Rajasthan and
depict them as the successors of the tribal chiefdom of the Bhils. The
Nadol offshoot of the Chahmana clan established itself in south-east
Marwar by displacing the Medas, which finds mention in the Puratana
Prabandh Sangraha and in Nainsi’s Khyat, which was compiled in the
seventeenth century. Improved agricultural techniques encouraged the
emergence of new territories and enabled a gradual transformation from
‘tribalism’ to state polity.
SO ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
An important feature of this period was the mobility within a vama

hierarchy. Examples of social mobility abound. The Medas and Hunas
moved from an extremely non-descript tribal position to acquire a, Rajput
rank. The Pratiharas, who were basically pastoralists and agriculturists,
initially belonged to the Gurjara clan but went on to become an important
ruling power in the eigth century. The genealogies ‘fabricated’ for this
period tried to claim a higher status than was actually the case for the
ruling lineage. The Pratiharas of Mandor (837 ad) are said to have
descended from the Kshatriya wife of a Brahmana thus laying claim to a
Brahma-kshatra status. The Guhilas of Mewar (eleventh century) are also
referred to as Brahma-kshatriyas. The Cahamanas of Sakambpari (1169
ad) are also described as Brahma-kshatriyas. Records dealing with
‘Rajput’ ruling clans suggest that they were either Pratihara or Maurya
feudatories or were autonomous. Genealogies record the evolution into
greater power. These genealogies were admittedly somewhat exaggerated,
though they did have an element of truth to them. The Guijaras of Gujarat
were feudatories of the Valabhi king. The word samanta which finds
mention in the Cahahamana genealogy suggests that they were feudatories
of Gurjara Pratiharas and the term naradeva or nrpa (king) records their
rise to autonomy. Therefore, B.D. Chattopadhayaya concludes that the
Rajputisation process - which included the formation of ruling lineages
and the emergence of feudatories - took place within the prevailing
graded state structure.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya argues that there are two important pointers to
the process of the emergence of the Rajputs in early medieval records. As
these records suggest, at one level the process may have to be juxtaposed
with the need felt for territorial expansion. The evidence for this can well
be seen from the fact that there was a marked increase in the number of
settlements, often, though not always, accompanied by a growth in the'
agrarian economy. Any assertion of an increase in the number of
settlements is, in the absence of any detailed historico-geographical study,
,£>nly impressionistic. But in view of the widespread distribution of
ârchaeological remains and epigraphs as well as the appearance of
numerous new place names, there cannot be any doubt about the validity
of the assumption.
Chattopadhyaya further suggests that to conceive of the emergence of
the Rajputs only in terms of an expansionist trend would be to take a
wrong view of the total process involved, and here we come to the second
pointer provided by the records. The fact that the mobility to Kshatriya
status was in operation elsewhere in the same period prompts one to look
for its incidence also in Rajasthan. The inclusion of the Medas and the
Hunas, which were tribal groups to begin with, into the Rajput clan
MS
structure is sufficient to belie the assumption that the structure could be
composed only of groups that were linked by descent, ‘foreign’ or
‘indigenous’. In India the distribution of political power did not follow a
uniform pattern. A study of the process of emergence of political powers
in medieval Western India shows that the distribution of political authority
could be organised by a network of lineages (kula, vamsha) within the
framework of a monarchical polity. The political annals of the
Chahamanas of Rajasthan and the Paramaras of south Rajasthan, Gujarat
and Malwa provide examples of the clan based distribution of political
authority.
The formation of Rajput clans was largely predicated upon the
acquisition of political power. New clans and sub-clans were drawn into
the political network of the Rajputs, in,a variety, of ways.
It must, however, be noted that the formation and consolidation of
lineage power did not have a pattern of uniformity, to it. A key indicator
of the process of lineage power formation was the acquisition of new
areas, as is evident enough from the growth in the number of settlements
in the period. The Chauhan kingdom of Nadol known as Saptashata is
said to have been made into Saptasahasrikadesha by a Chauhan chief who
killed adverseries and annexed their villages. Territorial expansion of
Western Indian powers was accomplished at the expense of tribal
settlements. A similar pattern in terms of growth and mobility can also be
found in the emergence of the Guhilas and the Chahamanas. For example,
early seventh century inscriptions suggest that Guhila settlements were
largely located in various parts of Rajasthan. However, the somewhat
later Nagada-Ahar inscriptions suggest that Guhilas were actually from
Gujarat. The bardic tradition also suggests that Guhila kingdoms in south
Rajasthan succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdoms of the Bhils.
Thus, lineage power evolved in diverse ways that were not linked in
any manner with each other. The political history of Western India shows
thaFthe large ethnic group of an area could successfully compete for
political power. It could also lay the foundation of a large state structure
which could well remain in existence for centuries to come. Starting from
a local agrarian base a lineage could, in course of time, emerge as a big
regional power by integrating other local lineage groups into the fold. For
examples, a tract of land could in all probability be referred to by diverse
names like Gujaratra, Ghujarabhumi, Gurjjarashtra. There is good reason
to believe that this is a reference to territories contiguous with southern
Rajasthan from where many lineages emerged.
In the process of stratification,, that developed within the ‘Gurjara
stock’, some families attained political dominance and became ruling
lineages. From the seventh century onwards various lineages, that-had
f J ! . , ....
■>>?/."! ? ! I - i t
❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
branched off the Gurjara stock, became widely distributed in Western

India. Gurjara Pratihara power represents a classic example of social
ascendancy. It would suggest that a potential power structure could emerge
from within a local agrarian base and achieve political strength given the
fact that there was much mobility within caste and vama groups.
FORMS OF LEGITIMATION: r
TEMPLES AND RITUALS c< ..n fbp
Ttemptesahad a central plae^wathespredoininanffyâgfffirtanswonany of
medieval India,-- especially in south India. Temples began to enjoy a
growing sense of power in the Pallava period, and came to occupy a place
of seminal importance in the tenure of the Cholas. Evidence for this can
। be gathered from the number of land grants made to temples during this
period. This is the period when we see the emergence of great royal
temples, which symbolised the power of the ruling kingdom. From the
tenth to the thirteenth centuries a large number of temples were built in
various regional kingdoms. These temples, which enjoyed royal support,
had unrestricted access to agricultural produce and came to wield
tremendous power and influence in matters of everyday life. They were
also used to counter the divisive forces prevailing in those kingdoms.
Thriving on land grants and cash endowments, temples came to acquire
iconic status in terms of offering employment to countless people, in
terms of encouraging a culture of usury - temples would make a lot of
money by charging huge rates of interest on money loaned out to village
assemblies, cultivators, traders and artisans in return for various articles
of use given in lieu of interest ranging anywhere between 12.5 to 15 per
cent - and in terms of advocating mass consumerism as there could be no
end to how much could go into what constituted the basic needs and
requirements of these temples.
Archaeological and literary sources like the Mitakshara,
Prayagmanjari and Tahkik-e-Hind offer tremendous help in terms of
reconstructing the socio-economic role of temples. Corroborating
evidence is provided by copper plates, stone inscriptions and numismatic
findings.
Land endowments were the most important source of money and
sustenance for temples in medieval south India. Land granted to temples
had two functions of note - (i) to provide the income required for the
ritual services that had to be made in the name of the donor; and (ii) to
provide a productive platform upon which to invest funds required for the
j performance of services in the name of the donor of the money. The
plethora of land and village grants made to temples gave rise to several
important developments. In the first place, there was a significant increase

in the number of temple employees and personnel who were paid, either
in kind or through the allotment of land. This resulted in a growth in
feudal land tenure which is evident enough from the various epigraphic
references made to tenants. Fiscal concessions which accompanied many
grants only succeeded in making the lot of an already disadvantaged
peasantry even worse than it already was and weakened the central
authority.
There were various ritual functionaries attached to the temples who
were given monetary endowments by temples. These functionaries
included members of educational institutions (mathas), reciters of Sanskrit
and Tamil sacred works, teachers, scholars, musicians and poets. They
also received their share of the consecrated food offered to the deity.
Distributing consecrated food among devotees began to play a
tremendously important role in terms of raising temple funds. Temples
also came to play a part in the field of agricultural development. It
provided agriculturists with irrigation facilities. Caste consciousness had
become a marked feature in social relationships with society divided
between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. The medium of education in
temples was Sanskrit. Debates were held in various mathas and colleges
regarding the tenets of Hindu theology. Sankaracharya’s ideas continued
to be developed and improved upon and diverse schools of thought were
also discussed. It is to be noted that Ramanuja, the famous Vaishnava
philosopher, spent a considerable part of his life teaching at the famous
temple of Shrirangam.
During the early medieval period, temple rituals in the honour of God
became amazingly elaborate and complex. D.N. Jha13 says that the growth
of a hîfarcljised land-owning leisured class with a king placed at the
head articulated itself through the patronage of art, religion, and literature.
Kalhana provides interesting references to the construction of temples by
the kings and members of the royal family of Kashmir. Lalitaditya (699—
736) built the Martand temple at Hushkapura (Ushkar) and his wives and
ministers consecrated hundreds of images of Vishnu and Shiva to. it. In
the Gujarat-Rajasthan region the temples at Somanatha and Mount Abu
were built by the Chaulukyas (Solankis) and in Orissa those at Jagannatha
and Konarak were built by the Gangas. At Khajuraho in central India, the
Chandella kings claim credit for the construction of major temples like
the Lakshmana (954), the Vishvanatha (1002), and the Kandariya
Mahadeva (c. 1050) temples. Jain clerics also supported the construction
of several religious establishments of their faith; one Kokkala landowning
family is said to have built a temple in 1001. In the Deccan, the remains
at Badami and Aihole bear testimony to the interest of the Chalukyas in
the construction of temples just as those at Halebid and Belur tell us of

Hoysala patronage to it. In Tamil Nadu, the Pallavas began the practice of
constructing cave temples, though the best free-standing temples during
their rule are seen in the Shore temple at Mahabalipuram and the
Kailashanath temple at Kanchipuram, both belonging to the eighth
century. More than the Pallavas, however, the Cholas spent abundantly on
temple building. The Rajarajeshwara temple at Tanjore built by Rajaraja I
(985-1016) and the Brihadeshvara temple at Gongaikondacholapuram
erected by his successor Rajendra (1012-44) are the most impressive and
monumental structures of south India. Construction of and support to
temples by kings and feudal lords was common throughout the-country,
and the early medieval Indian landscape was dotted with large numbers of
temples, many of which were unrivalled in terms of elegance and
grandeur. In a sense, therefore, temple architecture entered a new phase
of development.
Temples, along with religious establishments and centers of education,
became the storehouses of the fabulous wealth and gifts and donations
that the kings and their feudatories inundated them with. The Chola king
Rajaraja I alone presented the Tanjore temple with articles of gold
weighing nearly as much as 41,557 kalanju or about 484 lbs; jewellery
worth 10,000 pan, worth its weight in gold; and as many as fifty-seven
villages. The temple of Somanatha, had the benefit of revenue pouring in
from as many as 10,000 villages. Similarly, the educational centres at
Nalanda and Valabhi were funded by the revenue that accrued from
nearly two hundred villages. Examples of this kind abound. Temples and
religious centres attracted both Indian rulers and foreign invaders. In
Kashmir several kings laid claim to the wealth that temples had.
Shankaravarman (883-902) is said to have plundered as many as sixty-
four temples. King Kalasha (1063-89) destroyed the image of Surya and
purloined images from Buddhist monastic establishments. Since temples
were the repositories of wealth, they became the most sought after military
target as well...
According to Burton Stein, kings encouraged the construction of
temples giving all possible help to their feudatories. Before the Cholas
rose to political ascendancy, power was divided among small segmentary
units. The Chola rulers, by expressing their symbolic and ritual
sovereignty through the brahmadeyas and through patronizing temples,
tried to integrate the disparate units of power under the Chola dominion.
Temples and Brahmadeyas began to play a seminal role in this search for
greater social and political cohesiveness. An additional job allocated to
them was the maintenance of irrigational works. Many a time regional
kingdoms patronized the religion and deitiesôf the tribals, and through
the construction of imperial temples to the cause of the tribal deities,

achieved political integration.
Role of Temples
The temples in medieval India, especially those in South India, began to

acquire the importance of a tourist industry of modem times. Piligrims
flocked to temples in huge numbers during festival times and this was
what generated greater employment possibilities. People could now find
jobs as guildsmen, inn-keepers, surveyors, food-shelter supervisors and
priests. In fact, temples soon became miniature towns.
Temples also encouraged the spread of education. Larger temples
would maintain Vidya rnandapams where efficient teachers were
employed and free board and lodging was provided to students. Most
Shiva temple during this period maintained a fleet of teachers who taught
the Vedas, the Sastras, the Agamas, the Puranas, Itihasas, Kavyas and the
Saiva philosophy. In the Andhra region such Kalmukha Saiva mathas
existed in Vemulvada where eminent teachers were employed to impart
knowledge to their disciples.
Kings and nobles made liberal grants of land and villages to provide
funds for customary rites and festivals in temples and also for a sound
system of education in temples. The Brahmins who received immense
gifts and land grants often made wise investments, particularly those of
gold, with the village assemblies and thereby received an additional bonus
for the maintenance, worship, burning of the perceptual lamp and similar
other purposes. Temples also acted as a tool of urbanisation by fostering
commercial activity in and around the centre. Sizeable urban settlements
became an adjunct of great temples. The inscription carved in various
temples reveal the names of the Vyasa benefactors. Merchant guilds like
those of Ayyavolu and Nakaramu in the Andhra region supported temple-
budding activities. Temples were surrounded by numerous shops selling
various articles of worship. Fairs and Santas were conducted around the
temple and these gave a lot of impetus to inland trade.
Land was the main source of revenue for the state and improved
agricultural facilities added to its income. Care was taken to provide
cultivable lands with a regular supply of water. Irrigation was carried
through Cheruvula (tanks), Kalavalu (cannals), and Bavulu (wells).
Further, trade and commerce was an additional source of wealth and as a
result of this extensive inland and foreign trade the demand for articles of
luxury increased and industri^L_arL_dejreLoped. Many occupations
connected with industrial art developed. People found occupation as
silversmiths, goldsmiths and sculptors thereby collectively forming the
Visvakarma community. We also come across artisans like: oil mongers,

pot-makers, barbers, washer-women, merchant and craft and agricultural
guilds during this period. The guilds catered to the diverse needs of
different strata of society and generated a large amount of wealth.
During the early medieval period of a lucrative overseas trade,
agricultural and trade alliances and the development of towns and temples
were closely interdependent phenomena. The provision of agricultural
capital for trade and the influx of gold and copper from overseas trade
probably contributed to the establishment and growth of centers of trade
in already existing towns, particularly in the ports and also contributed to
the development of many minor redistributing centers throughout the
peninsula. There was a close relationship between the sectarian movement
and the development of commerce.
The temple had well become a citadel of economic power located
almost at par with the state. Temples directed agricultural development,
through the endowments they received.14 Endowments were made in
order to provide funds for the maintenance of temples, for festivals and
for food offerings made to the deities. Provisions were made for the donor
or someone designated by the donor. Temples did not have ownership
rights over land endowments, but had a major share in the revenue and
the income. The money received by temples was frequently loaned out to
village assemblies and commercial firms for a perceptual interest and this
added to the income of the temples. Temples became the citadel of the
socio-economic activities of the people. It was the nucleus around which
villages, towns, and commerce flourished. The temple was closely
associated with territorial and administrative bodies of local areas. It was
both a landlord and an employer. Its treasury was a bank, which received
deposits and loaned out money.
Its construction and maintenance offered employment to a number of
architects and craftsmen who vied with one other in the bold planning and
skillful execution of tasks allocated to them. The daily routine especially
of the larger temples, gave constant employment to number of priests,
choristers, musicians, dancing-girls, florists, cooks and many classes of
servants. The practice of adorning images, particularly those used during
processions, with numerous jewels set with precious stones encouraged
the art of jewellery making to a considerable extent.
Hence, the medieval period in the Deccan saw a proliferation in the
number of temples. Temples were supposed to confer, on their builders,
several merits and benefits such as those of longevity, health, wealth,
prosperity and religious merit. Kings would have temples constructed as
a gesture of gratitude and as a token of appreciation for the attainment of
victory. Sometime temples were raised to consecrate the dead or to placate
Q
an overlord. The temples were built^for parents or preceptors. We also
have instances of temples being buiirto mark the measure of one’s worth
or to establish the religious merit of gotras. Thus, there was a total
Tnstutionalisation of the temple. These temples flourished because the
ruling warrior groups provided them with support and protection. A vast
range of officials and warlords came to play an important role in temple
functioning. Beside these functionaries there was substantial participation
by pilgrims.
AGRARIAN STRUCTURES AND SOCIAL CHANGE

The early medieval economy was in many ways different from that of the
earlier period. The economy was in a state of flux, given the fact that
there was a steep decline in trade and commerce.15 This change led to an
agrarian organisation based on the land grant system. There were both
Brahmadeya (revenue-free land grants given to the brahmanas) and
secular grants bestowed upon royal administrative functionaries.
The emergence of political power in Western and Central India was
associated with certain features. At the level of the economy, the pattern
of land distribution was noteworthy. From about the late tenth century
onwards, there is evidence for the distribution of land among the members
of the Chahamana ruling lineages. The incidence of these assignments
was higher in Rajasthan than in other parts of the country. This feature
apparently represented a process, which gradually developed and was
associated with the spread of a clan. Another pattern was the holding of
units which were part of administrative divisions just as the mandala or
bhukti were. These units seem to have become centres of local control.
These units of eighty-four villages (chaurasia') each, which were held in
Saurastra by the Gurjara Pratiharas gradually spread to Rajasthan. This
facilitated better land distribution and resulted in greater political control
for the ruling elite . Between the tenth and the twelfth centuries, the kings
and princes of the Chahamana and Paramara clans held such big holdings.
The process coincided with the construction of fortresses on a large scale
in different locations. Apart from serving defence purposes, the fortresses
also worked as foci of control and helped ruling families to consolidate
the power they had acquired over a course of time.
The marriage network, among ruling clans, is another pointer to the
process of the consolidation of clan power at the social level. Marriage
fostered inter-clan relationships which in turn had significant political
implications because the families were mostly those of the ruling Rajput
clans. Apart from the Paramara-Rashtrakuta and the Chahamana-Paramara
matrimonial relations, the Guhila marriage network was varied and
widespread. Though the Guhilas, in addition to being allied with Rajput

clans like the Chahamanas and the Paramaras, also forged marital alliances
with the Chalukyas, the Rashtrakutas, the Chedis and the Hunas. The
choice obviously was a political one, as the families cited above
constituted the ruling elite of ealy medieval Western India. Inter-clan
marital relationships were expected to lead to collaboration in wider
activities of a socio-political nature since they facilitated the presence of
clan members of different kingdoms and courts.
The Chaulukyas, the Paramaras and the Chahamanas had a powerful
bureaucracy in tire structure of their state polities. We come across the
names of a number of officers who evidently assisted in the transaction of
the affairs of the state.
Lekhapaddhati furnishes the names of karanas (departments) of the
government. This applies to the Chaulukya government in particular, as
the largest number of available documents can well be traced to the
Chaulukya period in the history of Gujarat. A few karanas also figure in
Chaulukya records. Sri-Karana (Chief Secretariat), for instance, is a
familiar term in their inscriptions. Also known from their records are the
Vyaya-Karana or the accounts department; Vyapara-Karana, or the
department-in-charge of trade and the collection of import and export
duties; and the mandapika-karna or the secretariat-in-charge of tax
collection. Such karanas were headed by ministers known as mahamatyas.
Not too much information is available in records and the actual
nature and function;, of the bureaucracy are difficult to determine. Besides
the mahamatyas, there were other officers of note in the power
and hierarchy of the polity. The mahasandhivigrahika who was a minister
of peace and who was basically a conveyor of grants. A mahamatya
mahasandhivigrahika was located in charge of the Sri-Karana and the
Mudra. (the department that issued passports and collected import duties).
Another officer mentioned was the mahakshapatalika or the head of
accounts. He kept a full account of the income of the state and also of the
expenditure: He registered land grants under the Paramara administration.
The Mahamantrin or the Mahapradhana, literally meaning a chief
minister, was an official of great importance. He held charge of the royal
seal and was in charge of the general supervision of all departments. The
Dandanayaka or the senapati was also an important official, who was
primarily a military officer. Chahamana records show that the cavalary
commanders and the baladhipas, or the officers-in-charge of the military
stationed in outposts and towns, were placed under him. The
administration was controlled by a department called the Baladhikarana,
stationed at the capital. The central officialdom also included, among
others, the dutaka who conveyed the rulers" sanction of grants to local
officials who then had the charter drawn up and delivered. The
Mahapratihara and the bhandagarika (officers placed in charge of
provisions) were also government officers.
Social Change
Apart from the broad social categories within the Hindu fold, there also
existed nomads, tribes and other itinerant groups who had nothing to do
with any concept of fixity within the social hierarchy. They believed in a
more equitable structuring of society and their leader was at best one
among equals. These societies, which thrived in various parts of the
subcontinent, did not follow the social rules and rituals prescribed by the
Brahmins and were not stratified along class lines. For such societies, the
generic term ‘tribe’ has been used. They usually lived in forests, hills,
deserts and in places where it was difficult for others to reach them. In
various ways, the tribes tried to retain their freedom and preserved a
separate culture. In .the process, they had occasional clashes with caste
based societies.
How do We Understand the Word‘Tribe’?

A tribe is a group united by a common name and ancestor, in which the mejpbers
have a common language, a common territory, and a feeling that all who do not;
share this sense of name and identity are outsiders. Members of each tribe are
united by kinship bonds. A tribal group controlled land and pastures jointly, and
divided these amongst households' according to its own set of rules. Likewise,
there.were also Nomads and Itinerant groups. The Nomads were wandering
pastoralists who roamed about from dne pastureland to another accompanied with
their families and herds of catfle> Simdarlye itinerant groups- such as those of
artisans, craftsmen, traditional story-tellers and entertainers simply travelled from
place to place practising their different occupations. Both groups would often visit
the same places every year. Even today you would see many of these wandering
groups from Rajasthan visiting cities like Delhi and other surrounding territories
in search of greener pastures during the dry wiriter season.
Many tribes obtained their livelihood from agriculture. Others were

hunter-gatherers or herders. More often than not they combined these
activities to make full use of the natural resources of the area in which
they lived. Nomadic pastoralists travelled long distances along with their
animals. They exchanged wool, ghee, milk and so on and so forth with,
settled agriculturists for grain, cloth, utensils and other products. One
nomadic group was that of the Banjaras. They were the most important
trader-nomads in the medieval period. Their caravan was called tanda.
Sultan Alauddin Khalji’s market regulation system achieved success on
account of the fact that he relied heavily on Banjaras to transport grain to

the city markets. Emperor Jahangir’s memoirs make mention of the fact
that the Banjaras brought grain on their bullocks from different areas and
sold it in towns. They transported food grains for the Mughal army during
military campaigns.
Our knowledge, of the origin and subsequent history of the numerous
aboriginal tribes of India, is somewhat scant given the absence of
sufficient archaeological data, yet a history of their past glory in the
medieval and modem period can be reconstructed. The historic data does
shed some light on their styles of life and we start picking up the threads
of what would hopefully become a reliable and authentic narrative. The
tribes have a very richly preserved repertory of rich customs and oral
traditions. These were passed on from one generation to the next. Of late,
historians have begun using such oral traditions to write tribal histories.
Peasantisation of Tribes
During the early medieval period agriculture expanded and more and
more forest land was brought under cultivation. This resulted in the
assimilation of many tribal communities into the social fold and led to the
peasantisation of tribes living in the forest area. This whole process not
only influenced the tribal culture, but the tribal culture and customs also
got assimilated and absorbed into the mainstream social set up. The
worship of the Jagannath cult in Orissa is one such example, the origin of
which could well be traced to the early medieval tribal culture.
The origin of the Rajputs during the early medieval period can be
attributed to the emergence of various tribal groups. They belonged to
different lineages, such as those of the Hunas, the Chandelas and the
Chalukyas who became immensely powerful towards the eleventh and
the twelfth centuries. They gradually replaced the older rulers, especially
in agricultural areas and came to be regarded as the Rajputras (sons of the
King)-
Proliferation of Castes
As the economy grew and the needs of society changed, people with new
skills were required. Smaller castes (or what we call jatis) emerged within
the society. For example, new castes appeared amongst the Brahmanas.
On the other hand, many tribes and itinerant groups were taken into the
fold of a caste-based society and given the status of jatis. Specialised
artisans like the smiths, the carpenters and the masons were also
recognised as separate jatis. Similarly many traditional singers and story
tellers like the bhants were recognised as caste groups.
Several irregular or mixed castes are represented in the

Dharmasastras as coming into existence as a result of the anuloma and
pratlioma connections, especially the latter. Some of the latter types of
castes are branded as the antyaja or the lowest castes. The Brahmavaivarty
Purana, a work of the early medieval period, raises the number of existent
nuxed castes to over one hundred. However, the above theory explains
the proliferation of castes (jatis) only partially. Instead it seems to be an
afterthought to provide place for the numerous tribals in the four-fold.
The Nisadas, the Ambasthas, and the Pulkasas, were originally tribal
communities, but once they gained admittance into the Brahaminical fold,
ingenious caste and group configurations within the vama system were
suggested for them, and they came to acquire an extremely hybridised or
vamasamkaraidentity. The vamasamkara theory was meant mainly to
accommodate foreign and indigenous tribes in the caste hierarchy.
Certain not-so approved of marriage liaisons, particularly thejzwra
marriage which was the most widely prevalent form of marriage and in
which the woman enjoyed some degree of power and freedom was
recommended for the lower vamas. Dissolution of the marriage tie was
generally permissible for women from the lower varnas, who could
promptly re-marry in the face of a husband’s ‘desertion’. It was
recommended that a wife did not need to wait for too long for her truant
husband to re-appear. Thus, the shortest duration of waiting was
recommended for the wives of the Sudras. Widow re-marriage was
generally confined to the lower vamas throughout the ancient Indian
period. Niyoga, which in the Vedic age was practised largely by the
Brahmins and the Kshatriyas, came to be confined to the Shudras from
the early centuries of the Christian era. Polygamy was quite popular
among the higher varnas, while monogamy was prevalent mostly among
the lower vamas. Instances of intercaste marriage mainly concerned men
of higher and women of lower vamas, and were chiefly limited to a union
between the Brahmins and the Kshatriyas.
TRADE AND URBANISATION

We have already discussed the historical writings of the 1970s and 80s in
an attempt to understand the major socio-economic changes taking place
in the early medieval period16 R.S.Sharma explained these changes in
terms of the gradual crystallisation of Indian Feudalism. He has traced its
origin to the system of land grants. The economic implications of these
changes were very grave and there was an increasing trend towards the
ruralization of the economy. As a result, self-sufficient villages became
the foci of production.17 The argument for a self-sufficient village
economy carried with itself two major presumptions. One, since
92 *♦* Interpreting Medieval India ❖
everything - from production to consumption - was confined to the

village trade suffered a decline; and two, there was a marked resultant
decline in urban centres.18
Primary sources regarding land grants contain extremely valuable
data on the economy in early medieval rural society. But these grants do
not offer very substantive information about craftsmen and merchants in
urban centres. This is in sharp contrast to the records of donations and
administrative documents prior to ad 600, where merchants, craftsmen
and various professional groups were mentioned as inhabitants of non-
rural settlements. Many historians have argued that a change in the mode
of documents and style of documentation is in fact an indicator of the
changes taking place in the social and economic lives of the people. The
huge number of land grants made implies a strong ruralisation of the
economy from the late seventh century onwards.
It has also been argued that during the period ad 600-1000 there was
decline in India’s flourishing commerce with the Roman Empire and it
had an extremely adverse impact upon India’s commercial economy.
Scholars have tried to present the following arguments in support of their
points of view. They say that the last known epigraphic reference to
Tamralipta is found in an eighth century inscription from the Hazaribagh
region in Bihar; the port of Barbaricum, in the delta of the river Indus, did
not enjoy much economic prominence in the early medieval times; the
port of Daibul, in the same region, began to come into the limelight as an
international port after the tenth century onwards; and premier ports in
Gujarat, Barygaza or Broach had lost their erstwhile glory.
These evidence are taken to conclude a gradual decline in trade in the
economic life of early medieval north India. Further evidence of this is
indicated by the paucity of coins of precious metals. Thus, to the
supporters of the feudalism thesis, money was intrinsically incomputable
to the interests of a land grant economy.
In many copper plate grants we find mention of kapardakas or
cowries. References to kapardaka-purana also feature on copper plates.
The term does not point to a particular type of coin, but refers to apurana
or silver coins in terms of their equivalence to cowry-shells. The wide use
of the expression kapardaka-purana in early medieval inscriptions,
unknown before the eighth century, may well go to suggest that cowry
shells were the principal medium of exchange. These seem to have
replaced the metallic medium of exchange, which lost its relevance on
account of its questionable intrinsic value. Excavations in eastern Bihar
have yielded a large number of cowries providing material proof of their
use as a medium of exchange. It has been pointed out that cowries could
only have become popular as a poor and inadequate substitute for metallic
money. The wide spread prevalence of cow?7-shells as currency is,

therefore, taken to indicate a further decline in long-distance trade.
To many historians India’s long distance trade revived only after
tenth century mainly because of an expanding trade with the Arab
commercial network. V.K. Jain19 has shown that during eleventh-thirteenth
centuries in Western India there was rapid growth of commercial and
trading activities largely due to the development of foreign trade. At the
same time he considers the growth of population as an important factor
for the development of trade. The author argues that the growth of
population led to an enhancement in the number of rural settlements and
agricultural goods. Consequent to these new developments, after ad 1000,
‘waste and virgin land’ were brought- under cultivation and resultantly
there was sharp increase in agricultural production of grains and
commercial crops like sugarcane, cotton and indigo. This, in turn,
‘resulted in the growth of commercial contact between town and
countryside’,20 However, in recent years historians like Ranabir
Chakravarti21 and B.D. Chattopadhyaya22 have provided evidences to
argue that trade had flourished in several regions of India long before the
feudalism proponents set a deadline for its revival around the year
ad 1000. Further, the thrust on the growth of trade and commercial
activity after ad 1000 by the advocates of Indian Feudalism hypothesis
and their case that this did not disturb the existing land-vassal nexus
seems problematic.23 How is it possible that the same landgrant economy,
which led to decline of trade during ninth and tenth centuries, could co
exist with the developed state of trade and commerce during eleventh and
twelfth centuries.
The proponents of Indian feudalism model taking their hypothesis
further argue that in the absence of trade and the paucity of a metallic
medium of exchange, there arose an essentially self-sufficient and
enclosed village economy. D.N. Jha24 says that the adverse impact of a
languishing commerce and the paucity of coinage were not just limited to
economics, but paved the way for a decentralised polity and ‘parcellised
sovereignty’. They feel that a not-so-active commerce resulted in an acute
dearth of metallic currency. This led to great difficulties regarding the
payment of royal functionaries in cash. It was this that resulted in the
practice of providing the more highly placed officers with service-grants
in lieu of cash. In course of time these poweful functionaries not only
amassed enormous wealth from the areas assigned to them, but also
became very powerful. This undermined the authority of the ruler as the
apex political authority. But this ‘monetary anaemia thesis’, fundamental
to the formulation of Indian feudalism, has been questioned by John S.
Deyell.25 Deyell has reservations on the assumption of the scarcity of
money during the early medieval period. He says that metals like gold,
silver or copper were not the only forms of money in medieval societies
and cowries functioned well as medium of exchange in the backdrop of
an acute silver crisis in the Arab world. Harbans Mukhia, in support of
this argument, has illustrated that in medieval Europe almost anything
could function as a medium of exchange. He suggests that in India,
procuring cowries actually involved long distance trade, for cowry shells
were obtained from the far off Maldive and this serves to highlight its
significance.
Cowry shells were not locally available in Bengal, which is
corroborated by Arab accounts of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries and the Mahuan descriptions of the early sixteenth century
which go to prove that cowry shells reached Bengal from the
Maldives.These were brought in shiploads from the Maldives to Bengal
in return for rice. Cowry shells were shipped as bulk items and functioned
as units of small exchange and ballast in the Indian Ocean maritime
economy.
Recent studies have established that in the south-eastern parts of
Bengal many silver coins were in a constant state of being issued,
particularly in the period between the eighth to the thirteenth centuries. It
is significant that there are several early medieval coin hoards in northern
India, especially in the Ganga-Yamuna doab area, which was under the
Gurjara-Pratihara hegemony. There was no dearth of currency in the
Gurjara-Pratihara kingdom. Thus, recent researchers have challenged the
‘monetary anaemia’ and decline in trade theory with much evidence.
GUILD
1 . .V ' *
A guild was an organisation of traders formed by them in order to protect their
interests. During the early medieval period merchant guilds were an important
element of the economic life of the period. Various guild names included: the
Nigama, the Shreni, the Samuha, the Sartha, .the Samgha and so on and so forth.
Guilds were voluntary associations of merchants dealing in grains, textiles,? betel ?
leaves, horses, perfumes, etc. They were formed by both the local as well as the
itinerant merchants. Groupings, associations and guilds of local merchants,
particularly those who had a permanent residential abode in towns, were that
much more durable than the guilds of itinerant merchants which were formed as
a make-shift arrangement to meet the exigencies of either a situational crises or for
a specific journey and were terminated at the end of each venture.
The'guilds set up their own rules and regulations regarding membership and the
code of conduct. They fixed the prices of their goods and could even decide that
a specific commodity would not be sold on a particular day by its members. They
could even refuse to trade on a particular day or in a particular area or locality if
they found the local authorities hostile or uncooperative. Guilds also acted as the
❖ New Kings and Kingdoms {circa 750-1200) ❖ 95
custodians’of religions interests. Inscriptions refer to numerous instances when it

was decided to collectively p’ay an additional tax on the sale and purchase of
goods for the maintenance of temples or temple functions. These guilds functioned
according to the rules framed by members. Members who violated guild rules
could face pimitiye measures like expulsion. Guilds were required to deal directly
with the king and settle the market tolls and taxes on behalf of fellow merchants.
A,member of the guild worked under a strict code of discipline and to some extent
was robbedofinitiative and freedom of action but also enjoyed numerous benefits.
He received the full backing and support of the guild and was thus saved from the
harassment of local officials. It also provided thp member a greater credulity in the
market.
Urbanisation
The highly ruralised and self-sufficient village (‘feudal’) economy gave

little scope for trade, and in turn it also hampered urban growth, according
to R.S. Sharma.26 He has shown that most of the former urban centres
have yielded evidence of a decaying material milieu, disorganised layout
and usage of already used bricks. This can be taken to indicate a phase of
deurbanisation during ad 600-1000. It has been argued that a decline in
India’s commerce played a crucial role in urban decay. Urban areas,
belonging to the non-agrarian sector of the economy, were linked up with
trade centres, and many of these urban centres were themselves major
centres of trade and commerce. It has also been argued that urban centres,
as areas for exchange and crafts production, gradually faded away and
were replaced by military and political headquarters. Early medieval
north India witnessed the rise of many centres of pilgrimage (tirtha)
which assumed urban proportions. Advocates of the Indian feudalism
model argue that as urban centres lost their primary relevance as trading
zones, they became centres of religious importance, which only served to
undermine their role as centres of production and exchange even more
than it was so before.
B.D. Chattopadhyaya27 does not quite endorse this interpretation of a
declining trade and urban centres in north India during the early medieval
period. He has tried to prove by using various sources, including those of
epigraphic material, that trade did not suffer an alarming state of decline
and that no major deurbanisation really took place. He says that the
almost complete absence of archaeological material on early medieval
urban centres has resulted in a very imperfect understanding of the
chronology and character of early medieval urbanism. He further
elaborates that since early medieval archaeology is still an illusory
construct, historians of early medieval settlements depend entirely on
epigraphic data to define the recognisable characteristics of urban centres.
MAP 3: MEDIEVAL TRADING AND URBAN CENTRES
B.D. Chattopadhyaya says that important urban centres developed in

the region between the upper Ganga basin and the Malwa plateau.
Tattanandapura, identified with Ahar near Bulandshahar, was a fully
developed township of the upper Ganga basin. Chattopadhyaya explains
that the urban character of the settlement emerges from the use of the
suffix pura. Other important urban centres of the early medieval period
were Siyadoni in Jhansi and Gopagiri in Gwalior, where the sresthis and
the sarthavahas lived. B.D. Chattopadhyaya describes this as the ‘third
urbanisation’.
Inscriptions and textual sources give evidence of the presence of
various market places, some of them unknown prior to ad 600. The term
hatta or hattika frequently occurs in the inscriptions of north India in the

early middle ages. The terms generally signify a small rural centre of
exchange. A more modernized version of the term in Bengal and Bihar is
hat. Such rural market centres are periodic in nature in that transactions
do not take place there on an everyday basis, but only once or twice a
week on fixed days. In copper plates, which are strongly oriented to the
rural surroundings, village level market places like the hatta and the
hattika figure frequently. They find mention in copper plates as important
landmarks in rural areas. Chattopadhyaya says that many such epigraphic
descriptions of the hatta also speak of the availability of drinking-water
and of resting places and feeding houses close to the hatta. In some Pala
inscriptions, the term hattavara is encountered. It would probably denote
a larger than usual hatta. A case in point is probably the Devapala
devahatta, located close to the famous monastery and university of
Nalanda. The hatta being named after Devapala (ad 810-850), a Pala
ruler, was larger than a simple rural-level market place. B.D.
Chattopadhyaya also cites example of a hatta in the eastern part
(purvahatta) of the well known urban market centre at Tattanandapura
(Ahar, Bulandshahr district, Uttar Pradesh) on the basis of the inscriptions
found there belonging to the second half of the ninth century.This hatta
was not a rural-level market centre, but was situated within a large urban
trading area.The mention of a hattamarga or street leading to a market
place is found in another inscription from Tattanandapura. B.D.
Chattopadhyaya argues that the term hatta could mean a centre of trade in
an urban area, in addition to its more common connotation of a rural
exchange centre.
Inscriptional records also highlight the fact that diverse kinds of
merchants were in existence in the period in question. While older terms
like vanik, sarthavaha and sresthi continued, there appeared new types of
merchants. A tenth century inscription from western India speaks of
sresthi-sartha, who was possibly a money merchant as he was found to
have minted silver coins. At the famous mandapika of Siyadoni we note
the active presence of a salt-dealer, whose father was a salt-dealer as well.
He was prosperous enough to have provided considerable patronage to a
number of temples in Siyadqni. Though individual merchants do not find
mention in large numbers in inscriptions of early medieval Bengal, a
vrddhasartha appears in one record of the late tenth century. The term
vrddhasartha may literally denote an old merchant; it may also stand for
a senior trader. Inscriptions from Gujarat and Rajasthan frequently refer
to donations made by rich merchants to religious and cultural centres. An
insightful probe into early medieval inscriptions from Rajasthan highlights
the growing importance of a number of local merchant lineages like
Dhusara, Dharkata, Uesavala/Oisavala (later day Oswals), Srimali and
Pragvata. Merchant-donors often made mention of their class, lineage and

genealogical origins when they put in their donations. The aim was to let
people know that they belonged to a status-group and were not upstarts.
A certain genre of merchants began to figure in inscriptions from Gujarat
after ad 1000. They are called the nauvittakas, and they do not find
mention in previous records. The term indicates merchants who derived
their wealth from ships. In other words, it denotes a ship-owning
merchant.
Ranabir Chakravarti argues that there was unprecedented agrarian
expansion in India in the early medieval period. This resulted in an
agrarian surplus, a major pre-requisite for the city’s formation in early
India. Agrarian expansion also paved the way for a greater concentration
of the population in some villages which consequently underwent a
change in character leading to emergence of smaller towns. Thus, the
revisionists feel that the old towns did show signs of decline, but there
emerged many new urban centers instead.
NOTES
1. R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism.
2. R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, Calcutta, 1965. Also see Y. Subbarayalu, ‘The Chola
State’, Studies in History, vol. 4, (2), 1982, pp. 265-306.
Delhi, 1994.
4. Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cult: State Formation and Legitimation in India and
Southeast Asia, Manohar, Delhi, 1993
5. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, ‘Origin of the Rajputs: The Political, Economic and Social
Processes in Early Medieval Rajasthan’, in The Making of Early Medieval India,
Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1994.
6. B.D. Chattopadhyaya,‘Irrigation in Early Medieval Rajasthan’, in The Making of
Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press., Delhi,1994, pp. 38-56.
7. Ibid, p. 208.
8. K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India, Oxford University Press Fourth
edn., Delhi, 1998.
9. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, Delhi, 1980.
10. James Heitzman, ‘State Formation in South India, 850-1280’, The Indian Economic
and Social History Review, Vol. XXIV, (1), March 1987, pp. 35-61.
11. Y. Subbarayalu,‘The Chola State’, Studies in History, Vol. IV,(2), 1982, pp. 265-306.
12. James Heitzman,‘State Formation in South India, 850-1280’, in Herman Kulke (ed.),
The State in India 100-1700, Oxford University Press, 1995, p.191.
13. D.N. Jha, Early India: A Concise History, Manohar, Delhi, 2004.
14. Ibid., p.199.
15. R.S. Sharma, Social Changes in Early Medieval India (c. 500-1200), Delhi, 1969.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid., p.27.
18. R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c. 300-C.1000, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi,
1987
❖ New Kings and Kingdoms {circa 750-1200) ❖
19. V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India (1000-1300), Munshiram Manoharlal,
Delhi, 1990.
20. Ibid., p. 252.
'21. Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society.
Delhi, 1994.
23. D.N. Jha, Presidential Address, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 1979,
p. 30. He argues that land economy continued to co-exist with the developed state of
trade and commerce.
24. D.N. Jha, Early India: A Concise History, Manohar, Delhi, 2004, pp. 191-193.
25. John S. Deyell, Living Without Silver, Oxford University Press, Delhi 1990.
26. R.S. Sharma, Urban Decay in India, c. 300-C.1000, Delhi, 1987.
1994, pp.130-182. Also see his ‘Urban Centres in Early Medieval India’, in S.
Bhattacharyya and Romila Thapar (eds.), Situating Indian History, Oxford University
Press, 1986.
Religion and Culture
(circa 750-1200)
* RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENTS
> Bhakti
> Tantrism
> Sankaracharya
♦ REGIONAL LITERATURE
♦ ART AND ARCHITECTURE; EVOLUTION OF REGIONAL
STYLES
❖ Religion and Culture (.circa 750-1200) ❖ 101
he early medieval period not only witnessed the emergence of

T regional kingdoms, but also stood witness to major religious and
cultural developments that shaped the course of Indian history. The period
saw the transformation of Brahminism into a new kind of popular
Hinduism called Monism, which took place under the tutelage of
philosophers like Sankaracharya. Another popular movement that took
root outside the confines of orthodoxy and in fact challenged the
conventional order of things was the Bhakti movement. Simultaneously,
regional literature and art found a context that was conducive to its
growth and development. To begin with, let us discuss the Bhakti cult.
RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENTS
Bhakti
The Bhakti cult espoused a virulent rejection of Brahmanical orthododxy

and suggested that salvation was a personal matter, which did not require
the intervention of priests and clerics. It could be attained by means of
pure devotion to God. The movement took root in the sixth century in
Tamil Nadu where it had distinctly heterodox origins. The Bhakti cult
then spread to other parts of India and finally also to northern India,
giving an entirely new perspective to Hinduism. The movement was led
by sixty-three Saivite and twelve Vaishnavite saints called the Nayanars
and the Alvars respectively. These Nayanar and Alvar saints of south
India spread the doctrine of Bhakti to different sections of society,
irrespective of caste and gender. Not too many Nayanar saints were
Brahmins and most others were traders and peasants. Many came from
the lower castes and took women into the fold. The saint-poets preached
Bhakti and promoted religious egalitarianism. They dispensed with rituals
in which the lower classes could not afford to participate. They also
rejected the caste system. The Alvar and Nayanar saints used Tamil for
communicating with people and composing devotional songs. All these
features gave the movement a popular character and for the first time
Bhakti acquired a popular base.
M.G.S. Narayanan and Kesavan Veluthat’ say that the terms Nayanar
and Alvar are a bit of a puzzle. The word Nayanar may well have been a
Tamil rendition of the Sanskrit word nayaka, meaning 'a leader’, and
thereby implying that the sixty-three nayanar leaders were the
incarnations of Siva. The term Alvar has been derived from the root al
which could imply the act of plunging or immersing oneself into deep
devotion. The term al also means ‘to rule’ or ‘to preserve’. Further, Alvar
is the literal translation of the Sanskrit word bhakta. In Tamil the root
word al also means ‘to possess’ or ‘to enjoy’.
The south Indian Bhakti saints were critical of the Buddhist and Jain
priests who enjoyed a privileged status at the courts of the south Indian
kings of that time. Many adherents of Buddhism and Jainism, both of
which by now had become rigid and formal religions, defected to the
Bhakti fold. The Bhakti cult had serious limitations. It never consciously
opposed Brahmanism or the vama and caste systems at a social level. It
was integrated into the caste system and the ‘lower’ castes continued to
remain a highly disadvantaged group. Brahmanical rituals like the worship
of idols, recitation of Vedic mantras and pilgrimages to sacred places
remained in vogue in spite of the fact that the Bhakti cult seemed to offer
a simpler and less ritual-ridden mode of worshipping God. The Buddhists
and Jains were the main targets, not the Brahmins. This perhaps was also
why Brahmin-dominated temples came to play such an important role in
the growth of the Bhakti movement in south India. Since the ideological
and social foundations of the caste system were not subjected to a mode
of rigorous questioning by the south Indian saint-poets, the Bhakti
movement of the South, in the long run, ended up supporting the caste
system instead of subverting it. Eventually, when the movement reached
its climax in the tenth century, it was gradually assimilated into 'the
conventional Brahminical religion. But despite these limitations, the south
Indian Bhakti movement in its heyday succeeded in championing the
cause of religious equality. Consequently, the brahmins had to accept
lower-caste preachers, and had to grant the lower-castes access to Bhakti
as a mode of worship and also eventually to the Vedic texts.
Saiva and Vaishnava saints, and their followers, practised and
propagated the cult of Bhakti in the countryside, and would often proceed
upon pilgrimages, singing and dancing along the way. They received
royal patronage, often entered into heated debates with the Jains and
Buddhists, presumably healed the sick, and performed other miracles of
note. Their hymns, addressed to several deities, constitute the bulk of
Tamil literature. Therefore, many early scholars have treated Bhakti
chiefly as a literary movement or an ideological phenomenon with religion
as the primary source of inspiration. The Bhakti movement was based on
this literary philosophical conception, because there is no clarity regarding
either its chronological sequence or its social significance. Historical
studies by scholars like S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, R.G. Bhandarkar,
T.A. Gopinatha Rao and K.A. Nilakanta Sastri have been able to come up
with a chronological framework of sorts, but that has only sparked off
bitter and acrimonious scholarly disputes about the matter. These scholars
did not highlight the socio-political background of the movement. Further,
the Bhakti in south India was viewed as a pure Tamil movement and was
never really understood in a larger context. Even today historical works
have not yet been able to assess the Tamil Bhakti movement from an
❖ Religion and Culture (circa 750-1200) ❖ 103
all-India viewpoint. It was M.G.S. Narayanan and Keshvan Veluthat who

tried to analyse the movement not only within the larger framework of the
development of society and culture in India, but also in its socio-economic
context with special reference to the elements of dissent, protest and
reform.
The Bhakti tradition did not approve of the vama system and accepted
members from all castes within its fold. Most of the sixty-three Nayanars
were non-brahmins. However, this does not mean that Bhakti completely
rejected the caste system. A Puranic text in fact tells us that ‘a man who
bows before a linga or a Vishnu idol that has been touched by a Shudra
is doomed forever’.2 M.G.S. Narayanan and Veluthat argue that the idea
of Bhakti had a deep impact upon popular consciousness in early medieval
India. The philosopher and theologian Shankara, with all his emphasis on
unqualified monism and the Upanishadic idea of salvation through
knowledge, accommodated the Bhakti doctrine in his philosophy. He
himself was a devotee of Shiva and is credited with the authorship of
some fine devotional poems, including the Anandalahari written in praise
of Parvati. Later, Ramanuja (1017-1137), a Vaishnava Tamil Brahmana,
and an ardent exponent of qualified monism, laid much emphasis on
Bhakti as a means to achieve salvation. The cult of devotion was thus the
most popular ideology during the early medieval period.
The Bhakti doctrine endorsed the theory of incarnation. Although the
concept of incarnation was originally a feature of Vaishnavism, it now
influenced other religions as well. Most of the twenty-eight avataras of
Siva are said to have been Vishnu incarnations. However, it is only the
last of these, Lakulisa, who became popular. In Jainism the worship of
tirthankaras became popular. In Vaishnavism itself, the boar (varaha)
form of Vishnu, seems to have become very common, though the ten
avataras of Vishnu came to be standardized and are mentioned in a late
seventh century inscription in Mahabalipuram. Rama, as an incarnation
of Vishnu, was known as a cult deity, but could not achieve the stature of
Krishna. Scenes and episodes from the life of Krishna were etched upon
several temple walls and Jayadeva and Nimbarka popularized his worship
in the twelfth century.
M.G.S. Narayanan and Kesavan Veluthat3 opine that royal patronage
seems to have intensified the tempo of the Bhakti movement.
Mahendravarman is alleged to have destroyed a Jaina monastery and
build a Hindu temple in its place. This seems to have been followed by a
temple-building spree which spread from the Pallava-Chola territory to
the Pala and the Chera territories. This was also where the Bhakti cult
found acceptance in popular belief. Hundreds of inscriptions from the
seventh to the tenth centuries refer to the construction of temples, which
naturally could not have been possible without the active support of
kings. The kings and chieftains, who supported Brahminical groups,

became more powerful than those who opposed them. The Brahmins
succeeded in bringing in indigenous people as tenants and temple servants,
hierarchising them into castes and subcastes and bringing in infinite
variations of economic and ritual status. They were in a position to
mobilize the manpower of the vast tenant class for royal military service.
Thus, the kings and the Brahmins helped and supported each other. The
more powerful a king became, the greater sense of support and protection
a Brahamin had. M.G.S. Narayanan and Keshvan Veluthat argue that the
ideology of Bhakti served as the cementing force which would bind
kings, Brahmin priests and common people into a harmonious whole.
They felt that the intoxication of Bhakti would help people to deal with
circumstantial adversity, affliction and grief. It would also help the highly
placed to find a sense of worth in a realm that transcended that of material
possessions. However, this promise of egalitarianism proved illusory and
misplaced because the stranglehold of feudal inequality could not be
dismantled. In short, the Bhakti movement contained all the ingredients
of popular Hinduism. The ancient classical Brahminical creed of the
Vedas and the Sastras found favour with the non-Brahminical and non
Aryan population of South India.
Although the earliest saints did not come from the ranks of royalty,
some kings and chieftains like Mahendravarman, along with some other
unidentified Pallavas and Cholas, were among the patrons of the
movement. It is possible that a number of kings made use of the hugely
popular cult of Bhakti to enhance their own prestige and power. The
destruction of the Jaina monastery and the alleged religious persecution
of several thousand Jainas under the aegis of the Bhakti movement
indicates that many Nayanars prompted rulers to use state power for the
promotion of their creed even through the use of violence. Thus, the
Bhakti movement may, in effect, have helped rulers to consolidate the
power of monarchy as an institution.
The starting point of the Bhakti cult was the system of offering
material objects like land, cattle, utensils and lamps according to M.G.S.
Narayanan and Keshvan Veluthat. In place of material objects, one could
offer one’s own self in the spirit of true devotion and service. This meant
that devotion was offered in return for immunity from death, poverty and
disease. A step higher, in the full intoxication of Bhakti, the ideal devotee
was not really looking for either wealth, or longevity, or power and
security. He believed in and offered pure, unconditional love and devotion
to a higher cause. Puja was the most common manifestation of Bhakti. It
meant offering land and property and other services to the lord in return
for land, fiscal rights, and protection. This gave encouragement to the
idea of construction of temples on a large scale by kings and landed

magnates. The idea of the holy abode of god gripped the masses with a
sense of religious fervour and the practice of making frequent trips to a
tirthasthan gained unprecedented popularity. It is interesting to observe
that the genesis of a large number of the nearly 2,000 tirthas in India was
laid in the early medieval period.
When the popularity of the Bhakti movement in south India was on a
decline, a philosophical justification was provided for the doctrine of
Bhakti. Nimbarka tried to establish a careful balance between orthodox
Brahmanism and popular cult of Bhakti which was open to all. Though he
did not support the idea of the lower castes having access to the Vedas, he
advocated Bhakti as a mode of worship for all - including the Shudras
and the outcastes. As a Bhakti propagandist, Nimbarka did not observe
caste distinctions and even tried to eradicate untouchability. He is believed
to have been a younger contemporary of Ramanuja. He spent most of his
time in Vrindavan near Mathura in north India. He believed in total
devotion to Krishna and Radha.
Another south Indian Vaishhavite Bhakti philosopher was Madhava,
who belonged to the thirteenth century. Like Ramanuja, he too did not
dispute the orthodox Brahminical opinion that was staunchly opposed to
the idea of allowing Shudras to read and study Vedic texts. He believed
that Bhakti provided alternate avenues of worship to the Shudras. His
philosophical system was based on the Bhagvat Purana. Later, during the
Sultanate period in the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, many popular
socio-religious movements in North India, Bengal and Maharashtra, also
arose. We shall read about these in Chapter 9 ahead.
Tantrism
The practices of Bhakti, puja, and tirthayatra gained popularity in early

medieval times. Being open to members of all vamas they achieved
universal appeal and became an inextricable part of all medieval religions.
Tantrism also emerged as a force to reckon with in early medieval society.
R.S. Sharma 4 says that the Tantras served an important social purpose by
prescribing numerous rituals and remedies not only for day-to-day
common ailments and diseases but also for snake-bites, bites by poisonous
insects and mice, and assaults by a ghost-turned-assailant. Remedial
measures, to protect cereals and food grains from mice and vermin, find
ample mention in the records of the period. Rites and occult practices
were supposed to avert the adverse impact of poison, planetary movements
and diseases. Medication was supposed to be administered along with
religious chants and incantations. The medieval tantrika also acted as
106 *** Interpreting Medieval India ❖
physician and astrologer jyotishi.The. practice continues even now in

Nepal and Mithila where the tantrika foretells the future and the dates of
eclipses and festivals.
Tantrism laid down numerous magical rituals to achieve liberation
(mukti) and happiness (bhukti), and in fact to find fulfillment for all kinds
of material desires. D.N. Jha says that Tantrism originated in backward
tribal areas, where Brahmin settlements took place after they were donated
land. The Brahmin beneficiaries interacted with the local people and, in
the process, appropriated their deities, especially the female ones.
To R.S. Sharma, Tantrism was the ultimate proof of the Brahminical
colonisation of tribal areas through the process of land grants. Land
grants gave rise not only to serfdom in the outer circle but also to the cults
of Bhakti and Tantrism, all of which eventually penetrated Madhyadda.5
He argues that the problem of the origin of Tantrism can be looked at
from diverse perspectives like: (i) the acculturation of peripheral areas
through land grants made to monks and Brahmins; (ii) the aboriginal
background of the Tantric mother goddesses; (iii) the antiquity and
distribution of the pithas; (iv) the association of the Sabaras and the
Matailgas with the different Tantras; (v) the dates and provenance of the
Tantric texts; and finally the survival of Tantrism. All these considerations
have led historians to believe that the cult of Tantrism originated in the
outer, tribal circles and not in Madhyadda.
Winternitz thinks that the Tantras and the curious religious
excrescences described in them are not drawn from the popular traditions
of either the aboriginal inhabitants or of the Aryan immigrants, but they
are the pseudo-scientific impositions of theologians. While the efforts of
the priests to invent gainful rituals cannot be discounted, the close
connection of Tantrism with aboriginal areas, tribes, and goddesses cannot
be ignored. The mystic diagrams (yantras), and the sacred chakras or
circles invented by the Saktas, and the different rituals observed by the
Tantric worshipers, possibly continued the tradition of the veneration of
stone tools and weapons as cult symbols, which were often also associated
with fertility rites.
The confrontation between the Brahmins and the tribal people resulted
in major social and economic problems which were partly resolved
through Tantrism. On the one hand, the new religion allowed admittance
to women, Shudras and aborigines; on the other hand, it implicitly
endorsed the existing social and feudal hierarchy. Therefore, it was
acceptable to all sections of people. It was a religious attempt at social
reconciliation and integration rather than at the accentuation of the social
conflict. Even Buddhism had closed its doors to slaves and debtors, but
the Tantric chakra opened its doors to all sections of people, irrespective
of vama, caste, gender and other considerations.
❖ Religion and Culture {circa 750-1200) ❖ 107
Tantrism popularized puja and adopted the Bhakti doctrine of

complete surrender to god and the guru by making various offerings to
them. It found sanction with various temples which housed Siva, Vishnu,
Sakti, and many new folk divinities; monastic organizations which gave
paramount importance to the guru or the acharya; and finally a vast
corpus of literature which embodied Tantric traditions and practices. It
was, therefore, in effect, identical with Hinduism in medieval times. Its
outlook was highly secular and materialistic, and no other sect was as
close to the lives of various classes of people as it was. This was perhaps
the reason for being in vogue in India for a long period of time, and in
some ways survives even today.
N.N. Bhattacharya, however, says that the popular belief that Tantra
is the same as Saktism is evidently wrong.6 This misunderstanding is due
to the fact that Tantra attaches supreme importance to the- doctrine of
Sakti. But this doctrine is not the feature of Saktism alone.
By the time Tantrism became a force in early medieval times, Jainism
and Buddhism had ceased to offer any serious challenge to Brahminism.
Some people assign psychosexual origins to Tantrism, and others explain
its rise and growth in purely spiritual arid mystic terms. But a convincing
explanation for the series of events that took place in medieval India has
not really been provided.
In Bengal, Manasa found her way into the Brahminical religious
system during the early phase of the Pala rule. In Orissa, Maninageshvari
was elevated to a place of importance in the fifth and sixth centuries
through royal donations. The practice of making human sacrifices to
placate her are still existent. In the same region, Stambheshvari, a goddess
associated with the ancient Shaulika tribe, was absorbed into the
Brahminical fold through the patronage of the Sulki rulers. In Tamil Nadu
the fish-eyed goddess, Minaksi, was similarly brought into the
Brahminical cult through the patronage of the Pandya rulers. At Tirupati,
in Andhra Pradesh, the goddess Padmavati, who has Tantric powers, had
a temple built in her name in the eighth century.
Almost all the temples of sixty-four yoginis (mother goddess in sixty-
four forms) were built in the tribal belt of eastern Madhya Pradesh and
Orissa during early medieval times, according to N.N. Bhattacharya7.
Several other tribal deities with strange-sounding names like - Ghasmari,
Shavari, Chandali and Dombini were integrated into the Tantric
Brahminical tradition through interaction with the tribal people. Several
extant Tantric texts have unquestionable tribal leanings like in the
Yoginitantra, the Matangaparameshvaratantra and the Vtljrayogini-
sadhana. Bhattacharya feels that the inclusion of tribal cults and deities
not only consolidated Brahminical cultural hegemony outside mid-India
but also led to a demographic explosion in the world of divinity, giving
rise to the later hyperbolic statement about India having 330 million gods.
Although the cult of the mother goddess has always existed in earlier
times, it became central to Tantrism. Unlike the traditional Brahminical
religion, it did not ignore women. A Tantric text tells us that a woman is
bom in the family (kula) of the Great Mother and so one should not so
much as lay a finger upon her, not even with a flower. Tantrism not only
allowed the initiation of women into the fold, but also permitted them to
become preceptors or gurus.
Women enjoyed a higher status in tribal belts, where the cult of the
mother goddess was widely prevalent. Since, women have always been
bracketed with Shudras, it was only proper that their ritual status be also
raised, and this was done by initiating them into the Tantric fold. The cult
of the mother goddess had prevailed in the country from a much earlier
time, but it was only in the sixth century or so that it began to find
mention in the literature of the Buddhist and Brahminical sects. The
aboriginal mother goddesses came to be worshipped in the form of Sakti
or Buddhist Tara. Saktism emerged as a religious factor in the sixth
century and became a strong force from the ninth century onwards. The
names of the mother goddess, in different areas, reveal their aboriginal
origin.
Popular Tantrism emphasized orgiastic rites involving addiction to
the five features of: makaras-matsya (fish), mamsa (meat), madya
(intoxicating drink), maithuna (sex), and mudra (physical gesture). It
introduced a strong element of eroticism in the arts. Erotic depictions
abound in the temples of Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan (e.g. Bavka,
Motap, Sunak, Galteshvara, Dabhoi, Eklingaji, Nagda, etc.), Orissa
(Bhuvaneshvara), Karnataka (Halebid, Begali, and Belur) and Tamil Nadu
(Madura and Kanchipuram). But these portrayals are most prominent in
Konarak and Khajuraho. The widespread influence of Tantric cults and
their erotic elements on the artistic idiom and motifs is thus
unquestionable. It must be emphasized that patronage of high spiritualism
symbolized by grand temple structures and of the extreme sensuality seen
in the sculpture of the period came from the feudal landed aristocracy
headed by the rulers themselves, whose ideology was a curious amalgam
of the sacred and the profane.
Devangana Desai8 argues that the patronage of Tantrism is reflective
of feudal degeneration as it had only two focus areas - war and sex. But
this seems to be a rather narrow and conservative explanation of the
emergence of Tantrism. B.D. Chattopadhyaya9 however, says that the
early medieval attitude towards the world of Tantrism was ambivalent.
He explains that apart from its obscure, esoteric belief systems, another
reason was the wide prevalence and clientele of Tantrism.
Illllllj
❖ Religion and Culture (circa 750-1200) ❖ 109*
Sankaracharya
Six classical philosophical schools have been in existence in India since

ancient times. But it was the philosophy of the Vedanta which became the
most popular' during the early medieval period. It was Sankaracharya
(788-820) who systematized the philosophy of Vedanta by stressing upon
the principle of monism (Kevala Advaita or Absolute Non-dualism).
Sankaracharya gave an entirely new turn to the Hindu revival movement
by providing it with a solid philosophical background through the
reinterpretation of ancient Indian scriptures, particularly the Upanishads.
Sankaracharya advocated the philosophy of Advaita, the monism of the
Vedanta, by providing a brilliant exposition of the entire range of Vedic
religions and spiritual thought.
Sankaracharya was a Nambudiri Brahmin from the Malabar. He was
originally a worshipper of Siva. Having lost his father in early childhood,
Sankaracharya became a sanyasi while in his teens and embarked upon a
solitary quest for true knowledge and wisdom. A genius and child prodigy,
he received instructions in religious scriptures and philosophy at Kashi.
He was bom at Kaladi in Malabar, and passed away at Kedar Nath at the
age of thirty-two. Sankaracharya started a vigorous campaign for the
revival of Hinduism based on the solid foundation of Vedic philosophy
and ancient Indian cultural tradition. To stem the growing tide of Buddhist
and Jain popularity, he re-organised the ascetic order of the sanyasis on
the pattern of the Buddhist Sangha and launched a campaign for the
popularization of Hinduism. He composed extensive commentaries on the
Brahmasutras and the chief Upanishads and traveled throughout India*
preaching his doctrines. He founded a number of mathas in different part
of India to highlight the cultural unity of India. The mathas also became
centers of Vedic advocacy. The mathas were located in Jaganathpuri in
the East, Sringeri in the South, Dwarka in the West and Badrinath in the
North.
In order to harmonize the many paradoxes of Vedic tradition,
Sankaracharya had to take recourse to a philosophy of the ‘double
standard of truth’ (already known in Buddhism). It meant that on the
every-day level of truth the world had been spun into existence by
Brahma, and it went through an evolutionary process similar to that
taught by the Sankhya school of philosophy. But at the highest level of
truth, the entire universe including the existence of God was unreal. It
was at best a maya, an illusion and a figment of one’s imagination.
Sankarcharya was of the view that the only reality was that of
Brahman, the impersonal world soul of the Upanishads with which the
individual soul was identical. Sankaracharya also believed that God had
no existence apart from the created world and any opinion held to the
contrary was only a matter of ignorance and misperception. According to

him the road to salvation lay in the recognition that there was no difference
between God and the beings he had created. At the deepest level of
mediation, nirvikalpa samadhi , the complete identity between God and
the individual is realised. It is the goal of everyone to know, realise, feel
and display in action this identity. When this is accomplished all suffering
comes to an end and one is freed from the cycle of birth and death.
Sankaracharya calls this Sachidanand Brahaman.
The philosophy of Sankaracharya had far reaching consequences for
Indian society. The monastic institutions (mathas) which he established in
all four comers of India served as an effective step towards the physical
and spiritual unification of India. By reformulating Hinduism, he posed
the most serious challenge to Buddhism and Jainism but his real strength
lies in his brilliant dialectic. His tremendous hold over language enabled
him to resolve ostensibly contradictory passages of the Upanishads and
to evolve a consistent and coherent order of things that has prevailed till
date. 1
Later, Ramanuja combined Sankara’s Advaitavada with the Vaishnava
Pancharatra which claimed that Vishnu was the center of the universe.
The impact of Ramanuja’s, writings and his long service as a priest at the
famous Vishnu temple at Srinangam made his ideas widely known to
Vaishnavites and he is justly regarded as the founder of Srivaishnavism.
The Vedantic philosophy of Sankaracharya was revived by
Vivekanand in the second half of the nineteenth century.
REGIONAL LITERATURE
The regionalisation of Indian culture also began with the emergence of
various regional kingdoms. Regional languages had rich repositories of
literature which challenged the monopoly of Sanskrit literature. Tamil,
Kannada, Telugu, Marathi, Bengali, Assamese and Oriya attained their
specific regional identity. The growth of various sects and religious
movements made a great impact on this development of regional
languages and literatures. Some of the founders of these sects did not
know Sanskrit at all and therefore expressed themselves in their regional
languages. However, even the Brahmins amongst them, who knew
Sanskrit, were eager to communicate with people in regional languages.
Moreover, many of the saintly poets who inspired these movements
created great works of literature and thus enriched the regional languages.
During the Chola period education, based on the epics and the
Purarias, was imparted through temple discourses. There were colleges
and other institutions for higher education. The period was marked by the
growth of Tamil classics like the Sibakasindamam, Kamban’s Ramayana,

and others. Not too many books were composed in Sanskrit. Rajaraja I
was the subject of two works - Rajarajesvara Natakam, a play and
Rajaraja Vijayam, a poem. The Chalukya period also witnessed a
phenomenal growth in literature, both in Sanskrit and in Kannada. Bihana.
the court poet of Vikramadiya VI, was amongst the most eminent Sanskrit
writers of the period. Bilhana’s Vikramankacharita is a mahakavya.
Bilhana authored a number of other works as well. The great jurist
Vijramaditya, penned Mitaksqra, a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smrifi,
Somesvara III was the author of an encyclopadedic work entitled,
Manasollasa or the Abhilashitarha-chintamani. Kannada literature
reached its zenith under the Chalukyas. Pampa, Ponna and Ranna were
the most noteworthy Kannada writers of the tenth century. Of the three,
Ranna was the court poet of Satyasraya, while the other two belonged to
earlier decades. Nagavarma I was another poet of fame. He authored the
Chandombudhi, a prosodic work, and the earliest of its kind in Kannada.
He also wrote the Karnataka-Kandambari which is based on Bana’s
celebrated romance in Sanskrit Another writer of note was Dugasimha, a
minister under Jayasimha II, and the author of^nchatantra. The Virasaiva
mystics, especially Basava, contributed to the development 'of Kannada
language and literature, particularly prose literature. They brought into
existence the Vachana literature to make abstruse philosophical ideas
comprehensible to the common man in simple language.
The Senas gave a great impetus to the development of Sanskrit
literature. Bhaskaracharya, the famous astronomer and mathematician,
belonged to this period. Bhaskaratharya’s father, Mahesvara (also known
as Kavisvara), wrote two works on astrology, Sekhara arid Laghutika^
Siddhanta Siromani, a treatise on algebra, composed in Sanskrit in 1150
and Karanakuthuhala are among Bhaskaracharyajs best known works.
His son Lakshmidhara and his grandson Changadeva were the court
astrologers of Jaitugi and Simhana respectively. Bhaskaracharya’s grand
nephew Anantadeva, a protege of Simhana, was a master of the three
branches of astronomy and wrote a commentary on Varahamihira’s Brihat
Jataka on one chapter of Brahmagupta’s Brahmasphuta Siddhana.
The Kakatiya rulers extended liberal patronage to Sanskrit. Several
eminent Sanskrit writers and poets authored inscriptions, which could
well be understood as kavya works. Of these writers, Achintendra was
commissioned by Rudradeva to compose the Prasasti embodies in the
Anumakonda inscription.
Telugu literature also flourished in the Kakatiya kingdom. Several
inscriptions were composed either partly or wholly in Telugu verse, like
the inscriptions at Gudur (Beta II), Karimnagar (Gangadhara),
Upparapalle (Kata) and Konnidena (Opilisiddhi). New religious

movements like Vaishnavism and Virasaivism gave an added impetus to
Telugu literature. Several works on the Ramayana and the Mahabharata,
were produced during this period. The earliest and the most popular
Telugu work on the Ramayana is Tikkan’s Nirvachanoltatra-Ramayanam.
The Andhra Mahabharata, begun by Nannayuabhatta in the eleventh
century ad, was completed by Tikkana Somayaji, the minister and poet
laureate of the Chola king in the thirteenth century.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE: EVOLUTION

OF REGIONAL STYLES
During the early medieval period art took its own regional form. The
most notable development could be observed in the temples and cave
paintings of the period. The temples were beautifully constructed because
they were places of worship. They were also meant to symbolize the
power, wealth and devotion of the patron. Historians tend to classify
temples in India on the basis of geographical location and stylistic
differences. They have been classified as belonging to the Dravida, the
Nagara and the Vesara styles.
Dravida temples are located primarily in south India. They have a
polygonal and often octagonal sikhara and a pyramidal vimana or
sanctuary. These temples are best known for their towering gopurams or
gate towers. The Nagara temples, which are located in north India, have
very characteristic horizontal tiers in the exterior and a circular plan of
the sanctuary (vimana). The surmounting part is known as a sikhara,
which is pointed. The essential plan includes an inner chamber also
known as the garbhagriha, where the divine image is placed, a pavilion
or mandapa for the assembly of devotees, an antarala or vestibule
connecting the vimana and the mandapa, and the pradakshinapatha or
the circumambulatory passage round the sanctum. However, the
architecture of some north Indian temples bears a distinct influence of the
south. For instance, the famous Vaital Deva temple at Bhuvanesvara has
a gopuram type of sikhara. The Vesara temples are located in the Deccan
and have an apsidal type of vimana. Devangana Desai points out that each
regional school, though influenced to a certain extent by extraneous
trends, exhibited a fixed architectural conception and structural design,
and variations were possible only within a limited framework.
The proponents of the ‘Indian feudalism’ model like R.S. Sharma,
Devangana Desai and D.N. Jha, feel that the art of the period reflects the
cultural impact of feudalism. D.N. Jha10 considers the evolution of the
regional styles of architecture during the early medieval period as
‘a remarkable assertion of regionalism’. Devangana Desai11 says that the

art of the period was supported mainly by the kings of different
principalities, feudatories, military chiefs, etc., who alone could own and
donate land to religious institutions. R.S. Sharma12 also feels that
circumstances, both material and political, were conducive to the
extensive construction of temples. Historians are of the view that
obstructions in trade functioned as an impediment of sorts, because the
wealth of feudatories and kings could not be used to enhance either craft
production, or trade and commerce, and instead had to be re-directed into
the construction of bigger and better temples, which proclaimed the glory
and opulence of the reigning king. However, R. Champaklakshmi13 says
that the temple architecture played an important role in the cultural
integration of the region. The evolution of distinctive cultural regions
coincided with the formation of regional states as in the case of Orissa
under the Eastern Gangas and Tamil Nadu under the Cholas. The temples
in fact gave ample scope for the king’s constant intervention in local
affairs and the ties that may have existed between the local temples and
the local elite were broken by the expanding economy of the temple.
They functioned as a counterweight to the divisive forces prevailing in
the regional kingdoms.
Dravida Style: Pallava and Chola

The most distinguished temples in south India are those of the Pallavas
and the Cholas. Each Pallava ruler had a distinct style of functioning. The
famous five chariots (Katkas') at Mammalipuram seem to have been
constructed in the earlier decades of the seventh century. The five rathas
are all monoliths, cut from a series of granite stones. They are fashioned
after the vihara or monastery, square or oblong at the base and pyramidal
at the top. The largest of these, which is known as the Dharmaraja ratha
has the main features of the Pallava temple-pillars in the portico with
rampant lions, a pyramidal tower and a turreted roof. The Bhima, Ganesh
and Sahadeva rathas are oblong in plan and are based on the architectural
plan of the Chaitya hall.
The Pallavas introduced the art of excavating temples from rocks. In
fact, the Dravidian style of temple architecture began with the Pallava
rule. It was a gradual evolution starting from cave temples to monolithic
rathas and finally culminating in structural temples. Temple architecture
developed in four stages. Probably it was Mahendravarman I who first
introduced rock-cut temples. Pallava temples, structured in a particular
style and manner, can well be located at places like Mandagappattu,
Mahendravadi, Mamandur, Dalavanur, Truchirappalli, Vallam,
Siyamangalam and Tirukalukkunram.
PHOTOGRAPH 1: SHORE TEMPLE AT MAMALLAPURAM, TAMIL NADU
The second stage of Pallava architecture is represented by the

monolithic rathas and Mandapas found at Mamallapuram.
Narasimhavarman I can well be accredited with the construction of these
wonderful architectural monuments. The five rathas, popularly called the
Panchapanadava rathas, signify the five different styles of temple
architecture. The mandapas contain "beautiful wall sculptures.
It was Rajasimha who is said to have introduced the structural
temples. These temples were built by using soft sand rocks. The
Kailasanatha temple at Kanchi and the Shore temple at Mamallapuram
(see photograph 1) remain the finest examples of the early structural
temples of the Pallavas. The Kailasanatha temple at Kanchi is an
architectural masterpiece. The Vaikundaperumal, Muktheeswara and
Matagenswara temples at Kanchipuram are located in the last phase of
Pallava temple architecture. These temples are also stunning and
outstanding in terms of grandeur and beauty.
The Cholas continued and developed the art tradition of the Pallavas
and the Pandyas, whom they succeeded. Under the Cholas, temples
emerged as the centre of activity. They were not only places of worship
but also the hub of economic, political and cultural activities. Village
assembly meetings were invariably held in the temple mandapas. Temples
also grew as centres of craft production. The making of bronze images
v Religion and Culture (circa 750-1200) ❖ 115
was the most distinctive feature of craft production. Many cultural

activities like music and dance also prospered in temples.
The best temples of the Chola Period (900-1150) are the Brihadesvara
temple at Tanjore and the temple at Gangaikonda Cholapuram.
Henceforth, the lion motif of the Pallavas is abandoned and the pillars
and capitals are moulded with greater refinement. The exterior is
somewhat simpler in construction and the tower or vimana is about fifty
feet high. Elsewhere, particularly in the tenure of Rajaraja the Great
(985-1018), the tower reaches a height of 190 feet. The Tanjore temple is
PHOTOGRAPH 2: RAJRAJESVARA OR BRIHADISVARA TEMPLE BUILT

BY THE CHOLAS, TAMIL NADU
noted for its vimana or tower. The famous Siva temple at Gangaikonda
Cholapuram, thirty-eight miles to the north-east of Tanjore, has been'
constructed in pretty much the same style, though it is larger in plan and
is structurally more elaborate. Some Chola temples at Thanjavur and
Kalahasti contain beautiful portrait images of royal personages, like those
of Rajaraja I and his queen Lokamahadevi and of Rajendra I and his
queen Cholamahadevi.
These temples have certain architectural peculiarities, namely the
very large abacus of the capital, the angular form of the bracket, the
decorative plaster between the niches, the development of the old niche
reliefs into full round statues and the development of the makara torana.
The replacement of brick by stone structures also took place steadily
under the cholas. In the four-century rule of the Cholas, the entire Tamil
country was studded with temples and the Chola art traditions were
adopted in Sri Lanka and in other parts of South India.
The chief feature of a Chola temple is the vimana or the tower, which
was later eclipsed by the richly ornamented gopuram or gateway. In the
Brihadeswara or Rajarajesvara temple, dedicated to Lord Siva, the vimana
or the tower is about fifty-seven metres high upon a square, comprising
thirteen successive storeys. It is crowned by a single block of granite,
which is seven and a half metres high and weighs about eighty tonnes or
so. The Rajarajeshvara temple at Thanjavur had the tallest ever shikhara
of the times. Constructing it was not easy because there were no cranes in
those days and the stones, required for the upper-most part of the shikhara
and which weighed as much as ninety tonnes, were just about too heavy
PHOTOGRAPH 3: GOPURAS AT THE ENTRANCE OF RAJRAJESVARA

TEMPLE, TAMIL NADU
to lift manually. So the architects built an inclined path to the top of the
temple, placed each boulder atop a roller and rolled it all the way up to
the top. Probably, the path started more than four kilometres away so that
it would not be too steep.
Nagara Style: Orissa and Khajuraho
The temple-building activity started in Orissa roughly from the middle of

the eighth century ad and reached its culmination point in the tenth and
eleventh centuries. The temples here followed a common structural plan
with two apartments. The deul, like the vimana of temples in the south,
enshrine the image and are surmounted by a tower. The antara/a or front
porch is known as the jagamohan. It is usually square-shaped and has a
pyramidal roof. Sometimes one or two extra mandapas are added in
alignment with the jagamohan. The Lingaraja temple at Bhuvanesvara
(1000) is acclaimed as one of the finest temples in Orissa. A unique
feature of this temple is that it has been constructed without mortar. The
outer walls are lavishly carved and embellished with sculptures of human
figures.
The famous Jagannath temple consists of four structures in a single
alignment, with the bhogmandir, the natamandir, the jagamohan and the
deul or the inner sanctuary placed in a row from east to west. It is
surmounted by a conical tower, which is nearly 192 feet high. The
entrance to the shrine has engravings of legendary episodes in Krishna’s
life; the sanctum has the holy images of Jagannath, his brother Balarama,
and his sister Subhadra etched upon it.
The Sun temple at Konarak, located about twenty miles to the north
east of Puri, was constructed by the eastern Ganga king, Narasimha Deva
(1238-64), at a time when the construction of temples in Orissa was at its
peak. The structure as a whole is conceived of as a chariot or a ratha on
twenty-four wheels with the Sun god riding upon it. Engravings on the
outer walls of the temple at Konark, like the temples at Khajuraho, have
an erotic import, depicting the maithuna ritual associated with Tantrism.
The Khajuraho group of temples was built during the reign of the
Chandellas between 950 and 1050. These temples, free-standing as they
are, are not enclosed within a wall, but are located on a high terrace of
solid masonry. An architectural feature of note is the number of
pronounced vertical projections, with a range of open porches and
overhanging caves running horizontally around the temple, devised to
provide the temple with a better-lit appearance. They have graceful
proportions and grand surface decorations. Temples were usually divided
into three sections: the garbhagriha, or the sanctum proper; the mandapa,
or the reception lounge; and the ardhamandapa or the entrance portico
PHOTOGRAPH 4: MAHADEVA TEMPLE AT KHAJURAHO,
MADHYA PRADESH
arranged in a crucifix pattern. The exterior is decorated with parallel

friezes in high relief. Like the temples of Orissa, those at Khajuraho too
have erotic scenes carved in stone, again deeply influenced by the Tantric
ritual of maithuna. The Khajuraho complex contained royal tempies where
commoners were not allowed entry. The temples had elaborately carved
sculptures.
The ruined temples of Gujarat, set up under the Solankis, also show
evidence of artwork. The Jain temples at Mount Abu are constructed
entirely of marble. These domed shrines with pillared halls and beautiful
ornamentation, are dated roughly between the eleventh and thirteenth
centuries.
The other early medieval Indian temples of central India include the
famous Teli-ka-mandir or the oil-man’s temple in Gwalior and the Sas-
bahu Vaishnava temples in the same fort. The former is in a way unique
because it is crowned by a barrel-vaulted-roof. The Sas-bahu temples
have been constructed in the same style.
The step-wells or the vavs are uniquely characteristic of temples in
Gujarat and Rajasthan. Romila Thapar14 says that a large well of
considerable depth was reached by a flight of stairs and was enclosed by
basement galleries. These were decorated with icons and mythological
scenes. The step-wells were multi-storeyed and were dug deep into the
earth. Wells provided better irrigation facilities, water and helped to

combat the summer heat.
Thus, while temples in north India had curvilinear sikharas, temples
in the south had terraced pyramidal towers, the dome of which was called
the sikhara. Temples in the Deccan welded both features and were known
as vesaras. The Ladkhan temple at Aihole of 5th century is an example of
an earlier vesara style. It is very low and flat and its walls consist of stone
slabs set between heavy square pilasters and a bracket capital. On the
pillars of the porch are figures of the river goddess. The walls have
central projecting niches with reliefs. The windows are stone slabs,
perforated in beautiful designs.
The great Virupaksha temple, dedicated to Siva as Lokesvara by
Vikramaditya H’s queen (740), is supposed to be the work of masons from
Kanchipuram in the South. The main shrine with a pradakshinapassage is
distinct from the mandapam which is pillared with solid walls and pierced
stone windows. The square sikhara consists of clearly defined storeys,
each of considerable elevation. The sculptures include representations of
Siva, Nagas and Naginis and scenes from the Ramayana. The temple is
built of very large, closely jointed blocks of stone, with no use made of
mortar, similar to the Dravidian temples of the South.
Vesara Style: Chalukya, Rashtrakuta and Hoysala
The Chalukyas were great patrons of art. They developed the vesara style
in the building of structural temples. The structural temples of the
Chalukyas are located in Aihole, Badami and PattadakaL Cave temple
architecture achieved tremendous fame under the Chalukyas. Their cave
temples are found in Ajanta, Ellora and Nasik. The best specimens of
Chalukya paintings can be seen in the Badami cave temple and in the
Ajanta caves. The reception given to a Persian embassy by Pulakesin II is
depicted in a painting at Ajanta.
The Chalukya temples may be divided into two stages. The first stage
is represented by temples at Aihole and Badami. There are almost seventy
temples at Aihole. Among the temples at Badami, the Muktheeswara
temple and the Melagutti Sivalaya are best known for their architectural
beauty. A group of four rock-cut temples at Badami are marked by high
workmanship. The walls and pillared halls are adorned by beautiful
images of gods and human beings.
The second stage is represented by the temples at PattadakaL There
are ten temples here, four in the style of temples in the north, and the
remaining six in Dravidian style. The Papanatha temple is the best known
swrr
in terms of being modeled on the style of temples in the north. The
Sangamesvara temple and the Virupaksha temple are constructed in
Dravidian style. The Virupaksha temple is inspired by the Kailasanatha
temple at Kanchipuram. It was built by one of the queens of
Vikramaditya II. Sculptors were brought in from Kanchi for the
construction of temples.
The Rashtrakutas carried on with the Chalukya mission of building
temples. They built the rock-cut shrines and temples of Ajanta, Ellora and
Aurangabad. The Kailasa temple at Ellora was carved out in the time of
the Rashtrakuta ruler, Krishna II. This famous rock-cut shrine is a model
of a complete structural temple, simulating a free floating structure
accomplished by doing away with superfluous rocks. It consists of a linga
shrine with a Dravidian sikhara, a flat-roofed mandapam supported by as
many as sixteen pillars and equipped with a separate porch for the sacred
bull Nandi. The courtyard of the temple is entered through a low gopuram
or gateway and has detached shrines on the edge of the perambulation
terrace of the vimana proper.
The Elephanta cave is also a Rashtrakuta contribution. Elephanta, an
island near Bombay, was originally known as Sripuri. The Portuguese, on
seeing the large figure of an elephant, decided to call it Elephanta. The
sculptural art of the Rashtrakutas reached its zenith in this place. There is
a close affinity between the sculptures at Ellora and those in Elephanta.
They might have been carved by the same craftsmen. At the entrance to
the sanctum there are huge figures of dwara-palakas. In the walls of the
prakara around the sanctum there are niches containing the images of
Siva in various forms - Nataraja, Gangadhara, Ardhanareesvara and
Somaskanda. The most imposing figure of this temple is that of Trimurthi.
The sculpture is six metres high. It is said to represent the three aspects
of Shiva as the Creator, the Preserver and the Destroyer.
Elephanta cave is a complex of six rock-cut temples on the island of
Elephanta, or Gharapuri, in Mumbai harbour. They were begun in the
middle of the sixth century, by either the Traikutaka or the Kalachuri
dynasties of Maharashtra, and more were added between the eighth and
the tenth centuries by the Rashtrakuta dynasty. Rather than being
constructed from separate parts, they are, like the temples at Ellora,
sculpted from solid rock. The centrepiece of the group is a large temple
to Shiva, some 40 m (130 ft) long, 37 m (123 ft) wide, and 5 m (18 ft)
high. Its ceiling, supported by rows of pillars, was originally decorated
with frescoes, and on its walls is a series of panels representing the many
aspects of Shiva: as Nataraja, Lord of the Cosmic Dance; as Yageshvara,
Lord of the Yogis; the slayer of the demon Andhaka; his marriage to
Parvati; and restraining the waters of the Ganga. The focal point of the
temple is the Maheshmurti or the Trimurti, a three-headed bust
antt
representing Brahma as creator, Vishnu as preserver, and Shiva as
destroyer.
The Hoysalas, who succeeded the later Chalukyas and who ruled over
the Mysore plateau in the twelth and thirteenth centuries ad evolved a
new style of architecture. Their temples often had their principal entrance
not at the front but at the sides and were elaborately carved. In general,
the Hoysala temples comprise a central structure surrounded by walls
containing a number of cells with a pillared verandha or cloister in front,
In many cases, the Hoysala temples are not single but double, with their
essential parts duplicated. Another notable feature was the star shape
external walls of the main shrine, set on a high platform, which was much
wider than the temple. The shape of the pillar and its capital was another
remarkable feature of this style. The best known amongst these is the
famous Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid. It is a double temple - two
exactly alike structures built side by side and connected by their side
transepts. The infinite wealth of sculptural wealth of this temple makes it
one of the most remarkable monuments of the world.
Paintings
The paintings of Ajanta, Ellora and Bagh are the most astonishing
examples of regional art in the early medieval period. The subject matter
of the Ajanta paintings is largely about the life of the Buddha, and his
previous births as depicted in the Jatakas. It includes palace scenes,
flying apsaras and objects inspired from nature etched on the entire area
including the ceiling. The process involved rock chiselling, followed by
a mud and dung plastering. The plaster was then levelled and polished
with a trowel, followed by a coat of fine white lime-wash. The entire
ground was then allowed to dry, and the outlines were drawn by a brush
stroke, keeping the colour scheme in mind.
The paintings in caves XVII, XXI, XXVII and especially I and II
belong to the late sixth and early seventh centuries. The paintings of
Caves I and II belong to an era of decadence in social life. The ceiling
paintings in Cave I represent bacchanalian drinking scenes, evocative of
the Gandhara and Mathura paintings. The figure of the great Bodhisattva,
Avalokitesvara, with a blue lotus in his hand, is most impressive. The
pose described imparts a feeling of grace and movement.
The Chola paintings also evolved through the wall paintings. The
best examples are those of the Vijayala Cholesvara and Rajarajesvara
temples. On the walls of the Vijalaya Cholesvara temple, large painted
figures of Mahakala, Devi and Siva are still visible. In the Rajarajesvara
temple scenes representing Siva in his abode at Kailasa as Nataraja and
Tripurantaka are painted on the walls in large and forceful compostions.
gw®
mH
lllll
Sculpture
The early medieval period also witnessed great strides in the field of
sculpture, especially under the Cholas. The Pallavas also contributed to
the development of sculpture. Apart from the sculptures found in the
temples, the ‘Open Art Gallery’ at Mamallapuram remains an important
monument bearing the sculptural beauty of this period. The Descent of
the Ganges or the Penance of Arjuna is also a fresco painting in stone.
The minute details as well as the theme of these sculptures - which depict
lice-picking monkeys, huge elephants, and the figure of the ‘ascetic cat’
standing erect - speak in volumes about the immense talent of the sculptor.
The three main features of Chola sculpture are portraits, icons and
decorative sculpture. There are three well-preserved and nearly life-size
portraits on the walls of the Kuranganatha temple at Srinivasanallyur, and
several others in the Nagesvara temple at Kumbhakonam.
Image of Chola Bronze Sculpture
The Siva temple at Tiruvalisvarm is a veritable museum of early Chola

iconography. The walls of the Brihadesvara temples at Tanjore and
GangaikondaCholapuram contain numerous icons. The Chola sculptors
started bronze-casting sometime around the middle of the ninth century.
The Cholas are particularly well known for their Nataraja bronzes (bronze
statues of Nataraja or the dancing Siva) which are master pieces of this
medium of art. The best example is that of the Nataraja image in the
Nagesvara temple at Kumbhakonam.
The process of the manufacturing of the bronze images was very
interesting. First, an image was made of wax. This was then covered with
clay and allowed to diy. It was then heated, and a tiny perforation was
made in the clay cover. Molten wax was drained out through this hole and
was poured into the clay mould through the hole. Once the metal cooled
and solidified, the clay cover was carefully removed, and the image was
cleaned and polished. A group of three bronzes of Rama, Lakshmana and
Sita with Hanuman at their feet from Tirukkadaiyur (Tanjor District) give
evidence of how finessed the Chola art of bronze-making in the reign of
Rajaraja I was.
NOTES
1. M.G.S. Narayanan and Kesavan Veluthat., ‘Bhakti Movement in South India’, in
D.N. Jha (ed.), The Feudal Order, Manohar, Delhi, 2002
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
❖ Religion and Culture (circa 750-1200) ❖ 123~
4. R.S. Shanna, ‘Material Milieu of Tantricism’ in D.N.Jha (ed.), The Feudal Order,
Manohar, Delhi, 2002.
5. Ibid.
6. N.N. Bhattacharya, History of Tantric Religion, Manohar, Delhi, 1982.
7. Ibid.
8. Devangana Desai, ‘Art Under Feudalism in India’, in D.N.Jha (ed.), The Feudal
Order, Manohar, Delhi, 2002, Map.489. Also see his Erotic Sculpture of India, New
Delhi, 1975.
9. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, ‘Religion in Royal Household: A Study of Some Aspects of
Karpuramanjari’, in The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1994, p.231.
10. D.N. Jha, Early India: A Concise History, pp.187-88, Manohar, Delhi, 2004
11. ' Devangana Desai, ‘Art under Feudalism in India’, in D.N.Jha (ed.), The Feudal
Order, Manohar, Delhi, 2002, p.488.
12. R.S. Sharma, Indian Feudalism, p.59.
13. R. Champaklakshmi,‘State and Economy: South India, circa 400-1300’, in Romila
Thapar (ed.), Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, Popular Prakashan,
Bombay, 1995, p.299.
14. Romila Thapar, Early India: from the Origins to 1300, Peguin, Delhi, 2002, p.476.
Unit II
Delhi Sultanate
Foundation of
Delhi Sultanate
♦ RISE OF ISLAM
> Theories of the Rise of Islam
> Islamic Law
* THE ARABS IN SIND
* THE GHAZNAVIDS: NATURE OF TURKISH CAMPAIGNS

> Mahmud of Ghazna (997-1030)
* GHORIAN INVASIONS
> Mohammad Ghori (1175-1206)
♦ CAUSES OF THE SUCCESS OF THE TURKS

> Issue of Indian and Foreign: The ‘Other’ in Sources
* DELHI SULTANATE UNDER BANDAGANS
> Iltutmish (1210-36)
> Raziya (1236-40)
> Balban (1266-87)
* IMPACT: URBAN CENTRES, TECHNOLOGY AND RURAL

SOCIETY
he tenth and the eleventh centuries in North India were featured with
T emergence of small regional kingdoms. Beyond the north-west
frontiers of India, in Central Asia, kingdoms and empires were rising to
prominence under Islamic influence. In that process two kingdoms
emerged prominent, centred around the two cities of Ghazna and Ghur.
The situations in Central Asia brought the rulers of these two kingdoms
to India leading to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate. Before we go
into the details of the process of formation of the Delhi Sultanate, it is
worthwhile to look at the rise of Islam, under whose influence it was
established in India.
RISE OF ISLAM
Arabia emerged as the centre of a new religious movement called Islam
in the beginning of the seventh century ad. It is a peninsula surrounded by
the Red Sea in the west, the Arabian Sea in the south and the Persian Gulf
in the east. Most of the peninsula is either desert or dry grassland. There
are no perennial rivers in Arabia due to minimal rainfall, but there are a
number of oases formed by springs. The central part of western Arabia is
called Hijaz. The famous cities of Mecca and Madina, where the genesis
of early Islam was laid, are situated in Hijaz. Traditionally the inhabitants
of central, northern and western Arabia had led a pastoral, nomadic life of
sorts, based on camel-rearing. The camel pastoralists, known as the
beduins, moved from one oasis to another along with their animals and
over a period of time understood how harsh the environment was. At that
time there were no urban centres in Arabia proper and no state formation
had taken place. The beduin tribes, and the people of the peninsula as a
whole, referred to themselves as the Arabs. The possession of a common
language contributed towards providing the dispersed Arab tribes with
something that approximated a semblance of cultural unity, though they
had neither a state structure nor political cohesiveness. By the beginning
of the fifth century, a few urban centres had come up in Yemen. They
were under the rule of independent chieftains. Yemen was brought under
the consolidated rule of Abkarib Asad who managed to extract tributes
from the beduin tribes.
In the sixth century, the Byzantine and Sassanid empires fought with
each other for the control of Syria and Palestine. In the course of their
struggle for supremacy in west Asia, these empires had extended control
to parts of the Arabian Peninsula, which was undergoing a slow and
gradual change. Some of the Arabian tribes had taken to trade as their
main occupation and gave up nomadic pastoralism. The dislocation of the
international route, linking the Persian Gulf with Iraq, gave an added
❖ Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖ 129
iSSSSS
momentum to Arabian trade. The cause of this route disruption is usually

attributed to the Sassanid-Byzantine conflict. Yemen now became an
important transit point in international trade. As a result, the Hijaz route
acquired tremendous significance. For the tribes or clans, which had
adopted trade as a primary occupation, this was an excellent opportunity.
They provided camels for carrying goods and organised caravans on their
own account. It is in this historical situation that a settlement of traders in
Hijaz, rose to prominence in the sixth century. The settlement was located
at an oasis and had a well, known as the Zamzam, the water of which
came to be regarded as holy.
Mecca was strategically placed at the junction of two important trade
routes. It was also an important pilgrimage. The main shrine at Mecca is
a rectangular structure called the kaba (cube). The kaba contained idols
and other objects considered sacrosanct by the various tribes and clans.
Amongst these objects was a black stone built into the wall of the shrine.
Pilgrims would visit the shrine at an ascertained time of the year, which
took on the shape of a fair. Business transactions used to take place
peacefully at the fair. Sometime towards the end of the fifth century,
Mecca came under the control of a person named Qusayy, who belonged
to the Quraysh tribe. This tribe consisted of numerous clans, which were
primarily engaged in trade. The Quraysh soon became the leading tribe of
the settlement.
Thus, trade emerged as the primary occupation as there were hardly
any possibilities for agriculture. The surplus, accruing from trade, had
begun to seriously undermine tribal solidarity by the sixth century. Initially
the Quraysh were split into two broad divisions, those who lived on the
outskirts and those who lived near the Zamzam well. A few families and
clans became prosperous through trade and this led to a process of social
differentiation. Class distinctions began to appear among the Quraysh
tribe as well. Tension and conflicts, generated by the breakdown of an
essentially tribal society, gave rise to a group of people who wielded
political authority. At the end of the sixth century and the beginning of the
seventh century, there were intense factional conflicts. Their disputes
were partly for gaining a larger share of the trade of Mecca.
It was against this historical backdrop that Muhammad (570-632)
began preaching the religious message of Islam in the early decades of the
seventh century. One of the first accounts of his life was written more
than a century after his death. The generally agreed-upon date of his birth
is 570. He belonged to the Hashim clan of the Quryash tribe. Muhammad’s
father, Abdullah, was a person of limited means. Muhammad got married
to Khadija. In 610, Muhammad had an intense spiritual experience, which
marked the beginning of prophethood for him. A series of revelations,
believed to be divinely inspired, were made to him. He said that he was

the messenger or prophet of the Allah - the Supreme Being. Allah’s
message was conveyed to the masses through Muhammad. These
revelations form the essential component of the Koran. Khadija was
amongst the first to believe in what Muhammad had to say. Within a few
years, Muhammad had a small group of Meccan followers who accepted
his religious ideas. They came to be known as the Muslims (plural
muslimuri), i.e. those who had submitted to Allah. The religion itself was
called Islam, a term implying submission. The overriding principle of
Muhammad’s religion was an uncompromising monotheism. He was of
the view that there was only one God, namely Allah. All other deities
were rejected and the worship of idols was disallowed. Muhammad sought
to replace the diverse religious practices of Arab tribes by a single belief
system, making it the ideological basis of tribal unity. Muhammad’s faith
differed sharply from the religious practices of the Meccans. He met with
stiff opposition on account of having sought to subvert a traditional belief
system. For a few years, he was able to voice his ideas at Mecca due to
the protection he got from his influential uncle, Abu Talib. However, the
death of Abu Talib, as well as of Khadija in 619 made things difficult for
him in Mecca. Eventually Muhammad decided to shift from Mecca to
Yathrib, a Hijaz settlement, which later acquired the name of Madina.
Muhammad and his followers shifted their base to Madina in 622. This
emigration from Mecca to Madina is referred to as hijrat in Arabic. The
Islamic era is said to have begun in this year. Madina was a cluster of
small villages inhabited by diverse tribes. This was more of a settlement
area as the cultivation of fruit and cereals was very much possible here.
Muhammad soon acquired some authority at Madina when he emerged as
an arbiter in tribal disputes. This helped him to spread his message and he
soon acquired a rapidly growing following. Converts to the faith, who
had accompanied the Prophet to Madina, came to be known as the
muhajirun or the emigrants, while supporters based in Madina were called
ansar or helpers. These divisions led to major political disputes with the
passage of time.
Muhammad laid the foundations of a new political structure in
Madina. He was no longer just a religious leader, but the head of an
emerging state centred in Madina. He was looked upon as a lawgiver of
sorts and began to lay down the rules governance. His followers
constituted his armed forces. Raids were still an indispensable source of
income for this state. A formula for the equitable distribution of booty
was worked out. One fifth of the booty went to the Prophet’s treasury so
that the state was provided with independent finances. Regular voluntary
contributions were levied on the tribes, which accepted Muhammad’s
leadership. This developed into a tax called zakat which all Muslims had
WW
to necessarily pay to the state. Zakat was intended to be redistributed
among the less privileged sections of the Muslims. Muhammad was in a
position to carry on an armed struggle against the Qurayshes of Mecca.
Caravans going northwards from Mecca to Syria and Palestine had to
pass through Madina. Quraysh trading caravans, traversing this route,
were frequently attacked and this resulted in a lot of trade disruption. The
successful raids against the Quraysh caravans eventually disrupted
Meccan trade. The Qurayshes had to sue for peace and in 630, Muhammad
was able to finally occupy Mecca and the people of Mecca adopted Islam
in large numbers.
Muhammad rapidly consolidated his authority in Arabia. Kaba, in
Mecca, became the most sacred sanctuary of Islam. Tribal idols and other
objects of worship were removed from Kaba. The Islamic symbol, located
in Kaba, was the black stone traditionally associated with Abraham.
Abraham was regarded as the common ancestor of all Arabs. Muslims
were required to offer prayers in the direction of Kaba and the pilgrimage
to Kaba, which was also known as the haj, came to acquire seminal
importance as a religious ritual of the faith.
Muhammad passed away in 632. Muhammad was the last in a long
line of prophets sent by god to show the right path to humanity. This line
included the prophets of Judaism and Christianity like Moses and Christ.
It was held that there would be no prophets after Muhammad. His
teachings, which were supposed to be the word of Allah, comprised the
whole of the Koran and offered guidance in all aspects of life. Three
groups claimed the right to successionamongst the first were the
muhajirun or the emigrants, who were probably the earliest followers of
Muhammad, and then came the ansar or the Madinese helpers. The
second group, which comprised the legitimists, or the alids, argued that
succession should take place only within the family of Muhammad and
that Muhammad’s paternal cousin, Ali, should be the Prophet’s successor.
An additional qualification of Ali was that he was a muhajirun.
Abu Bakr, was the khalifa, or the chosen successor of Muhammad.
For the next few centuries, khalifa became the main title for the religious
leader of the Muslims and the head of the state founded by Muhammad.
Caliph is the anglicised form of the word khalifa. Early Islamic literature
used the titles of the khalifa and the imam synonymously. In a more
restricted sense, the word imam came to denote anyone who led the
community in prayers offered. The succession of Abu Bakr as the first
Caliph was fairly smooth. Abu Bakri, who was the Prophet’s closest aide,
was given the respect and acceptance that was his rightful due. He was
also the father-in law of Muhammad. When Abu Bakr took over, the
newly-formed state was in danger of disintegration as many of the Beduin
tribes had broken away from Madina. For the nomadic people of Arabia,
the idea of stability, rootedness and permanence in the context of a state

was a fairly novel idea. Abu Bakri died within two years of taking over as
the Caliph in 634. Umar succeeded Abu Bakri. It was he who really built
the Arab empire. The unification of Arabia was completed under him and
large-scale territorial expansion outside Arabia was begun. The Arabs
rapidly conquered Iraq, Syria, Palestine and Egypt. Arab conquests in
west Asia were made at the expense of the Sassanid and Byzantine
empires.
As long as Abu Bakr remained in power, the Islamic state remained
confined to Arabia alone. It was Umar and Usman who built a vast empire
extending from the Nile to the fringes of central Asia. They evolved an
infrastructure for the governance of such a large political entity. Umar
laid much emphasis on the military authority of the Caliph by taking on
the title of amir al muminin. Umar was responsible for systematising
Islamic rituals. The mosque, where the males of the community gathered
for prayers, became the centre of the religious life for Muslims. Umar
instituted a new Islamic era commencing from the year of the hijrat in
about 622. This is a lunar calendar of twelve equal months and is eleven
days shorter than the actual year of 365 days. There was a violent struggle
over the question of succession after Usman and a virtual civil war broke
out in the Arab empire. At Madina, the supporters of Ali joined hands
with the rebels from Egypt and proclaimed Ali as the Caliph. This was by
no means acceptable to the Umayyads. An armed encounter, between the
armies of Ali and Muawiya, took place at Siffin in northern Mesopotamia
in 657. The battle was inconclusive and both sides decided to come to an
agreement of sorts. Muawiya became the de facto ruler of Syria. Ali took
over the rest of the empire from his capital at Kufa as Madina was too
inconveniently located to be a seat of government.
One group, which held that Ali was divinely endowed with special
qualities of leadership by virtue of belonging to the family of the Prophet
and being his ‘true’ successor, were called the Shiaites. Shiah means a
group or a party of people, and here implies the party of Ali. On the other
hand, there was a breakaway group, which was of the view that the
differences between Muawiya and Ali would never be resolved. For this
group, Ali was no longer the leader of the Muslim community. Those who
came to hold this extreme position acquired the label of the Kharijis or
secessionists.
The Shiaites announced their support for Ali’s younger son, Husayn,
who mobilised a contingent of soldiers for armed resistance against the
Umayyads. In 680, Husayn led a small band of followers against the
Umayyads. The battle took place at Karbala. Husayn’s forces were
defeated and Husayn himself was brutally massacred. Husayn’s
martyrdom became a powerful religious symbol for the Shiaites. This

event is commemorated every year as a period of mourning during the
Islamic month of Muharram, i.e. the month in which the battle of Karbala
took place.
Given that, Muslims could only be understood as belonging to one or
another Arab tribe and as these tribes formed the basis of military and
administrative organisation, a way had to be found for accommodating
non-Arab Muslims, who often converted to Islam in small batches, within
this structure. The problem was resolved by allowing non-Arabs to be
part of some Arab tribe or the other. But, non-Arabs, who entered the
Islamic fold, were a definite disadvantage as they were not placed at par
with the Arabs. Non-Arabs had no choice but to accept the overlordship
of the tribes to which they were attached. The non-Arab convert was
classified as a maula (plural mawali) or dependent of the tribe. There was
a marked increase in the number of non-Arab Muslims by the beginning
of the eighth century.
Patricia Crone has suggested that under the early Umayyads, the
greater part of the converts who had been held captive came to acquire
the status of slaves. She has pointed out that countless people were
enslaved during the early Arab conquests. Manumitted slaves were
accorded a rather lowly status in Muslim society when they converted.
The non-Arab Muslims, who were no longer content with the status of
maula, began to nurture aspirations of equality within the community.
The dissatisfaction of the mawali, combined with the opposition of diverse
Arab groups, led to a strong anti-Umayyad sentiment in the empire by the
middle of the eighth century.
After 740, an organised movement that aimed at the overthrow of the
Umayyads came into existence. The movement was guided by the
Abbasids, The main strength of the movement was located in Khurasan.
Abu Muslim, a military commander and outstanding organiser, played the
lead role in the ensuing turn of events. Abu Muslim collected a large army
from among the Arab settlers of Khurasan. Abbas al-Saffah was declared
the new Caliph. This marked the beginning of the 500-year-long reign of
the Abbasids which lasted till 1258.
With the rise of the Abbasids, the centre of political power shifted
from Syria to south Iraq. The economy of south Iraq could provide the
resources necessary for maintaining the Abbasid imperial government.
Erstwhile Sassanid officials, who held the disadvantaged position of
mawalis had a strong presence in this fertile tract of land. They had
backed up the Abbasids in their struggle against the Umayyads and
became very supportive of the Abbasid regime. Now that a section of the
Persian mawalis had become part of the ruling class, the distinction
between the Arabs and the non-Arabs no longer held meaning. Social
differentiation, among the Muslims, was primarily structured along class
lines. The use of the term maula was gradually dispensed with and Arab
expansion into the Iranian world proved to be a turning point in the
development of Islam. Islamic consolidation in Abbasid-dominated Iran
produced a rich synthesis of Arab and Iranian traditions. Many of the
features of the Sassanid monarchical state were carried over to Islam.
This transformation has been referred to as the Abbasid revolution by the
historians.
Under the rule of the Abbasids, the Caliph began functioning as an
absolute monarch. Elaborate court ceremonies were introduced and the
Caliph became almost unapproachable for the people, thereby implying
that the gap between the ruler and the ruled simply could not be bridged.
It was necessary to prostrate oneself before the Caliph and kiss the
ground beneath his feet. Baghdad remained the residence of the Abbasid
Caliphs till the end. The collection of land revenue was made uniform in
the eighth and ninth centuries.
The main tax, paid by the Muslims, was the zakat which was supposed
to be set aside for charitable purposes. It came to approximately two and
a half per cent of the payee’s possessions, not including land. Landowning
Muslims had to pay a land tax called the ushr. Ushr came to be about one-
tenth of the produce. A general tax, called the jizya., was imposed on all
non-Muslims, who were classified as non-believers (zimmis), i.e. those
who were outside the Muslim community or umma. The jizya was not a
tax on property or income; instead it was determined on the basis of the
wealth a non-Muslim had. The tax on land, that was levied upon non
Muslims, was a separate category altogether. It was called the kharaj and
it seldom came to less than one-third of the produce. As long as there
weren’t too many Muslim landholders, the distinction between the ushr
and the kharaj did not create too much of a problem. Two factors changed
the situation completely. Firstly, a large landowning class emerged among
the Muslims by the beginning of the eighth century. Secondly, the pre-
Islamic landed gentry adopted Islam wholeheartedly and became part of
the class of Muslim landholders. Letting the dual structure of taxation
remain in existence would have resulted in reduced state income because,
instead of the kharaj, or the higher tax rates, the ushr, or lower tax rates,
would now be imposed on landholdings. Al-Hajjai had decreed that any
land that had once been assessed as kharaj land could not under any
circumstances become ushr land, not even if the owner converted to
Islam. In the long run, the difference between the two kinds of taxes
disappeared. By the beginning of the ninth century, all land was kharaj
land, irrespective of whether or not it was owned by a Muslim. This
♦♦♦ Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖
ensured that the state was not deprived of a fairly high level of revenue.
By the eleventh century, the Abbasid empire was taken over by nomads
from central Asia, also known as the Turks. The Abbasid rule formally
came to an end with the conquest of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258.
The Turks, by the tenth century or so, had become an indispensable
part of the armies of west Asia, Egypt and the Maghrib. The acceptance
of Islam by most of the Turkish tribes and the conversion of the mamluks
provided the ideological framework for the formation of a Turkish state.
Andre Wink ’says that the mamluks, who were skilled workers, were a
small elite corps within the regular army of the Turks. The Turkish tribes
penetrated and eventually conquered large parts of west Asia. C.E.
Bosworth has noted that the prosperity of the early Abbasid Caliphate
provided resources for buying and training Turkish slaves to be part of a
professional standing army which was bound to the ruler by ties of
loyalty. After 950, a few mamluk military commanders emerged as
warlords in the Samanid state. Among these warlords was Alp-tegin. Alp-
tegin was a Turk who had several mamluk contingents under him. With
the help of a supportive army, he gained virtual independence in the
Samanid territories in Afghanistan, Ghazna and the main stronghold of
Alp-tegin. When Alp-tegin died in 977, he was succeeded by his leading
slave commander Sebuk-tegin. Sebuk-tegin founded the Ghaznavid
dynasty, which was able to create a huge empire, in the first half of the
eleventh century, extending from eastern Iran to northwest India.
Theories of the Rise of Islam
How did Islam manage to gain such wide acceptance among Arab tribes
in such a short span of time. W.M. Watt has examined the nature of Arab
society on the eve of this new religious movement. He sees the rise of
Islam as a response to the transformation that was taking place due to
trade and the adoption of a sedentary lifestyle by some tribes. The
expansion of Meccan commerce eroded traditional ties and introduced
tension and conflict in society. The wealth, which Mecca came to acquire,
did not benefit everyone uniformly. The period can well be defined as an
extremely turbulence ridden period. There were conflicts at various levels.
Relatively simple tribal organisations of the Qurayshes did not have the
coping skills to deal with these troubled times. To add to the confusion of
an already stratified society, a number of tribes took up agriculture on a
limited scale on the periphery of Arabia. Muhammad’s message of unity
was an answer to this ferment and Islam provided these tribes with a
scheme for state formation. Watt’s explanation has profoundly influenced
writings on the subject from the late 1950s onward. Scholars like Marshall
saass
Hodgson, in books entitled Mohammed and The Ventuure of Islam, has
accepted Watt’s hypothesis. However, Patricia Crone is of the opinion
that Watt’s hypothesis about trade in Mecca is unsatisfactory. Crone2 has
put forward an alternative view in her book called Meccan Trade and the
Rise of Islam. Crone is of the view that trade in Mecca did not become
expansive enough to undermine traditional society. Trade concerned itself
largely with commodities of small value and was therefore incapable of
generating much wealth. The surplus, yielded by the mercantile economy,
was not large enough to result in wide disparities in society. The
traditional way of life was still functional.
Furthermore, for the beduin tribes raids and plunder were a useful
way of augmenting scanty resources. The new faith appealed to them as
it provided the ethos of conquest with a legitimation of sorts. Tribes were
provided with a programme of state formation through unification and
conquest. Crone describes early Islam as a nativist movement, a movement
bom out of a deep attachment to the Arabian way of life and rejects any
possible impact that foreign influences like that of the Byzantine and the
Persian to gain political ascendancy in Arabia might have had.
Islamic Law
The Islamic states were governed on the basis of Islamic ideals. They
were guided by injunctions laid down in the Koran, in theory at least. The
Koran defined the fundamental principles of the Islamic state. Doubts
that happened to creep in were resolved by speculating about how the
Prophet would have acted in a similar situation. There were constant
references to what was called the sunna or the sayings of Muhammad.
The sunna became a supplementary source of tenets for the guidance of
the muslim community. After the early Caliphs, these began to be formally
recorded. These transcribed sunnas were called the hadis or the hadith.
The hadis was based on oral traditions which had been handed down by
the people who had actually listened to the sayings of the Prophet. Those
who conformed to the sunna were generally called the Sunnis. Initially
the term seems to have referred to all those who accepted the sunna or the
traditions endorsed by the majority of people and which had been affirmed
by the Abbasids. As the Shiaites had refused to accept the authority of the
Abbasids in religious matters, they were considered to be outside the fold
of the Sunnis. The Sunnis came to be distinguished from the Shiaites.
Marshall Hodgson3, in The Venture of Islam, says that when the term
Sunni is used to tell the Sunnis apart from the Shiaites, an element of
inaccuracy creeps in because the assumption that the Shiaites did not
subscribe to the sunna belief system is a fallacy. It is only that they have
a separate set of traditions, some of which are different from the sunna
accepted by the majority of the Muslims.
Four major schools of Islamic law developed in the early Abbasid
period. These schools represent the four major Sunni shariat traditions
down to the present day. The four schools of interpretation were those of
Abu Hahifa (Hanafis), Malik (Malikis), al-Shafi (Shafiis), and Ibn Hanbal
(Hanbalis). The Shiaites had their own schools of jurisprudence.
THE ARABS IN SIND * 4
We have already studied that Islam, both as a political forcc and as a

religious movemenL-had made its influence felt in the non-Arabian world.
Gradually the whole of Central Asia was Islamised by the assimilation of
the Turkish tribes. Andre Wink4 -i.s_a£Jhe_view_ that__itie_Jnrks entered
Islam through the recruitment of military, slaxes. By the beginning of the
eighth century, Islamic rulers had moved right into Sindh, the north
western boundary of India. Sind, during the early years of the eighth
century, was und^j?u^g£Dgnr.,MohammedînJ&Simjmjgabably
1116 —
Siridrit is believed that Qasim was invited by the Jats and the Mets or the
Buddhists to attack King Dahir of Sindh, who had usurped power from
thepfeVfons BiiddKstrulerQasim seems to have been deeply attracted to
the~wearor^Tn^7lfedefeated King Dahir in the Battle of Rawar inJZ.12.
In the course of this battlK an arrow struck the eye of King Dahir’s
elephant. The elephant, in a state of alarm, took flight. The Sindh army
mistakenly assumed that their king had surrendered and fled the
battlefield. Seizing the opportunity, the Arab forces began to brutally
massacre Dahir’s forces. Later, King Dahir was also found and killed by
the Arabs. His widow Rani Ray-ibaL._an<LsQmIaisingh..took.refuge in the
fort and put up a strong resistance, but failed. In the end, Rani Ravibai,
and the widows of the Rajput soldiers, committed sati to safeguard their
chastity.
Sindh was the place where the Arabs established trade links with the
Middle East. The Arabs occupied Sindh, Multan and other important
cities in the northwest but could not settle there permanently on account
ofthe death of Qasim. It became difficult for them to expand or even
maintain the kingdom because of the tough resistance offered by the
Rajputs and the Chalukya rulers. The Arabs had to leave India by the cnd
onfiFffmthcentory. After the Arabs, the Turks invaded India. They- were
att3ctedt0 fabulous wealth of the„g^r^^
THE GHAZNAVIDS: NATURE OF

TURKISH CAMPAIGN
The empire of the Ghaznavids was built on the ruins of the Abbasid
Caliphate located in west and central Asia. By the end of the ninth
century, the Abbasid empire began to disintegrate and a series of
aggressive states emerged on its ruins. These states were as good as
independent for all practical purposes, but they accepted the nominal
suzerainty of the Caliph (Khalifa) who legitimised their position by
granting them a former letter or manshur. In course of time, the rulers of
these states began to be known as Sultans. Most of these Sultans were of
Turkish origin. The Ghaznavid and the Seljuq states were the result of
Turkish acculturation in seemingly settled societies. The Iranian rulers of
the area and the Abbasid Caliph recruited the Turks as mercenaries and
slaves for their personal needs and security after bringing them into the
Islamic fold. These Turks soon merged into the Iranian language and
culture and became Islamised and Persianised.
Under the Seljuq umbrella, the Turks moved into the Meditarranean
and Byzantine territories. Anatolia or modem Turkey was conquered by
the Ottoman Turks. After the disintegration of the Abbasid empire, the
most powerful dynasty to arise in the region was the Samanid dynasty
(874-999) followed by the Ghaznavid dynasty (962-1186). The
Ghaznavids were displaced by the Seljukids, and then by the Khwarizmis
who had their capital at Merv. These empires fought with each other and
this led to the growth of militarism which spelt danger to India. It is
important to note that west and central Asia are connected to India
geographically through a number of passes located in mountain barriers.
The nomadic and semi-nomadic hordes would invariably find an entry
point into India through these mountain passes. They were drawn to
India’s well-watered fertile plains, whichjextended from the Punjabjo the
eastern borders of Bengal. The Turks were one such nomadic group to
reside in an area now known as Mongolistan and Sinkiang. They
infiltrated a region called Mawara-un-hahar, or Transoxiana, which was
located somewhere between central Asia and India.
Mahmud of Ghazna (997-1030)
Historically, one of the most prominent rulers of the period, who is known
to have looted as much wealth as he could from temples located in the
country, is Mahmud of Ghazna. He mounted seventeen plundering
expeditions between 1000 and. 1027..into North India, annexing Punjab as
hisêasterh province. His campaigns were invariably launched in the hot
summer months and on each occasion he would leave India before the onset
~)\
v Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖ 139
\m />
of the monsoons. This was done so that his troops would not be trapped by
the flooded rivers of the Punjab. He was also known as But Shikan or the
destroyer of idols. It was the wealth of India that brought Mahmud of
Ghazna to the country. And therefore, most of his raids were concentrated
around important temple cities like Thaneswar, Mathura, Kannauj and
Somnath, all of which had immense reserves of wealth. He used this wealth
tocreate a splendid city at Ghazna. In 1025, he attacked and raided one of
the most celebrated Hindu temple"s~or''Sdmnath, near the coast in the
extreme south of Kathiawar(Gujarat). Bhima I, the Chalukyan ruler of
Anhilwara, could not put up much resistance and the temple was looted.
" Contemporary Persian documents suggest that Mahmud claimed to
have gone to lridia with twin objectives ofSpreading Islam in Indiaând
enriching himself with the wealth of Indiaj'.pSources ~suggest~that his
motive was primarily to spread the message oflslam to the masses and
that is why he got the title of Ghaz^But recent research has proved that
he~had~no purpokehehi^ to India apart from the fact that its
wealth was immensely attractive to him. Religion was only a subterfuge,
put to appropriate use in order to win over the Caliphate or the Khalifa at
BaghdadCThe invaders’ effective use of the crossbow jwhile gallopingn^T-fl
gave IheiiLa-distiiJCLads*^^ opponents, particularly
the Rajputs. Mahmud’s conquest of Punjab foretold ominous
consequences for the rest of India. Howeva^the Rajputs appear to have
been both unprepared and unwilling to change their militarylactics, which -
ultimately collapsed in the face of the swift and punitive cavalry of the X
Turks. There can be no doubt about the fact that Mahmud of Ghazna
waged ruthless campaigns and terrorized everyone who came his way.
The Arab geographer and scholar, Alberuni, who wrote an account of
India and spent much time at Mahmud’s court, was of the view that ‘the
-- - -----became --like
Hindus . .... .the
... ..... ... _ ...of dust--------
atoms all directions
--- --in-------
scattered — and like
a tale of old in the mouths of people. Their scattered remains cherish of
courseTgOh^ Nonetheless, a
somewhat communal interpretation of Mahmud, initiated by British
historians and then adopted by nationalist historians, is illogical and must
be rejected. This point of view portrays Mahmud as someone who
harbored deep hatred for Hindus, but no evidence can be found to endorse
this. In point of fact there is nothing he did to Hindus that he did not also
do to Muslims, especially the Muslims he considered to be heretical. The
Muslim ruler of Multan, an Ismaili, along with his subjects, was dealt
with just as ruthlessly. Mahmud was only doing what any other conqueror
in his place would have done in terms of destroying Hindu temples and
Hindu idols. A lot of what he did struck even later Muslim historians as
indefensible, and hisstance can be understood only within the context of
a ‘politics of conquest’.
an
With the aid of the booty from India, Mahmud turned his court at
Ghazna into a heaven for scholars and artists. He transformed Ghazna
into one of the most cosmopolitan cities of the world. Alberuni and
Firdausi, both of whom were Persian poets of note, were enticed into
making Ghazna their home. Alberuni, who wrote the Kitab al Hind, and
Firdausi, who wrote the Shah Namah, were historians at the court of
Mahmud of Ghazna and give a good account of the polity and society on
the eve of Mahmud’s invasion.
In political and military terms, the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazna
precede the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. Beginning in 1000,
when the Jaypala, the Shahiya king, was routed, these incursions became
an annual feature of Mahmud’s reign and came to an end only with his
death in 1030. After the conquest of Multan, he occupied Punjab. Later,
Mahmud also made incursions into the Ganga-Yamuna doab. The major
interest of Mahmud in India was its fabulous wealth, vast quantities of
which (in the form of cash, jewellery, and golden images) had been
deposited in temples. From 1010-26 the thrust area of these invasions
was focused upon the temple-towns of Thaneswar, Mathura, Kannauj and
finally Somnath. A tepidly launched resistance on the part of the Indians
was what paved the way for future Turkish conquests. The aftermath of
these campaigns revealed the inability of Indian politics to offer a united
defence against external threats.
Mythology tells us that an idol was erected in the middle of the
temple with nothing to either support it from below, or to suspend it from
above. When Mahmud raided this particular temple, he directed his soldier
to explore the basis upon which this idol had been constructed. But they
found nothing there. But the historical reality is somewhat different. The
temple at Somnath was an exceedingly rich temple. It had a large income
base, which came froth the taxes paid^yjgilgnms. It also adjoined the
commercially active port of Veraval. The most important item-of-trade
here was the import of horses. Mahmud’s main reason for launching a
concerted attack upon Somnath was to impede the import of horses from
Arab traders. This would benefit the horse traders of Ghazni, who also
happened to be involved in supplying horses into north-west India.
Mahmud Ghaznawi’s raids were an almost annual feature from 1000
onwards. His ambition was to be proclaimed an iconoclast and champion
of Islam. Alberuni, has given an account of Mahmud’s raids on the
Somnath temple, which had the icon of a lingam. It was hugely venerated
by a lot of people. However, a thirteenth century account of the Al-
Kazwini, has given another version in which the temple and what the icon
denotes, are explained very differently portray Mahmud as waging a
religious war against the Hindus and the infidels.
❖ Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖
MAP I: CAMPAIGNS OF MAHMUD GHAZNAWI AND HIS EMPIRE

SMI
Romila Thapar5 tries to provide an explanation for the series of raids
on temples like Somnath. Did the Muslims have nothing in mind beyond
wanting to desecrate Hindu temples. How is the event represented in
other sources^The Turko-Persian narratives, (Farrukhi Sistani, Barani,
Isami, Ferishta) provide a stereotypical image of Mahmud as the defender
of the faith. However, there are other sources as well which include
archaeological excavations in Somnath in 1951, inscriptions in Sanskrit,
Jaina biographies and chronicles (mercantile community) and oral
traditions. Oral traditions, particularly those of the Kissa, the Hazi by
Mangroti Shah and the narratives of Salar Masud or Ghazi Miyan, discuss
the manner in which Mahmud was popularly perceived. These stories
have generally been dismissed for lacking authentic historical evidence.
But they do tell us about popular assumptions regarding Mahmud at the
time when they were composed. Romila Thapar believes that the Somnath
issue was hotly debated in the British Parliament in 1842. It was forcefully
argued that the Hindus had been deeply traumatised by Mahmud’s raids
on Somnath. The debate raised the issue of communal disharmony and
resurrected memories of suffering and humiliation. As desired by the
British Government, the issue became a bone of contention between the
Hindus and the Muslims. The reconstruction of the temple at Somnath
was demanded and it was finally rebuilt in 1951. Romila Thapar raises
the larger historiographical issue of amnesia or loss of memory. She says
that ‘memory’ is extremely selective. It makes a choice between what is
to be remembered and what is to be forgotten.
Shortly after Mahmud’s death, his empire met the fate of other
empires. Newly emerging centres of power, formed around the growing
clusters of Turkish soldier-adventurers, replaced the older ones. The
Ghaznavid possessions in Khurasan and Transoxiana were thus annexed,
first by the Seljuqs, and later by Khwarizm Shah. In Afghanistan, their
own homeland, their hegemony was brought to an end by the principality
of Ghur under the Shansabani dynasty. However, in the midst of these
buffetings, the Ghaznavid rule survived in Punjab and Sind till about
1175. The Shansabani or Ghurid Sultans superseded the Ghaznavids very
soon and succeeded in extending Islamic dominion beyond the Punjab.
Andre Wink says that they were of an east Persian or Tajik origin and
lived in the mountainous ranges of modem-day Afghanistan.
GHORIAN INVASIONS
Mohammad Ghori (1175-1206)
Mohammad Ghori invaded India and paved the ground for Muslim
domination in India. It is on account of this that he is considered to be the
founder of Muslim rule in India by some historians. He reached Peshawar

in 1179 and captured it. At the time of his invasion, Punjab was under the
rule of Khusrau Malik of the Ghaznavid dynasty. Khusrau was a powerful
king and it was not easy for Mohammad Ghori to defeat him in war, so he
treacherously killed him in 1192 and captured Punjab. He then posed a
challenge to the united Rajput kingdoms under the leadership of Prithviraj
Chauhan, but met with stiff resistance which impeded his expansionist
desires.
The Chahamanas were an important kingdom who, like so many
others, nurtured the hope of territorial expansion. The Chahamanas were
the vassals of the Pratiharas. They began with bringing Ajmer under then-
rule and then went on to conquer Delhi from the Tomars under the
leadership of Visaladeva. Visaladeva was also a gifted poet which is
evident from the inscription on a stone slab on the walls of the Adhai-din-
ka-Jhonpra at Ajmer in the form of a play entitled Harakeli Nataka.
Prithviraj Chauhan or Prithviraj III was the last and perhaps the greatest
ruler of the Chahamana dynasty. Chand Bardai, Prithviraj’s court poet,
has described the king’s great military achievements at length in a work
called Pritviraj Raso. He soon brought Mahoba, Bundelkhand and Gujarat
under his control. He valiantly resisted the attacks of Mohammad Ghori
in the two battles of Tarain in 1191 and 1192. He is said to have been •
killed in the second battle of Tarain.
One of the stories which became part of popular tradition in Rajasthan
in the nineteenth century circulates around the heroic personality of
Prithviraj III. A defeated Prithviraj manacled in chains was brought before
Mohammad Ghori. He haughtily looked Ghori right in the eye. An
annoyed Ghori ordered him to lower his eyes, whereupon a defiant
Prithviraj scornfully reminded him of how he had treated Ghori when the
latter was a prisoner. He declared that the eyelids of a Rajput are lowered
only in death. On hearing this, Ghori flew into a rage and ordered that
Prithviraj’s eyes be gouged out with red hot iron rods. Prithviraj’s former
courtier Chand Bardai, who later composed the Prithviraj Raso, came to
Ghur to be as close to Prithviraj as he could. Chand Bardai came in
disguise and secured a place for himself as a poet at Mohammad’s court.
At the same time he urged Prithviraj to avenge Ghori’s betrayal and the
insults he had been subjected to. The dethroned king, and his loyal
courtier, found an opportune occasion in an archery competition
announced by Ghori. Chand Bardai told Ghori that Prithviraj was so
skilled an archer that he did not need to look at his target and could take
aim based only on sound. Unable to believe this, Ghori asked Prithviraj
to take aim and shoot at a given target. Chand. Bardai then provided
Prithviraj with an aural indication of where Ghori was seated and, to aid
Prithviraj’s efforts in the matter, composed and recited a couplet on the
SSH
ggjgSBgHg
spot in Prithviraj’s hearing. The couplet, composed in a language which

Prithviraj alone could understand, went thus: Char bans, chaubis gaj,
angul ashta praman, Ete pai hai Sultan, (Taa Upar hai Sultan), ab mat
chuko hey Chauhan.
(Ten measures ahead of you and twenty four feet away, is seated the
Sultan. Do not miss him now, Chauhan).
Ghori then ordered Prithviraj to shoot. Prithviraj turned in the
direction from where he heard Ghori speak, and sent an arrow racing to
Ghori’s throat. Ghori died on the spot. Immediate action followed and
Prithviraj was killed by Mahmud’s courtiers. But the brave Rajput had
settled scores with Ghori. However, the historical and factual veracity of
this anecdote has been treated with a lot of suspicion.
On reconstructing the history of the period we can see that
Mohammad Ghori suffered defeat at the hands of Prithviraj in the first
battle of Tarain in 1191. But Ghori soon returned with a mightier army,
comprising Turkish and Afghan soldiers and forced Prithviraj to confront
him yet again in a pitched battle in the same battlefield. The second battle
of Tarain (1192) thus followed. Prithviraj was defeated as he was not
supported adequately by other Rajput rulers this time. It is believed that
if Jayachandra had suported Prithviraj, this battle would never have been
lost. Prithviraj was accused of being a conspirator and was executed.
Mohammad then made Gola, the son of Prithviraj, a puppet king and
deputed his trusted servant Qutabuddin Aibak to take care of the
administration of the region. He went back to central Asia, but returned to
India in 1204. However, further conquests were halted by his untimely
death in 1206. Aibak then went on to capture Meerut, Aligarh and Delhi
and shifted his seat of power to Delhi.
The second battle of Tarain proved to be a watershed in the history of
India. It paved the way for the ascendancy of the Turks. For some time to
come, the Ghorians did not think it convenient to immediately takeover
the administration of all the conquered territories. Ajmer, for instance,
was allowed to be retained by Prithviraj’s son as a vassal ruler. This
uneasy balance, however, was often disturbed by the recurrent and endless
conflicts between the imperial designs of the Ghorians and the Rajput
rulers. Under Aibak’s leadership, the Turks continued to make territorial
advances in all directions. After having refortified Hansi towards the end
of 1192, Aibak crossed the Yamuna to establish a military base in the
upper Doab, Meerut and Baran or modem Bulandshar, capitulated in
1192. In 1193, Delhi was occupied. Its location and historical tradition
made it most suitable as a capital for Turkish power in India. It was both
close to the Ghorian stronghold in Punjab as well as conveniently placed
for sending expeditions towards the east. Military success encouraged
Muhammad Ghori to confront King Jayachandra of the Gahadavala
dynasty in the vicinity of Chandwar in 1194. Jayachandra, eventually lost
❖ Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖
MAP 2: CAMPAIGNS OF MOHAMMAD GHORI
after a long, protracted battle. After 1195 the campaigns of Mohammad

Ghori were targeted towards eastern and central parts of India. Turkish
military stations were placed at Banaras, Asni and other important towns.
However, the capital city of Qanauj could not be occupied until 1198-99.
Other important areas over which the Ghorians were able to extend
their sway were Bayana, Gwalior and Anhilwara in 1195-6 , and Badaun
in 1197-8. The beginning of the thirteenth century saw the power of the
last surviving imperial Rajputs, the Chandellas of Bundelkhand, being
undermined. Around 1202, Kalinjar, Mahoba and Khajuraho were also
occupied. From 1203 onwards, the Turks made their forays into the
eastern provinces of the Indian subcontinent with varying degrees of
success. Magadha was conquered as a ‘Sultanate’ by Bakhtiyar Khalji
and his tribesmen. Under his tutelage, the Turks penetrated as far as into
Bengal.
In general, during this phase, the Ghorians were able to extend their
hegemony over a considerable part of northern India. However, areas
once conquered would often slip out of control and the territories shown
in Map 2 could not remain under Turkish rule for long.
WHAT LED TO THE SUCCESS OF THE TURKS?

One of the debatable point on the issue of the success of the Turks is to
why did India become such easy prey to Mahmud’s sword or for that
matter to Mohammad Ghori’s invasions? Is it possible that the Turks were

militarily better equipped than their Indian counterparts? Various reasons
have been assigned for the success of the Turkish conquests of north
India. Most contemporary chroniclers do not go beyond the standard
explanation of attributing this major event to the ‘will of god’. Some
British historians, who initiated the study of Indian history in greater
depth, felt that it was the belligerence of the Turks that led to their
success. According to them, the Turkish armies were drawn from the
warlike tribes inhabiting the difficult region lying between the Indus and
the Oxus. They had immense military prowess and had acquired much
expertise that came from fighting the Seljuq armies and other tribes of
central Asia. On the other hand, the Indians were pacifists and were not
used to warfare at all. Moreover, they were divided into small states
which hampered expansionist ambitions.
This presumption of the British historians seems to be rather
imbalanced as it does not take into account the well-known facts of
Indian history. The Rajputs, whom the Turks conquered, were not lacking
in valour or in martial spirit. The period ranging from the eighth to the
twelfth centuries is one long story of warfare, violence and struggle. It,
therefore, makes no sense to attribute Turkish success to the peace-loving
Indian disposition.
Some historians have said that the peculiar social structure created by
Islam proved conducive to the success of the Turks. Jadunath Sarkar, for
instance, puts emphasis on the three unique characteristics of Islam. To
begin with, the religion laid much emphasis on complete equality and
social solidarity as regards legal and religious status. Unlike Indians, the
Turks were not caste stratified in any way. Secondly, it advocated absolute
faith in God and His will, which provided the devout with a sense of
mission. Finally, Islam spoke at length about the demerits of drunkenness,
which, according to Sarkar, was the ruin of the Rajputs, the Marathas, and
various other Indian rulers. But the argument has not gained much support
from other modem historians.
Perhaps the most important reason is the fact that the period was
marked by political turbulence and there were unending feuds between
the northern and northwestern kingdoms. After the fall of the Gurjara-
Pratihara empire, no single state could really take its place. Instead, there
arose small independent powers like the Gahadavalas in Kannauj, the
Parmaras in Malwa, the Chalukyas in Gujarat, the Chauhans in Ajmer, the
Tomars in Delhi and the Chandellas in Bundelkhand. There were constant
conflicts amongst these kingdoms and the period in question remained
unacquainted with peace. Lack of centralised power was also an important
factor in weakening the strength and efficiency of the armed forces.
Fakhr-i Mudabbir in his Adab-ul-Harb wa-al Shuja’t mentions that Indian

forces consisted of ‘feudal levies’. Each military contingent was under
the command of its immediate overlord and not that of the king. Thus, the
army lacked ‘unity of command’.
Mohammad Habib suggests that caste divisions in Hindu society also
played their part in weakening the resistance of Hindu kings. And since
not many castes and clans took to the military profession the bulk of the
population was excluded from military training. The general population
of the country never really understood that matters like the defence of the
country were serious issues to reckon with and were thus entirely ill
equipped to deal with the series of Turkish invasions that took place in
the period. The concept of physical pollution or chhut also hampered
military efficiency since it made the division of labour impossible; soldiers
had to do all the work on their own, from fighting to the fetching of water.
Thus, the professionalism and egalitarianism of Muslim armies, many of
which allowed slaves to rise to the top, was nowhere to be seen amongst
the Hindus.
Another important reason for the success of the Turks was their
superior military .technology and art of war. They used horses for warfare
with greater skill. The Turks used iron stirrups and horse-shoes that
reinforced their striking power and strengthened their cavalry. Horse
shoes provided greater mobility to the horse and stirrups provided
advantage to the soldiers which could not possibly be trivialised. On the
other hand, Rajputs had training in the customary styles of fighting aided
with slow-moving elephants as Simon Digby 5seems to believe in his
book entitled War-Horse and Elephant in Delhi Sultanate. Andre Wink7
argues that the Turkish army had a light cavalry with superior archery
abilities. They had the ability to stand up on their stirrups and use bows,
^rrows, spears, swords and the likes of these. Further they also possessed
the power of quick penetration because of the swift movement of the
cavalry.
Andre Wink also highlights another distinct advantage that the Turks
had over their Indian counterparts which was that the Turks largely relied
on professional and slave soldiers on horseback, while the Indians
normally made use of an untrained peasant infantry. Further, while the
Indian rulers depended heavily on elephants, the Turks relied more upon
horses which were faster, weighed less than elephants did and were that
much more agile than elephants could ever be. Another interesting point
raised by Andre Wink in his book is that the Turks were able to establish
and dominate north India largely because of the fact that they had better
access to good war-horses and some of the best breeding grounds for
horses in the Oxus region which was under the Ghaznavids to begin with
&
and later came under the rule of the Ghurids. Even later, after the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, it was the policy of the Delhi
Sultans to deprive the ‘Hindu rulers’ of access to war-horses.
Peter Jackson feels that it is very difficult to come up with a
satisfactory explanation for the success of the Turks on the basis of the
primary sources available. The Muslim writers, who took note of these
events, are of the view that god granted victory to the Sultan and his
forces. Therefore, any analysis of the causes of Turkish success rest on
fragmentary evidence and any conclusion drawn can only be speculative.
On the basis of observations made by Alberuni about the caste system,
Mohammad Habib is of the view that the resistance of the Hindu rulers,
when'confronted by the invading Ghurid armies, was undermined in two
respects - first, the caste system seriously impaired the military
effectiveness of the Hindu kingdoms. It restricted participation in war
only to the warrior castes or the Kshatriyas. The rules of untouchability
dictated that menial tasks could not be left to the lower castes. The second
disadvantage of the caste system was that it eroded the idea of social
cohesiveness. Islam preached equality and Mohammad Habib says that,
the urban masses could not help but draw up a contrast between the
liberating message of Islam and the social shackles that bound them. Can
they really be blamed for wanting to throw in their lot with the newcomers?
Thus, according to Habib, this was not really a conquest of sorts. This
was in fact a turnover of public opinion which was long overdue.
Peter Jackson says the arguments given by Mohammad Habib do not
withstand closer scrutiny. As far as military effectiveness is concerned
Simon Digby has mentioned that Hindu armies included members of
other castes such as Vaishyas and Shudras8. He believes that Alberuni’s
Brahman informants may have exaggerated the effectiveness of the caste
regulations. Jackson believes that a recognition of one’s low social status
and an urge to improve it do not necessarily go hand in hand in a society
like India which by that time had remained untouched by the eighteenth
century European enlightenment. Therefore, the question of turnover of
public opinion seems irrelevant.
ISSUE OF INDIAN AND FOREIGN:

THE ‘OTHER’ IN SOURCES
Contemporary Persian sources, related to the early Turkish invaders,
--- ■■■-. _ to understand
choose _ — _lik
___ events e-plundering and religiousJcoQQclasm
---------------------- “■ . .... . in
synchronisation with the~characterof the Muslim protagonists. Most of
Mumia.! . 1^^111,1 iiAI i,-n ।
what Mahmud Ghaznawi did was considered appropriate and mkeeping/

with the dictates of Islam. Later, modern-day historians, like Andre Wink?
have substantiated* this hypothesis. Wink goes to the extent of saying
that - ‘Apologists forjslam, as well as some Marxist scholars in India

have sometimesattempted to reduce Islamic iconoclasmÛpdia^to a
gratuitous TusTTor plunder on the part of theJVluslims. unrelated in any
direct way to the religion itself, while depicting Hindu temples as centres
ToJiinUlM^ment
‘is too vague to be-cormjaemg’.
B7Dr~€hatropadhyaya9~says that the ‘otherness’ of ‘medieval Muslim
cdrtfffl^^^presenWas f^F^^^^FasÎl^cufiuSjLâpse,
giveff^^jKctTfiaFtK^^^limrTar^^^^jxUEdTa^CIiattopadhyaya
----- . ' ' -—— ————— ~ jIW)_ ,. 1 I~u7t;7t.' ' ' r*—■—»»«Ba«raS!SSSmS®^»^!W’^S!!P<33S!““».
descnbestheTnanrier m which the text of the Ramayana came to acquire

an almost idiomatic standing in the political imagination of India between
t^MngSg centuries. To him the need to invent the
king^TTama,'th'e'T^Ôea<T?T^Â«l political andSnrraTwo^. is
r^^^^^^^^^^^^^mnd^srule^posed^^Ê^h^âigis.
RecSfiTresemcEeTôintouthow the rajputra fashioning of a Kshatriya
status or the Ramrajya myth of an ideal rule werebpthlia^^ local
contexts of~pblitical competition several years before the tenth century
ahcFceffainly 'm^fiTeTmethe Ghaznavid or Ghurid invasions.10 The
subsequent ‘origin’ of the Rajputs, from a more generic kshatriya identity,
occurred from the fourteenth century onwards and lasted till late into the
sixteenth century.
Romila Thapar refers to the construction of a brahmanical realip that
had the tencteiicy ~of TexûUfn'gZn^gÊerents -as-jaarbarians, B.D.
Chattopadhyaya 11 Romila Thapar 12 and Carl Emst have pointed out how
tHe^Brahminical ordering of the sociaTuniverse had already cast.,the
G^n^ftT'commandeixas part of the demonic, destabilising ‘Other’.
TnEi^*irT^reat aeal’’ of reportage on ’ fhe~'fibstility and conflict in the
Persian, chronicles and the Sanskrit epigraphs of the time which do not
seem to suggest that during the tenth and eleventh centuries muslims were
considered as ‘others’.
Andre Wink talks about an ‘Islamic theology of iconoclasm’ which
advocated the destruction of temfdWTnTndia^n^r'toeTHunimSjiJlans.
He argues that Islam endorsed iconoclasm and the Prophet himself ordered
all idols aroundKaba^toqe~destroySjBiit it is to be noted that Mahmud,
who was a devout Muslim, was not the only one to target Hindu temples
during those days. Various 11inclu Kings sponsored the desecration of
temples for political as~well as econoimcTeasons. Kalhana has mentioned
that The TrngFot Kashmir took the feadTTsuch matters. Harshadeva, a
Kashmiri leader of note, went so far as to appoint a speaaT^fficei' to
supervise the destruction of temples. Kalhana has used the term Turushka
forTuEirmle^^ abduTnie_ei^teenthTei?tui7 onwards
gr^rH5^Zsgci or TurushkaozP^p^nd so on and
so forth. Yavana and Mleccha were the other generic terms used to refer
to ‘outsiders’. Terms ffie^Musalaman’ (one who submits to Allah) began
tobeused
----- ■—fromthe -J thirteenth century onwards. References to Tajikas
seenno^disappearlfom inscriptions after the tenth century. And then the
term Turuska assumes importance and popularity. B.D. Chattopadhyaya 13
says that references to ‘Turuska’ can be found in early Indian literary
sourcesTike the~Hmâc^^feLofJRamaând the Rajtarangini of Kalhana.
as well as in SS^gTniscnpHons and in tex^^FêpintE~and tenth
centunes7"~"~~
Cynthia Talbot14 in her study of medieval Andhra Pradesh, historicised
the productiorToFdifferent Hhds'oflHuguTir RindiTrepresentations of
‘we^Kood-’- ^ynth an alien or ‘Other’ constntct-o£ Turk
orTMudim ‘them-hood’. In Talbot’s work the framing of these identities
waFan" interesting textual strategy by which the political elite sought to
create fragmented political groups within a homogeneous ethnicity marked
by a shared linguistic, regional, and mythical history. It was a slow, non
linear process spanning the period between the fourteenth to the
seventeenth centuries. Talbot argued that the textual material relating to
the qualities of a demonised ‘Other’ was an essentially political construct
that could not be disentangled from the processes involved in the
construction ‘self’. Talbot also argues that much of the process of
introspection and the creation of collective identities was ‘pre-’ rather
than ‘post-colonial’.
Sunil Kumar supporting B.D. Chattopadhyaya’s hypothesis goes on
to claim that the tenets of Islam could well be found located in both the
Persian
__ - time and in the architecture of the period. In
.......— — ---- ~ of the
chronicles
SouttrAsiaTtfiese"sources tend to reify the Sultanate into a composite
body of ‘Muslims’ opposed by an equally undifferentiatedbody of infidel
‘^^^^sKuinaFafgu^ThatthFliistoiy'^fTe^le desecration cannot be
âscribed" to the primordial inspiration provided by the ‘great text’ of a
particular community.15 The practice of temple desecration in north India
pre-dates and is quite unconnected with the arrival of ‘Muslims’ and other
Sultanate forces.
Thus, the hypothesis of Andre Wink falls short of evidence in the
non-Persian sources. As the research of Richard Davis16 has shown,
victorious ‘Hindu’ Kings of the subcontinent routinely despoiled the
temples of their vanquished opponents and redeployed sacred relics in
their temples as a mark of victory. Temple desecration, in other words,
was not an ‘Islamic’ innovation in any sense of the term. It had a local
history with which the political participants of the time were familiar.
However, at the same time it is pertinent to note that there were
significant differences between the Muslim and Hindu styles of
desecrating temples. Among the Hindu monarchs the episode of
destruction and reconstruction of temples was carried out within ritually

homologous forms of Hindu kingship. The Turks, on the other hand,
would construct a mosque, e.g. masjid-i jami as a statement of victory. In
fact, in many of the early Islamic monuments in India, material from
Hindu or Jain temples was often put in use. The images of the temples
were removed and replaced by verses from the Koran in calligraphic
Arabic. This act signified the arrival of a different tradition of governance.
The event carried larger social and moral implications for the constitution
of authority in the region, since the temples were also the place where
redistributive and transactional relationships between the Hindu King, his
subordinate chieftains, and the larger subject population used to take
place. This new form of governance might have been felt as ‘different’ if
not as those of ‘others’.
DELHI SULTANATE UNDER BANDAGANS

Alberuni, while describing the raids of Mahmud of Ghazna, (1030) refers
to various towns like Mathura and Kannauj but makes no mention of
Delhi. Delhi became an important city only in the twelfth century or so
when it became the capital of the Tomars and from then onwards began
to be referred to as Dhillika. The earliest reference to Delhi, an anglicised
version of Dilli, occurs in an inscription on the famous Iron Pillar near
Qutb Minar.
The foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was laid in the beginning of the
thirteenth century. The Sultans of Delhi built many cities in the area that
is now known as Delhi. The seven cities of Medieval Delhi are - (i).
Lalkot; (ii) Siri; (iii) Tughlaqabad; (iv) Jahanpanah; (v) Firuzabad or
Kotla; (vi) Dinpanah; (vii) Shahjahanbad. The first five were built by the
Delhi Sultans and the last two were built later.
We have already studied in Chapter 1 that apart from inscriptions,
coins and monuments which provide a lot of information on Delhi
Sultanate, written records like the tarikh (singular) and the tawarikh
(plural) serve as huge repositories of information. These were written in
Persian, which was the language of administration under the Delhi
Sultans. The authors of these tawarikh were learned men in their own
right and their main job, apart from keeping a record of key events and
occurrences, was to function as an advisory body and help the Sultan on
matters of governance and administration. However, one has to be careful
while studying the history of the Delhi Sultans on the basis of these
contemporary sources. A historian’s account is always partisan. Further,
they dealt mostly with matters which did not concern the general public.
History was written only from the point of view of the Sultan in the hope
of rich rewards.
Bl
During his lifetime, Mohammad Ghori had announced that his Turkish
slaves would inherit his dominions and his name would be preserved in
the khutba everywhere. Mohammad Ghori returned to his projects in
Central Asia, leaving his won-over territories in Hindustan under the
MAP 3: SULTANATE CITIES OF DELHI

SMggrS
command of Qutbuddin Aibak, his most faithful slave. Aibak received the
deed of investiture of Hindustan (Adre Wink, al-Hind, vol-II p. 40). The
latter was given wide powers to extend and consolidate the conquests.
The bandagans or slaves ruled the subcontinent for about eighty-four
years. The slaves of Mohammad Ghori who were later appointed as
Governors include - (i) Yalduz at Ghazna; (ii) Qubachah at Uchh;
(iii) Qutubuddin Aibak at Delhi; and (iv) Bakhtiyar Khalji at Bengal.
Slavery was a common feature of the Islamic world. The success of
the campaigns of the Delhi Sultanate rulers was measured by the number
of captives acquired along with gold, silver, cattle and horses. Qutubuddin
Aibak captured 20,000 slaves (bandagans) in his Gujarat campaign of
1195 and 50,000 slaves in the raid on Kalinjar in 1202. It is believed that
one of the main objectives of Balban’s raid of Ranthambor and Malik
Kafur’s campaign in the Deccan was to get more slaves. The rebellious
villages of the Sultanate (mawas), which had stubbornly refused to pay
the kharaj or the tribute, became an important site from where slaves
could be procured. There were as many as 50,000 slaves in Alauddin
Khalji’s establishment. Firuz Shah Tughluq’s establishment had had the
staggering number of 1,80,000 slaves. These slaves of Firuz Shah included
12,000 artisans, who worked in the royal karkhanas.
Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Shams-ud-din Iltutmish and Ghiyasud-din Balban,
the three great Sultans of the era, began their lives as purchased slaves
and went on to become the future monarchs of the country. Muhammad
Ghori had no son so he raised thousands of slaves like his sons. Ghori had
the habit of buying every talented slave he came across. He would then
train them in the manner in which royal children were trained. During
Ghori’s regime, slaves came to hold positions of seminal importance in
the government-machinery. The three favourite slaves of the Sultan were
Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Taj-ud-din Ildiz, and Nasir-ud-din Qubachah. He
appointed them governors of Delhi, Ghazna, and Lahore, respectively.
Ghori did not ever nominate a successor but it was obvious that one of his
many slaves would succeed him. When Ghori died in 1206, the amirs
elected Aibak as the new Sultan. Aibak first shifted his capital from
Ghazna to Lahore and then from Lahore to Delhi.
The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate immediately needed reliable
governors and administrators. The early Delhi Sultans, Iltutmish in
particular, preferred slaves to aristocrats and landed chieftains when it
came to selecting the right candidate for a governor’s post. Most of these
slaves had been specially trained for military service and were called
bandagan in Persian. They were carefully trained to man some of the
most important political offices in the kingdom. The Sultan could rely
upon them completely as these soldiers were entirely dependent on the
king. Mohammad Ghori had no sons so he nurtured thousands of slaves
(called bandagan in Persian) like his sons. These slaves were placed as
governors and later raised to the status of sultans. Ghori used to train his
slaves in the way royal children were trained. During Ghori’s regime,
slaves occupied all key positions in the government machinery. It was a
general belief that a worthy and experienced slave would prove to be
better than a son. After Ghori’s death in 1206, Qutb-ud-din Aibak laid the
foundation of the Ilbari dynasty which ruled over the sub-continent for
about 84 years. Qutb-ud-din Aibak, Shams-ud-din Iltutmish and Ghiyas-
ud-din Balban, the three great sultans of the era, were themselves sold
and purchased during their early lives.
The Khaljis and Tughluqs, also like Iltutmish, made use of the
bandagan and also raised people of humble birth, who were often their
clients, to positions of immense political importance. They were appointed
as generals and as governors. However, this also introduced an element of
political instability. Slaves and clients were loyal to their masters and
patrons, but not to their heirs. Each Sultan had his own coterie of favourite
servants. As a result the accession of a new monarch often saw conflict
between the old and the new nobility. Also, the policy of patronising
people of humble birth incurred the displeasure of the elite and the
authors of Persian tawarikh criticised the Delhi Sultans for appointing the
‘low and base-born’ to high offices. Sultan Muhammad Tughluq appointed
Aziz Khummar, a wine distiller; Firuz Hajj am, a barber; Tabbakh, a cook;
and Ladha and Pira, who were essentially gardeners, to high
administrative posts. Ziyauddin Barani, a mid-fourteenth century
chronicler, is of the view that these appointments only indicated the
Sultan’s loss of political judgment and his ineptitude as a ruler. In nutshell,
appointment of bandagans to important positions under Delhi Sultanate
was quite common and it was not against Islamic tradition.
It is worth mentioning here that both the Koran and the Sharia
(Islamic law) provided the basis for enforcing Islamic administration over
independent Hindu rulers, but the Sultanate in the beginning could not
afford to strictly implement Islamic administrative policies. Initially many
campaigns were undertaken for plunder and temporary reduction of
fortresses in order to control the new territory. Even later, the Sultans of
Delhi remained engaged in everyday intrigues at the court and in the
consolidation of the Sultanate. The effective rule of a Sultan depended
largely on his ability to control strategic places that dominated the military
highways and trade routes, extract the annual land tax, and maintain
personal authority over the military and provincial governors. Sultan
Alauddin made an attempt to reassess, to systematise, to institute a
centralised system of administration, and to bring in a degree of uniformity
when it came to land revenue and urban taxes, although his efforts were
thwarted. Agriculture in north India improved as a result of the
isSSSS
construction of canals and the introduction of more innovative irrigation

methods, including what came to be known as the Persian wheel, but the
lot of the peasantry did not improve. Political instability and the parasitic
methods of tax collection brutalised the peasantry. Yet trade and a market
economy, encouraged by the free-spending habits of the aristocracy,
acquired a new impetus both inland and overseas. Thus, the Sultans and
their policies were largely guided by the realities of the time and they
were always in a lookout for a system which could enhance the revenue
of the state on a continuous basis. In the initial years of Sultanate rule the
bandagans were the most potent stabilising force and were, therefore,
given posts of significance. They were sometimes even raised to the
status of Sultan.
The period from 1206 to 1290 constituted the formative and the most
challenging period in the history of the Delhi Sultanate. It was marked by
a prolonged, multi-cornered conflict within the Ghorian ruling class as
well as against the renewed Rajput resurgence.
Muhammad Ghori’s sudden death in 1206 resulted in a tussle for
supremacy among his three important generals, Tajuddin Yalduz,
Nasiruddin Qubacha and Qutb-ud-din Aibak. Yalduz held Karman and
Sankuran on the route between Afghanistan and upper Sind. Qubacha
held the important charge of Uchh, while Aibak had already been deputed
as the ‘viceroy’ of Muhammad Ghori and the overall commander of the
army of India. Though, technically speaking, he was still a slave, the title
of Sultan was conferred upon him soon after the death of his master. The
formal establishment of the Delhi Sultanate can well be attributed to this
event. In the early part of his brief four-year-reign, Aibak shifted his
capital to Lahore in order to frustrate Yalduz’s ambition of annexing
Punjab. Aibak was succeeded by his son-in-law, Iltutmish, who brought
back the capital to Delhi.
Iltutmish (1210-36)
Iltutmish’s reign, which lasted for nearly a quarter of a century, was best
defined by a concerted drive to reestablish the Sultanate’s authority on
areas that had been lost. In 1215, Yalduz was defeated at Tarain and in
1217, Iltutmish wrested the province of Lahore from Qubacha and placed
it in the charge of a governor he had appointed. Within three years of this
event, the Mongols, under Chengiz Khan’s leadership, appeared on the
banks of the Indus in pursuit of Jalauddin Mangbami (the son of the
Khwarizmian ruler) who had taken refuge in Punjab. The twelfth century
had already witnessed the destruction of Islamic lands by the Mongols.
Henceforth, the Mongols remained a constant source of worry for the
Delhi Sultans. Though the Mongol presence had upset Iltutmish’s plan of
consolidation on the north-west, it also created conditions for the

destruction of Qubacha who held Uchh and faced the brunt of
Mangbami’s invasion. As a consequence, Iltutmish was able to seize
Bhatinda, Kuhram, and Sarsuti. He launched a two-pronged attack in
about 1228. Control over the north-west now became possible for the
Delhi Sultanate. In Rajputana, the Turks were able to reclaim
Ranthambhor, Mandor, Jalor, Bayana and Thangir. After 1225, Iltutmish
could turn towards the east. It was a turbulent period punctuated by
sporadic bouts of military success. However, Lakhnauti (in Bengal) and
Bihar continued to evade the authority of the Sultanate.
Before the time of Iltutmish, it was not possible to pay adequate
attention to the organisation of the Turkish state in India. In these early
years the state was essentially militaristic in character. Important forts
were occupied and strongly garrisoned and it was expected of every
military commander that he would extract an annual tribute from the local
Hindu chiefs and landlords by a show of superior military force. He also
raided hostile territories and tried to add to the number of tributary chiefs.
The Turks had so far established practically no contact of any kind
whatsoever with the rural masses from where regular land revenue had to
be generated.
It was difficult for the masses to develop a sense of loyalty. Iltutmish
realised that it was important to establish that the status and dignity of the
sovereign could not be challenged or questioned. It did not take him long
to find out that many Qutbi and Muizzi amirs were unwilling to accept his
suzerainty. He, therefore, concluded that the implicit obedience of
subordinate officers could be secured only when almost all the high
offices were given to his own favourites. Contemporary chronicles suggest
that he organised a corps of forty slaves and distributed all high offices
among them. Hostile Qutbi and Muizzi amirs were either killed in battle
or dismissed from office. This made other nobles submissive to the Sultan.
Desirous of gain and obviously coveting the success and achievements of
the ‘Forty’, the recalcitrant nobility understood that they needed a higher
level of devotion and loyalty if they wanted to retain their jobs. To impart
greater stability to the state, Iltutmish chose the best and most capable of
people even if they happened to be either foreigners or local inhabitants.
Thus, Minhaj-us-siraj was appointed the Chief Qazi and Sadr-i-jahan
while Fakhr-ul-mulk Isami was offered the Wazirship, a post he held for
as many as thirty long years. Another important measure of Iltutmish was
the settlement of his fellow Turks in those hilly and forest-infested tracts
which were particularly not under anybody’s control. One such settlement
was in the Doab and Khokhar land. Thirdly, he made adequate provision
for justice. Ibn Batuta says that there were statues of two lions on the
palace gate bearing chains in their mouths which when pulled rang a bell
♦♦♦ Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖ 157
mo
at the other end. Whenever an aggrieved person pulled the chain he
received instant attention from the royal officers deputed for the purpose.
The Sultan had made provisions for the prompt redress of grievances.
Historians are of the view that it is difficult to lend credence to what
could well be mere hearsay, but it cannot be denied that the Sultan was
anxious to establish a just government. He appointed amir-dads in all
important towns while at Delhi there were a number of qajis. The Chief
Qazi and the Sultan spent much time listening to appeals from lower
courts and tried to regulate and organise their work. Iltutmish also issued
a purely Arabic coin called the tanka weighing 175 grains, to replace the
former Hindu coins. Issues were made in both silver and gold. The issue
of these coins was another means of providing stability and strength to
the Sultanate.
The most notable step taken by him was to secure a letter of
investiture from the Abbasid Caliph. The Caliph, impressed by his
victories, conferred upon him the title and designation of the Sultan of
Delhi. His title to sovereignty now acquired a legal basis and all those
who had cast aspersions on his family or former status were silenced.
Thus was initiated a fully sovereign and legally constituted Sultanate of
Delhi. This enhanced the prestige of the Sultan and because he was the
first legal sovereign, he has been described as the real founder of the
Sultanate of Delhi.
The death of Iltutmish in 1236 led to more sharpened factionalism
and intrigue among the Turks. In a period of some thirty years, the four
descendants of Iltutmish came to occupy the throne. The most prominent
group, which came to decide the course of high politics during these
years, was referred to as the turkan-I chihalgani bandagan shamsi or the
‘forty’ Turkish slave ‘officers’ of Iltutmish. Ziauddin Barani, has left
behind a concise and insightful account of these critical years. During the
reign of Shamsuddin Iltutmish, owing to the presence of educated and
capable maliks and wazirs, the court of Sultan Shamsuddin acquired
somewhat greater stability. But after the death of the Sultan, his
Chihalgani, or retinue of forty slaves, Turkish slaves got the upper hand.
So, owing to the supremacy of the Turkish slave officers, all these men of
noble birth were destroyed on some pretext or the other while the post of
the monarch came to be held by the various successors of Iltutmish.
The most important institution that developed under the Iltutmish was
the institution of Chihalgani or the Forty. Chihalgani was a corps of
highly placed and powerful officers, whom Iltutmish had organised as his
personal supporters. Perhaps Barani is the only historian to have used the
term chihal meaning forty. This led sixteenth century compilators like
Ferishta to assume that Iltutmish had as many asTorty slaves, and this in
turn influenced the writings of modem day historians. K.A. Nizami17
MAP 4: DELHI SULTANATE IN 1236
explained that chihalgani, which indicated the number forty, should at

best be understood as an approximate figure. Mohammad Habib also
agrees and is of the view that forty was merely a formal number and the
actual number of slaves that comprised the Chihalgani was probably far
lower. They functioned as a cabinet of sorts for the Sultan.
According to Peter Jackson (1999) Chihalganis were termed as such
because each commanded a corps of forty ghulams. He concludes that the
Chihalganis formed a parallel group of commanders within the ranks of
v Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖ 159
Iltutmish’s Shamsi slaves. The Shamsi slaves were another group of

Iltutmish’s Turkish slaves known as umara-yi lurk ki bandagan-i Shamsi
budand. Sunil Kumar (2007) says that the Shamsi bandagans were the
most favoured group in Iltutmish’s dispensation because they were neither
slaves nor were they a part of the Turkish bureaucracy. Kumar praises the
analysis of Barani of the organisation of the Shamsi slave system. To him
Barani was accurate in defining the Chihalgani as an elite cadre within
the bandagan-i Shamsi and effectively it was a group of Shamsi
bandagan-i khass. It was a group of slaves, revered and trusted above
others by Iltutmish.
In the civil war that followed the reign of Iltutmish, the Shamsi slaves
began looking for personal gain and played one prince against the other.
They became immensely powerful in the tenure of the various successors
of Iltutmish. Each began considering himself the deputy of the Sultan.
When Balban assumed charge as Sultan, he had most of them murdered
while others were banished from the kingdom. By crushing their power,
Balban strengthened his rule, but, in doing so, he also destroyed the real
power of the Sultanate.
TABLE 5.1
HIGHLIGHTS OF ILTUTMISH’S RULE
, • (Refusal of shelter to the Khwarizm ruler, Jalal-ud-din, who fled to Punjab

( .-following the attack of Chengiz Khan on his empire.
Introduction of silyer tanka and copper jetal—the first purely Arabic coinage
issued from Delhi.
j • Introduction of. the iqtadari system.
• Organisation of a team of 40 loyal nobles, Chihalgani.
■ •. Completion"of the construction of Qutb Minar in Delhi.'
• Declaration‘of Raziya as Sultan and successor and not his sons.
Raziya (1236-40)
In 1236 Sultan Iltutmish’s daughter, Raziya, became the next monarch in

line. The chronicler of this period, Minhaj-i Siraj Juzjani, says that she
was that much more able and qualified than any of her brothers were. The
Delhi Sultanate had no law of succession. Iltutmish was conscious of the
complications that would inevitably arise on account of unclear and
vaguely defined laws of succession. He understood that there was every
likelihood of an ensuing civil war, which would most certainly jeopardise
the very existence of the Sultanate. He, therefore, consecutively appointed
his eldest son Nasiruddin Mahmud governor of Lahore, Awadh and
Bengal. But fate had something else in store for him. Just as Iltutmish was
celebrating the recognition of his title by the Caliph, he was provided
with the tragic news of his eldest son’s death. He had other sons as well
but none of them was fit for the office of the king. Iltutmish decided that
he would leave his throne to his daughter Raziya. He allowed her to assist
him in matters of state administration. Raziya was worth the faith her
father invested in her and in 1231-32 when the Sultan was absent on his
Gwalior campaign, she was left in charge of the government at Delhi. At
this time she gave evidence of such intelligence and ability that on his
return Iltutmish decided to nominate her as his successor to the throne. A
farman, proclaiming Raziya as heir-apparent, was drafted. Juzjani says
that a number of Turkish nobles opposed this move as improper and
derogatory to their pride. But Iltutmish knew that Raziya would prove to
be a better monarch than any of his sons would.
Raziya occupies a remarkable place among the thirteenth century
Turkish rulers of India. She handled discord and disharmony well despite
fierce opposition consolidated her position by her tact and ability. Raziya
had undoubtedly managed to secure the throne, but it was a crown of
thorns. A number of Iltutmish’s sons were still alive and they had their
supporters both among the nobles and the people of Delhi. On the other
hand, the Rajputs had again begun militating against the Crown and had
laid siege to Ranthambhor. Then there were people to whom Raziya was
unacceptable simply because she happened to be a woman. Exploiting the
mutual jealousy of the rebel chiefs she won Izuddin Salari and Kabir
Khan over to her side and then gave wide publicity to the fact that a
number of rebel chiefs had joined her and had promised to bring others in
chains before her. Wazir Junaidi was also defeated but he managed to
escape.
The prestige of Raziya suddenly went up and all provincial governors
were so awed by her that they willingly submitted to her authority and
agreed to pay the annual tribute. Raziya next took a number of steps to
enhance the prestige of the sovereign. Muhazzabuddin, the Naib Wazir,
was awarded the Wazarat. The number of jagirs given to Kabir Khan and
Salari increased in number. In order to break the monopoly of Turks to
high office and to make them dependent on her will she offered some of
the higher posts to non-Turkish Muslims. One such post went to
Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian. He was appointed Amir Akhur. Malik
Hasan Ghori was given command over the army. She also launched a
pitched battle against the Rajputs of Ranthambhor and having captured
the fort got it razed to the ground lest it should fall into the hands of the
Rajputs again. She abandoned the purdah, held open court, listened to the
grievances of her subjects and -personally supervised the work of every
department. People were impressed by her ability, sense of justice, and
the fact that she understood the worth of merit and hard work. There was
a section of the people, however, which could never accept the idea of a
woman being the head of the state. Others were unhappy because she
would not allow them as much leeway as they desired. Still others began
slandering her because she had shown favour to Jamaluddin Yaqut.
Raziya paid no heed to these rumours. Ziyauddin Junaidi, the
governor of Gwalior, was summoned to the court because he was
suspected of fomenting rebellion. After his visit to the court he was heard
of no more. This had huge repercussions. Suspicion gained ground that
the Queen had got him treacherously murdered. Raziya was thus charged
with organising political murders on mere suspicion. The result was that
all those who feared being suspect became antagonists and political rebels
instead of allies and supporters. Some provincial governors turned hostile
because they thought the Queen would annihilate the Shamsi nobles.
The Turkish nobles formed a plan of an organised resistance. They
wanted to weaken the royalty permanently vis-a-vis the nobility. The
leader of this conspiracy was Aitigin who rose from being the mere
governor of Badaun to now taking up the office of the Mir Hajib at Delhi.
Aitigin felt that no large-scale uprising was possible in Delhi as long as
the Queen was present there. It was also not possible to murder her
because of her precautionary measures. Nor was there any guarantee of
success even if the provincial governors combined to lay siege to Delhi.
Plans, therefore, had to be laid out very carefully. Altuniya, the governor
of Bhatinda, was the first to revolt. Raziya immediately proceeded to
quell the tide of rebellion. Aitigin and his fellow-conspirators captured
Yakut and killed him and then made common cause with Altuniya to
defeat and capture Raziya. The nobles felt that Bahram should be the next
Sultan. He assumed the title of Muizuddin and ruled from 1240 to 1242.
After him came an entire line of politically inept monarchs and in the
absence of a coherent centre of power there was a long period of
instability in the Delhi Sultanate till Balban captured the throne at Delhi.
Balban (1266-87)
The accession of Balban in 1265 provided the Sultanate with a powerful

and determined ruler. Balban had two major concerns: (i) raising the
prestige of the crown through elaborate court ceremonials; (ii) and the
inculcation of certain Sassanian traditions that put much emphasis on the
belief that the king was a mystical figure of awe and power and that the
gap between him and the commoners could never be bridged. Secondly,
he intended to consolidate Turkish power, and therefore, rebellions were
put down with determination and administrative procedures were
streamlined.
MW
Iltutmish had purchased Balban in 1232. Under Iltutmish he was first
appointed to a minor post but as he was a talented being he won rapid
promotions and under Raziya he became the Amir-i-Shikar or the Lord of
the Hunts. Bahram Shah promoted him to the office of the Amir-i- Akhur
or the Lord of the Stables and in 1244 Masud appointed him Amir-
i.Hajib. After entering the politics of Delhi, Balban employed all possible
means to secure the highest place in the State within the shortest possible
time. He would freely defect from one side to the other to secure personal
advancement. But between 1246-66 he remained completely devoted to
Nasiruddin. Nasiruddin, too, not only gave him the highest office in the
state but also married one of Balban’s daughters. One of the Sultan’s
many daughters by another wife was married to Balban’s son, Bughra
Khan. Consequently, when the Sultan died after a prolonged illness,
Balban had no difficulty in acquiring the throne of Delhi. When Balban
ascended the throne in 1266 under the style of Ghiyasuddin, it was a
welcome move.
Balban first tried to enhance the prestige of the sovereign. He
understood that the chief cause of political unrest in the Sultanate was a
thirty-year-period of having to deal with weak and incompetent monarchs.
Balban, therefore, in an attempt to enhance the prestige of the monarch,
placed the status of the Sovereign beyond compare. He was of the view
that apart from the Prophet, no one could be placed higher than the
Sovereign. The ruler was God’s appointee on earth and his conduct was
required to reflect divine glory and majesty. He further affirmed that the
right of government was granted by God only to those of noble birth and
it was for this reason that he traced his descent to the ancient hero
Afrasiyab and named his grandsons - Kai Khusrau and Kaiqubad - after
the great sovereigns of the past. No non-Turk ever came to occupy a high
office in his tenure. Balban modelled his court after the Persians. It was
magnificently decorated and evinced pomp and ostentation. Personal
bodyguards of the Sultan, dressed in fine liveries and shining armour,
would stand right behind the throne with drawn swords. This dazzled and
overawed the visitors to the court. The Sultan had given shelter to about
fifteen dispossessed rulers and princes of Central Asia. They too had to be
present in the court and everybody, except for the two representatives of
the Abbasid dynasty, had to keep standing. The arrival and departure of
the Sultan was successively announced by a group of officers in an
impressive and high tone. All visitors to the court had to observe a
prescribed ceremonial and had to offer first prostrate themselves before
the Sultan - sijda - after which it was obligatory for them to kiss the
Sultan’s feet - paibos. Balban would always come to the Court richly
attired and- he would never speak so much as one unnecessary word.
Lower officers had no access to him except through the higher dignitaries.
He maintained a grave demeanour and neither indulged in nor permitted
any light-heartedness. Thus, Balban provided the Sovereign with a near
divine stature. Balban first moved against the Mewatis in 1266 and
surrounded the jungle where they usually retired to safety. He got the
jungle cleared and had a road constructed through it, which would
facilitate the rapid movement of the army. All males above the age of
twelve were indiscriminately massacred and the women were enslaved.
About one lakh persons lost their lives and the whole tract was a scene of
devastation and ruin. The Sultan felt this measure would terrorise the
Mewatis into submission. But he would take no risk this time. Hence, he
established a strong Afghan garrison at Gopalgir to keep an eye over their
movements. Similar outposts were established, at other strategic points
and were linked through newly-built roads. The soldiers posted there
were assigned local villages in lieu of a salary and the greatest vigilance
was placed upon them. The Sultan would occasionally pay surprise visits
on the pretext of being out on a hunting expedition and this resulted in
greater cautionary measures being adopted.
However, while the Sultan was engaged in these operations in Mewat,
trouble arose in Doab and Awadh. The Sultan rapidly repaired to that
region. He divided the region into many parts and entrusted each section
to a special officer. They were then asked to proceed according to a set
routine. The garrisons were instructed to keep the roads safe, stem the
tide of lawlessness with a high hand and to assist royal agents in the
realisation of taxes.
Balban then turned towards the Turkish nobility and did his best to
bring them under his yoke. He knew that the Shamsi nobles lacked a
sense of loyalty. He recruited a new order of the nobility, which now
comprised his personal followers and servants. All high offices were
given to them alone. In order to keep the nobles under control Balban
effected some transfers. Tatar Khan, the governor of Bengal, was
transferred to fill up the vacancy caused on account of Sher Khan’s death
while his own place in Bengal was filled up by Tughril Beg. Most of the
remaining Shamsi nobles were also transferred to the north-western
frontier and were put in charge of the various forts and outposts there.
Thus, the Shamsi nobility came to an end.
For maintaining effective control of the centre over the provinces
Balban adopted a number of measures. He established a net-work of spies
all over the kingdom and ordered them to send him a true and prompt
record of important occurrences. The Sultan had placed his own sons
under surveillance as well. If an informer suppressed or distorted facts
out of fear or favour, he was severely punished.
Balban made an equally effective arrangement for the defence of

frontiers. The Mongols were becoming a real menace and after the
liquidation of the Caliphate, their pressure on Indian frontiers increased.
The Sultan of Delhi was the only Muslim potentate who had not only
maintained his integrity in the face of Mongol invasions but had also
provided shelter to dispossessed rulers and other distinguished immigrants
from abroad. It was but natural that the Mongols would desire to make
their forays into his territory and thereby put an end to this last refuge of
Islam. Balban had to meet this challenge boldly despite his preoccupation
with internal revolts and administrative problems. Defence of the frontiers
was made a priority matter and Balban adapted his entire policy to its
needs. New recruitments to the army were made and the soldiers were
paid good salaries. The system of branding the horses also came into
vogue and this led to significant improvements in the quality of the
mounts in the royal army. Balban preferred paying the soldiers in cash
because he had noticed that jagirs were misperceived as hereditary grants.
In the Punjab and Doab, as many as two thousand people were granted
jagirs by Iltutmish but they retained the jagirs without rendering any
military service. They claimed them as milk (property) or inam (gift).
Balban ordered an investigation and it was revealed that all jagirs had
really been assigned in lieu of salaries.
Balban generally preferred payment in cash but the grant of jagirs
could not be suspended altogether. Provincial and local nobles usually
never paid the solders in cash but granted them land instead. All the
measures of the Sultan made the army more numerous, more efficient and
more loyal to the sovereign. The strength and efficacy of the army needed
to be constantly brought to the test and new conquests in that sense of the
term would have proved useful. But Balban feared that a long period of
absence from the capital and frittering away the strength of the armed
forces in diverse campaigns would only make the kingdom that much
more vulnerable to repeated attacks by the Mongols. He attached much
importance to the defence of the frontiers because on that rested the
existence of his kingdom. He therefore eschewed conquest and
concentrated all his energy in sealing the frontiers to foreign invaders.
In 1285, Timur Khan, the Mongol Chief of Afghanistan, led a
powerful invasion, plundered and ransacked Lahore and Dipalpur and
when Prince Muhammad rode forth to meet the challenge, he succeeded
only in falling into the Mongol trap. Following a common tactic, the
Mongols broke the engagement after a while and fled. The army of the
Prince followed in hot pursuit. The Mongols pretended to flee in utter
despair and confusion. This misled the Prince into believing in a false
sense of security and he pressed on with undue haste while his troops
were left behind. At the opportune moment, the Mongols turned back
according to the plan and the retreat of the Prince was cut off by the
Mongols lying in ambush. The Prince and his companions were killed
almost to a man. The aged Sultan could have borne the shock of defeat
but the death of his favourite son proved too much to bear and he did not
survive the tragedy for long. Kaikhusrau, Muhammad’s son, stepped into
the shoes of his father and proved to be a worthy successor. As long as he
remained in power, the Mongols were unable to capture either Multan, or
Uchh or any other part of Sultan’s territory. The defensive policy of
Balban against the Mongols proved to be very successful.
TABLE 5.2
HIGHLIGHTS OF BALBAN’S RULE
• Declared himself (the Sultan) as the representative of God on earth. s .

• Introduction of the practice of Sijda in which the people were required to kneel.
and touch the ground with their head to greet the Sultan. . \
• End of* the influence of Turkhan-i-Chihalgani or Chalisa.
• Abolition of the post of naik to give the Sultan control over the entire
administration. 1 . . "•
♦ Sultan’s instruction to the ulemas to confine themselves to religious affairs and -
not to engage in political activities.
• Massacre of the Mewati Rajputs.
• • Suppression of Tughril Khan’s revolt in Bengal.
♦ Reinforcement of forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and. Samana in the, northwest to
check any Mongol,advance beyond the death of Balban’s son, Prince
Muhammad, in 1285 while defending Multan against the Mongols.
• Creation of diwan-i-arz (the department of military affairs),
Balban’s Theory of Kingship
Balban has been hailed as perhaps the only Sultan of Delhi who is
reported to have discussed his views about kingship with his sons at
length in Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i Firuzshahi. Barani’s Tarikh-i
Firuzshahi reports a long conversation between Balban and his sons -
Muhammad and Bughara Khan. Balban expresses his views about the
monarchy. Historians have had reasons for doubting the veracity of this.
There is every reason to believe that the ideas covered in the dialogues'
exchanged are in effect nothing beyond Barani’s own views.
Peter Hardy believes that the views expressed in Tarikh-i Firuzshahi
are those of Barani himself, and can be found located even more
conspicuously in his Fatwa-i Jahandari, which is a handbook of advice
166 ❖ Integrating Medieval India ❖
for sultans set squarely in the Persian tradition. Muzaffar Alam18 says that
the expansion of Islam brought not just new land and peoples within the
ambit of its power, but also a variety of new social and political ideas.
With these came significant changes in the theocratic foundation of early
political Islam and guidelines for the manner in which the Sultan should
rule. The treatises on principles and practices of government compiled in
the early phase (eleventh and twelfth centuries) normally conformed to
the ideals of the Sharia (Islamic law) e.g. Abul Hasan al. Mawardi, Al
Ahkan al-Sultaniya', Nizam-ul-Mulk Tusi, SiyasatNmr, Ghaza, Nasihat
al-Mulk; Fakhr-i Mudabbir, Adab al Harbwal; Ziyauddin Barani, Fatwa-
i Jahandari.
In the first set of advice given, Balban is made to assert the divine
origin of kingship. According to his talk, the king is God’s appointee on
earth; therefore public opinion is an entirely inconsequential matter. This
was a subtle religious device to provide legitimation for the despotic
behaviour of the Sultan.
Balban constantly sought to increase the prestige and power of the
monarchy because he was convinced that it was the only way to face the
internal and external dangers challenging him. He consciously sought to
distance the sovereign behind a screen of increased pomp and ceremony,
employed a network of spies and informers to monitor the activities of the
nobles. This stickler for etiquette would not even allow his private
attendants to see him without his jacket. Ziauddin Barani says that Balban
constantly tried to increase the power and prestige of monarchy through
his idea of kingship. He derived its form and substance from Sassanid
Persia, where the kingship had been raised to the highest possible level.
According to Barani, Balban’s concept of kingship becomes clearer
when we come to his notion about the essentials of kingship. According
to him the three most seminal aspects of kingship were: (i) the Army; (ii)
the Treasury; and (iii) the Nobility. Balban realised that the stability and
permanence of the government depended upon a well-disciplined and
well-equipped army. Therefore, he expended much effort on reviving an
army which had been almost completely pulverised during the reign of
Iltutmush. Balban increased the numerical strength of the forces and
appointed several thousand loyal and experienced officers in the central
contingents of his army. Salary enhancement was one among the many
measures designed for keeping the armed forces happy and satisfied. To
keep the army vigilant and active, he emphasised the need of frequent
military conquests and engagements and was of the view that the objective
of all campaigns needed to be kept a closely guarded. He would divulge
his aims and objectives to the important maliks only one night before a
march. Thus, his army, which was also referred to as the Qazi-i Lashkar,
was well balanced and he appointed men of integrity, honesty and
devotion. Balban was against the idea of launching purposeless

campaigns. All preparations were made well in advance and a year before
the actual campaign orders were issued to the Diwan-i Wizarat and the
Diwan-i Arz to keep the forces alert and ready.
Balban considered a full treasury to be like a healthy heart. To keep
the treasury full, he was of the view that only half the revenue extracted
should be used for state expenses, while the remaining half could well be
kept as back-up.
K.A. Nizami says that Balban was fully aware of both the strengths
as well as the weaknesses of Turkish nobles. His strength lay in the
support of this class, but he had to guard against three things: (i) the
likelihood of a tussle between the Crown and the nobility; (ii) unrest
between his son and the Turkish nobles; (iii) monopolisation of power by
the Turkish nobles in the frontier area. Nizami says that Balban was
anxious to secure his personal interests and therefore he completely
ignored the interests of the Turkish nobles and ruthlessly suppressed
them. He believed that ‘Kingship knows no kinship’. However, Nizami
believes that Balban’s consolidation programme did ensure the
continuance of the Delhi Sultanate, but his attitude towards the Turkish
nobility crippled it and reduced its life-span.
Balban looked upon the administration of justice as one of the
foremost duties of a king. This was one of the redeeming features of his
despotic government and won him the affection and loyalty, of the
common people. His barids - or his intelligence officers - kept him fully
informed of the activities of the imperial officers in different parts of
the empire. Any lapse on the part of the braids vias met with severe
punitive measures. However, in disputes concerning individuals, Balban
jettisoned all principles concerning justice and fair conduct. This is
especially true in cases of individual versus the state, or where his own
personnel and dynastic interests were involved. In such cases, he neither
cared for justice nor for fairplay and expressed complete disregard for the
Shariat. He functioned in the most unscrupulous manner imaginable with
complete impunity.
Balban also believed in the concept of a centralised political authority.
Most official appointments were made directly by him or were made
subject to his approval. Provincial governors had to submit periodical
status reports to him. A very efficient audit system controlled the decision
making powers of the governor, particularly when it came to fiscal
matters. Balban also severely curtailed the military and financial powers
of the Wazir. He also felt that a despotic ruler needed the services of an
efficient and loyal spy system for the smooth functioning of the system.
His spies kept him well posted with all that was happening in the different
parts of the Sultanate. Everything and everyone was placed under the
Sultan’s surveillance. It is thus hardly surprising that the Sultan appointed

the barids with great care. As a part of his concept for the strengthening
the state, he instituted an enquiry into the condition and tenure of the
Iqtas given to Turkish soldiers. After a thorough enquiry, be issued orders
for the resumption of these Iqtas with provision of compensatory
payments for the holders. Maybe Balban had to take these steps because
the entire Iqta system had broken down after the death of Iltutmish and
also because the Iqtadars had adopted an extremely defiant stance towards
the central authority. Balban, after taking away the iqtas, assigned twenty
to thirty tankas as pension to old soldiers, while younger, more capable
soldiers were enlisted in the army and were given a cash salary.
It is possible that Barani’s book is nothing but a suggestion manual
about what he thinks the Sultan’s ideal code of conduct should be. Barani
projected Balban as a good example of a Sultan. Peter Hardy19 says that
Barani sought to reflect an ideal temporal order, in which the world
would be governed by a perfect Sultan, assisted in his endeavours by a
fleet of pious and scholarly governors, and where every decision made by
the Sultan would be understood not in the context of History, but ‘in
terms of Providence’. Peter Jackson (1999) too corroborates Peter Hardy’s
views and writes that the views of a Juzjani or a Barani may reveal more
about what was expected of a ruler than about a ruler’s actual conduct.
IMPACT: URBAN CENTRES, TECHNOLOGY

AND RURAL SOCIETY
The conquest of northern India by the Turks and the subsequent
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate not only changed the existing
political structure but also brought about many economic changes. The
conquerors brought with them west Asian concepts and practices
regarding tax collection and distribution, and the system of coinage. This
is not to say that the existent system underwent a complete overhaul.
However, many modifications and changes were introduced by different
Sultans up to the close of the fifteenth century. The new rulers wanted
things to be to their taste and habits. Slave labour proved to be of immense
help in the matter.
Iqtidar Husin Suddiqui20 says that with the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate, old cities took on the form of cosmopolitan urban centres. At
the same time certain new towns were founded. The artisans and
craftsman, who were considered low-caste in the Hindu social system,
could now live in their huts in and around these towns. The process of
urbanization, begun under the Sultans, resulted in immense social mobility
among artisans and craftsman in the urban centres. Artisans, along with
♦♦♦ Foundation of Delhi Sultanate ❖ 169
MB
other working people, appear to have prospered under the new socio
political dispensation, primarily on account of the fact that the system
provided them with more possibilities of work in the expanding towns.
Trade prospered and so did indigenous crafts. The outlying border
territories were linked to the centre by' means of highways. Safety was
provided to merchant caravans.
Another important factor which facilitated mobility was the migration
of a number of people from Central Asia after the establishment of
Turkish rule. The conquest of large territories and the need to consolidate
their rule led the Sultans to welcome these immigrants to India. People
from the region of Ghazna included the Khaljis and the Afghans, who
came to India in large numbers to seek a better future. In fact, Minhaj-i
Suraj Jujzani, in his Tabaqat-i Nasiri, mentions that the Khaljis and the
Afghans lived at the level of bare subsistence in their ancestral lands.
When the Khaljis came to India they emerged as a new social group of
sorts with the ruling class of Delhi Sultanate.
Gradually, even the Indian converts to Islam were included in the
nobility, especially with the advent of the Khaljis. The Khaljis had no
pretensions to noble lineage or past glory, and under their tutelage the
doors of official opportunity were thrown open to all. Even Hindus could
now aspire for the higher, more important posts in the government. Under
Muhammad bin Tughluq, there was rapid upward mobility in the nobility.
Many low bom persons were raised to important positions in the Delhi
Sultanate.
D.D. Kosambi recognised that ‘hidebound customs in the adoption
and transmission of new techniques’ were broken down by the ‘Islamic
raiders’, but he felt that these changes did not go far beyond intensifying
what was already present in Indian ‘feudalism’.
In the opinion of Mohammad Habib, the economic changes that
occurred as a consequence of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate
created an organisation considerably superior to the one that had existed
before. He felt that the changes were drastic enough to deserve the
designation of what he calls an ‘urban revolution’. Mohammad Habib
describes urban revolution as a new development of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. He feels that the social and economic condition in
India, before the advent of the Turks, was such that it gave no scope to the
process of urbanisation. Basing his argument on Alberuni’s account,
Mohammad Habib attributes the reasons of Turkish success to a peculiarly
caste ridden Indian social structure. Turkish rule put an end to the caste
system and the caste-based artisan industry. Also Islam’s lack of faith in
the caste system and its advocacy of a happier, more egalitarian world
resulted in a revolution of sorts of the urban labour. He adds that the new
ggsssa
rulers were interested in the handiwork of artisans; they as such had no
interest whatsoever in the artisans themselves. Thus, no restraints were
placed on the professional mobility of the artisans. The Turks understood
and appreciated talent and expertise and encouraged technological
innovation. They, therefore, did not feel the need to adhere to a caste
stratified world view. He called this process of upward mobility
‘enfranchisement’. Mohammad Habib further argues that the Turks were
entirely different from their earlier counterparts in terms of the
methodology they used for revenue generation. The Delhi Sultanate rulers
wanted more revenue from the rural areas and therefore the more powerful
among them, like Alauddin Khalji, eliminated intermediaries. This he did
because these intermediaries - like the khuts, the muqaddams and the
chaudharis - would appropriate a large share of the surplus and adopted
an extortionate and oppressive attitude towards the peasantry. A marked
improvement could be seen in the attitude of the peasantry which became
that much more productive and functional once the intermediaries were
removed from the scene. Thus resulted what Mohammad Habib calls the
‘rural revolution’.
Irfan Habib,21 however, believes that some of his formulations appear
to be overstatements even if the changes were exactly such as he had
suggested. Although he agrees that various towns and urban areas emerged
with the advent of the Turks, he does not concur with Habib when he
describes the phenomenon of urban growth as a revolution of sorts. Irfan
Habib suggests that the Turks bought new technology to India, but it was
never easy for them to bring mobility into the caste system. In other
words, professional mobility could not have possibly taken place, given
the inflexibility of the caste system. Perhaps it was on account of this that
the Turks began to invest time and effort in the process of procuring
slaves, to take an example, Firuzshah Tughluq had more than one lakh
eighty thousand slaves who worked as artisans in karkhana which he had
equipped with the latest in technology from Central Asia. In the early
years of the Turkish rule, whenjheir attempt to introduce indigenous
artisans to advancements in technology failed, they started buying artisans
and craftsmen from central Asia, who were well-versed in new technology.
Irfan Habib argues that while it is true that the process of urbanisation
resulted in a marked reduction in the power of rural hereditary potentates,
this welcome change did not take place because erstwhile slaves had now
taken to working as skilled artisans, as Mohammad Habib would have us
believe, but because slave labour had by now become pivotal to the urban
economy. It was a major channel for the gradual growth of an urban
Muslim artisan class. Agrarian changes also did not alleviate the lot of the
peasantry. It brought in a new system of agrarian exploitation and the
phenomenon of urban growth was based upon it.
H.K. Naqvi, believes that the process of urbanisation might well have
started way before the advent of Turkish rule, since the Indian peasantry
usually could produce a surplus yield and thus had the ability to feed and
support the entire non-agrarian class. However, she agrees that with the
coming of the Turks the process of urbanization received an impetus.
Sunil Kumar22 is somewhat sceptical about the views of both Irfan
Habib and Mohammad Habib. He says that Irfan Habib has not come up
with ideas that are radically different from those of his father, Mohammad
Habib. In Irfan Habib’s opinion, urbanisation took place in the Sultanate
period on account of the mass exodus of craftsman from eastern Iran and
Afghanistan. These craftsmen, who were basically fleeing from Mongol
invasions, found refuge in India. These migrants brought with them
technologies of production hitherto unknown in the subcontinent. Sunil
Kumar argues ‘the crux of Irfan Habib’s argument is that the conjuncture
of new technologies and better skills, a safe sanctuary, dishoarded wealth,
and a plentiful supply of slave labour resulted in the more enhanced
production of crafts and transformed the Sultanate towns’. And therefore,
Irfan Habib’s argument far from differing in any significant way from that
of his father’s, remained located within the broad parameters of
Mohammad Habib’s understanding of the ‘urban revolution’.
The same can be said of the concept of ‘rural revolution’. Here again,
Irfan Habib is basically only reiterating Mohammad Habib’s stance. Irfan
Habib is of the view that the increasing systematization of the Sultanate’s
fiscal regime was the result of a marked decline in the status and influence
of the rich peasantry and rural chieftains. According to him, it was not
until the reign of Alauddin Khalji that a uniform land tax was imposed at
the cost of the economic and political privileges traditionally enjoyed by
the superior rural classes. Since the land tax was largely collected in cash,
the economy became increasingly monetized while the power and
authority of the richer peasantry and rural aristocracy substantially
diminished. Because of this ‘rural revolution’ the prosperity of the
Sultanate and its agents, resident in the cities of the Sultanate, bore a
marked contrast to the plight of the rural aristocracy. In Irfan Habib’s
argument, Alauddin’s fiscal measures were hardly akin to Mao’s rural
revolution, and failed to liberate the toiling peasants. But their
interventionist character altered the face of rural society, particularly in
terms of land duration and contributed towards the establishment of the
agrarian base of the Sultanate and led to a successful implementation of
the harsh regulations of the Delhi Sultans.
Irfan Habib argues that the introduction of the Persian wheel which
led to a more enhanced agricultural productivity, and the peasantisation
of pastoral Jat lineages in the Punjab region could well have been linked
in more ways than one. Further, the impact of new technologies was most
noticeable amongst the weavers. The introduction of the spinning wheel

enhanced production, while markets, created by the ruling class of the
Sultanate, increased demand. Technological advancement resulted in a
significant increase in the number of skilled artisans caste rules became
more flexible as a larger number of the lower castes now took to weaving
as a profession. Irfan Habib says that it was, perhaps - a changed social
environment, the visible breaches in the walls of the caste system, and the
economic temptation to break all rules - that lay behind the popular
monotheism among artisans. It was also an important reason for
monotheism’s appeal amongst other marginalized sectors of society, such
as the Jats of Punjab.
To Sunil Kumar, Irfan Habib carried many of Mohammad Habib’s
ideas to their logical conclusion. Kumar says that ‘although there is
considerable persuasiveness to his argument about technological diffusion
during the medieval period, its historicity still needs to be worked out
very carefully’. Irfan Habib’s analysis of the Jats and monotheistic
movements suggests that the impact of new technologies was not felt
until the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries. Thus, the impact of the
spinning wheel upon trade, commerce and the process of urbanisation in
the thirteenth century is not entirely clear. Sunil Kumar feels that Irfan
Habib’s argument is problematic. On the basis of his research on medieval
Punjab, Chetan Singh points out that ecological conditions did not favour
the introduction of the Persian wheel in precisely the region where,
according to Irfan Habib, its deepest impact was felt by the Jats. Andrew
Watson rather talks about the movement of technological skills from
South Asia to the Middle East. According to him, the multi-cropping
techniques, acquired by the early Arabs in the Sindh region, diversified
and improved agricultural yields in the Tigris-Euphrates basin. There is
no denying the fact that the impact of the Turks was felt by the people in
northern India. It did lead to the revitalization of the economy of settled
agriculture through the forced monetization and exploitation of revenue.
The process of slave labour led to increased revenue generation and a
better expression of urban craft under the Turkish rule. To sum up, the
growth of towns, craft, technology and commerce under the Tukish rule
should not be looked upon as drastic. We will discuss this in greater detail
in Chapter 8.
NOTES
1. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Volume II, Oxford
University Press, 1999, p. 91
2. Patricia Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam, Princeton University Press,
Princeton, 1987.
3. Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World

Civilization, 3 vols, Chicago, 1974
4. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Volume I, E.J. Brill,
Leiden, 1997, pp. 13-16.
5. Romila Thapar, Somanatha: The many voices of a History, Penguin Viking, Delhi,
2004.
6. Simon Digby, War-horse and Elephant in Delhi Sultanate: A Problem of Military
Supplies Orient Monographs, Oxford, 1971.
7. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Volume I, E.J. Brill,
Leiden, 1997, pp. 13-16
8. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military His*ory, pp.14-15.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999.
9. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims,
10. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, ‘Origin of the Rajputs: The Political, Economic and Social
Oxford University Press, Delhi, pp. 57-88.
11. B.D.Chattopadhyaya, Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims,
Manohar, Delhi, 1998
12. Romila Thapar , ‘The Tyranny of Labels’ , in Cultural Pasts: Essays in Early Indian
History, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2000, pp. 990-1014.
13. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims,
14. Cynthia Talbot , ‘Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim Identities
in Pre-Colonial India’, Comparative Study of Society and History, 37,1995, p. 720.
15. Sunil Kumar, The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2007
p. 108.
16. Richard Davis, ‘Indian Art Objects as Loot’, Journal of Asian Studies, 52,1993,
pp. 22-48. See also, Richard Eaton, ‘Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States’,
Beyond Turk and Hindu, pp. 246-81 in David gilmartin and Bruce B. Lawrence
(eds.). (Publisher) University Press of Florida, Florida, 2000.
17. K.A. Nizami, Comprehensive History of India, Vol 5, Peoples Publishing House,
Delhi, 1982.
18. Muzaffar Alam, The Langauges of Political Islam in India C. 1200-1800. Permanent
Black, Delhi, 2004.
19. Peter Hardy, Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1997.
20. Iqtidar Husin Suddiqui, Social Mobility in the Delhi Sultanate, in Irfan Habib (ed.),
Medieval India 1, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1992, pp 22-48.
21. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India: A Survey, Tulika, Delhi. 2001,
p.2.
22. Sunil Kumar, The Emergence of Delhi Sultanate, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2007.
Consolidation and
Expansion of the
Delhi Sultanate
* THE MONGOL THREAT
* THE KHALJIS
> Alauddin Khalji: Conquests
> Military, Administrative, Agrarian and Economic Measures
♦ THE TUGHLUQS
> Muhammad Tughluq's Innovations
> Firuz Shah Tughluq
♦ DECLINE OF DELHI SULTANATE
♦ THE LODIS: THE SULTANATE IN THE FIFTEENTH AND

SIXTEENTH CENTURY
❖ Consolidation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate ❖ 175
he control of the Sultanate was, till the thirteenth century, largely

T confined to towns heavily fortified with soldiers. These towns were
also later known as garrison towns. It would have been extremely difficult
for the SultanS to continue with the system of revenue extraction of an
earlier period. For one, they were new to the territory and came from
entirely different ruling backgrounds. And therefore, in the beginning at
least, a major part of the revenue of the Sultanate came from the tribute
and plunder of the territories surrounding the garrison towns. When
Balban took over in 1265, the Sultanate was finally provided with a
determined ruler who aimed at consolidating the hinterlands or the area
adjacent to the garrison towns from which revenue and resources could
be extracted. Under him, huge forest areas were cleared in the Ganga-
Yamuna doab and these lands were given to the peasants. Many new
towns and fortresses were also built to situate the Muqti (iqta- holders)
and the soldiers. Later, under leaders like Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad
Tughluq, the Sultanate extracted revenue from the far flung areas from
the peasantry, the traders and in some cases from the local rulers as well.
THE MONGOL THREAT

The Mongols, who resided in the steeps beyond the desert of Godi in
North Asia, had become a major menace to the security of India. Their
aim was to enter India from the North West and then penetrate deep into
the Indian territory. The Delhi Sultanate was more than well aware of the
imminence of Mongol invasions. The ninety-year-period between the
reigns of Iltutmish and Alauddin Khalji was a peculiarly Mongol-invasion
ridden period. Although the Mongols could never make a serious headway
into the country, except perhaps on two noteworthy occasions, they did
have a very profound impact on the polity, economy, administration,
society and culture of the Delhi Sultanate, particularly under the tutelage
of Alauddin Khalji. Peter Jackson says that Alauddin Khalji’s reign in this
regard was a watershed since the Mongol threat led him to introduce far-
reaching administrative changes.1
To be iflore precise, the political history of Medieval India to a great
extent has been shaped by the north-west frontier. The Turks, and later the
Mughals, had also entered, India from this frontier. For the Sultans of
Delhi, control over the Hindukush flanked Kabul-Ghazna-Qandaha line
was tremendously important not only for stabilising the ‘scientific
frontier’ but also because it connected India with the major silk-route
passing from China through Central Asia and Persia. But the Mongol
threat compelled the Delhi Sultans to confine themselves to the Chenab,
while the Sultej region became the bone of contention. Thus, the Indus
176 ❖ Inteipreting Medieval India ❖
Sags®
alone remained the cultural boundary of India, and for all practical
purposes the line of control was confined to the west of the river Indus.
Existent problems were further exacerbated by the hostile and hard-
to-control Khokar tribes which inhabited the region between Lahore and
Kabul. These tribes were a constant source of trouble to the Delhi Sultans.
They not only eluded any attempts by the Sultans to subjugate them but
also actively aided the Mongol raiders by inviting them to raid the country.
They would often foment rebellion and indulge in activities like raiding
and plundering the Sultanate fortresses in the frontier. The Khokar
problem had virtually delimited the western boundary of the Sultanate to
the line of the Ravi. This was to a great extent instrumental in depriving
the Sultanate of the advantages of the scientific frontier, which would
have extended at least to the Hindukush and the passes. The lack of a
scientific frontier posed a constant problem as the frontier required aides
like forts and military garrisons and other equipments kept in perfect
order in order to keep enterprising marauders from invading it. Another
great problem of the Sultanate, with respect to the Mongols, was that
these hoards were perpetually at loggerheads with each other. These
rulers were entirely independent and they controlled various principalities
in Central Asia. Negotiations and peace treaties between them were a
largely futile bid as they covered only a particular section of the Mongols,
leaving other groups entirely free to launch an invasive attack whenever
they felt like it.
Peter Jackson suggests that these Mongol attacks were primarily
‘seasonal migrations between summer pastures in the upland of Ghur and
Ghazna and winter quarters in the Punjab and beyond’.2 Their campaigns
were designed to both seize and amass slaves or to gather booty including
horses.3 Andre Wink highlights a very valid point in this regard. He is of
the view that the Mongols never intended to actually rule India and one
of the most important reasons was probably ‘the lack of sufficient good
pasture land’.4
K.A. Nizami5 has categorised the response of the sultanate towards
the Mongol challenge into three distinct phases - (i) the policy of
aloofness under the early Turkish Sultans; (ii) the policy of appeasement
under Razia and Nasiruddin; and (iii) the policy of resistance under
Balban and Alauddin Khalji. One of the first such invasions took place in
1221 under Chengez Khan when Iltutmish had hardly consolidated the
position of the Punjab. Chengez Khan reached the Indian frontiers in
pursuit of the crown prince, Jalaluddin Mangbami. Iltutmish followed the
policy of ‘aloofnness’ and did not assist Jalaluddin. He feared a possible
alliance of Qubacha and the Khokhars with Mangbarni. Although
Qubacha and Mangbami could not remain friends for long, a matrimonial
alliance cemented the bond between the Mangbamis and the Khokhars.
This strengthened the Mangbami position in the northwest. These

developments compelled Iltutmish to remain aloof and he did not try to
enter the northwest region. Habibullah argues that Chengez Khan
refrained from further operations in India out of reciprocity for Iltutmish’s
neutrality.6An understanding of non-aggression against each other might
also have possibly been arrived at. But Peter Jackson suggests that control
of India was not the immediate objective of Chengez Khan and the
pacifying [of] Khwarazm, Transoxiana and Ghazna were more important
in his priority.7
There -was a swing from Iltutmish’s policy of ‘aloofness’ to
‘appeasement’ during the reign of Razia. The extension of the Sultanate
frontier up to Lahore and Multan had exposed the Sultanate to Mongol
incursions. There was no buffer state between the Sultanate territory and
the Mongol area of influence. This could become possible because the
Mongols had no wish to get involved with the Delhi Sultanate in the
immediate future as they were preoccupied with West Asia.
Once they were done with West Asia, the Mongols embarked upon
the policy of annexing India between 1240 and 1266. By 1246 the Mongol
outpoints were established in Ghazna, Peshawar and other places in what
is now known as Afghanistan and the Indus had disappeared as a practical
boundary. Delhi’s administrative frontier had been pushed back to modem
Punjab between the western banks of the Ravi. For the rest of the century,
the Delhi Sultanate was thrown in the defensive and its forward policy in
this direction aimed only at extending control over the Chenab basin
rather than reaching the scientific frontiers. However, till 1295, the
Mongols did not show much enthusiasm about wanting to occupy Delhi.
The primary reason for this was the change in the situation of central
Asia. Mongol Khan of Transoxiana found it difficult to face the might of
the Persians and, thus, was left with no alternative except to try his luck
in India. In 1241, Tair Bahadur invaded Lahore and completely destroyed
the city. Two successive invasions took place in 1245 and 1246. As a
result of these recurrent Mongol invasions, various policy changes were
made by Balban and the rulers who followed. He adopted a policy of
what is called ‘resistance’. K.A. Nizami says that he made use of ‘force
and diplomacy’ against the Mongols. For one, the garrisons were
strengthened. Then the forts at Bhatinda, Sunam and Samana were
reinforced to check Mongol advances beyond the Beas.
After 1256, when Balban was the de-facto ruler in Delhi, a little
goodwill was guaranteed between the Mongols and the Sultanate by a
marital alliance between Balban’s son and the Mongol leader, Halagu’s
daughter. But not all Mongol principalities were under Halagu’s tutelage
and they could not be expected to respect this alliance. The problem
remained even when Balban became the de-jure Sultan. Balban kept
trying to counter the Mongol menace by getting a double chain of

fortresses built and renovating old fortresses in the border towns of
Dipalpur, Lahore and Uchh. These forts were garrisoned and army was
kept in perfect readiness. Vigilance was kept so that any crises that
happened to arise on the routes joining these places with the rest of the
empire could effectively be dealt with. Worthy and capable Generals were
deployed on border towns to ward off Mongol attacks. Balban also tried
to crush the Khokars who had, on many occasions, helped the Mongols to
raid the frontier province. Thus, notwithstanding K.A. Nizami’s sharp
criticism of Balban’s north-west frontier policy, Balban is deserving of
praise for his astute understanding of what was perhaps the most taxing
problem of frontier defense, and the measures he took to deal with the
issues involved. Peter Jackson mentions that he established a separate
army designed especially to combat the Mongols.8 Rumours about the
Delhi Sultanate being equipped with a huge military had a profound
impact upon the Mongols. The late thirteenth century geographer Ibn
Said mentions that ‘the Mongols were unable to conquer India because of
the number of men and elephants at the Sultan’s disposal’.9
But the advantage was lost when the Sultan simply got rid of his
capable generals as well as of the nobility. Now the Sultanate border
towns fell into the hands of the iqtadars who were no match for the
Mongols. In 1286, the Mongols struck at Prince Muhammad, the heir
apparent. However, Balban’s defense measures kept the Mongols at bay
even during the turmoil following his death. The Sultanate was thus able
to repulse another Mongol invasion during Kaiqubad’s reign.
By this time the Mongols had firmly established themselves over the
greater part of Punjab and also along the western banks of the lower
Indus. The Mongols evinced .a marked aversion to Delhi. It is possible
that their disinclination stemmed from peculiar military reasons or
emerged from a larger political plan which they alone understood. Peter
Jackson feels that the ‘disintegration of the Mongol empire into a number
of rival khanates’ seriously weakened the Mongols’ capacity to expand
further into India.10 The Khalji dynasty helped them to find a strong base
in Punjab from where a series of determined assaults were launched upon
the capital. In 1290 Jalaluddin Khalji became the next Sultan. He had for
long been the Warden of the frontier. Eventually he crushed the Mongols.
Jalaluddin, however, was now an old man. He no longer had the strength
to stop the operation of the invaders and this enabled them to penetrate
India right up to Delhi itself with no hindrance of any kind placed upon
them.
Historians like K.S. Lal11 consider it a misfortune for India that the
most devastating invasions took place during the reign of Alauddin Khalji,
sosa
who failed to stop the Mongols from entering the Indian subcontinent.
The Mongols entered India when Alauddin Khalji was planning to
conquer the world and become Sikander-i Sani. The royal army was
caught unawares and the Mongols seized Delhi. Alauddin Khalji received
a rude shock and decided to fight back. The next thing that Khalji did was
to send expeditions every year to Kabul and its neighbouring areas. This
threw the Mongols into defense. Thus, thanks to the measures taken by
Alauddin Khalji, the Delhi Sultanate remained free after 1308 from any
further Mongol invasions till almost the close of the century.
It is important to know that the north-west frontier invasions and the
success of the Mongols in penetrating as far as Delhi impressed upon
Alauddin Khalji the need for a better defended and more strengthened
frontier. Constant Mongol attacks led Alauddin Khalji to look for a more
lasting solution. He recruited fresh troops, created a huge standing army
and strengthened the frontier fronts to counter the Mongols.12 Funds came
from an increased revenue collection and by introducing the system of
direct collection, thereby effectively plugging fund leakages to
intermediaries. Alauddin Khalji imposed the Islamic Kharaj over a
considerable area of northern India, setting it at nearly 50 per cent of the
produce. Alauddin repaired the old forts in Punjab, Multan, and Sind and
had more forts constructed. All of these forts were kept in perfect
readiness. An additional army, charged with the responsibility of guarding
the frontiers, was deputed under the Warden of Marches. To counter the
threat of repeated invasions, Alauddin Khalji reinforced Balban’s defense
measures of a double chain of fortresses which had largely fallen into
disuse. Alauddin Khalji also maintained a well-organised standing army
of 4,75,000 troops. Every effort was made to keep the army happy and the
economic reforms in the form of market regulations were directed
primarily towards the welfare of the standing army. The prices were kept
low and stable and these measures enabled the soldiers to live contended
in whatever salary they were given. It is more than obvious that the funds
for such a large army came from the grounding tax structure under
Alauddin.
Khalji’s policies aimed at removing the fear of Mongol invasions
which was deeply ingrained in people’s minds. A number of Mongols,
who had been kept captive by Khalji, were crushed to death by elephants.
Thus, the myth of Mongol invincibility was finally laid to rest.
Mongol aggression constituted a significant problem for the Delhi
Sultanate and it also had a profound effect in determining the political
and economic policies of the Sultanate. Balban and Alauddin Khalji, the
two powerful Sultans of Delhi, remained largely preoccupied with the
threat of Mongol invasions, which greatly diverted attention from
MAP 1: AREA OF INFLUENCE OF MONGOLS IN NORTH-WEST

FRONTIER
domestic problems. They also prevented the Sultan from following an

expansionist policy. This is why till about 1308 or so the boundaries of
the Turkish state remained more or less the same as those acquired by
Muizuddin, more than a century ago. Domestic problems also could not
receive their due against the iqtadars who coveted nothing but power,
even if it could be attained only at the expense of the state. Even the
slightest opportunity would have led to a direct confrontation with the
nobility and would have caused the weakening of the institution that was
supposed to act as an effective bulwark against the Mongols. The Sultan
would have taken a tougher stance against the nobility had it not been for
the Mongol threat that loomed large on the horizon of north-west frontier.
The constant threat posed by the Mongols also necessitated the

construction of a host of fortresses and ramparts in the north-west frontier
along with the maintenance of a large standing army. All of this resulted
in huge expenses for the State. In the reign of Alauddin Khalji, Mongol
incursions extended further and for the first time ever in 1299, under the
tutelage of Qutlugh Khwaja, Delhi came under the Mongol sway.
Following this, Delhi became a regular target for the Mongols. Qutlugh
Khwaja launched a second attack upon Delhi at a time when Alauddin
Khalji was busy in his 1303 Chittor campaign. The Mongols besieged
Delhi, and Alauddin Khalji could not so much as enter the city. This
forced the beleaguered Sultan to look for a more lasting solution. He
recruited a huge standing army and strengthened the frontier forts. These
measures yielded results and the Mongols were held back in 1306 and
1308. Another reason for the reversal in Mongol fortunes was the death
of Dawa in 1306, followed by the Mongol civil war. It weakened the
Mongols greatly, and the situation helped the Delhi Sultans to extend
their frontier.
As far as the Tughluqs were concerned, the first Mongol invasion
took place during the reign of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq. The last significant
Mongol invasion was under the leadership of Tarmashirin during the
reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq. He promptly sent reinforcements to
Gurshasp, the Governor of Samara, who defeated the Mongols in two
engagements and drove them out. Satish Chandra feels that Muhammad
bin Tughluq, in a bid to counter the Mongols, took the concerted measure
of hiring as many as three lakh seventy five thousand soldiers and
undertook the Khurasan expedition. 13The probable motive of his campaign
was to push the Mongols back and extend the area of influence of the
Delhi Sultanate up to Kabul and Ghazna.
The power of the Mongols declined rapidly and they tried to re
establish ties with Muhammad bin Tughluq. Tarmashirin, his
contemporary at Transoxiana, met with crushing defeat at Ghazna in
1324-26. He fled towards India to seek Muhammad bin Tughluq’s
support. He was at first guaranteed asylum, but later was sent away with
the gift of 5000 dinars. From then onwards the Mongols maintained
friendly relations with the Sultans of Delhi. After Muhammad bin
Tughluq’s death his large army, whom his personality had kept together,
stood disorganized and the Mongols joined hands with the Sind rebels.
The Mongol invasion is a very significant moment in the history of the
Delhi Sultanate. It helped the Delhi Sultans to gain the support of the
masses in the name of the impending danger. Further, the chaos in Central
Asia, caused by the Mongols, led to an exodus of learned people, who then
found refuge in India. These people, in addition to being master craftsmen,
then came to form part of the administrative personnel of the Sultan.
But finally, the last nail in the coffin was dug by the Timur invasion
of 1398 which gradually eroded the basis of the two-hundred-year-old
Sultanate.
THE KHALJIS
Ziauddin Barani does not specify the race to which the Khaljis belonged,
but it is clear from medieval chronicles that they had occupied important
positions in the 1206-90 period. To take an example, Bakhtiyar Khalji
was the muqti of Bengal and Jalauddin Khalji was the muqti of Sunam in
western Punjab. Andre Wink says that the Khaljis were essentially of
Turkish descent and hailed from Ghazna, though the debate about their
origin is somewhat shrouded in indeterminacy. They were earlier in the
Ghaznavid army and later also served the Ghurids.14 They originate from
Khalaj, which is the land on both sides of the river Helmand in
Afghanistan; the tribes inhabiting the area were known as the Khaljis.
The Arab geographers refer to them as the Turks on account of their
similarity in dress and custom with the Turks. Before we move on to
discuss the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate under the Khaljis after 1290,
when Jalaluddin Khalji took on the sole responsibility of bringing the rule
of the Turkish slaves to an end, it is pertinent to re-visit the troubled
relationship between the Sultan and the nobility. This remained a perennial
problem for the Delhi Sultanate in the absence of a well-defined rule of
succession. A strong Sultan could curb the ambitions of a belligerent
nobility, but complete anarchy prevailed in the reign of a weak Sultan.
Constant conflicts hindered the growth of a stable monarchy and
hampered the establishment of dynastic rule.
The main issue of conflict between the Sultan and the nobility was
the distribution of power. The nobles were in the habit of acting as a
caucus using the Sultan as a pawn. They wanted to retain the Sultan only
as a figurehead, while they increasingly came to wield power on their
own. The root cause of trouble lay in the fact that the rulers of the early
Sultanate period had no hereditary links with the royal house of Turkistan
and Persia. We have seen that rulers like Qutubuddin Aibak, Iltutmish and
Balban were manumitted slaves who had risen to power through sheer
merit and practical statesmanship. The nobility of the Delhi Sultanate
knew that a man of merit, regardless of his background, could rise to the
status of the Sultan. This undermined the notion of hereditary succession
and was to a large extent responsible for the struggle between the Sultan
and the nobility.
Iltutmish had deliberately created rival groups of nobles to keep the
ambitions of the nobility in check. But after his death, court factionalism
increased and led to a number of rapid changes and the centre of power
acquired a state of flux. It was only with the accession of Balban that the
entire situation took a drastic turn. Balban wished to give a distinct and
separate individuality to the crown till it came to derive its power not
from the nobility but from its own inherent validity. To achieve this, he
made the nobility metamorphose into a kind of functional bureaucracy.
He made the muqta transferable and withdrew the hereditary ownership,
attached to it. He sent all the powerful nobles to the front either to be
killed or to face a pitched battle with the Mongols.
Balban, being a powerful monarch, could handle the nobles in his
own way, but, in the long run, these measures became rather
counterproductive as they drained the strength of the Delhi Sultanate by
weakening its supporters. And, therefore, after his death there emerged
several political intrigues among the nobles. The death of Balban plunged
the Delhi Sultanate into civil war. Kai Khusrau was nominated the next
Sultan. He was the son of Balban’s eldest son, Muhammad. But the
nobility in the court were in favour of Kaiqubad, the son of Bughra Khan.
There were all kinds of intrigues and lobbying in the court for more than
two years. Malik Nizamuddin became the defacto ruler and this made the
nobles even more insecure as the old slaves of Balban were annihilated
and made ineffective to a great extent. This finally led to a coup d’etat
between Jaluddin Khalji (1290-96) and the nobility.
Jalaluddin - an erstwhile member of the nobility, who later donned
the mantle of kingship - was strongly resented because the Khaljis were
not thought of as being of Turkish descent. Peter Jackson says that
Jalaluddin’s rise to power was the product of a compromise.15 He adds
that the Turkish nobles were the chief casualties of the Khalji seizure of
power. Jalaluddin took care to promote fellow Khalaj tribesmen, apart
from many other nobles of note. He soon began consolidating his kingdom
but was assasinated in 1296 by his nephew Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316),
who captured the throne of Delhi.
By about the middle of the thirteenth century the initial problems of
establishing Turkish rule had been resolved and now the primary task
before the Khalji Sultans of Delhi was the consolidation and expansion of
the Sultanate. One factor that proved to be conducive to the expansionist
policy of the Sultanate was the overthrow of Turkish hegemony by the
Khaljis, under whom the exclusive racial character of the ruling class was
thoroughly diluted. Now diverse groups came to play a key role in
managing the affairs of the Sultanate and this made territorial expansion
a viable and attractive proposition. However, during his six year reign he
remained largely preoccupied with the issue of finding a cementing
ground between the policies of the Sultan and the interests of his
Iii
MAP 2: CAMPAIGNS OF ALAUDDIN KHALJI
supporters. He also did not have the resource back-up for a large-scale
expansionist programme. But his successor Alauddin Khalji’s talent for
acquiring wealth and territorial gain by invading neighbouring areas had
set the stage for embracing an expansionist policy. His reign of almost
twenty years saw the frontiers of the Sultanate reaching right up to the tip
of the southern peninsula by the middle of the fourteenth century.
Alauddin Khalji: Conquests
Alauddin Khalji wished to be a second Alexander of sorts (Sikander-i

Sani). His coins were engraved with this title and he wanted it mentioned
in public prayers. Even before ascending the throne he had defeated the
Yadava king of Devagiri (near Aurangabad), capturing his famous fortress
which till then had been considered impregnable. After consolidating his
position and firmly establishing himself at Delhi, Alauddin Khalji
undertook the first expedition in Gujarat in 1299, which came to be his
first venture of territorial expansion after he became Sultan. Alauddin
chose to attack Gujarat because he was attracted by its immense wealth.
Various towns of Gujarat were the centres of flourishing trade and had
always lured invaders like Mahmud Ghaznawi. After annexing the
province and ransacking Anhilwara, Alauddin delegated the administrative
control of Gujarat to Alp Khan who became the governor of the state. In
1300, Alauddin marched against Ranthambhor, then under the tutelage of
Hamir Dev. He had to personally pilot the campaign. He laid siege of the
impenetrable fort for over six months. Ultimately, the Rajputs had to give
in and the women inside the fort performed jauhar as the gates of the fort
were opened by Hamir Dev who died fighting. In 1303 he captured the
famous Rajput fort of Chittor. The heir apparent, Khizr Khan, was
assigned the governorship of the territory, which was then called
Khizrabad. Very soon the fort was bestowed upon Maldeo, a son of the
sister of the earlier ruler of Chittor, who remained loyal to Alauddin.
Mandu and Chanderi in Malwa were captured in 1305. Alauddin had to
lay siege upon Devagiri a second time in order to force the Yadava king
to cough up the tribute he had promised to pay when he was first defeated.
The command of the campaign was given to Malik Kafur, a converted
Hindu slave from Gujarat. Nothing beyond feeble resistance was offered
by Ram Chandra Dev. He was restored to the throne of Devagiri in return
for the assurance of regular and prompt payment of an annual tribute to
the Sultan. He also gave his daughter in marriage to the Sultan. It appears
that Alauddin’s policy was not to annex Devagiri but to retain it as a
protectorate and amass as much wealth as possible from the kingdom.
This policy of not annexing the conquered territories but extracting tribute
speaks of Alauddin’s political wisdom.
According to Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi Alauddin launched his campaign
against southern India in 1309 in order to seize booty - in the form of
elephants and material wealth - from the rulers of the South. Amir
Khusrau has provided us with a detailed sketch of these campaigns in his

Khazain-ul-Futuh. Malik Kafur’s careful handling of the Devagiri affair
enhanced the Sultan’s confidence in his abilities as a military general and
he entrusted with the responsibility of extracting maximal gain from the
peninsular region in the south. Alauddin’s primary motive seems to have
been the acquisition of wealth and not that of territorial annexation.
Warangal, the Kakatiya capital in Andhra Pradesh, which had
successfully resisted an earlier attack in 1304, was now Alauddin’s .first
target. Malik Kafur captured Warangal and the Kakatiya king was then
reinstated on the promise of paying an annual tribute to the Delhi
Sultanate. Malik Kafur is said to have returned to Delhi with a huge
booty, which included the famous Koh-i-Nur diamond that ‘needed 1,000
camels to carry it’.16 Malik Kafur, aided with the support of the Yadava
king Malik Kafur, penetrated deep into the South and in 1310 captured
Dvarasamudra, the capital of the Hoysalas. The Hoysala king, Ballala III,
was at that time engaged in a military skirmish with the Pandyas of
Madurai. On his return, he decided to accept the suzerainty of Alauddin
Khalji and agreed to pay an annual tribute to him. After that Malik Kafur
attacked the Madurai, the Pandya capital and looted other temple cities
like those of Srirangam. He then returned to Delhi with huge treasures
loaded onto as many as ‘612 elephants’.17
It is pertinent to note that when Alauddin Khalji was launching his
campaigns he also had to face the Mongol threat in the North-west. In
1299 Qutlugh Khvaja, a descendant of Chingis Khan, mounted an attack
upon Alauddin Khalji, equipped with an army of 200,000 men, but
suffered a major defeat. Four years later, when Alauddin was returning
from Chittor and many of his troops were in Andhra Pradesh trying to
capture Warangal, the Mongols came right up to Delhi but could not
capture Alauddin’s garrison and had no option but to retreat. Another
Mongol attack in 1306 was also repulsed successfully.
Military, Administrative, Agrarian and

Economic Measures of Alauddin Khalji
We have already read in the section on the Mongol threat that Alauddin
Khalji created a huge standing army and recruited fresh troops to tackle
the constant Mongol threat on the Delhi Sultanate. A large number of
territories were occupied by the Sultans in the thirteenth century. The
newly conquered areas were initially divided up among the commanders
who largely funded themselves and their troops by plundering
neighbouring areas or by extracting tributes from the defeated and
subjugated rural aristocracies. The regions that refused to pay land-tax or
kharaj were known as mawas and were plundered or forced to pay through
military raids. The kharaj was essentially a share in the produce of the
land and not in any sense of the term a land rent. Gradually, a mechanism
of simultaneous revenue collection and distribution had to be introduced.
Iltutmish and Balban followed the policy of paying the soldiers in the
centre (qalb) by assignments on villages in the areas around Delhi and
later in the Doab as well. Afif mentions that Alauddin abandoned this
system on the ground that ‘it nurtured local attachments and gave rise to
regional rebellion’.18 He started paying his soldiers and cavalry in cash
instead. However, this measure needed huge amounts of cash in the state
treasury. Alauddin, in order to solve this problem and enhance the revenue
of the Sultanate, decided to introduce various reform measures.
It would not be incorrect to say that Alauddin’s victories, both against
the Mongols and the rulers of the Deccan and South India, were to a great
extent predicated upon his efficient administrative, agrarian and economic
reforms. The earlier rulers of the Delhi Sultanate had based their rule
mainly on the strength of their army and the control of a few important
towns and fortresses. They derived their financial resources from loot,
from the taxes imposed on the markets of Delhi, the land revenue of the
area around Delhi and from the tribute of subjected kings. Land revenue
and tribute were not always paid regularly. The rural people were stil1
mostly Hindus. The Muslims lived largely in cities and towns where
artisans, in particular, had no choice but to embrace Islam to avoid being
discriminated against as they formed part of low caste groupings. Irfan
Habib has suggested that ‘it was a major channel for the gradual growth
of an urban Muslim artisan class’.19 The countryside was largely the
domain of traditional Hindu authorities {khots, muquddams and
choudharies), who were in charge of agricultural production. The Sultan
depended on them as they formed the middlemen through whom the
Sultan controlled the rural people. Alauddin felt that it was these
middlemen who offered maximal resistance and impeded the course of
smooth functioning. Alauddin’s disgruntlement with the middlemen has
been mentioned in great detail by Ziauddin Barani in his Tarikh-i-
Firuzshahi - ‘I have discovered that the khuts and mukkadims [local tax
collectors and village headmen] ride upon fine horses, wear fine clothes,
Shoot with Persian bows, make war upon each other, and go out for
hunting; but of the kharaj [land revenue], jizya [poll tax], kari [house tax]
and chart [pasture tax] they do not pay one jital. They levy separately the
khut’s [landowner’s] share from the villages, give parties and drink wine,
and many of them pay no revenue at all, either upon demand or without
demand. Neither do they show any respect for my officers. This has
excited my anger, and I have said to myself: ‘Thou hast an ambition to
OF ALAUDDIN
conquer other lands, but thou hast hundreds of leagues of country under
thy rule where proper obedience is not paid to thy authority. How then
wilt thou make other lands submissive?’20
Alauddin Khalji attempted to increase the revenue collection by
enhancing the demand, introducing direct collection and cutting down on
the money that was appropriated by the intermediaries. Barani informs us
that revenue was collected with so much zeal that more often than not
peasants were left with no choice but to sell their land. Probably Alauddin
intended to bring most parts of the Doab into khalisa land, so that the tax
(mahsul) collected from there could go into paying cash salaries to the
soldiers. Contrary to popularly held belief, Barani is of the view that
peasants were required to pay taxes in cash and not in kind. According to
Irfan Habib, this seems to be true only of some parts of the khalisa in the
Doab. From there, the Sultan wanted to obtain supplies for his granaries.21
Otherwise the realisation was normally in cash. Through his strict
collection of revenue in terms of grains Alauddin was able fill up the huge
granaries at Delhi to the brim. This measure was made to combat the
occurrence of a possible famine in the future and then there was always
the fear of Mongol aggression in the capital.22
Alauddin decided to get to the root of this problem by firstly providing
people with an assured supply of food and secondly by introducing
reforms aimed at providing a support base to his large standing army.
With this in mind, he confiscated the landed property of all courtiers and
officers. The khots, muqaddams and choudharies were required to pay
taxes to the state. All revenue assignments were cancelled and revenue
was collected directly by the central administration. Alauddin is also said
to have taken stringent measures - like inspecting the records (bahi) of
the village accountant or the patwari - to eliminate bribery and
misappropriation of funds by the local functionaries. The sale and
consumption of alcohol was strictly prohibited and the courtiers were no
longer permitted to hold private meetings or feasts. Barani mentions that
these measures were taken to combat the threat of sedition, which would
be the most likely outcome of a gathering of nobles. Peter Jackson,
however, feels that since this ‘would have entailed a loss of revenue to the
state, did not spring simply from religious and moral impulses [szc]’.23
Spies were posted everywhere in order to report on any transgression of
these orders.
Alauddin also ordered a new revenue survey of all land and decreed
a uniform rate of assessment for all rural classes, namely half of the
standing crop. There was also special revenue imposed on pastures. He
also ordered that no other taxes should be imposed on the poorer sections
of society. The system of taxation introduced by Alauddin seems to have
lasted well into the reign of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-5) who modified
it to some extent and provided a tax exemption of sorts to the khots and
muquddams on their cultivation and cattle.
Alauddin is also credited with attempting to establish a centralised
administration. To achieve this he ventured to interfere directly with
market forces. Alauddin explicitly rejected the idea of following strict
Islamic injunctions in this respect. ‘Although I have not studied the
science or the Book, I am a Musulman of Musulman stock. To prevent
rebellion in which thousands perish, I issue such orders as I conceive to
be for the good of the State and for the benefit of the people. Men are
heedless, disrespectful, and disobey my commands; I am then compelled
to be severe to bring them into obedience, I do not know whether this is
lawful or unlawful, whatever I think to be for the good of the State, or
suitable for the emergency, that I decree.’24
Not too many historians are of the view that the Hindus hated
Alauddin because his policies sought to deliberately target them. It is
important to mention that Alauddin’s policies were uniformly oppressive
and that his measures were aimed as much at Muslim courtiers as at
Hindu notables and middlemen. Barani is of the view that the rural poor
received exemption from the Sultan’s harsh measures. But Irfan Habib
suggests that Barani’s claim of Alauddin preventing the burden of tax
falling on the weak seems ‘excessive’.25 However, the objection that
Alauddin - by demanding revenue amounting to as much as fifty per cent
of the standing crop, had, in effect asked for that much more than any
ruler had done before him - is unfair and unwarranted. In addition to the
usual one-sixth, which was supposed to be the ruler’s share, the kings,
middlemen and headmen collected a great deal of additional taxes and
subjected the peasants to extortionate exactions. Alauddin explicitly
prohibited all such additional collections, imposed a direct assessment
scheme and limited the amount to that of half the produce. But at the
same time it must also be accepted that the agrarian changes under
Alauddin ‘spelled no relaxation on the pressure of the peasantry’.26
Price Control
The constant fight against the Mongols required the maintenance of a

large standing army. In order to be able to hire more soldiers for the same
amount of money, Alauddin lowered soldiers’ salaries. But at the same
time he also ensured a constant supply of grains in the market and fixed
the prices of goods so that the soldiers could make ends meet. The
accumulation of grain stocks was also an essential component of his
policy of price control.27 The prices of all commodities including those of
SBS8SS
grains, cloth, slaves, cattle, etc., were decided upon by none other than
the Sultan himself. In order to accomplish his price control measure
Alauddin promulgated the following seven ordinances according to the
Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi.2i
(i) All food prices were to be fixed.
(ii) A high ranking official, aided by an entourage of spies, was
entrusted with the task of ensuring that no tampering was done.
(iii) Large storages of grain were established in Delhi, which were
filled with the produce of the directly assessed land (khalisa) of
the Doab where revenue was paid in kind.
(iv) Grain trade and transport were controlled by the government.
Transport-workers and their families were forced to find habitation
along the banks of the Yamuna to guarantee the swift transport of
grains to Delhi.
(v) Peasants and traders were prohibited from hoarding grains so as
to prevent the rise of a black market.
(vi) The collection of revenue in kind and the government procurement
of grain were to be done in the field in order to eliminate the
private storage of grain.
(vii) A daily status report on market prices had to be submitted to the
Sultan. The overseer of the markets and the spies had to report to
the Sultan separately. If these reports differed, the Sultan would
conduct a special enquiry into the matter.
All these decrees were probably implemented only in the capital and
extended only up to a hundred-mile radius around the capital, as Alauddin
himself had indicated. He could not exercise much control beyond this
core area of his realm. In spite of these and various other limitations, it
has to be granted that Alauddin did come up fairly innovative measures of
a market regulation system. The system of ensuring the enforcement of
maximum prices for a wide range of commodities and the elimination of
middlemen was ‘a remarkable piece of governmental interventionism’.29
It looks all the more impressive given a backdrop of Mongol aggression
and internal strife. A controller of markets (shahna-i-mandi), intelligence
officers (barids) and secret spies (munhiyan) were also appointed. The
grain merchants were placed under the shahna-i-mandi and sureties were
taken from these sources. Alauddin also ensured the regular supply of
grains and other things at lower prices. He established granaries in Delhi
and in Chhain in Rajasthan. The Multanis, who were essentially cloth
merchants, were given 20 lakhs of tankas as an advance loan to purchase
and bring cloth to the market. Alauddin understood that grain merchants
could bring supplies to the market only if they could, in the first place, get
TABLE 6.1
HIGHLIGHTS OF ALAUDDIN KHALJI’S RULE
• Introduction of a new market regulations to provide essential commodities at

., reasonable rates to raise resources for the' army.
,• Appointment of Diwan-i-riyasat and Shahba-i-mandi to.regulate the fixed-
' - price market. ' - -
• Introduction of a system of rationing in times of scarcity, and issuance of
- something similar to that of present-day . ration cards.
' • Declaration of all land in the area from Lahore to Karu (hear modern Allahabad)
as khalisa land (state land).
.• ’ Raising the land revenue to one-half of the gross production in khalisa.
• Establishing of a new department known as the diwan-i-mustakhraj for revenue
administration
• Imposition of two other customary taxes - grazing (c/uzrai) and house tax
- (ghari). . ' „ >/. ' '■ ?
• Curtailment of tire powers of the khost, the muqaddams and the chaudharis. .
♦ Prohibition on the use of wine, get-togethers and functions, including those of:
marriage, without the permission of tire Sultan.
• Seizure of land held as endowments, gifts, stipends and pensions.
• Introduction of three soldier categories: (i) foot soldiers, (ii) soldiers who were'
provided with.one horse each and (iii) soldiers who were provided with two ;
horses each.
• Introduction of the daag and chehra or the huliya system and payment of cash
salaries to soldiers. '
• Introduction of a standing army at the centre for the first time. Direct recruitment',
of soldiers by the Ariz-i-mamalik.
• Establishment of a separate and permanent army for the; defence of the north-. .:
west frontier.
• Dealing with the Mongol menace.
• Conquest of Gujarat, Malwa, Ranthambore, Chittor, Devagiri, Warangal and
Dwarasamudra.
♦ Construction of the Alai-Darwaza near Qutb Minar and Siri Fort in Delhi.
• Adoption of the principle of land measurement for determining land revenue.
grains at sufficiently low prices. Therefore, he enforced a rigorous policy

of revenue collection which would leave peasants with no option but to
sell grain to the grain merchants or the karvanian, who transported it to
the city.30
Possibly the intention of Alauddin Khilji was to transfer a
significantly large share of the agricultural surplus from the countryside
to the towns. Barani’s account lays emphasis upon the essentially

militaristic thrust of Alauddin’s economic policy, under which all funds
were allocated for the pay of the army and the expenses of the imperial
order. In view of that Alauddin converted more and more iqta land into
khalisa land. However, ‘to a large extent this was compensated for by the
availability of iqtas in newly conquered territories like Gujarat, Malwa
and the Deccan’.31
Unfortunately, the price control and market regulation of Alauddin
could not survive for long after Alauddin Khalji’s time. Alauddin died in
1316. He was succeeded by two of his sons and by Khusru Khan, an
outcaste Hindu convert. None of them were able to rule for too long.
THE TUGHLUQS
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25) became the new Sultan of Delhi in
1320. His father was a Turkish slave who had served Balban. His mother
was a Jat woman from India. Ghiyasuddin became the founder of the
Tughluq dynasty.
When he ascended the throne, the Sultanate was undergoing troubled
period of political instability and unrest. The outlying provinces had
revolted and had proclaimed independence and the effective control of
the Sultanate shrank to a core area around the Capital. The administrative
machinery was in shambles and the royal treasury was facing depletion.
Therefore, at first, Ghiyasuddin addressed himself to the task of restoring
the exchequer and the administration. He first area of focus was the
Deccan, which was facing immense political turbulence. In 1321, he sent
Ulugh Khan, who later came to be known as Muhmmad bin Tughluq, to
the South with a large army. He reached Warangal without much difficulty.
Rai Rudra Dev surrendered and Warangal was annexed to the Sultanate
under the direct imperial administration. Bhanudeva II, the ruler of
Jajnagar in Orissa, had supported Rai Rudra Dev of Warangal. Therefore,
Ulugh Khan also marched against Jajnager and annexed it. In 1323-24,
a quarrel broke out in Lakhnauti in Bengal and some nobles from
Lakhnauti appealed to Ghiyasuddin for help. He decided to march to
Bengal in person. The ruler of Lakhnauti was defeated and one of the
warring groups, led by Nasiruddin, was given a tributary status. When
returning from Bengal he entered a reception hall, which was built at his
own request by his son in celebration of the Sultan’s victory. But this hall
was constructed in such a way that it collapsed over Ghiyasuddin’s head
and the monument erected to the Sultan’s victory became his burial
ground. This paved the way for his son Muhammad bin Tughluq’s
succession (1325-1351).
■ ■ ■ 1
Muhammad bin Tughluq was earlier known as Prince Jauna. He

received the title of Ulugh Khan from Ghiyasuddin for his meritorious
work and his undying commitment to the State. Futuh-us Salatin informs
us of his declaration, ‘Every old man in my territory is like a father to me
and every young man is like my brother.’ Muhammad bin Tughluq
ascended the throne at Tughluqabad in 1324 and his coronation was
held in Delhi forty days later in 1325 after which he adopted the
name Muhammad. Ibn Battuta (1330-47), a Moorish traveller who visited
India during the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq, wrote a travelogue
entitled Rehala, which throws immense light on Muhammad bin
Tughluq’s reign.
Alauddin Khalji’s successors were mostly occupied with the affairs
of the South and Gujarat. It was only after Muhammad bin Tughluq
ascended the throne that attention was paid to the much-neglected
northwest frontier. Soon after his accession, Muhammad bin Tughluq led
campaigns to Kalanaur and Peshawar. Probably it was a sequel to the
invasion of the Mongols under Tarmashirin Khan in 1326-7 and was
aimed at securing the northwest frontier of the Sultanate against future
Mongol attacks.
Muhammad bin Tughluq built a small city in Delhi that was called
Adilabad or the ‘Abode of Justice’. Ibn Battuta points out that Muhammad
bin Tughluq thereafter donned the title of adil, or the just monarch.
Several stories narrated by Ibn Battuta suggest that he really meant it.
One of the stories concerned the young son of a noble who complained to
a judge (qazi) that the Sultan had hit him unjustly. Muhammad bin
Tughluq attended the court of the judge like any ordinary person. The
Qazi decided that the boy take punitive measures against the Sultan.
Muhammad bin Tughluq gave a stick to the boy and said ‘I call upon you
... strike me just as I struck you. The boy took hold of the stick and struck
the Emperor twenty-one strokes...!’
Tughluq is said to have been an avid student of philosophy and
religion. He was deeply interested in diverse religious attitudes, including
those of atheism and agnosticism. He subjected all religious postulates to
the light of rationalism. This cannot be taken to mean that Muhammad
had lost faith in Islam. Ibn Battuta says that discussions on religious and
philosophical matters took place every morning after prayers in which
non-Muslims also took part. Battuta further says that Tughluq also
engaged in private discussions with jogis, evidence for which can be
found in Jain records.
These records show that the Sultan had close ties with Jain scholars,
like Jinaprabha Suri. Raja Sekhara was another Jain scholar who enjoyed
the Sultan’s patronage. Surprisingly, they could not influence him with
the Jain ideal of ahimsa.
Tughluq’s nobility was very heterogenous in character, and therefore,

could not be relied upon in times of difficulty. The bureaucracy or the
governing class underwent a sea change in character in the reign of
Muhammad bin Tughluq. Not only did he promote the Khalji concept of
a governing class based on loyalty and efficiency (ignoring racial
considerations), but he also opened the doors to mystics and converts. His
governing class was rather polymorphous and cosmopolitan in character.
It included the families of officers who had been in the employ of
Alauddin Khalji; converts to Islam; foreigners; members of religious
organizations; the Afghans; Sadah Amirs; and the Hindus. Muhammad
was the only monarch who recruited people from such diverse
backgrounds. This was a source of strength as well as weakness. It
broadened the base of the empire but made the position of the Sultan
weak.
Muhammad Tughluq’s Innovations
Muhammad Tughluq was the only Sultan to have received a good

education. He was a lover of art, a scholar of philosophy, mathematics,
astronomy, and physical sciences. In addition to this, he was also a
brilliant calligraphist and a fairly good poet. However, despite his learning
and his scholarly abilities, his innovative measures did not meet with
much success. Muhammad bin Tughluq’s five seminal measures were:
(i) raising the taxes in Doab to fill the depleted treasury, 1326 onwards;
(ii) transfer of capital from Delhi to Daulatabad, 1328; (iii) introduction
of the token currency, 1329-30; (iv) the Khorasan campaign, 1330; and
(v) the Qarachil campaign 1333.
Raising the Taxes in the Doab
The Sultan introduced these measures during the early years of his reign.
Mahdi Hussain says that the finances of the empire were in a bad shape
due to the failure of the token currency and, as a consequence, taxes
imposed in the Doab had to be raised to replenish the treasury. Actually,
the scheme was not altogether bad. The Doab was the most fertile region
of the empire and had circumstances been favourable, would have borne
the increased level of taxation. Then, there was the previous example of
Alauddin levying 50 per cent of the produce as tax which incidentally
was the maximum permissible under the Islamic law. The scheme,
however, failed because of the extreme rigour with which it was
implemented and on account of the fact that it was imposed with complete
disregard for the conditions prevailing at that time. Although the sequence
of events is not clear, another contributing factor could have been the
shifting of the capital from Delhi to Devagiri, which again had an

extremely adverse impact upon the market. Delhi was the largest
consumer market of the region and the uncertainties resulting from a
transfer of the capital influenced the buying habits of the people and
resulted in a major drop in agricultural production. Consequently, it
resulted in a loss of revenue.
Coming back to Delhi in 1332, the Sultan found the capital in a state
of unrest and turmoil. Coercive methods employed to rectify matters
proved to be counterproductive and resulted in a further loss of
production.
In 1337, after the capital was brought back to Delhi again, the capital
was faced with the problem of a major dearth of agricultural supplies.
Somewhat belatedly, the Sultan decided to encourage cultivators and set
up a special ministry for the purpose. Peasants were provided with loans
and every effort was made to increase agricultural production. Apparently,
the slogan was: ‘Not a span of land is to be left unfilled.’
This measure, again, turned to dust as officials lacked motivation and
zeal. As usual, corruption raised its malignant head. Before Muhammad
could crack the whip over his corrupt officers, he was required to be
present at the Deccan.
Experiments in Agriculture
Unsettled economic conditions under Muhammad bin Tughluq were
further exacerbated by the failure of rains which led to a famine outbreak.
One reason for paucity of supplies was the fact that that there weren’t too
many grain carriers or banjaras with the result that grains could not reach
the markets. Relief measures were therefore arranged; a system of supply
rationing was introduced and grains were obtained from Awadh where
there was no famine. Agricultural loans were advanced so that wells
could be dug and seeds and agricultural implements could be bought.
Apparently, that was how the genesis of a supervisory department,
entrusted with the responsibility of agricultural production, was laid. An
official, with the title of Diwan-i Amir-i Kohi, was made in-charge of a
large tract of land. Over a hundred people were engaged, given large sums
of money and asked to begin agricultural operations.
The scheme had two objectives: to improve agriculture and to raise
more revenue. It also failed. Officials did not really understand the local
conditions and huge sums of money were misappropriated. The scheme,
of extending agricultural loans (sondhar) became a standard practice with
the later Sultans and was made a part of the agricultural policy of the
Mughals as well. This proves that Muhammad Tughluq was ahead of his
times.
Transfer of Capital from Delhi to Daulatabad (1327)
Muhammad bin Tughluq, to begin with, was deeply interested in the idea
of territorial expansion, and in this matter, he was even more successful
than Alauddin Khalji was. But his unbridled ambition led to the eventual
decline of the Delhi Sultanate. Alauddin did not want much beyond
subjecting the kings of the South, but Muhammad bin Tughluq wanted to
annex these territories. Alauddin Khalji had followed a policy of indirect
rule in the more distant regions. The immense wealth of these regions was
understandably a major lure; besieged areas were then accorded the status
of a protectorate and were not made part of the Sultanate. This was
particularly true of kingdoms conquered in the Deccan and in the far
south. This policy was to some extent changed by Muhammad bin
Tughluq.
To attain greater political and administrative efficacy, Muhammad
bin Tughluq made Devagiri the second administrative seat of the
Sultanate. But that experiment failed partially due to the unwillingness
and lack of co-operation of the ruling and other classes of the Sultanate.
Nonetheless, in Muhammad bin Tughluq’s reign, territorial expansion
reached its zenith, touching Peshawar in the north west, Malabar in the
south, Gujarat in the west and Jajnagar in Orissa in the east. It was,
however, an irony of fate that in the closing years of Tughluq’s reign, the
boundaries of the Sultanate shrank drastically till the kingdom re-acquired
its 1296 territorial dimensions. As a crown prince, Tughluq had besieged
Warangal and had reached as far as Madurai, which had been sacked by
Malik Kafur some decades earlier. Soon after his accession to the throne
he conquered Kampili in the area where Vijayanagar was later to be
constructed. The northern part of the Hoysala kingdom was also annexed
at that time. In order to rule his vast empire from a more centrally located
capital, Muhammad bin Tughluq built a new capital at Daulatabad; the
erstwhile Yadava capital was at Devagiri. Barani has reported: ‘The
second project of Sultan Muhammad, which was ruinous to the capital of
the empire and distressing to the chief men of the country, was that of
making Deogir [Devagiri] the capital under the title Daulatabad. This
place held a central position. Without any consultation, without carefully
looking into the advantages and disadvantages on every side, he brought
ruin upon Delhi, that city which for 170 or 180 years had grown in
prosperity, and [had] rivalled Baghdad and Cairo’.
Barani’s description of the suffering inflicted on the people who were
forced to leave Delhi for Daulatabad is corroborated by the detailed
report of Ibn Battuta, the famous north African traveller who was in India
during Muhammad’s reign. Though it cannot be denied that it made sense
to have a more centrally located capital, the whole venture not only
turned to dust and ashes but also resulted in the downfall of the Sultanate.
After shifting to Daulatabad, Muhammad bin Tughluq lost all of north
India without being able to consolidate his hold on the South. His decision
to return to Delhi was taken as a sign of weakness and independent states
arose in the South. In 1334, the Governor of Madurai declared his
independence, and henceforth began to refer to himself as the Sultan of
Malbar. Four years later Bengal followed suit and in 1346 the Vijayanagar
empire was founded. In Central India the Bahmani Sultanate was
established in 1347 following Alauddin’s lead in the matter, Muhammad
bin Tughluq had also introduced economic and administrative reforms in
order to support his policy of expansion. He tried to extend the system of
direct administration, which Alauddin had implemented only in the core
region of the sultanate, to all the provinces of his vast empire. The root of
the problem lay in the fact that Muhammad - unlike Alauddin, who had
collected huge revenues in kind from the core region in order to secure a
reliable food back-up for Delhi - insisted that all revenue collection be
made in cash so that provincial revenues could then be transferred to his
capital. This was done well before silver began to flow into India from the
West and therefore rendering Muhammad’s innovative measures entirely
incompatible with Indian tradition. The nominal value of Indian coins did
not deviate much from their intrinsic value. But now Muhammad hit upon
the idea of issuing copper coins, an ill-advised measure that was not met
with much approval by the people at large because coins could now easily
be forged and counterfeiters could make huge profits in the process.
Contemporary reports indicate that ‘every house was turned into a mint’.
Muhammad had to withdraw his currency within three years of its launch.
In order to shift the area of focus from the political and administrative
blunders that he had made, Muhammad now launched two major
campaigns against Persia and Central Asia which, in the end, again met
with failure. After each one of his ambitious, albeit star-crossed ventures,
had failed, Muhammad bin Tughluq’s rule degenerated to a reign of terror
of which Ibn Battuta has given a detailed account. Oppression and
exploitation had to be borne in silent anguish by the rural population. The
main victims of Muhammad’s reign, however, were mostly Muslims and
sometimes even learned divines whom he did not hesitate to eliminate if
their views displeased him.
According to Barani, Muhammad bin Tughluq’s Deccan experiment
was motivated by his genuine belief that Daulatabad or Devagiri was
more centrally located and was equidistant from Delhi, Gujarat,
Lakhnauti, Satgaon, Sonargaon, Telangana, Malabar, Dwarasamudra and
Kampilla. However, Isami is of the view that the Sultan’s motivation
came from his hatred of the people of Delhi. Suspicious of the people of
Delhi, the Sultan thought he would be able to break their power by
driving them towards Maharashtra. Faced with the series of rebellions

against him, the Sultan began to feel the need for a strong administrative
centre in the South. His ministers were of the view that Ujjain would be
a better alternative to Devagiri, though the Sultan decided in favour of the
latter. It is also possible that the natural beauty of Devagiri and its pride
of place in the cities of the world, as mentioned by the poet Amir Khusrau
in his Masnavi, made the Sultan choose Devagiri..
Gardner Brown, however, felt that when Muhammad bin Tughluq
ascended the throne, the centre of gravity of the Empire had shifted from
the North to the South. More than a hundred years of Mongol invasions
had left Punjab shorn of its importance. In other words, the Sultan’s
decision to shift the capital from Delhi to Devagiri was motivated by
nothing beyond purely economic and fiscal conditions. In fact, taking into
account all contemporary and modem interpretations, the reason behind
the move appears to be that of political expedience. The project of transfer
of the capital was carried out in stages and every step was taken to make
the shift least inconvenient to the people. Apparently, there was a gestation
period of two years. Sirhindi says that in 1326-27, halting stations were
constructed every two miles along the road from Delhi to Daulatabad
(Devagiri) and the entire area was made habitable. People, living in these
regions, were given dwelling lands, the income from which was to be
accounted for in their salaries. Also, trees were planted on both sides of
the road. It seems that it was the Sultan’s mother Makhduma-i Jahan,
along with the entire royal household, who first shifted to Devagiri,
followed by the sayyids, shaikhs (mystics), ulema and other prominent
groups of Delhi. Muhammad bin Tughluq dropped the idea of developing
Daulatabad as a second or alternative capital and returned to Delhi,
because ‘the raison d’etre of keeping Daulatabad as a second capital
disappeared.’ There was a rebellion in Malabar (modem Coromandal in
Tamil Nadu) in 1334—35 and the Sultan marched to the South to control
it. When Muhammad reached Bidar, there was an outbreak of bubonic
plague, which claimed the lives of most of his soldiers and the Sultan was
himself taken ill. Rumours about the Sultan being dead were now afloat.
As a consequence, the entire southern part of the Empire - comprising
Malabar, Dwarasamudra (Karnataka) and Warangal (Telingana) - revolted
against the Delhi Sultanate. Muhammad then decided to go back to Delhi.
The Sultan, along with his plague-ridden entourage, returned to a now
famine-engulfed North, a move that seemed to suggest that the Sultan had
lost his hold over the South. Harihar, and his brother Bukka, established
a Hindu principality in 1336 down south of the Krishna river which later
on developed into the Vijayanagar Empire. Muhammad had no option but
to relinquish the any hope that he had ever had of an all-India
administration, as he had lost everything other than Gujarat and Devagiri.
There was no need felt for a strong presence in Daulatabad and hence
people were more or less allowed to return to Delhi. The Daulatabad
experiment was a costly failure and heaped nothing but suffering upon
the people, particularly those belonging to the upper sections of society.
However, a number of Sufis and scholars decided to stay back and, in the
years to come, they made Daulatabad a centre of Islamic learning. The
benefits of this were reaped by the Bahmani rulers later on.
Contemporary historians had conveyed the impression that the process
had led to a mass exodus; a point of view that is not particularly true.
Actually, only the upper classes - consisting of nobles, the ulema, and the
elite of the city - had shifted to Daulatabad. The general Hindu public
was not affected at all. Two Sanskrit inscriptions, dated 1327 and 1328,
show that the Hindus of Delhi were living in peace at that time. The Sufi
leaders also did not wish to shift to Devagiri. The mystics’ reaction to the
Sultan’s project had some ideological connotations, because the concept
of the walayat was the lych-pin of their organisation. Under this concept
the masters had assigned centres of spiritual learning to their disciples
where they worked for the moral and spiritual upliftment of the people
regardless of the difficulties that they faced. The Sultan’s transfer orders
were understandably extremely unwelcome and were considered an
unwanted and uncalled-for interference and a blow to the spirit of the
khanquas. Their hesitancy in the matter was taken as a sign of rebellion.
The Sultan came down heavily upon them as he was of the view that
religion was an inextricable core of state policies. They were forced to
migrate and, with the exception of Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh who held
on to his silsilah in spite of the punitive wrath of the Sultan, had no
option but to comply with the Sultan’s wishes in the matter. Muhammad
bin Tughluq is presumably the first Sultan to have participated in the
festival of Holi and the records of the time confirm it. A number of jogis,
accompanied by their Muslim followers, were granted freedom of
mobility, a fact to which the Sultan did not ever object. Firuz Shah’s
Futuhat tells us that a large number of heterodox religious groups and
individuals flourished, which would have been possible only in an
atmosphere of intellectual and religious freedom. It seems that he visited
the Satrunjay temple at Palatina and the idol houses of Gimar. By a
farman issued under royal seal, he ordered the construction of a new
basati upasraya (a rest house for monks).
Introduction of the Token Currency (1329)
Silver coins, in the Delhi Sultanate were known as tankas, while copper
coins were called jitals. Muhammad bin Tughluq came out with the idea
of issuing bronze coins in place of silver coins. The token coins (rnuhr-i
mis) also contained an Arabic inscription reading: ‘He who obeys the
Sultan, obeys God’ ; ‘Obey God, obey the Prophet, obey those in authority
amongst you.’ This was probably used as an ideological ploy to elicit the
blind and undying loyalty of the people for their Sultan and to make them
honour the token currency.
Before the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq, token currencies in Asia
were put in use by Qublai Khan (1260-94) in China and Kaikhatu Khan
(1293) in Iran. The Iranian currency failed while the Chinese currency
succeeded. Qublai Khan introduced a paper currency called the chao,
which turned out to be a fairly successful measure because the ink and
paper were manufactured by the state and could not be forged. Also
provision was made for the use of gold and silver coins.
Sirhindi links up the introduction of lower denomination bronze
currency ‘with the need for cash advances to Delhi’s new inhabitants’.32
According to Barani, token currency was introduced to combat the threat
of bankruptcy. The Sultan’s habit of bestowing lavish gifts upon people
and his habit of investing in expensive projects, undertaken with a view
to conquering foreign lands, resulted in the rapid depletion of the treasury.
The Sultan had no option but to resort to the use of paper currency to
check the impending crisis But Barani’s conjecture was only partially
correct. It is true that the expenditure incurred for the Khurasan project
followed closely by the subsequent Qarachil disaster had strained his
economy greatly, but it did not make him bankrupt. It is known that when
the token currency did not work, he promptly redeemed in gold and silver
the bronze coins manufactured in his own mints. In addition, the fact that
the Sultan had extended huge sums of money to the peasantry proves that
he was not facing a resource crunch.
Then why did he introduce it? One possible reason was the worldwide
shortage of silver at that time, when the relative values of gold and silver
fluctuated between 7:1 to 10:1. Presumably, for this reason, the tanka or
silver coins became considerably lighter, while the gold coins came to
weigh much more than they originally did. There may have been several
reasons for the paucity of silver. The establishment of new mints, the
enormous expenditure resulting from the Deccan exodus, and finally the
expensive military expeditions may well have resulted in an acute shortage
in silver. The experiment of token currency was, however, a major failure.
People started minting the coins in their homes. There was no special
machinery to mark the difference of the fabric of the royal mint from the
handiwork of the moderately skilled artisan. As a result, the market was
soon inundated with forged coins; while the state, unable to think of
remedial measures, watched on in helpless desperation. This created havoc
i 1

fSSSKE
in the market and the situation went out of the control of the state.
Further, huge quantities of silver went out of circulation as people started
hoarding silver while making their purchases in forged or token currency.
Spurious token currency was used to pay the revenue making the khuts,
muqaddams and chaudhuris even more powerful and defiant than ±ey
already were. Rebellious and disgruntled elements started purchasing
weapons with the forged currency. Foreign trade and imports received a
tremendous setback when merchants stopped bringing their wares into
India. Thus, the scheme failed owing to the widespread forgery of coins.
Peter Jackson says that Barani’s frequent claim that the treasury was
emptied as a result of the project must be treated with caution.33 Had this
been the reality he would not have asked the people to redeem the bronze
coins and issued gold and silver tangas in exchange. Further, the evidence
that he was able to advance huge sums to the peasantry for the purpose of
restoring cultivation suggests that the treasury was not empty.
The Khurasan Campaign (1330)
Muhammad bin Tughluq spent huge amounts of money on dealing with

the Mongol threat. According to Barani, Muhammad bin Tughluq raised
an army of 3,70,000 soldiers to conquer Khurasan. But the end result was
that this resulted in a further depletion of resources, weakened his control
over his own territory in addition to which he gained nothing from the
areas outside India. Probably, the Khurasan expedition was undertaken to
rid Punjab and Sindh of the Mongols. But soon he had to abandon this
scheme. Of the 3,70,000 soldiers, only about 10,000 or so were retained
while the rest of the army was disbanded. These men, who now found
themselves unemployed, began to openly resort to loot and plunder,
thereby making matters even worse for the Sultan.
The Qarachil Campaign (1333)
The Qarachil area is located in the mid-Himalayan tract of Kulu in the

Kangra district. Muhammad wanted to have a chain of fortifications
across the north and Qarachil was an area falling within the scope of the
plan. Further, the Chinese had begun to encroach into areas held by
independent Rajput kingdoms in the Himalayas, a matter that caused
considerable alarm in the Sultanate. The Chinese apparently constructed
a shrine in that area and began to strive for more power and greater
political ascendancy. Thus, Muhammad’s intention was to secure the
frontier areas and to compel the ruling chiefs to accept his overlordship.
This would have enabled him to strengthen his position in an area of
Consolidation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate 203
MAP 4: EMPIRE OF MUHAMMAD BIN TUGHLUQ
considerable strategic importance. An army of 10,000 soldiers, under the

leadership of Khusrau Malik, the Sultan’s sister’s son, was dispatched for
this purpose. Muhammad’s advice to Khusrau regarding the strategy was
elaborate and meticulous. But this expedition failed as well on account of
Khusrau’s misplaced and calamitous over-enthusiasm.
Despite the fact that the authority of the Delhi Sultanate was
acknowledged over a larger area of the subcontinent under Muhammad
Tughluq than it was under any previous monarch, Munammad’s tenure
was particularly revolt ridden. His enhanced revenue demands in the Dab
provoked a widespread revolt among the cultivators, ‘who burned their
crops, drove off their cattle and took refuge in the jungle’.34 By the time
of his death all provinces south of the Vindhyas and Bengal had declared
themselves independent. Ziauddin Barani blames Muhammad bin
Tughluq’s ‘chimerical designs’ for his failure.35However, K.A. Nizami
feels that our main source of information on Muhammad bin Tughluq is
Ziauddin Barani who, unfortunately, had reactionary political views and
was a traditionalist in religion. He could not really be expected to come
up with a more sympathetic appraisal of Tughluq who was extremely
experimental and innovative in matters of political governance and had
very progressive religious views.
TABLE 6.2
HIGHLIGHTS OF MUHAMMAD BLN TUGHLUQ’S RULE
.a -
• Heavy taxation in the Doab at a time when the rains had. failed and there?was*
- 'a famine.' ■
♦ Transfer of capital from Delhi to Devagiri-, ‘ - - - ,-
• Introduction of token copper currency td? replace gold and silver coins/ -
• Tremendous waste of resources due to an unsuccessful Quaranjal expedition,.-
which die Sultan had launched as part of the plan to fortify the north and
northwest frontier. ' . r
• A failed attempt to conquer Khurasan-and Iraq.
• Creation of an agricultural deparment called the Diwan-i-KohL ; ’ ??
• Independence of Bengal and the Deccan states. ... .
• The appointment of Ibn Batutah as the chief Qazi of Delhi. -
• Creation of some additional abwabs (cesses) like house tax or grazing tax. ■-
. • Introduction of gold coins called dinars and silver coins called adls. .
• Effort to organise the army on the decimal system after the Mongol pattern.
• Formulation of the ‘Famine Code’ as a relief measure for famine-affected;-
- people. _
• Creation of the post of wali-ul-kharaj for the collection of revenue atalf
provincial levels. _
But it should also be understood that Muhammad bin Tughluq

progressively replaced the policy of plundering and levying tribute on
annexed territories by a policy of direct rule. And therefore, the absorption
of such vast areas of territory brought with it its own problems. Peter
Jackson feels that this was ‘very probably a major factor underlying the
acute economic difficulties which overwhelmed the Sultanate in the
1330s’.36 Alauddin Khalji was in the habit of launching regular attacks on
v Consolidation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate ❖ 205
naras
neighbouring territories in order to finance his huge standing army. But
Muhammad bin Tughluq’s swing to the expensive policy of maintaining
garrisons and civil administration in conquered provinces was not exactly
easy to achieve. Therefore, under Muhammad bin Tughluq the Delhi
Sultanate suffered a two fold loss - the loot in terms of gold bullions of
the likes of Alauddin Khalji and Malik Kafur; and Muhammad Tughluq’s
extraordinary spending habits and his proverbial generosity.37
Firuz Shah Highluq (1351-1388)
Firuz ascended the throne in September 1351. Firuz Shah’s father, Malik
Rajab, was the younger brother of Ghiyasuddin who had married a Hindu
woman called Bibi Nala (or Naila), daughter of Rai Ranmal Bhatti. Firuz
Shah was trained in all branches of government and administration like
those of account keeping, matters of state policy etc and held the office of
the Amir-i hajib. Firuz was a generous pay master and salaries could
range anywhere between 2,000 to 5,000 to 10,000 tankas and his whole
army was paid in terms of land revenue assignments. In this matter, Firuz
made a major departure from the policies adopted by the earlier kings of
Delhi. Alauddin did not permit this because normally a village could have
as many as 200-300 inhabitants and trouble could ensue if the assignees
of a number of villages decided to come together for a cause. For this
reason Alauddin did not ever assign a village to the army; he always made
cash payments to them.
Firuz’s system of land assignments and the official corruption which
it shielded were the two greatest causes of the decline of the Sultanate.
The third cause was the order declaring all positions to be hereditary.
According to this rule if a soldier died, his office would go permanently
to his son; if there was no son, it would go to his son-in-law; if he had no
son-in-law, it would go to his slave; if he had no slave, it would go his
women. Further, by giving the income of the entire kingdom in
assignments to the army, he did away with the regular income of the
Sultanate. Subsequently, Firuz issued another farman that a soldier, who
was too old to ride a horse, could still continue in service provided his
agent, that is, his son served in his place. In the absence of a son, a son-
in-law or slave could fill in.
Firuz was a devout Muslim. In 1374-75 Firuz went to pray at the
tomb of Salar Masud Ghazi at Bahraich, saw the alleged martyr in a
dream, and suddenly metamorphosed into a cruel and fanatical ruler. He
ordered all mural paintings in his palaces to be erased, and forbade
ostentation of any kind. To this end gold and silver vessels could no
longer be put to use. Likewise, silk and brocade could not be worn
anymore. Firuz also imposed the jizya on the Brahmins of Delhi. Firuz, in
his Futuhat, stated that the Hindus who paid the jizya would be provided
with a measure of protection, which is to say that their property and assets
would be safeguarded and their right to freedom of worship would be
respected. In his eagerness to follow the dictates of the shariat, Firuz not
only dealt a grievous blow to the Ismaili sect of the Shias and the Sufi
Muslims who were opposed to orthodox policies, but also robbed the
ulema and theologists of any claim to power. His policies struck at the
roots of a liberal world-view which would have been sensitive to issues
like religious tolerance and the welfare of people in mind. He also changed
Muhammad bin Tughluq’s policy of evolving a composite ruling class
consisting of Muslims and Hindus. However, at the same time it should
also be noted that this was the time when the largest number of Sanskrit
books on music, medicine, etc. were translated into Persian. Three Hindu
chiefs were allowed to sit on the floor of his court, a rare honour in those
days when even the royalty was required to stand.
Dargahs, mosques, madrasas and the various dependents of the ruling
class were maintained through revenue grants. These revenue grants were
called milk, idrar, and inam. These grants were not generally resumed or
transferred. But the Sultan had the right to cancel them. Alauddin Khalji
is reputed to have cancelled almost all grants. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq too
cancelled a large number of grants. However, Firuz Shah Tughluq made
a departure and not only returned all the previously resumed grants but
also made additional grants. Noticeably, the Sultans made grants not only
in the khalisa but also in the iqtas. These grants covered cultivated areas
as well as those tracts of land which had not yet been brought under the
plough.
Welfare Measures
Firuz Shah was a genius when it came to his architectural abilities. His
list relating to early repair works included: the Jama Mosque of old
Delhi; the Qutb Minar of Delhi; the Ala-i Tank or the Hauz-i Khas; of
Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish’s madrasa', and the Jahan Panah. Afif
informs us that Firuz never left Delhi without paying respects to the
tombs of the great shaikhs and Sultans of the past. In the Futuhat, he has
provided us with a list of the museums which were repaired under his
supervision.
A detailed account of the canal system of Firuz Shah is given in the
Tarikk-i Mubarak Shahi. The first fojty-eight karohs long canal, which
extended from the Sutlej to Jahbazand and which was commissioned in
1355, was dug under Firoz Shah’s tutelage. Next year, a canal from the
Jamuna, in the borders of Mandal and Sirmur, was excavated. Water from
seven additional canals was directed into it, and then the canal was taken
mg®
right through Hansi and Arasin (Baralisan) to the fort of Hisar-Firuzah. A
large tank was dug and filled with water from the canal coming from
Hisar-Firuzah; the royal palace was built nearby. Another canal was
excavated in Kahkhar, went through the Sarsati (Sirsa) fort to Harmi
Khera where the fort of Firuzabad was built. Yet another canal was dug
at Budhai (Budhui) from Jamuna, which flowed into a die tank at Hisar-
Firuzah and was then taken further. Apart from the cities of Hissar-
Firuzah and Fimzabad, many new towns were built in and around Delhi.
These towns were established to meet a specific need. Most of these
towns were located in the areas where substantial advancements had been
made in the field of agriculture. Consequently, the need for grain markets
arose and was met by the new towns that had come into existence. They
also became the centres of trade and handicrafts. One important person in
the court of Firuz Tughluq was Muqbul. Muqbul acted as the intermediary
between Firuz and the bureaucracy. Firuz would often say that the real
king of Delhi was khan-i jahan Muqbul. Muqbul was a Hindu noble from
Telingana (Telang) who had been captured by Muhammad and then
converted to Islam. He was appointed the Naib Wazir of the city of Delhi
before which he had held the post of the Governor of Multan. Muqbul did
his job to perfection. Two Asokan pillars were found by Firuz, the larger
one in the village of Nawira in the district of Salura-Khizrabad near Delhi
and the smaller one near Meerut. He had no idea what these were, but
decided to bring them to Delhi. A new foundation for the pillar was made
and the pillar was set up vertically supported by wooden pulleys. Orchards
and fruit gardens were built by Firuz across the length and breadth of his
empire. His total income from this source amounted to 1,80,000 tankas
per year. In those days, there were as many as 1,200 orchards in Delhi and
its suburbs. Grapes were at that time grown in Delhi plentifully, selling at
one jital a seer. The relief measures introduced by Firuz included the
construction of hospitals, sarais and roads. Firuz Shah is also credited
with the invention of the tas-ghariya, which functioned as a clock of sorts
and was devised with the help of astronomers. It was a metal cup
perforated at the bottom, and which on being placed in a tub of water,
would fill up and sink to the bottom after about twenty-four minutes or
gharis had elapsed. The public was informed of this by the beating of a
gong and after ten such gharis had elapsed. A sun-dial was referred to for
the correction of the cup. The cup, and its tub, was placed atop the
Firuzabad palace and this method of measuring time became quite popular
after Firuz Shah’s reign.
Firuz Shah was very fond of collecting slaves. Firuz’s advice to the
governors was that they bring young, handsome and well-bred boys for
their Sultan after conducting a successful raid. Consequently, many slaves
were gifted to him and their offices were made hereditary. Firuz wanted
208 ❖ Interpreting Medieval India
to build a body of men who would be loyal to him and to his successors.
He also wanted his slaves to be given a salary and a status according to
their merit. As a result, many parents were more than willing to give their
sons in slavery because this slavery was not legal in any sense of the term.
Slaves, who found themselves in the service of the nobility were
considered fortunate as they were treated as part of the family and were
presented before the king once a year. The second fortunate group was
that of the slaves who were selected for the purpose of education; some
were even sent on the Haj pilgrimage. The slaves had their own
department and treasury. They were either kept in Delhi or sent to the
provincial capitals. Like the soldiers, the slaves were either paid in
assignments or in cash. The minimum salary of a slave was 10 tankas and
the maximum 100 tankas which was paid by the treasury regularly latest
by the third, fourth or sixth of the month. Training in crafts was given to
about 1,200 slaves. The slaves were employed in the ministries, in the
karkhanas and in government departments. However, the nucleus of their
organization was formed by 40,000 slaves who worked as palace guards;
these slaves developed a strong esprit de corps but had no sense of loyalty
to the monarch. These slaves, who functioned as Firuz’s corpus of palace
guards, were mostly Hindu converts and formed part of Firuz’s huge army
of 80,000 horsemen. The mettle of this mammoth army was never brought
to the test. Apparently, he was trying to intimidate the nobility by a show
of strength. However, this created a second power base which went
TABLE 6.3
HIGHLIGHTS OF FIRUZ SHAH TUGHLUQ’S RULE
• ithwaja Hisamud-din appointed fbf the 'purpose of making a rough estimate of

the public revenue of the kingdom. — .
• w Cbristn®tion,'Of four canals for irrigation: (S) from die Sutlej to the Ghagar; (b)
from Yamuna?. Ghagar to- Firuzflbad; (c) from Mardve and Sismour Hills to
Hansi (Haryana).:and fd) from.the ghagar to Firuzabad , " ■ _
• Waiving’of'feans given to the peasants by Muhammand bin TiighlUtp
• Establishrdhnt of new towns such as Firuzabad, Fatehabad, Hissar and Jaimpur.
• ' Arrival of two Asokan pillar edicts from Meerut and Khizrabad to Delhi.
♦ Establishment of the department of the Diwan-i-khairat for the poor and the
needy. ,
• Iqtadari'sySt&m made hereditary.
• Imposition of jizya on the Brahmanas for the first time.
• Creation of the Diwan-i-bandagan or the department of slaves,
• The making of land grants to army personnel.
'against Firuz’s idea of a stable government formed by a cohesive nobility

and an army comprised of families that had militaristic interests and
sympathies.
DECLINE OF DELHI SULTANATE

The Sultanate of Delhi began to disintegrate from Firuz Shah Tughluq’s
time. The first sign of trouble was the struggle for power between Prince
Muhammad, the eldest surviving son of Firuz, and Khan-i-Jahan II, the
wazir of Firuz Shah. Prince Muhammad managed to win Firuz over to his
side and ousted Khan-i-Jahan. He was given all the paraphernalia of
royalty by Firuz, and was made the joint-sovereign. However, this was
not to the liking of the 100,000 slaves of Firuz. In the struggle that
followed, Firuz, sided with the slaves, and Prince Muhammad was ousted.
After Firuz died in 1388, a struggle for the crown began between his sons
and his grandsons. The corps of slaves tried to play the king-maker but
failed, and were defeated and dispensed with. This was followed by a
brief succession of princes till Nasiruddin Mahmud ascended the throne
in 1394. He managed to remain on the throne till the Tughluq dynasty was
displaced in 1412.
The deathblow to the Delhi Sultanate was struck by Timur who
ransacked Delhi and the neighbouring areas in 1398-99. Although Timur’s
son had conquered Uchch and Dipalpur in 1396-97 and had also besieged
Multan, no effort to combat Timur’s strength was made by the rulers of
Delhi. As is well-known, Timur not only spread death and destruction in
and around Delhi but also made a number of Indian stone-cutters and
masons captive so that they could enhance architectural constructs at
Samarqand. He also annexed the districts of Lahore, Dipalpur and Multan
to his kingdom.
No individual Sultan can be held responsible for the downfall of the
Delhi Sultanate. As we have seen, diverse regional factors played their
part in the disintegration of medieval India. There were also numerous
powerful chiefs who either had a clan-following of their own, or had
strong links with particular areas. They were only too ready to foment
rebellion, the minute they found the hold of the central government
weakening. The Turkish Sultans tried to counter these elements of
disintegration first by creating a large support base comprised of slaves
and then by creating a nobility which was made entirely dependent on the
Sultan. The main instrument of this device was the iqta system. However,
the Sultans found it difficult to keep powerful and ambitious nobles in
check, particularly as they wanted to carve out their own independent
spheres of authority. Thus, it was always difficult to control places like
Bengal, Sindh, Gujarat, and Daulatabad. Attempts of successive Sultans -

to have a nobility based on racial antecedents (Balban); or to build an
elaborate system of espionage that would keep a tab on the nobility; or to
have a dispersed nobility (Mahmud bin Tughluq) - failed. Hence, it is no
surprise that Firuz’s attempt to build a small nobility, based to a large
extent on the principle of heredity, also failed. In this situation, religion
was hardly of help because the main conflict, once the Sultanate had been
established, was not between Hindus and Muslims, but between the
different groups of Muslims. Religion was only used to justify the plunder
of the Hindu rajas, and of the peasantry as a whole.
The recruitment of the army also created a problem. Once the Sultans
of Delhi had been cut off from west and central Asia, they could no longer
hope to recruit Turkish and other soldiers from that area. They had,
therefore, no choice but to fall back upon the Afghans, many of whom
had settled in India and were the descendents Of the Turkish soldiers who
had come to India, mainly at the time of occupation. The other groups of
soldiers upon whom the Sultan increasingly began to depend were the
Mongol and Muslim converts and the Hindus belonging to what might be
called the martial communities (Rajputs, Jats etc.). Each of these sections
had their own set of problems. Firuz tried to give preference to the
Turkish and Mongol descendents by giving them a hereditary character.
He also recruited converted Muslims in his corps of slaves. Neither
measure proved successful. The hereditary soldiers proved inefficient,
and the corps of slaves selfish and disloyal. Each of these groups was
hostile to the other. Another problem, facing the Sultans, was that of
succession. Even when the nobles were willing to accept that the successor
to a successful ruler should be drawn from his offspring, there was no
clearly defined rule of primogeniture. This led to struggles for succession
in which ambitious nobles found an opportunity to further their own
interests.
THE LODIS: THE SULTANATE IN THE

FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURY
The Delhi Sultanate was completely dismantled after Timur’s raid.
Gujarat, Malwa and Jaunpur emerged as Sultanates in their own right. In
the west, Lahore, Multan and Sind remained under the control of the
descendants and successors of Timur. It was only after 1414 or so, after
the Sayyid dynasty came into being, that the Sultanate of Delhi found its
bearings again. Its area of influence was restricted to the Doab.
During the same period, a number of Afghan sardars established
themselves in the Punjab. The most important of these was Bahlul Lodi
who had been granted the iqta of Sirhind. Bahlul Lodi checked the
growing power of the Khokhars, a fierce warlike tribe which lived in the
Salt Ranges. Soon, the whole of Punjab came under his control. Soon he
was able to take Delhi under his wing. Bahlul Lodi formally crowned
himself king in 1451 and established the Lodi dynasty. The Lodis, after
the fifteenth century or so, came to control the upper Ganga valley and
the Punjab. Unlike the earlier Delhi rulers who were Turks, the Lodis
were Afghans. Although the Afghans formed a large group in the army of
the Delhi Sultanate, very few Afghan nobles had been accorded important
positions. That is why Bakhtiyar Khalji turned towards Bihar and Bengal.
Evidence of the growing importance of the Afghans in north India can
well be seen in the rise of Afghan rule in Malwa. In the South, they held
important positions in the Bahmani kingdom.
Bahlul Lodi was largely occupied with his contest against the Sharqi
rulers. Finding himself in a weak position, Bahlul invited the Afghans of
Roh to come to India so that they would rid the country of the ignominy
of poverty and enable him to gain political ascendancy. The Afghan
historian, Abbas Sarwani, says- ‘on receipt of thisjarmn. the Afghans of
Roh came like locusts to join the service of Sultan Bahlul.’ This may well
have been an exaggeration. But the Afghan incursions not only enabled
Bahul Lodi to defeat the Sharqis, it also changed the complexion of the
Muslim society in India, making the Afghans a very numerous and
important element in it, both in south and in North India.
Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517) was perhaps the most important Lodi
Sultan. A contemporary of Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat and Rana Sanga
of Mewar, Sikandar Lodi prepared himself for a struggle for power against
the states of Gujarat and Mewar. He tried to subdue the Afghan sardars
who had a very strong sense of tribal independence, and who were not
accustomed to look upon the Sultan as being anything more than a first
among equals. Sikandar would often make the nobles stand before him in
order to impress them with his superior status. When a royal order was
sent, all the nobles had to come out of the town to receive it with due
honour. All jagir holders had to submit a statement of accounts regularly
to the Sultan. Corruption was dealt with harshly. Sikandar Lodi was not
particularly successful in dealing with the nobility. After his death, Bahlul
Lodi divided the kingdom among his sons and relations. Though Sikandar
had been able to undo this after a hard struggle, the idea of splitting the
empire among the sons of the ruler persisted among the Afghans. Sikandar
Lodi was able to establish an efficient administration in his kingdom. He
laid great emphasis on justice, and all the highways of the empire were
made safe from robbers and bandits. All essential commodities were
reasonably priced. The Sultan took a keen interest in agriculture. He
abolished the octroi duty on grains, and established a new measurement

of a yard, called the gazz-i-sikandari, which continued to prevail till the
Mughal times. The rent rolls prepared in his time formed the basis of the
rent rolls prepared in the time of Sher Shah later on. Sikandar Lodi is
regarded as an orthodox king. Some people have even called him a bigot.
He sternly forbade the Muslims from following the practices which went
against the sharia (Islamic law). Women were thus debarred from visiting
the graves of saints or taking part in the processions taken out in their
memory. He re-imposed the jizya on the Hindus, and a Brahmin gentleman
was executed for suggesting that the Hindu and Muslim scriptures were
equally sacred. He also demolished a few well known Hindu temples
during his campaigns, such as that of the temple at Nagarkot. Sikandar
Lodi gave magnificent grants to scholars, philosophers, and men of letters
so that cultured people of all countries, including those of Arabia and
Iran, would feel drawn to his court. The Sultan’s efforts yielded results
and a number of Sanskrit works were translated into Persian. He was also
interested in music and had a number of rare Sanskrit works on music
translated into Persian. During his time, a large number of Hindus took to
learning Persian and were recruited to various administrative posts. Thus,
the process of cultural rapprochement between the Hindus and the
Muslims continued apace during his reign. Sikandar Lodi also extended
his dominions by conquering Dholpur and Gwalior. It was during these
operations that, after careful surveys and deliberations, Sikandar Lodi
decided that Agra would be his new capital. The town was meant to
command the area of eastern Rajasthan and the route to Malwa and
Gujarat. In course of time, Agra became a large town and the second
capital of the Lodis. The growing interest of Sikandar in eastern Rajasthan
and Malwa was shown by. his taking the Khan of Nagaur under his
protection and by trying to make Ranthambhor transfer its allegiance
from Malwa to Delhi. His successor, Ibrahim Lodi, even led a campaign
against Mewar which, as has been noted earlier, was repulsed. The
growing power of the Rana in Malwa, and the extension of his power
towards Agra and Bayama, presaged a conflict between Mewar and the
Lodis.
This was a period when new ruling groups of Afghans and the Rajputs
emerged on the scene. One such powerful group was that of the Afghans
led by Sher Shah Sur (1540-5) During his rule of five years Sher Shah
introduced a brilliant administrative system, an efficacious land revenue
policy and several other measures to improve the economic conditions of
his subjects. He issued a coin called the rupia and weights, and measures
were standardized all over the empire. He also had several highways
built. He built the Grand Trunk Road that runs all the way from Peshawar
♦♦♦ Consolidation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate ❖
1213
to Calcutta. He introduced military reforms and recruited and paid the

soldiers directly. Each soldier had his chehra (face) recorded and his
horse branded (dag) with the imperial sign. Although Sher Shah did not
rule for too long, he did lay the genesis of a sound administrative and
revenue system, which later became the foundation of the Mughal
machinery of government, especially under Akbar.
To end our discussion we may conclude that the Delhi Sultanate
made a definite impact on Indian history by introducing new system of
administration, but it could hardly transgress regional boundaries. It is
due to this fact that the Delhi Sultanate could not project itself as a large
centralised empire. Many regional sultanates and kingdoms loomed large
with their own system of administration even during the heydays of the
Delhi Sultanate.
NOTES
1. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, Cambridge,
1999, pp. 103-122.
2. Ibid., p.236.
3. Simon Digby, War-horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate: A Problem of Military
Supplies, 1971, pp.27-28 and n.63.
4. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Volume II, The Slave
Kings and the Islamic Conquests Ilth-13th Centuries, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1999, p.3.
5. K.A. Nizami, Studies in Medieval Indian History and Culture, Kitab Mahal,
Allahabad, 1966.
6. A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Second edition,
Allahabad, 1961, p.206.
1999, p.104.
8. Ibid., p.238.
9. C.f. Ibid., p.239.
10. Ibid., p.110.
11. K.S. Lal, History of the Khaljis 1290-1320, Third edition, Delhi, 1980, Munshiram
Manoharlal, Delhi.
1999, p.238.
13. Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part One, Third
Edition, Har-Anand Publications, Delhi, 2004, p.72.
14. Andre Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Volume II, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1999, p.70.
1999, p.82.
16. Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund, A History of India, Third Edition,
Routledge, Delhi 1999, p.160.
17. Ibid., p. 160.
ww
1999, p. 241.
19. Irfan Habib. The Economic History of Medieval India: A Survey, Tulika, Delhi, 2001,
P-13.
20. H.M. Elliot and I.Dowson (trans.), The History of India, As Told by Its Own
Historians, Vol.3, London, 1867.
21. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India: A Survey, Tulika, Delhi, 2001,
p.ll.
1999, p.244.
23. Ibid., p.244.
24. Elliot and Dowson (trans.), The History of India, As Told by Its Own Historians,
Vol.3, London, 1867.
25. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India: A Survey, Tulika, Delhi, 2001
p.ll.
26. Ibid, p.14.
27. Irfan Habib, ‘Non-agricultural production and urban economy’ in Tapan
Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India,
Vol.I C.1200-C.1750, Orient Longman, Delhi, 1982, p.83, pp. 86-87.
28. Elliot and Dowson (trans.), The History of India, As Told by Its Own Historians,
Vol.3, London, 1867.
1999, p.246.
p.H.
1999, p. 249.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.', p. 262.
34. Ibid., p. 265.
35. Ibid., p. 255.
36. Ibid., p. 255.
37. Ibid., p. 255.
Political Structure
of the Sultanate
* NATURE OF STATE
♦ THEORIES OF GOVERNANCE IN CHRONICLES AND

NORMATIVE LITERATURES
* ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE: BLEND OF WEST ASIAN

AND CENTRAL ASIAN TRADITIONS
♦ APPARATUS OF ADMINISTRATION
♦ IQTA
he Sultans of Delhi struggled to consolidate an empire which

T comprised of a large part of India. Although well equipped in terms
of military strength, they found it difficult to establish an adequate
apparatus of administration which would enable them to strengthen their
rule. However, they still managed to establish a Sultanate consisting of
huge territories, though fluctuating, largely on the basis of west and
central Asian traditions like those of the Iqta. One of the new features,
and possibly a decisive factor in establishing the Delhi Sultanate in an
unfamiliar region, was that the Sultans based their power on or perhaps
even shared this power with the military elite; the cementing factors
being Islam and tribal affinities. So, did Islam rule by the sword under the
Delhi Sultanate? This is the question that we need to address ourselves to.
NATURE OF STATE
Modem day historians have used various primary texts along with other
sources of evidence to define the nature of the state under the Delhi
Sultanate. The nature of the state under the Delhi Sultanate is a debate
that has lent itself to immense controversy. A group historian has chosen
to call it a theocratic state; others have preferred the appellation of a
secular state; while still others feel that this was a militaristic state. A
theocracy can well be described as a state which recognises god alone as
the ultimate ruler. The laws are taken as legal statutes administered
through agents, ministers and clerics. Historians, who support the
theocratic state theory, include K.S. Lal, U.N. Day and R.P. Tripathi.
They make several references to the ulema as well as to the Shariat. They
also talk about the Sultan’s professed desire to impose Islam and enforce
its laws. The ulema, which formed an advisory committee of sorts, was
not a particularly organized body; likewise, the religious clerics did not,
in any sense of the term, form part of an ordained priest hood. The ulema
largely drew its power from the Sultan. The ulema could not hope for the
operational success of its views without the Sultan’s endorsement of the
matter. Powerful Sultans like Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin
Tughluq completely squashed the power of the ulema. In the Delhi
Sultanate, the ulema largely arose in the context of a system which
considered the institution of monarchy alien to its essential tenets. The
ulema did nothing beyond portraying the Sultan as the arbiter and
interpreter of the Divine Word. The ulema invoked the Koranic injunction
- ‘Obey Alah, obey the Apostle and obey those in a authority among you’
- thereby implying that the Sultan’s authority could not be questioned as
he was none other than God’s representative on earth. Their role of
providing religious and ideological justification stood them in good stead
♦♦♦ Political Structure of the Sultanate ❖ 217
want
when faced with a king who lacked political luster and who needed the
intervention and support of the ulema. However, a strong or powerful
monarch, who was not, in any way, looking for support from the ulema
could easily dispense with them anytime. The second major contention of
the theocratic school hypothesis is even less justifiable because it says
that the Sultanate was governed according to the Shariat. Ziauddin Barani,
contrary to popularly held opinion, is of the view that the administrative
structure of the extensive monarchical state could not possibly have been
governed by the Shariat alone. Still others believe that the sultans of the
Delhi Sultanate owed allegiance to none other than the Caliph himself.
But Mubark Shah Khalji did not even bother to do as much because he
declared himself the Caliph. U.N. Day has very insightfully pointed out
that the Sultan’s allegiance to the Caliph was nothing but a fictive
construct, evocative of the age of the Turkish guards; it could also be
viewed as a power consolidation device in the transitional stages of the
polity.
The very nature of kingship in the Delhi Sultanate militates against
the theocracy hypothesis. The strong element of violence - just two
bloodless dynastic changes out of nine - overshadowing other justification
like shadow of God (Zilluah) or servants of the Caliph or elected
representative and detrement the tenure and extend of monarchical power.
It was the strong element of violence - comprising two bloodless dynastic
changes out of the nine that took place at this time - that was the key
determinant of the tenure and extent of monarchical power. Clearly it did
not help to present the king as either the shadow and instrument of God
(Zilluah) or as the servant of the Caliph. These considerations remained
incidental to the course of events; it was the fact of violence that was
pivotal to the king’s stay in office. Hurbans Mukhiya has pointed out that
economic and political inequity compelled the Turkish ruler to strike a
compromise of sorts with the Hindus. There is no reason to assume that
the Sultan’s policies chose to persecute, target or victimize his subjects in
any way; the lack of information or documentation to this effect puts the
idea of a theocratic state into question.
Historians like Qureshi, K.A. Nizami and Mohammad Habib argue
that the Sultanate was a secular state. However, the use of the term
‘secular’ was suspect because the term had not yet acquired its modern-
day meaning. Besides the fact that religion and politics were inseparable
made any claim to secularism impossible. Thus, ignorance about the
character of the Sultanate has led to misconceptions. The word Sultanate
is derived from the word ‘suit’ which means power, authority and the
domination of one man over others, very different from the Koranic ideal
of the kingdom of God which some historians relate to the Sultanate.
Koranic teachings found a meaningful context in a tribal context but

became meaningless and anachronistic in a monarchical context. The
body-politic, based on Persian ideals and institutions, gained ascendancy
in the Delhi Sultanate.
Religion and spirituality had no place whatsoever in the new political
scenario of the Delhi sultanate. The medieval state came to be governed
by the dictates of power and force or istila alone. According to K.M.
Ashraf, the Sultan of Delhi became in theory an unlimited despot, bound
by no laws, and was subject to no ministerial checks except his own. The
stability of the state depended on strength of force alone. Thus, political
fluctuations of any kind resulted only in chaos and instability. The army,
the bureaucracy and the system of taxation functioned interdependently.
Much more than the Mongo] invasions or the decadence of the system of
slavery, it was the changes that crept into the balance of power that
resulted in instability. Hence, it was imperative for the Sultans of Delhi to
strike a synthesis with the socio-economic milieu. Given the backdrop of
a system which had neither a system of governance nor a constitutional
basis, everything came to depend on the personality of the Tuler and a
powerful leader like Alauddin Khalji or Muhammad bin Tughluq became
the centre of political control. Off late, the Delhi Sultanate has been
perceived as a militaristic state. For almost a century priority was given
to the problems of military and defense in the Sultanate. The
administrative system could evolve only later on gradually. Peter Jackson
in fact says that the policies of the Sultans of Delhi were to a large extent
influenced by the Mongol threat. In other words, even rulers like Alauddin
Khalji were largely preoccupied with the defense of the Sultanate.
However, K.A. Nizami believes that the Delhi Sultanate cannot be called
a militaristic state only on account of the large number of military
campaigns that took place in the Delhi Sultanate.
Was it a Centralised State?
Historians like Stanley Lane Poole, Ishwari Prasad, A.B.M. Habibullah,

Muhammad Habib and K.A. Nizami have described the Delhi Sultanate
as a ‘centralised state’. One reason why the Turks were able to establish
a base in the subcontinent was, according to Simon Digby1, because of
their superior military strength and organisational abilities. Peter Jackson
has suggested that the policies of the Sultans of Delhi were to a great
extent militaristic in nature and they were all in the line of establishing
the Delhi Sultanate as a centralised state. Romila Thapar2 has also argued
that the Sultanate that emerged after the defeat of the Rajputs, especially
Prithviraj Chauhan, was relatively stable. It was able to expand and
consolidate its political base in course of time. This became possible in
❖ Political Structure of the Sultanate ❖ 219
ISSSBK
large measure because the Sultans of Delhi were able to harness various
resources available to them - a plan that would not have been possible
without a centralised, authoritarian state which controlled the various
organs of the state and all of its resources.
Hermann Kulke 3 says that initially the Delhi Sultanate was a conquest
state. The early rulers had to establish their authority and control over the
newly conquered territories through a division and sharing of spoils.
Therefore, the Sultans of Delhi chose to put the Iqta system into use.
Kulke believes that it was only under Alauddin Khalji that a serious
attempt at the centralisation of the administration was made. He further
says that there was as the Delhi Sultanate was structurally weak, it
remained in essence a largely patrimonial system despite its greatly
improved military power, administrative efficiency and well-defined
territorial features. Thus, to Kulke and Rothermund, the sultans of Delhi
never quite managed to consolidate an empire comprising a large part of
India. Although they certainly had the military means to subdue India,
they were unable to establish an efficient and sound system of
administration which would have enabled them to penetrate the country
further and strengthen their rule.4 Some historians view the post-1200
medieval state as a polity headed by a strong ruler, equipped with an
efficient and hierarchically organised central administration and based on
a religiously legitimated monopoly of coercion in a clearly defined
territory. Peter Jackson, however, says that the Delhi Sultanate could not
be defined in spatial terms alone. According to him, during the thirteenth
century it was, in essence, a conglomeration of sub-kingdoms, some ruled
by Hindu potentates who periodically rendered tribute, others by princes
of the Sultan’s dynasty or by Muslim amirs and muqtis. Jackson argues
that it was the provincial governors who ultimately determined the extent
of the monarch’s rule. Therefore, under powerful Sultans like Alauddin
Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughluq the Delhi Sultanate evolved into a
centrally controlled state.
The above points of view suggest that the state under the Delhi
Sultanate was only slightly bureaucratized. Historians are not agreed
upon the degree of political fragmentation in the state, given the spatially
fluctuating tendencies towards unification within the Sultanate. There is
no denying that various local groups, particularly the amirs, challenged
and resisted the central authority. The Sultan was always preoccupied
with trying to stem the tide of rebellion. Another source of trouble were
the iqtadars, or the nobility, who were posted in different parts of the
Sultanate. They, understandably enough, wished to carve out their own
independent principalities. Rulers like Balban and Alauddin were able to
keep the iqtadars under check through a system of frequent transfers. The
omnipresence of the Centre could well be felt through various measures
like those of tax collection, building of roads, architecture, mosques,

making of grants to religious organisations and of course a large standing
army. The huge standing army, and its constant movement from one part
of the sultanate to the other, became a symbol of the Sultan’s power,
status and hegemony.
THEORIES OF KINGSHIP (GOVERNANCE) IN

CHRONICLES AND NORMATIVE LITERATURES
Are we to believe that the Sultan could administer such a large territory
with fluctuating boundaries on a sustainable basis only by the rule of the
sword? The course of events prove otherwise. The Sultan was required to
keep religion and politics apart. But ‘the language of political Islam’, as
Muzaffar Alam chooses to call it, has cast a shadow of doubt in the minds
of historians. The language of diverse textual sources has a distinctly
religious flavour to it, which seems to suggest that the rulers of the Delhi
Sultanate were primarily engaged in the glorification of Islam and in the
subjugation of other religious groups in their territories. The fact that
theologians held key positions in the king’s court only serves to prove the
point further. However, it is also true that many important offices,
especially those of military command, went to able and loyal warriors
who did not have religious leanings. The theologians were in reality one
group who remained in the official bureaucracy and were entrusted with
the task of dispensing justice and education in madrasas. Apart from this,
they also provided the Sultan with the religious legitimation that he
needed for his policy decisions. The Sultans of Delhi often used religion
either to mobilize the nobility or to provide the Sultan with a justificatory
ethos. However, the decisions they took were in essence political in
nature. During the formative phase of the Delhi Sultanate, the Sultans, in
the absence of written laws of the state, functioned largely in accordance
with what they considered was politically expedient. Land revenues and
other levies thus became tremendously important. It allowed the Sultan to
maintain a position of dominance. Before we try to analyse the theories of
governance, it is pertinent to distinguish between the State and the
Government. State is the organisation of various segments into an organic
whole aimed at controlling its territory, whereas the Government is the
means to an end. It is through governance that the state is able to maintain
its hold over the people.
Various sources have tried to deal directly with the governance of the
state in the Delhi Sultanate. This is because the Sultanate was at that time
at a nascent political stage and still grappling for stability and strength of
being. Therefore, a lot of these texts and chronicles were largely the result
of court patronage. Nizam al Mulk Tusi’s Siyastnama is one of the first
smas
books of this kind. According to him, the Caliph was little more than a
pension holder and it was the ruler who was the absolute Patshah5 The
Islamic king’s main area of concern was the defence of the faith and the
dictates of the Shariat. Later historians like Ghazali6 also spoke at length
about the proper execution of the Shariat, which is not to say that he
belittled the importance accorded to the performance of practical duties
and the concept of justice.
The above-mentioned texts were not directly related to the Delhi.
Sultanate. Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Adab a-Harb wa’l Shuja (Customs of Kings
and Maintenance of the Subjects') is one of the first books about
governance to have been written in the tenure of the Sultans of Delhi. The
book has been dedicated to Iltutmish. This text has as many as thirty-five
chapters, of which the first few deal with the duties of the Sultan, and of
what qualities he would look for in his officials. The coming twenty
seven chapters talk about the various aspects of war and how it should be
waged. The remaining seven chapters focus on the ‘norms of
governance’ .7 The text also shows that the state and its ideologues were
concerned about how best to deal with a vast non-Muslim population.
The Sultan is required to manage the state for the sole purpose of
protecting and promoting the interests of the Muslims and of the Sharia*
Ziauddin Barani’s Fatawa-i Jahandari (Percepts on Governance) is
perhaps the most important book dealing with the State and its
governance. Muzaffar Alam says that Barani not only continued the Tusi-
Ghazali tradition, but also built his own theory in the Indian context.9 As
mentioned in chapter 4 this text is arranged in the form of twenty-four
kinds of advice, thus underlining the didactic nature of the text. The
Fatawa-i Jahandari is principally a text which, apart from mentioning
abstract principles, also brings in a number of historical anecdotes and
stories. The intention was possibly to seek legitimacy for what Barani
was talking about. The book offers the first ever systematic enumeration
of the art of governance in the Delhi Sultanate. The central point of
Barani’s ideas on state and governance is justice, the proper administration
of which he considers to be the main duty of the ruler. His idea of a good
state is one which would keep the best interests of both the ruling elite
and the subjects in mind. One of the most remarkable contributions of
Barani, to medieval states, is his idea of state laws (zawabif). He spoke
about this at length because he felt that the prime objective of a ruler is
the successful governance of the State. Zawabit was a gesture of political
expediency especially in a situation when the Sultan was unable to
implement the regulations of the Sharia in totality.
According to Muzaffar Alam, Barani expresses concern over the
absence of a clearly defined principle of succession.10 He feels that the
only solution to this problem was in the ‘principle of heredity’. Barani
.222* ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
also spoke about the right to life and property for both the ruler and his
followers.11
However, it is pertinent to take note of the fact that these theories of
governance, as enumerated in the chronicles and the normative literature
of the period, can hardly be termed as ‘the’ political theory of the Delhi
Sultanate. These principles could not have had much influence on the
policy decisions of the Sultan. Early rulers like Iltutmish and Balban kept
theologians at bay. Alauddin Khalji did not ever bother to seek the qazi’s
opinion on matters of administration. Later rulers like Muhammad bin
Tughluq and Sikandar Lodi accorded important positions to the Hindus,
whereas Firuz Tughluq showed deep interest in Hindu traditions and
monuments.
ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE: BLEND OF

WEST ASIAN AND CENTRAL ASIAN TRADITIONS
The Caliph {Khalifa) took care to appoint governors in the newly-
conquered territories of West and Central Asia. However, under the
Abbasids, the territorial control of the Caliphate suffered a sharp decline
as the Persians attained political and administrative ascendancy. There
was a steady decline of the power and authority of the Caliphate and
distant provinces turned into independent Muslim kingdoms. Now
governors began to be appointed in these areas with an elaborate
administrative system and departments. According to UN Day, this pattern
was adopted by the Sultans of Delhi with necessary modifications. The
Turkish Sultans of Delhi also adopted many features of this pattern and
made the additions and alterations that would best address the various
administrative problems at hand. Under the Ghaznavids, heredity alone
did not guarantee succession to the throne, ability and talent were
accorded tremendous importance. However, under Mahmud descent
became more important. The Ghaznavids and the Ghorids traced their
ancestry to the ancient families of Turan and Iran. Under the Ghorids, the
issue of succession depended upon the general consent of the clan and the
might and strength of a contender to the throne.
Qutubuddin (the slave of a Ghorid ruler) was the Governor of Hansi.
He was an efficient general and was the son-in-law of Yalduz, the favourite
slave of the Ghorid Sultan. After the Sultan’s death, Qutubuddin obtained
the letter of manumission, the royal umbrella {chatr) and the baton or the
{durbash). Subsequently, Iltutmish - who was the son-in-law of Qutbuddin
and the Governor of Badaon - made Delhi his capital and established
himself as an independent ruler of the Delhi Sultanate. Nomination,
ability, heredity and recognition from the Caliph were important
determinants to the theme of succession.
s®
The Sultan was the nucleus of the administrative machinery. The
entire territory was under his rule alone and he had absolute power. He
was the supreme Commander of the Army, and it was he, or officers
appointed by him, who led the army. Thus, the Sultan was, in more ways ‘
than one, the head of the administrative system. Qutubuddin’s ascension
to the throne was relatively easy as Mohammad Ghori’s nobles accepted
him as the Sultan. Iltutmish’s accession to the throne of Delhi constituted
an important landmark in the Delhi Sultanate. It marked the growing
power of the Turkish nobility in India, as it was they who, by a show of
strength, would take a decision on who their next leader would be. Now
heredity, nomination and the principles of sovereignty and leadership
were relegated to the background. The power of decision-making rested
with the nobility alone and Delhi became the hub of the political activity
of Turkish rule.
Iltutmish is credited with the establishment of a sovereign Turkish
state in India and the nobility in his time was comprised of efficient
administrators who, though slaves to begin with, were imbued with merit
and ability. After Iltutmish, the rule of heredity resurfaced with the
accession of Ruknuddin Firoz, Raziya and Bahram Shah. During this
phase the tussle between the Turkish and the Tajik (Persian) nobles
became intense. After Iltutmish’s death (1235) and till the accession of
Balban (1269), the issue of succession rested with the Chihalgani and
Shamsi slaves. Balban tried to restore the supremacy of the Crown by
crushing the power of the Turkish nobility. His accession to the throne
was a pointer to the fact that the principle of heredity was now a matter
of no relevance. Balban tried his best to squash the power of the Shamsi
(Shamsuddin Iltutmish) nobles. The accession of Jalaluddin Khalji (1290)
served to provide further evidence of the point made.
During the reign of the Khaljis and the Tughluqs, the doors of the
nobility, which was no longer the sole preserve of the Turks alone, were
laid open to people of diverse backgrounds. According to Mohammad
Habib, the Khalji revolution brought about a significant change in the
status of Indian Muslims as a number of Hindus were given important
posts. Amir Khusrau, in his Khazainul Futuh, tells us that Sultan Alauddin
sent an army of thirty thousand horsemen against the Mongols under a
Hindu officer called Malik Naik. Mohammad Habib feels that the position
of low-born men in the government of Mohammad bin Tughluq,
irrespective of whether they were Hindus or Muslims, was the natural
culmination of a process covering a century and a half or so. The induction
of Muslims into government service could never have taken place in the
early years of the Sultanate. Barani, in his Fatwa-I Jahandari, mentions
that non-Muslims were recruited largely on grounds of necessity.12
224. ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
The ulema came to occupy an important position in the scheme of the

Sultanate. Their customary role was that of upholding the Islamic religious
order. To this end, they functioned as the socio-moral censors for the
Muslim community at large. The ulema arose as a powerful political
faction. On account of the high judicial positions held by them they had
a tremendous hold on the king and the nobility. They held important
positions in the administrative system particularly so in the judiciary.
They followed the Shariat and felt that an inability to implement its
dictates was a mark of grievous sinfulness. If the traditional customs of
the people were at variance with the Shariat, the former, also referred to
as the Urf would be accorded primacy over the latter. To deal with such
situations, state laws called the zawabit were developed under the tutelage
of the Sultan.
Thus, the ulema, apart from functioning as the judiciary, also formed
the religious head of the Sultanate. The primary aim of the ulema was to
uphold the Islamic religio-moral order as far as it was possible to do so.
This was often a contentious issue because the Sultan’s ultimate objective
was not the glorification of Islam but political success. Given the fact that
the majority of the subject population was non-Muslim, the Sultan was
particularly keen upon functioning in a politically tactful manner.
Upholding the banner of religion was not the Sultan’s sole concern. Thi:»
resulted in a number of clash of interests between the ulema and the
Sultan. Irfan Habib13 says that a politically astute Sultan, who understood
the issues at hand, adopted a policy of compromise and moderation.
However, in general, powerful Sultans like Alauddin Khalji managed to
keep the ulema at bay.
APPARATUS OF ADMINISTRATION
Once the Turks had conquered the northern territories of India, they could
now look for acceptance and greater control over newly-conquered areas.
They did this by sharing territorial acquisitions as well as booty with their
followers and fellow brethren. However, it was essential for them to keep
this fraternity of brothers under control so that they would not become
powerful enough to challenge the authority of the Sultan. Likewise, it was
also essential to work out a system of extracting land revenue from
conquered territories so as to maintain the soldiers and horsemen who
would help them in the further subjugation of new territories. One of the
main instruments through which they were able to garner these
requirements was the Iqta system.
It is pertinent to note that in the early years of the Sultanate, no
systematic administrative apparatus existed. Consequently, what emerged
W8
was borrowed from politico-administrative institutions in Central and
West Asia. As long as the local rulers recognised the supremacy of the
Sultan and coughed up the tribute, they were largely left to their own
devices. It appears that the Centre appointed a host of officers (Amil,
Karkuns, etc.) to assist the intermediaries (Khuts, Muqaddams and
Chaudharies). It was only from the late thirteenth century or so that the
central authority, with its own machinery of administration, was
established. One of the foremost amongst these was the institutionalization
of the Iqta system. The Iqta was a territorial assignment given to
administrative officers and nobles in lieu of services rendered to the
State. An Iqta holder was also known as the Muqti. The Muqti, apart from
being the administrative head, was also responsible for the collection of
revenue from these territories. They were required to retain the revenue
amount equivalent to their personal pay as well as the salaries of troops
employed by them. The surplus, if any, was to be deposited in royal
treasury.
Each aspect of the administration was entrusted to a different
department. The most important office in the Sultanate was that of the
Diwan-i-Wizarat. This department was headed by the Wazir. In
continuation of the Persian and the Abbasid traditions, the Wazir, or the
Prime Minister, was the most important person in the royal court, and his
role required him to supervise the functioning of all departments. Apart
from his other responsibilities, he was also Advisor to the Sultan. All
fiscal concerns of the State were the Wazir’s responsibility and he also
led military expeditions at the Sultan’s behest. Another important function
included supervising payment to the army, the largest ‘non-producing’
class of royal retainers. He needed huge amount of money to maintain his
large army and the land revenue was the major source. His office kept a
check on land revenue collections from different parts of the empire. The
Wazirat maintained a record of the income and expenditure incurred by
the State. Therefore, the salaries of all royal servants, in different parts of
the empire, were controlled and/or recorded by this office. Charitable
donations like s waqfs, inams, etc were also handled by this department.
The Wazir had direct access to the Sultan. According to Ibn Battuta, he
stood closest to the Sultan at court.
It was the army which helped the Sultan to conquer new areas,
protect his kingdom and maintain law and order within the empire. The
Diwan-i-Arz was instituted especially to look after the military
organisation of the empire. It was headed by the Ariz-i-Mumalik. This
ministry was very important as the Delhi Sultanate had a large military
entourage. The Ariz - along with his office - maintained royal contingents,
recruited soldiers, ensured the discipline and fitness of the army and
examined the horses and branded them with the royal insignia. During
times of war, the Ariz arranged the military provisions, provided constant
supplies, provided transportation, facilities and was the custodian of the
booty collected. The importance of his position, and that of the army, is
evident from the fact that the Ariz could actually raise the salaries of
deserving soldiers. Alauddin Khalji introduced the system of dagh
(branding) and huliyah (description) and cash payment to soldiers. This
was meant to strengthen his control over the army. Firuz Tughluq did
away with the system of dagh and huliyah, though Muhammad bin
Tughluq continued the system of dagh. Under Sikandar Lodi huliyah was
renamed as chehrah.
Each province in the Sultanate was placed in charge of a governor,
who was called the Wali or the Muqti. With the consolidation of the
Sultanate in the fourteenth century or so, the provinces could no longer be
managed and were therefore, for the sake of administrative convenience,
were partitioned into shiqs. Subsequently the shiqs evolved into sarkars
in the Afghan period. The sarkar was a territorial unit comprised a
number of paraganas. A landholder, or iqtadar, was required to look after
the military unit under his command. However, the Sultan could always
transfer a powerful noble, whom he perceived as a threat to his position,
to a distant province of which he could be the governor. Barani informs
us that when Zafar Khan attained great renown as the governor of Samana,
Sultan Alauddin Khalji began to think of transferring him to Lakhnauti in
Bengal to uproot him from his power base and thereby weaken his
growing strength.
A pargana was comprised of a number of villages. The important
functionaries of the village included the - muquddam ( village headman);
the patwari (village accountant); and the khut (village headman). These
local officials worked in conjunction with the governor and were entrusted
with the task of collecting the revenue and maintaining the law and order
of the land. The word zamindar could well encompass the entire superior
rural class. In certain cases the province also had a local ruler (rai, rana,
rawat, raja) who supported the governor in his duties. The other important
officials - particularly those who had direct access to the Sultan - were
known as the barids or the intelligence officers and reporters. They were
appointed directly by the Sultan and it was they who were required to
duly report all local developments to the Sultan. These officers were the
Sultan’s ‘eyes and ears’ and acted as an important check on the governors.
Barani mentions two other officers - the shiqdar and the faujdar - at
the Provincial level. Their duties were not very clearly defined and the
roles of the two often overlapped. The shiqdar, apart from being
responsible for the collection of land revenue and the maintenance of law
and order, also provided military assistance and supervised the functioning
of smaller administrative units like the parganas.
❖ Political Structure of the Sultanate ❖
Army Organisation
The decimal system (multiples of 10) was the basis of army organisation
under the Ghaznavids and the Mongols, The Sultans of Delhi followed a
similar system. Barani in his Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, discusses the manner
in which the army was organised: ‘A sarkhail commands 10 chosen
horsemen; a sipah-salar 10 sarkhails; an amil 10 sipha-salars; a malik 10
amirs, a khan 10 maliks, and a king at least 10 khans under his command’.
Barani also refers to the amiran-i-sada (centurians) and the amiran-i-
hajara (commanders of one thousand).
Revenue Administration
The economic basis of the medieval state was predominantly agrarian and
the primary source of income was land revenue. The state held large
tracts of land (khalisa) which were tilled by farmers and from where the
revenue came to the. central treasury through an agency of officials called
the amils. Irfan Habib14 says that the largest part of the land was
distributed as Iqta within the Sultanate. The centre’s policy of revenue
collection reached its highest of one-half of the produce during the reign
of Alauddin Khalji, who had adopted the policy of the actual measurement
of land called hukm-i misahat. Under this system, land was measured and
revenue was determined on the basis of its anticipated yield.
The taxation principles, followed by the Delhi Sultan, were to some
extent based on the Hanafi School of Muslim Law. The revenue was
broadly categorised into the fay and the zakat by Muslim jurists Fay was
further subdivided into Kham, Jizya and Kharaj. Zakat comprised taxes
imposed on flocks, herds, gold, silver, commercial capital and agricultural
produce. Kham was about one fifth of the booty acquired in war or in a
mine or treasure trove. This had to be duly handed over to the state. Jizya
was imposed on non-muslims ‘in return for which they received protection
of life and property and exemption from military services’.15 Kharaj was
the tax on land. Initially this tax was not levied on Muslims; later this was
considered an impractical measure and was revoked. The Alauddin Khalji
period provides us with greater information about the system of taxation.
Barani, in his Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, gives a description of Alauddin
Khalji’s agrarian policy in north India. Irfan Habib says that Alauddin
Khalji levied as many as three taxes on the peasants. The first amongst
these was the Kharaj or the tax on cultivation; then came the Charai, or
the tax on milch cattle; and finally there was the Ghari, or the property
tax. The Kharaj came to be as much as half of the produce.16
It seems that tax was collected in cash though it was also sometimes
collected in kind for specific purposes. An important consequence of
Alauddin Khalji’s tax administration was that Kharaj or Mal from now
onwards became the main source through which revenue was exacted
from the peasants by the ruling class.
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq introduced a few changes in Alauddin Khalji’s
policy and tried to win over the peasants and village headmen by
providing relief measures. He gave them exemption from additional levies,
taxes imposed on cattle, etc. Under Muhammad bin Tughluq the whole of
India including Gujarat, Malwa, the Deccan, South India and Bengal
were brought under a monolithic and uniform system of taxation. Barani
points out that abwab or additional cesses were imposed on the peasants.
Kharaj was now calculated on the standard and not the actual yield of
measured land for assessment in kind. For obtaining the assessment in
cash, instead of actual prices based on market forces, officially laid down
prices were applied. Thus the demand rose. These measures resulted in
great agrarian distress. Around this time famine hit Delhi and the Doab.
Muhammad bin Tughluq tried to provide relief by giving the peasants
sondhar or agrarian loans for encouraging cultivation through various
means. Firuzshah Tughluq reversed Muhammad Tughluq’s policy and
many agrarian levies (abwab, ghari and charai) were discontinued.
However, the Jizya was imposed as a separate tax. Careful examination
tells us that the Jizya vies very much like the Ghari since it was a levy on
the head of the house. Firuz also imposed a water tax, which was one
tenth of the produce, on the villages which made use of canals. Under the
Lodis, land tax was collected in kind due to the declining price situation.
IQTA
The iqta system brought the two functions of revenue collection and
distribution together without in any way endangering the political
structure. Nizam-ul Mulk Tusi. a Seljukid statesman of the eleventh
century, provides us with a classic description of the Iqta in the
Siyasatnaqia.17 According to Tusi, the Iqta was a revenue assignment that
the Afagri held at the_.pleasurejof.^ The Muqti was entitled to
collect the land tax and other taxes due to the Sultan, but had no further
claim on the person, women, children, land or other possessions of the
cultivators. The Muqti had certain obligations to the Sultan, the chief
being that of the maintenance of troops for the benefit of the Sultan.
The Iqta was a, transferable charge and the transfers of Iqtas were
frequent. The territory, the revenues of which were directly collected for
the Sultan’s own. treasury, was designed Uia/zsa. Its size seems to have
grown considerably under Alauddin Khalji. But the khalisa did not appear
to consist of shifting territories scattered throughout the country. Irfan
■EWSg
Habib says that in all probability, Delhi - along with its surrounding
district, including parts of the Doab - remained in khalisa. However.
Peter Jackson 18 believes that khalisa included the environs of Delhi
alone. InlTtutirush’s time,~Ta&ffi was part ofUzafea.
Under Alauddin Khalji, the khalisa covered the whole of middle Doab
and parts of Rohilkhand. But during the days of Firuz Tughluq, the
khalisa perhaps was much diminished. Zgto was grant of land made from
Kharaj land to officers called the Muqti. Iqta could not be inherited and
didTfbrWtiHF'ffieTîSh' to tile right of ownership. They could be
transferred and revoked by the Sultans. Jizya revenue of Igtawasassigned
on ~a3êariyffasi^^HeTdas‘iibri-7zz}YzTevenue was granted for many years.
The Muqti was assigned the duty of collecting the revenue and using it for
maintaining troops for the Sultan. The Muqti A\A suballot smaller Iqtas
for maintaining their troops. The surplus collected was required to be sent
to the central treasury. The peasants could come to the king’s court and
represenfnieiFcondTtion. They could not be prevented from doing so. The
non-compliance of a Muqti would be followed with the punitive wrath of
theSuTtan. The Sultan could take away his power, (literally, cut away his
hands) so that others might be warned thereby. Barani mentions in his
Tarikh I Firuzshahi that the aim was to make the Mugris realise that the
coujrtry and its peasantry (rmvat), in effect belonged to the Sultan, with
the Muqtis simply required to play a functional role.19
During Balban’s reign an attempt was made to enquire into the income
of the Muqtis. He also converted many iqta into the khalisa on the ground
that the grantees were now too old to serve or had died and had transferred
their holdings to heirs who performed no service. Barani has mentioned,
in his Tarikh-i Firuzshahi, that during Balban’s reign an accountant called
the khwaja was nominated to operate within the province alongside the
Muqti. It was done to ascertain the actual revenue available in a particular'
Iqta. Balban also planted infonners called’ harids Io report on the activities
of the iqtadars.
An important change took place in Alauddin Khalji’s period. With the
expansion of the Empire far off areas were assigned in Iqta and the areas
closer to Delhi were brought under the khalisa. The Sultan’s troops were
now paid 'in cash. This practice continued well into the reign of
Muhammad bin Tughluq. Irfan Habib20 highlights some major changes in
the administration of the Iqta during the reign of Alauddin Khalji. The tax
i^2me or-theârdj TrQmjgadLK^^
by the finance department or the Diwan-i- Wizaral. The department
remained on the constant lookout for an opportunity to enhance the
estimate. Out of the estimatgdjncome.of-Xhe-Zt/to-au^rtain»am£>imL.was
allowed for the pay (mawajib) of the troops (hasham) placed under the
Muqti or the Wali. The area of expected yield was apparently. seLapart by
the Diwan. The remaining bit of land was treated as the Muqti’s own
personal Iqta, i.e. it was used for his own salary and the expense of his
personal establishment of officials. Any amount exceeding his own salary
and that of his troops had to be put into the treasury. During Ghiyasuddin
Tughluq’s time the estimated income of the iqta was not faised by the
finance department, and the Muqtis and other officials were allowed to
appropriate for themselves small sums over and above the sanctioned
income. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25) introduced some moderation.
‘The'eiAancemehE^^'theestimated revenue income~Wê~^nffalfinance
ministry, were not to exceed one-tenth or one-eleventh of their salaries.
The Muqtis were allowed to keep the amount ranging between one-tenth
to one-twentieth in excess of their sanctioned salaries.
The attempts to monitor the Iqta reached its climax during the time of
Muhammad bin Tughluq (1325-51). In severai cases, a HizA' was
appointed in addition to an Amir in the same territory. The Wali, after he
had deducted what was understood to be his salary, was to collect and
then send the revenue to the royal treasury. The Amir, or the commander
had nothing whatsoever to do with the revenue realisation_and received
hlsown salary and that of his troops in cash, presumably from the local
treasufyûring Muhammad bin Tughluq’s reign, the salaries of the
troops of the Iqta holders came from the treasury and were always paid in
cash. This infuriated the commanders and created major political problems
-JsF*Muhammad bin Tughluq.1 Irfan Habib21---points out---that all army
—----------
commanders - ranging from the Khans, who headed as many as, 10,000
cavalry troops, to the Sipah Salars who were placed over less than 100
troops - were assigned Iqtas in lieu of salaries. The estimated income of
the Iqta, against which the salary was adjusted, was always less than the
actual. The significant point is that the troops are said to have always
been paid in cash while the Iqtas was given only in lieu of the
commanders’ personal salaries. Due to this Muhammad bin Tughluq faced
a lot of problems in Deogir when the Amiran-i-sada (centurians) became
disaffected.
Firuz Tughluq adopted the policy of assigning the wajh, or the revenue
collected from villages, in lieu of a salary. In the cases where soldiers
wefe hot assigned the wa/7r7casfi~salaries were paid from the treasury or
through drafts on the Iqtas of nobles which were to be drawn through the
surplus payment, which was due to the central treasury, from the Iqtas.
These drafts could be sold at a price to speculators. Heredity was accorded
primacy over the transfer principle.
The successors of Firuz made no attempt whatsoever to restore central
control. Under, the Lodis the term Iqta was stillinuise_foiâreas-held by
wajhdars. Assignments of revenue of villages or land7grants to the
❖ Political Structure of the Sultanate ❖
religious intelligentsia were categorised as mz7£ (proprietary rights given

s231
by state), idrar (pension) and inam (gift). Grants made for the support of
religious Institmions like madrasas and khanqahs were called waqf
(endowments). These grants were made by the Sultan, both within” the
Iqta as well as in the Khalisa, through afarman. Economically speaking,
these grants did not have much implication. A system of sub-assignments
came into vogue particularly under Sikand'arLodhi (1489-1517). The
main assignees would sub-assign portions of their assignments to their
subordinates-who, in turn, would make sub-assignments to their soldiers.
man Habib) believes that the lata was conducive to the political
centr^^nSnTSfTKj^^^^^^teTHe^^^^^^^^taâFy^jieal
mode and institutlonFîrougirwhich the Sultanate collected revenue
resources' fromthe peasantry and distributed them amongst military
commanders in exchange for service. Sunil Kumar, however, does not
agreewitlT TrfanHabibon the ground that had the Iqta been a measure of
such tried and tested efficacy, it would have had a pattern of uniformity
to it, which was clearly not the case as it altered its character from one
regime to another. Kumar22 argues that Habib contradicts his own
argument of centralisation when he suggests that the form of the Iqta
varied because differed.
The establishment of the Iqta could never work in the cause of
centraITsatIon7'lnitialiy, the early Turks found the granting of such Iqtas to
be an ea'sy method of catering to the greed of their high officers who had
assisted them in conquering north India. At the same time, -this system
_______ -- -
helped to establish a rudimentary' control over rural areas. But to the
extentthat theTgta became hereditary, tfaerg of
powerful subjects rebelling against the Sultan, Alauddin Khalji, therefore,
cariceHed many Artas and paid his officers a fixed salary from his treasury.
Muhammad biiTTughiuq was not too keen on continuing with this system
because to do so he would first have to raise the revenue demand and then ,
convert it into cash. After all these ruinous experiments, Firuz Shah
Tughluq reverted to the old system of granting military Iqtas. Thus, Iqta
did remain as a major machinery for, reyenweêxlraction, but it could
hardlybeused uniformly as an apparatus for the centralised system of
administration.
NOTES
1. Simon Digby, War-horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate: A Problem of Military
Supplies.
2. Romila Thapar, Early India: From the Origins to 1300. Allen Lane, The Penguin
Press, Delhi, 2002
3. Hermann Kulke, The State in India 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1995, pp.32-33
4. Hermann Kulkle, A History of India, Routledge, Delhi, 1998, p.168

5. Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam in India c.1200-1800, Permanent
Black, Delhi, 2004, p.27
6. Ibid, p.28,
7. Ibid, p.29.
8. Ibid, p.31.
9. Ibid, p.31
10. Ibid, p.41
11. Ibid, p.42
12. Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam in India c.1200-1800, Permanent
Black, Delhi, 2004, p.39.
13. Irfan Habib, ‘Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period’, in K.A. Nizami
(ed.) Polities and Society during the Medieval Period. Collected Works of Muhammad
Habib, Volume-II, p.312, People’s Publishing House, N. Delhi, 1980.
14. Tapan Ray Choudhary and Irfan Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of
India, Vol 1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1982.
15. Tripathi R.P., Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot,
Allahabad, 1966 p. 339.
16. Tapan Raychoudhary and Irfan Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of
India, Vol 1.
17. Ibid.
18. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate, p. 95.
19. Tapan Raychoudhary and Irfan Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of
India, Vol 1.
20. Ibid, p.70.
21. Ibid, p.72.
22. Sunil Kumar, The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate, p.27.
Society and Economy
Under the Delhi
Sultanate
* SULTANATE NOBILITY: THE RULING ELITE
♦ ULEMA
* REVENUE SYSTEM
♦ MONETISATION
♦ TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGES
* GROWTH OF TRADE AND COMMERCE
♦ THE COMING OF THE PORTUGUESE

* URBANISATION
...
SULTANATE NOBILITY: THE RULING ELITE

utbuddin Aibak ascended the throne after Mohammad Ghori had
Q nominated him the Governor of Delhi and its surrounding regions.
The nobles, after a brief feud-ridden period, accepted and offered their
loyalty to him in a newly conquered area. Irfan Habib suggests that there
was a conflict for political ascendancy between the Ghorian nobles and
the Turkish slaves of Mohammad Ghori.1 The Delhi Sultanate, since time
immemorial, has stood witness to a very troubled, strife-ridden
relationship between However, it must be conceded that the nobility
played a very significant ro’e in the political discourse of the Delhi
Sultanate.
There was no clearly defined rule of succession among the Turks.
Therefore, the nobles had a great say in selecting the Sultan and Delhi
became the hub of political activity of Turkish rule. Andre Wink says that
the Turks had this ‘concept of individuality’ ever since their stay in
Central Asia. He argues this was a typical characteristic ‘of the nomadic
societies of Central Asia as well as the post-nomadic polities which arose
in the Islamic world that their leadership was highly concentrated and
instable because they revolved largely around individuals and there was
virtually nothing in the way of self-perpetuating political institutions or
corporate structures through which leadership was normally dispersed in
settled society [sic]’.2 Leadership qualities and a strong personality
mattered that much more than legitimacy and heredity did.
Irfan Habib has indicated a somewhat new development under
Muhammad Ghori. He says that under Mohammad Ghori, Turkish slaves
gradually replaced Ghorian commanders.3 Thus, it js possible that. Ghori
might have been trying to establish a distinct royal authority not too
evident in the Central Asian tradition, as Andre Wink has indicated, but it
posed major problems for the later Sultans of Delhi. The Turks could only
provide commandership and ‘the ranks and army had to be recruited from
the people of Ghor and Khalj’,4And that is why after the death of
Muhammad Ghori the hostility between the two groups spiraled into
armed aggression.
The ruling elite came into prominence on the political scene only
after Iltutmish’s accession to the throne of Delhi. The nobles had the
power to select their lead'ers through armed strength and their support
base. Iltutmish was the one who finally established a sovereign Turkish
state in India. The_ nobility,'""m his~'Time,~ccmslsted of efficient
administrators who, inspite of being slaves to begin with, were imbued
with merit and ability. Slaves provided personal allegiance to the rulcr, as
Andre Wink has indicated. Iltutmish purchased his slaves from all the
slave merchants and open markets in Central Asia where war captives and
V 51 lllll
flB
❖ Society and Economy Under the Delhi Sultanate ❖ 235
other slaves were sold.5 The matter of their political importance is

shrouded in doubt. Irfan Habib believes that these Turkish slaves of
Iltutmish did not occupy ‘a single of the highest central or court offices at r
his death, however large the territories they held in Iqta fn'c]’.6
After Iltutmish, the principle of heredity resurfaced with the accession
of Ruknuddin Firoz, Raziya and Bahram Shah. During this phase, the
tussle between the Turkish and Tajik (Arab and Persians) nobles became
intense. After the death of Iltutmish in 1235 and till the accession of
Balban in 1269, it was the Chihalgani slaves, a group of nobles of which
Balban was also a part, who decided the succession issue. Balban tried to
restore the supremacy of the Crown by crushing the power of the Turkish
nobility. Balban’s accession proved that the principle of heredity was\p-
entirely inconsequential. Earlierrulers like Qutbuddin Aibak and Iltutmish
had considered the nobles at par with themselves. But Balban made a
major departure from the earlier practice. He kept the nobles at bay and
was a propagandist of the divine theory of kingship. He traced his ancestry
to the mythical king Afrasiyab of Ajam (non-Arab lands). Balban did his
best to squash the power of the Shamsi nobles.
Andre Wink feels that the contribution of the Turkish slaves, to the
ruling elite of the Delhi Sultanate, cannot possibly be ignored. Juzjani has
in fact organized his Tabaqat- i Nasiri largely around the political careers
qftius elite group of slaves. They also find mention in other chronicles of
the time. The Turkish slaves, before they became amirs or troop
commanders, had served in various departments in a very humble capacity.
The idea was that each slave had to be in the personal service of the king
before he became an amir, or commander of troops with a revenue
assignment or Iqta of varying importance. No slave could ever become
the king without first having been an amir, and then a khan or any official
of superior rank. ‘Symbols of royal authority - such as the taj, takht,
durbash, swotd of state, kaukaba, the large kettle drum, kus, the dais or
sofa, and the black, red, green and vermilion umbrellas, elephants, and
robes of honour - were widely shared among the Turkish mamluks.1
However, at the same time, it is to be noted that of all the slave kings of
Delhi right upto 1290 or so, only Qutubuddin Aibak, Iltutmish and Balban
were actually of slave origin. The others, who ruled between 1236 and
1266, were the descendants of Iltutmish. Andre Wink argues that later on
‘a large number of the great amirs of the state were not Turkish slaves at
all, but Churis, Tajiks or Khalaj, or Arabs, Armenians, Damghanis,
Dailamis, and so forth’.8 Irfan Habib says that the Ghorians and the
Khalaj were very much part of the nobility and so it can well be said that
the Khalji seizure of power in 1290 was ‘no upstart rebellion’ but ‘a
Ghorian restoration’.9 ~
The accession of Jalaluddin Khalji to the throne in 1290 established

that heredity was not always the basis of the sovereignty and kingship.
Ability and force were also important factors in the succession to the
throne. Under the Khaljis and the Tughluqs the doors of nobility were
opened to people of diverse backgrounds and it wasjio more the preserve
of the Turks only. M. Habib is of the view that ‘during the period of slave
kings, membership of the higher bureaucracy was dangerous for an Indian
Musalman and impossible for a Hindu. But the Khalji revolution seems to
have brought about a change’ .10 Amir Khusrau, in his Khazain uLEutuh.
teflrusFtliaf"Sultan Alauddin sent an army of thirty thousand horsemen
under a Hindu officer, Malik Naik, the Akhur-bek-Maisarah, against the
Mongols, Alibeg, Tartaqand Targhi. The position of low-born men
(whether Hindus or Muslims) in the government of Mohammad bin
Tughluq was the natural culmination of a process covering a century and
a half. Barani in a scathing critique of Mohammad bin Tughluq says - ‘he
assigned the Diwan-i-Wizarat (Ministry of Revenue) to Pera Mali (a
gardner), the lowest of the lowborn and mean bom men of the Hind and
Sind and placed him over the heads of maliks, amirs, walis and governors
(maqtasy.''\n the tenure of the Lodis, not including the reigns.of Sikander
and Ibrahim Lodi, the tribal concept of treating the Afghans at par with
high-ranking officials, determined the official attitude towards the nobility.
ULEMA
The ulema came to play a very significant role in the political affairs of
the state. They were more or less omnipresent as they were part Of
educational institutions, in addition to being present both at the court, and
in the provinces. For instance, Minhaj us Siraj Juzjani, the author of the
Tabaqat-i Nasiri, was appointed to head the Nasiriyya Madrasa in Delhi.
The office of the Qazi was also held by the ulema. The ulema consisted
of a group of persons who performed the role of the preachers and
guardians of Islamic religion, and at least in the initial stages of the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, most of them had come from outside
the subcontinent. Traditionally, they were committed to upholding the
Islamic religious order, and thus acted as socio-moral censors for the
Muslim community at large. The ulema arose as a powerful political
faction and, on account of the high judicial positions held by them, could
sway the king and the nobility in their favour. They held important
positions in the administrative system particularly in the judiciary.
Mohammad Habib points out that ‘under these conditions wise kings
adopted a policy of compromise and moderation. They paid lip homage to
the Shariat and admitted their sinfulness if they were unable; to enforce
any of its provisions; they kept the state controlled mullahs disciplined
and satisfied; over the whole field of administration concerning which the
Shariat is silent or nearly silent, they made their own laws; if the
traditional customs of the people were against the Shariat, they allowed
them to override the Shariat under the designation, of Urf. Thus state
laws called Zawabit grew under the protection of the monarchy. If these
laws violated the Shariat the principle of necessity or of istihasan (the
public good) could be quoted in their favour. And the back of the Shariat
was broken for the primary reason that it had provided no means for its
own development’.12 Through these formal and informal channels, the
primary aim of the ulema was to spread the religious word, and uphold
the Islamic religio-moral order as far as was possible. This often brought
them into conflict with the Sultan. The ulema preached obedience to the
Word of God and to the dictates of the Sultan. Thus, theoretically
speaking, they were an important instrument of social control since the
message of obedience that they imposed on the Muslim subject population
worked towards formulating a political atmosphere favourable to the
Sultan.
However, later rulers, particularly after the consolidation of the Delhi
Sultanate, favoured politics over religion, more so because the majority
of the subject population was non-Muslim. This brought the interests of
the ulema and the Sultan in direct clash on frequent occasions. The reign
of Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq is particularly significant in this regard.
Muhammad bin Tughluq had appointed a number of non-Muslims in
royal service because they were meritorious. Alims, like Ziauddin Barani,
expressed strong disapproval of the Sultan’s stance of religious tolerance
in their writings. It is also pertinent to take note of the fact that the Sultan
did not depend solely on the abstractions of religion for administrative,
control, but established his control over core areas through a number of
offices. In this sense of the term, the nobility featured as part of the ruling
elite, who came to play a lead role in the decision-making process of the
time.
REVENUE SYSTEM
Since the economy in medieval India was predominantly agrarian, the
primary source of income for the state was land revenue. The medieval
states would collect revenue from the farmers on their produce to sustain
the larger state structures. Before the arrival of the Turks in north India
the cultivators were required to pay a large number of cesses - like the
bhaga (land revenue), the bhog (cesses), and the kar (extra cesses) - to
the local landed elite. Peasants were required, according to the
SHS
Dharamashastras, to pay one-sixth of the produce as land revenue. The
early years of Turkish rule did not stand witness to too much change in
the structure of rural society. But gradually the collection mechanism of
land revenue became more systemized and institutionalised.
Irfan Habib says that the polities in Islamic Central Asia ‘rested on
the foundations of two elements of independent growth - the iqta and the
kharaj’.'3 The Iqta was a transferable revenue assignment by which
members of the ruling class obtained their income from a territory, though
without any permanent attachment to it. By providing for a policy of
rigorous centralization, which gave the Sultan’s government immense
power over society, the Iqta was clearly an important instrument through
which the state could demand a large share of the surplus. This share
preeminently took the form of kharaj, which had by now come to signify
the Sovereign’s claim to that part of the surplus which the peasant
produced above what he needed for his basic subsistence. Only the
possibility of the complete devastation of the peasantry could set a limit
on its magnitude. The Iqta assignees (the Muqtis and the Walis) collected
the kharaj and other taxes, maintained themselves and their troops, and
sent the surplus to the Sultan’s treasury. In the remaining areas (khalisa),
the Sultan’s officials directly collected the kharaj and other taxes. It was
out of the revenues so obtained that the Islamic principalities maintained
their armies and supported the existence of their large and numerous
towns.
With the Ghorian conquests, the Iqta system was immediately
established in northern India and in spite of all the vicissitudes of royal
power, the periodic transfer of Iqtas remained a marked feature of the
Sultanate in the thirteenth century. But the imposition of the kharaj in its
full-blown form took time. The Muqtis largely depended on the tribute
extorted from local potentates and on plunder ‘from the mawas or
unpacified areas’.14 It is to be assumed that the local potentates (the rais,
ranas or ranakas, rautas and others) continued to collect taxes and
perquisites inherited from the previous regime.
The predominance of agriculture meant that the village remained the
basic unit of administration in the Delhi sultanate. Irfan Habib, while
drawing up a scenario of the agrarian condition in the Delhi Sultanate
period, says that ‘there was little question of the peasants claiming
'property rights over any parcel of land. Land was abundant, and the
peasant could normally put up with a denial of his right over the land he
tilled. What he feared, on the contrary, was a claim of the superior classes
over his crop, and more still over his person’.15 The state held large tracts
of land (khalisa) which were tilled by farmers and from where all the
revenue came to the central treasury through the agency of officials called
❖ Society and Economy Under the Delhi Sultanate ❖
1239
the Amits. But the largest part of the land was distributed as Iqta within
the Sultanate.
According to Barani, Balban advised Bughra Khan, his son, to tread
a middle path in terms of the collection of revenue. Revenue amounts
should not be extortionate enough to reduce peasants to a state of penury.
Likewise minimalist revenue amounts would only make peasants
rebellious. We have no idea of how this was implemented in practice. In
general, it was designed not to interfere with the existing village set up.
The taxation system followed by the Sultans of Delhi was to an
extent based on the Hanafi School of Muslim Law. The revenue was
broadly categorised into two by the Muslim Jurists: Fay and Zakat. Fay
was further subdivided into Kharns, Jizya and Kharaj. Zakat comprised
tax on flocks, herds, gold, silver, commercial capital, agricultural produce,
etc. Khams represented one fifth of the booty acquired in war or, mine or
treasure trove (found) to be handed over to the state. Jizya was imposed
on non-Muslims ‘in return for which they received protection of life and
property and exemption from military services’.16 Kharaj was the tax on
land. Initially this tax was not levied on Muslims however due to the need
of the state for revenue it was later not practical to give immunity to
Muslims from the payment of this tax. Theoretically, the holders of
Kharaj land were required to pay land tax whether or not the land was
cultivated by them. The Muslim law and state followed a liberal policy
towards the landholders and they could not be evicted easily. The state
tried to encourage cultivation by giving them loans. The Muslim theory
of taxation was adopted in India with modifications. We get proper
information about the taxation system from the period of Alauddin Khalji.
Barani, in his Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi, gives a description of Alauddin Khalji’s
agrarian policy in North India - ‘The Sultan decreed that 3 taxes were to
be levied on the peasants viz. the Kharaj (also called Kharaj- i-jizya) or
tax on cultivation; charai, a tax on milch cattle; and ghari, a tax on
houses. As for Kharaj, all who engaged in cultivation whether of lands of
large or of small extent were to be subject to (the procedure of)
measurement (masahat) and (the fixation of) the yield per biswa (wafa-i-
biswa) and were without any exception to pay half’.17 Alauddin Khalji
raised the land-revenue demand to half in the upper Doab region up to
Aligarh, and in some ai:eas of Rajasthan and Malwa. This area was made
khalisa, i.e. the land-revenue collected there went directly to the Imperial
treasury. He also imposed a house and cattle tax (ghari and charai).The
land-revenue demand was based how much land area was cultivated by
each cultivator. Further, except in the area around Delhi, the cultivators
were encouraged to pay land-revenue in cash. Alauddin tried to ensure
that the cultivators sold their grains to the banjaras, without transporting
240' ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖
them to their own stores so they could be sold later at more favourable
prices. However, this had to be modified in practice because many of
these cultivators themselves brought their grains for sale in the local
mandi..
There is no doubt that Alauddin Khalji’s agrarian measures amounted
to a massive intervention in the rural set up. His measures alienated the
khots, muqaddams and chaudhuris and, to some extent, the rich peasants
who had surplus food-grains to sell. The khots and muqaddams were
suspected of passing on their burden of work on to the weaker sections,
and not paying the ghari and charai taxes. Barani says that the khots and
muqaddams became so poof that they, could not wear costly clothes and
ride on Arabi and Iraqi horses any more, and their women were obliged
to work in the homes of Muslims. Although Barani seems to have
exaggerated the situation, it cannot be denied that Alauddin Khalji’s
agrarian measures aimed to strike hard at these other sharers of the
surplus. The attempt to replace the khots, the muqaddams or of the upper
sections of the landed nobility with an army of amils, most of whom
proved to be corrupt, was prone to breakdown. We are told that Alauddin’s
revenue measures collapsed with his death.
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq attempted to amend Alauddin Khalji’s system
by ‘giving certain concessions to khots and muqaddams’ The restoration
of privileges implies that the state was no longer trying to assess the land
revenue on the basis of the holdings; instead revenue was now assessed
as a lump sum amount, leaving much to the discretion of the khots and the
muqaddams. Thus, the khots and muqaddams came to wield tremendous
power in the countryside. Ghiyasuddin also replaced the system of
measurement of Alauddin Khalji by introducing the concept of sharing in
the khalisa areas. This was considered a step towards providing relief to
the cultivators who bore the entire onus of blame for anything that went
wrong. Under the new dispensation, profit and loss were shared in equal
measure by both the cultivators and the state. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq also
ensured that in the Iqta territories, i.e. the territories located outside the
khalisa areas, the revenue demand was not be increased on the basis of
guess or computation, but ‘by degrees and gradually because the weight
of sudden enhancement would ruin the country and bar the way to
prosperity’.19 Barani informs us that Ghiyasuddin made sure that the
revenue demand in the Iqta areas was not raised by ‘one in ten or eleven’.20
Satish Chandra feels that the traditional demand in the areas outside the
khalisa areas remained one-third as before.21
Under Muhammad bin Tughluq the whole of India - including
Gujarat, Malwa, Deccan, South India and Bengal - was brought under a
monolithic and uniform system of taxation. Barani points out that abwab
(additional cesses) were also imposed on the peasants. The three taxes:
ghari, charai, and kharaj were strictly levied. There was thus increase in
agrarian taxation. Kharaj was now calculated on standard yield and not
actual yield of measured land for assessment in kind. Officially prescribed
prices were applied for obtaining the assessment. Thus the demand rose.
These measures resulted in agrarian distress. It is around this time only
that famine struck Delhi and the Doab.
Like Alauddin Khalji’s agrarian reforms, Muhammad bin Tughluq’s
measures were also designed to curtail the privileges of the more affluent
sections in village society, especially the khots and muqaddams. The
pressure on peasants beyond a point of endurance -was bound to have
serious repercussions. Under Muhammad bin Tughluq (1325-51), a
further increase in taxation led to a very serious and long-drawn-out
agrarian uprising in the Doab. Most peasants, especially the khots and
muqaddams, turned into rebels. The reason for this, it seems, was that in
assessing the land-revenue artificially fixed standard yields were applied
to the area under measurement. Further, when converting the produce into
cash, not the actual prices but official standard prices were applied. There
was also harshness in levying the tax on cattle and houses. Thus the
actual incidence of land-revenue demand rose considerably to half or
even more than half.
The rebellion, the subsequent famine, Muhammad bin Tughluq’s well-
known harsh measures, followed by ‘a grand palliative project (including
the first recorded instance of taccavi loans), were clearly the consequences
of the implantation of an entirely new kind of agrarian taxation in India’.21
Muhammad bin Tughluq tried to shift gears again. In the Doab, which
was a directly administered area (khalisa), he tried to improve cultivation
by changing the cropping pattern, and by replacing inferior crops by
superior crops. The main inducement for this was granting loans (sondhar)
for digging wells, etc. This policy could only have succeeded with the co
operation of the richer cultivators, but the khots and muqaddams, who
had the largest land-holdings as well as the means, were interested only
in enriching themselves and had no real knowledge of the local conditions.
Firuz Shah Tughluq reversed Muhammad Tughluq’s policy and many
agrarian levies (abwab, ghari and charai) were discontinued. Afif says
that loans given to the peasantry as sondhar were ‘written off ’ by Firuz.23
Afif also informs that he ‘limited exactions above the kharaj to 4 per
cent’.23 However, the Jizya was imposed as a separate tax. Careful
examination tells us that the Jizya was closer to the ghari since it was a
levy on the head of the house. Firuz Tughluq also imposed a water tax on
the villages which made use of canals and it was one tenth of the produce.
.Firuz met with greater success by providing water to the peasants of
Haryana by his canal system, levying an extra charge of 10 per cent, and
leaving it to the peasants to cultivate what they wanted.
gw
On the basis of the available information in the contemporary
chronicles, Firuz Tughluq’s rule is generally considered a period of rural
prosperity. Barani and Afif tell us that, as result of the Sultan’s orders, the
provinces became cultivated, and tillage extended widely so that not a
single village in the Doab remained uncultivated. The canal system
extended tillage in Haryana. According to Afif, Tn the houses of the
raiyat (peasantry) so much grain, wealth, horses and goods accumulated
that one cannot speak of them’, He goes on to say how ‘none of the
women folk of the peasantry remained without ornaments, and that in
every peasant’s house there were clean bed-sheets, excellent bed-cots,
many articles and much wealth’. Obviously these remarks applied largely
to the richer sections among the peasants and other privileged sections
like the khots, muqaddams, etc. During the period of the Lodis, land tax
was collected in kind due to the declining price situation.
Thus overall, the land-revenue under the Sultans, especially during
the fourteenth century, remained heavy, hovering around fifty percent of
the produce. However, at the same time every effort was made to reduce
the power and privileges of the intermediaries, who took a major portion
of the cultivator’s production. This was the first time in several decades
that such a high amount of land-revenue was assessed and collected from
a large and highly fertile area. The land revenue system enabled the ruling
class of the Sultanate to appropriate a large part of the country’s surplus.
In essence, it meant the entire or partial replacement of rural superior
classes by an urban ruling class. The administrative methods of revenue
collection and the centralisation of such large liquid resources in the
hands of the ruling class had important consequences for urban
manufacturers, trade and commerce and urbanisation. It also enabled the
state to introduce an elaborate system of monetisation.
MONETISATION
The Turkish rule in Delhi, apart from the many other changes that it
introduced, also revitalised the economy by introducing major
transformations and the standardization of coinage. Before this the coins
of the Delhi region were known as dehliwal.15 Indian coinage assumed an
entirely new pattern under the Turks. The coins of ancient India, both in
the north and in the South, had pictorial or heraldic devices at least on
one side. During the Turkish rule coins carried inscriptions on both the
sides in Arabic or Persian script. In Islam, the inscribing of the ruler’s
name on the coins was invested with special importance. This privilege,
along with the reading of his name in the khutba (public prayer), implied
his legitimacy to rule. The rulers of the Islamic world had this tradition of
asms
issuing coins on each occasion of conquering a new territory or even a
fort or a town, and to record on them their names, titles, the date in the
Hijri era and the place of issue of the coins. The crusading zeal of the
early Khalifas of Syria in the eighth century ad had introduced the Kalima
or profession of faith - La ilah-il-illah Muhammad-ur-Rasool Allah.16
Later this formed part of the Muslim coins. In India too, the Kalima was
used on the coins.
Muhammad Ghori struck gold coins in imitation of the coins that
were current in the country. Each coin had his name - Sri Mahamad bin
Sam - inscribed on it in Nagari. On the obverse was placed a seated
Lakshmi. Simon Digby says that the earliest issues of gold and silver
coins from Delhi had a ‘commemorative character which reflected the
immediate coinage of hoards plundered or remitted in tribute’.27
Qutubuddin Aibak was the first Sultan to set up his capital at Delhi; but
no coin bearing his name has so far been found. It was under Iltutmish
that the coins of Delhi Sultanate were standardized for the first time and
it was he who issued a new standard coin called the jital, which weighed
32 ratis. The ratio of silver and copper in the jital was 1: 80.28 He also
issued the pure silver coins called tangas after his conquest of Laknawti.29
The normal tanga coins of Iltutmish were an amalgam of gold and silver
and were inscribed with various legendary accounts of note. Each tanga
had a consistent gold and silver ratio of LTD.30 Some of the coins of the
Delhi Sultanate were of pure copper and were called dang. The value of
each silver tanga was 48 jitals - 192 dangs = 480 dirams (smaller copper
coins).31
Literary sources are silent about the establishment of a new gold and
silver cuirency in the Delhi Sultanate. But it is pertinent to note that from
very early times pure silver coinage was scarce in northern India. Simon
Digby suggests that the tri-metallic coinage in northern India in the
thirteenth century was heavily dependent on the remittance of gold and
silver from Bengal.32 But the remittances from Bengal were quite erratic
and much depended on the degree to which the local governor obeyed the
orders of the Delhi Sultan.
Simon Digby makes a very interesting observation on the whole
mechanism of the minting of currency right from the release of treasure
from hoards into monetary circulation. He says that the currency was
basically derived from the plunder of local rulers or religious
establishments. Gold, being the more precious metal, was hoarded that
much more than silver was and thus when hoards were put into circulation
‘the ratio of exchange between gold and silver is likely [szc] to be under
pressure’ 33
The frequent plunder of the Deccan kingdoms at the end of the
thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries placed huge quantities
®«8
of precious metals (more gold than silver) into the hands of the Sultans of
Delhi. Farishta, a historian of note, says that the indemnity extracted by
Alauddin Khalji from Ramadeva of Deogiri amounted to roughly 7.7
metric tonnes of gold and 12.8 metric tones of silver. Similarly Barani
informs us that Malik Kafur, after his plundering expedition to the Pandya
kingdom, is said to have brought back 96,000 man of gold, which would
correspond to 241 metric tones.34 As a result of the booty, the coinage of
the Delhi Sultanate acquired more finesse. A large number of gold and
silver coins were issued by Alauddin Khalji and there is the ‘brighter
appearance of the silver issues due to the absence of lead’ .35 When Timur
plundered Delhi in 1398, his officers found stores of tangas coined in
Alauddin’s name.
Later on when the Sultanate was faced with a strained economy, the
predominance of gold over silver coins in circulation added up to the
pressure. The pressure became more apparent after the accession of
Muhammad bin Tughluq in 1325. Shortly after that smaller denomination
gold coins were issued by Muhammad Tughluq. He also issued a mixed-
metal tanga which weighed 80 ratis weight; was one-sixth the weight of
a silver coin; and had a silver content of about 45 grains, a little more than
a quarter of. what was found in the earlier coins. Muhammad bin Tughluq,
in the sixth year of his reign, tried a more desperate expedient, the issue
of a token coinage of brass and copper to replace the silver coinage.
Barani says that he was influenced by the Chinese token currency (chao)
in the form of silk or paper notes of credit.
Contemporary chroniclers like Barani have linked up Muhammad bin
Tughluq’s issue of token currency with the recruitment of a large number
of troops and the payments therein. But we also need to view this measure
in the backdrop of ‘quickening pace of commerce and of pressure on
gold-silver parity of 10:1 that underpinned the monetary system’.36 Simon
Digby argues that the scale of Muhammad bin Tughuq’s subsequent
military operations, the plentiful issue of gold coins in his reign and
accounts of the donations he made to foreign visitors suggest that the
accumulated treasure of the Delhi Sultanate was not exhausted; the
problem was that of the relative scarcity of silver in a cash economy with
urban inflation . This was soon accentuated by the loss of political control
over Bengal. Literary evidence confirms the demand for silver from
Eastern sources. Qadar Khan, a governor in the employ of Muhammad
bin Tughluq, was especially assigned the responsibility of gathering
revenue in the form of silver in Bengal. The Qarachil expedition and the
attack on Nagarkot by Muhammad Tughluq were also motivated by his
need for silver.37 The condition became more delicate in the reign of his
successor Firuz Shah Tughluq and his quest for silver is indicated by the
realisation of arrears of revenue from Hindu chiefs in the region of

Gorakhpur. The arrears were realised in silver tangasr®
Thus, the monetary system of the Delhi Sultanate started to decay by
the middle of the fourteenth century. Gradually the silver tanga was
debased to 80 rati. The silver tanga, supported by denominations of
cowries and not of copper, remained a coinage of commercial transactions
in Bengal down to the revival of a coinage in precious metals throughout
northern India in the middle of the sixteenth century. Now the use of gold
and silver coinage merely remained ceremonial. It was not intended as a
currency of trade but as a proclamation of sovereignty or was used for
ceremonial distributions. Simon Digby says that the ‘gold issues of the
later Tughluq Sultans of Delhi, some posthumous and dating from the
early fifteenth century, and of the Sayyid Sultans of Delhi are rare’.39 The
Lodis also did not issue gold or silver coins.
The monetary system of the Delhi Sultanate was dominantly based on
revenue extraction. Other sources of gain came from the large scale
plunder and subsequent collection of booty. But plunder and territorial
expansion was a finite and limited affair. The moment episodes of plunder
and loot began to shrink, a crisis occurred in the monetary organism as
well.
TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGES
We have alreaoy touched upon some aspects of technology as part of the
impact of Turkish invasion in Chapter 5. Irfan Habib has shown how the
diffusion of new elements of technology in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries came from the ‘violent external factor’ of the Turks.40 The
Turkish rulers, nobles and soldiers ‘all came with demand for goods and
services they were used to in their homelands, and so caused an emigration
of the arts and crafts of the Islamic world to India’.41
Agriculture and Irrigation were the two fields which underwent the
greatest number of technological changes after the Turkish rule. There
were many sources of water for the purpose of irrigating fields in early
medieval times. Rain water was a natural source. Ponds and tanks received
this water which was then used for irrigation. Water channels formed by
inundation, too, served the same purpose. But the most important
controlled source was the water of the wells, especially in North India.
Almost all the irrigational devices were oriented towards drawing water
from wells. The latter were more often than not masonry wells with raised
walls and enclosures/ platforms. Kuchcha wells also existed, but these
could not have been durable or strong enough for extensive water-lifting.
Broadly, there were five devices or techniques to raise water from

wells.42 The simplest technique was to hand draw water with a rope and
bucket without any mechanical aid. Obviously, then, a bucket alone could
not have served the purpose of providing water to large fields. But the
rope-bucket technique could well have served the purpose of irrigating
smaller fields that did not require much water.
The second method was of appending pulleys (charkhi) to the rope
bucket contraption. This device was also operated manually. Undoubtedly,
the pulleys needed much less human energy and, therefore, comparatively
larger bags or buckets could be attached to the ropes. It was also used for
domestic purpose, especially by women.
An improved method of the rope-pulley contraption was that of
making use of a pair of oxen to replace human power. It soon became a
specialised device for drawing water intended specifically for irrigational
purposes. In some areas of North India it is still in operation and is known
as charasa. It comprises a huge bag that gives an idea of the immense
quantity of water raised from a well in one single haul up. Moreover, the
bullock track was like a ramp or slopping path - the length of the path
corresponding to the depth of the well. The water of the well (mounted
with this device) could not have been used for drinking, cleaning utensils
or for washing clothes. Of all the five methods, charasa alone failed to be
a multi-purpose method. It was solely devised for irrigation - a fact which
has not been realised till now.
The fourth technique was what is considered to be semi-mechanical
one as it worked on the lever principle. A long rope is landed to the fork
of an upright beam or trunk of a tree (especially meant for this purpose)
and then put in a swinging position. The bucket is fastened to a rope
whose other end is tied to that of the swinging pole hovering over the
wall. The pole’s other end carries a ‘counterweight’, which is a little
heavier than the bucket when filled with water. Thus, the fulcrum forms
at the centre of the pole, with weight and ‘counterweight’ (Effort) at its
two ends. This contraption does not require much effort to operate. The
device is known as shadufm Egypt. It is called tula (balance) in Sanskrit,
but in Bihar and Bengal it’s known as Dhenkli or lat/latha.
The fifth method of water-lifting is called saqiya or the ‘Persian
wheel’. Irfan Habib argues that none of the four mechanisms described
above required wheels as their basic component.43 This water-wheel could
well claim to be called a water machine because of the the gear system
that it had. The gear system heralded a very advanced stage in the
technological sense: it has been surpassed only now by electric tube
wells.
Much controversy has cropped up about the origins of the saqiya -
did it exist in India prior to the advent of the Muslims, or was it a foreign
wss
importation through the agency of the Turks? In India, their earliest form
was that of one wheel with pitchers or pots of clay attached around the
rim of the wheel. It was called the araghatta or arahatta in Sanskrit. This
devise called noria in English - a corruption of the Arabic naurah - was
worked by human power only.44 Its form was such that it could only be set
up over shallow water or Open surfaces like streams, reservoirs or even
rivers where water would level up to its banks. Thus, its use over wells
was absolutely out of the question.
The second stage was to exploit it over wells. This was done by
substituting by the earthen pots fitted around the rim of the wheel with a
chain or garland {mala} of pots which was long enough to reach the water
level of the well. The mala or chain was made of double ropes with open
ends between which the pots were secured with timber strips. In Sanskrit
it was called ghatiyantra (pot-machine), although the words araghatta
and arahatta continued to be used for both the types of noria. This, too,
was operated by human power. At the third and the final stage, we find
three new development - (i) the addition of two more wheels; (ii) a gear
mechanism; and (iii) the use of animal power. The lantern-wheel, provided
with vertical pegs at regular intervals, was set. up on an upright axle to be
moved by animal power around in circles horizontally. The pin-wheel
was arranged vertically with a shaft or axle connected to the third wheel
over the well that carried the pot-garland. This was, then, the gear system
that exploited animal power. Essentially, the point was to convert the
original horizontal motion of the lantem-wheel into a vertical one for the
wheel set up over the well.
The confusion of some modem scholars in this controversy is to
identify the first two first stages of the noria with the saqiya. But now
you know that the latter was radically different not only in its conception
but also in its components. A semantic blunder was committed when the
same terms - araghatta and arahatta (modem rahat} - were used for the
saqiya by the Muslims who brought it in the early medieval period. In
fact, there is no evidence of the use of water, wheels were operated by
animals in Ancient India.
The Sultanate period belongs to the various new techniques
introduced by the Turks in the field of textiles. Cotton cultivation is also
part of agricultural technology. The collection of cotton balls was followed
by three important stages before the cotton could be used for weaving.
The stages included - (i) ginning or seed extraction; (ii) carding or fibre
loosening; and (iii) spinning or making yam. Ginning was done in two
ways - (i) the roller and board method; and (ii) the press or worm-roller
{charkhi) method. The cotton, thus separated from seeds, was ‘beaten’
with sticks or carded with bow-strings to separate and loosen the fibres
{naddafe in Persian; dhunna in Hindi). Spinning was traditionally done
with a spindle (duk in Persian; takla in Hindi) to which a whorl (phirki in

Hindi) was attacked.
The most important technological revolution in the textile sector was
that of the introduction of the spinning-wheel in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries (charkha) through the agency of the Muslims. The
charkha did not exist in Ancient India. The first literary reference to the
charkha comes from Isami’s Futuh-us Salatin (1350).45 The charkha
combined within itself the element of power-transmission (through belt
drive) and the principle of a flywheel resulting in differential speeds of
rotation. There is a controversy about the date as to when a handle or
crank-handle was attached to the device. But this controversy about
exactly when a handle or crank-handle was attached to the device still
remains. But a clearer picture emerges with the aid of pictorial evidence
(c. 1530) in the Miftah-ul Fuzala where a spinning wheel has been shown
being operated with a handle attached to the frame.
According to one estimate, a spinning wheel could produce six times
as much yam as a spindle could in the same unit of time. This must have
resulted in a greater output of yam and, therefore, in more cloth. It must
be pointed out that the yam from the spindle was of a very fine quality
whereas the charkha produced somewhat coarser yam.
Horizontal loom, of the throw-shuttle type, was used for simple or
tabby weave. It is difficult to determine whether the pit-loom (trade loom)
was in use in Ancient India, but we get our first glimpse of this loom in
the Miftah-ul Fuzala (c. 1469). This loom allowed the weaver to employ
his hitherto idle feet to lift and depress the sets of warp threads. This
speeded up the pace of weaving. For patterned weaves (of different
colours used simultaneously), one scholar suggests that a draw loom
might have existed for this purpose in south India in around 1001. But
this view has not found much favour as some historians believe that it
was brought into India by the Muslims late in the seventeenth century.
The writing materials in Ancient India were many, stones, copper,
plates, silk and cotton cloths, and specially prepared palm-leaves
(talpatra) and birch-bark (burjapatra). The last two were used in writing
books. Paper was first manufactured in China around the first century ad.
It was made from bamboo pulp. The Muslim Arabs learnt the art of
making paper from the Chinese who had been taken captive in a battle in
751. Very soon the Arabs developed this craft by making paper from rags
and old linen.
The Indians perhaps knew about the use of paper in the seventh
century, but they never used it as writing material. While the Chinese
traveller I-Ching visited India, he could not find paper to copy the Sanskrit
manuscript for being taken in China. Since he had exhausted his own
stock, he sent a message to his friends in China to send paper to him.
During the Delhi Sultanate, paper was used for many purposes,
especially for books, farmans and numerous commercial and
administrative documents. Paper was available on a large scale so much
so that even sweetmeats were delivered to buyers in paper packets called
puryas - a practice still existent in India. But it seems that there was a
scarcity of papermaking centres. Ma Huan, a fourteenth century Chinese
navigator, that paper was first produced in Bengal. However, paper was
imported in bulk from Islamic countries, especially Samarqand and Syria.
The practice of writing books on paper was accompanied by the craft
of bookbinding which was an innovation in India, because the technique
was different from that followed earlier, which was largely that of putting
sheets of writing material together (palm-leaves and birch-bark).
Iron stirrup (rikab) was another major contribution of the Turks to
India. It was unkown in India before the advent of the Turks. This stirrup
was first used in China in around the sixth century, and was introduced to
Persia and other Islamic countries later in the next century. The stirrups
provide a huge advantage to the horserider in wars. It is on this basis that
Simon Digby and many other historians have highlighted the superior
military technology of the Turks.
Horseriders had always enjoyed an edge over footmen in battle.
Before the introduction of the stirrup, the rider’s seat was a precarious
one. Bit and spur did help in controlling the mount; and the simple saddle
provided stability to the seat, though the rider’s mobility and methods of
fighting were restricted. He was primarily a rapidly mobile bowman and
hurler of javelins. As for the spear, before the invention of the stirrup it
was wielded at the end of the arm and the blow was delivered with the
strength of shoulder and the biceps. The stirrup made possible - although
it did not demand - a vastly more effective mode of attack. The rider now
could lay his lance at rest between the upper arm and the body and then
deliver the blow not with his muscles but with the combined weight of his
charging stallion and himself.
The stirrup, by giving lateral support in addition to the font and back
support offered by the pommel and the cantie, effectively welded horse
and rider into a single fighting unit capable of unprecedented force and
strength. The fighter’s hand no longer delivered the blow; it merely
guided it. The stirrup thus replaced human energy with animal power, and
immensely increased the warrior’s ability to hurt his enemy. Immediately,
without preparatory steps, it made possible mounted shock combat, a
revolutionary new way of doing battle.
While some scholars of Medieval India look at the stirrup as a
contributory factor to the series of Military successes that the Turks
achieved in India - at least in the initial stages of their invasions - the
horseshoe (nal) has been treated as its poor cousin.
Domestication of horses was not enough. Equipment - like the simple

bridle, bitted bridle, saddle with pommel and cantie and, of course, the
stirrup - was needed. Nailed horseshoes were introduced late in India. It
is interesting to note that the horseshoe is the only accoutrement which
does not have direct bearing on controlling the animal like other
accessories do. If this is so, why were horseshoes needed? The answer
lies in the hoof, the most vulnerable part of the equine anatomy. The
horse’s hoof is a constantly growing homy structure prone to breaking,
splitting and shelling. In their original natural habitat horses keep their
feet worn down and, hence, trimming is unnecessary. But tamed and
domesticated horses, when in use, require shoeing, specially in moist
latitudes. Shoeing has two advantages -one, it gives a better grip on soft
ground; and two, the hooves get protection on rough ground. It is now a
well accepted fact that horseshoes were a foreign importation, brought by
the Turks when they came to India. The Arabic/Persian word for the shoe
is nal.
Another major contribution of the Turks is that of gunpowder
technology. Gunpowder consists of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal, and it
was first invented in China. Later, it spread to Islamic societies as well.
The immigrant Turks brought gunpowder to India in perhaps the last part
of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries. But it must
be pointed out that even in the reign of Sultan Feroz Shah Tughluq its
only use was for pyrotechnic or fireworks (atashbazi), not for fire-arms or
for propelling cannon-balls. Fire-arms were used for the first time during
the second half of the fifteenth century in some regions of India like
Gujarat, Malwa and the Deccan. At any rate, the use of firearms on a
regular basis was introduced by the Portuguese in Calicut in 1498, and by
Babur in North India in the early sixteenth century.
Tin coating was yet another technology introduced in India after the
Turkish conquest. Domestic utensils of copper (and brass) are prone to
acid poisoning if sour food is kept in them. A coating of tin is given to
protect them from the chemical action of food. This craft came to India
along with the Turks. There is no reference to this technique in Ancient
India. This craft came to India along with the Turks. There is no reference
to this technique in Ancient India. Apart from literary sources,
archaeological evidence comes from an excavation site in the South (near
Kolhapur) where a tin-coated copper container was discovered. Since,
this vessel was found along with the coins of the Bahmani dynasty (1347-
1538), it must have belonged to that period.
The craftsman who does tin coating is called the qala’igar. Tin (ranga)
is a highly malleable and ductile metal, and its coating protects vessels
from corrosion and chemical poisoning. The craftsman first cleanses the
utensils to remove dirt, etc. After this, the vessels are mildly heated over
a small furnace with charcoal. Small bellows are used to maintain a clean
surface. Meanwhile the tin melts and, by a constant rubbing of pads, is
evenly distributed over the whole vessel. Glass was first put to use during
the first millennium bc. The presence of an object may reveal its possible
use but does not necessarily imply a knowledge of technology. However,
glass was not scarce in India. Perhaps long familiarity with imported
glassware must have led to indigenous manufacture. But Indian glass
objects ‘did not go beyond the manufacture of tit-bits like beads and
bangles’, With the advent of the Muslims, pharmaceutical phials, jars and
vessels came to India from Islamic countries. It is not possible to
determine whether the above glassware was actually modelled on these
importations. However, during the period of study, we draw blank when
we look for the manufacture of articles of glass like a glass lens for
spectacles or looking glasses. Mirrors were made of copper or bronze
with highly polished surfaces.
The entire frame of boats and ships was that of timber like anywhere
else in the world. The planks were first joined by the rabbeting or the
tongue-and-groove method. The planks were then sewn together with
ropes made from coconut husk. Sometimes wooden nails were also used.
But iron nails and clamps to join the planks were a later development and
were inspired by the art of European shipbuilding after 1498 when Vasco
da Gama first reached India. The Europeans also introduced iron anchors.
During the Sultanate period the building industry also underwent a
distinguished technological transformation. The crucial new elements
included the use of cementing lime and vaulted roofing, and the true arch
and dome. In totality, the new technique made the use of large brick-and-
rubble structures possible. Irfan Habib says that ‘looking at the ruins of
Tughluqabad, as of later sites, one can perhaps say that it was the Sultanate
that saw the partial conversion of middle-class housing from wood and
thatch into brick structures’.46 The Sultans engaged themselves with large-
scale building. Alauddin Khalji alone is said to have employed 70,000
craftsmen for his buildings, and the structures left behind by Muhammad
Tughluq and Firuz Tughluq speak for themselves. All this reflects the
enormous architectural possibilities that existed in the Delhi Sultanate.
GROWTH OF TRADE AND COMMERCE

The emergence of towns is another development of note. These naturally
needed to be supplied with raw material for craft production. By the time
Alauddin Khalji, there was growing practice of land revenue realisation
in cash. This was conducive to the development of inland trade. In order
to pay the land revenue in cash, the peasantry was forced to sell its
surplus produce while merchants had a market in newly emerged towns
for agricultural products. This trade resulting from the compulsions of
land revenue system is termed as ‘induced trade’.47
Inland Trade
The village-town trade was a natural consequence of the emergence of

towns and realisation of land revenue in cash. Urban centres were
dependent for the supply of food grains and raw material from the
surrounding cultivable areas. The peculiar nature of this trade was the
one-way flow of commodities. While towns received grains and raw
material from the villages in the vicinity, they were in no way required to
send their products in exchange of the land revenue demand imposed
upon villages which were by and large self-sufficient. This one-way trade
was owed its existence to the land revenue demand imposed upon villages
which naturally led to a huge drain on the rural sector and made towns
dependent on villages. The turnover of this trade was high in terms of
volume but was low in terms of value. The commodities were food
grains, that is wheat, rice, gram, sugarcane, etc. and raw material like
cotton for urban manufacturers.
The inter-town trade was mainly that of luxury articles and had a high
value trade: The products of one town were often taken to another. Barani
reports that Delhi received distilled wines from Koi (Aligarh) and Meerut;
muslim from Devagiri and striped cloth from Lakhnauti (Bengal). Ibn
Battuta believes that ordinary cloth came from Awadh and betel-leaf from
Malwa. Candy sugar was supplied to Multan from Delhi and Lahore and
ghi from Sirsa (in Haryana). The long distance inter-town trade also
included goods coming from other countries. Multan was perhaps the
great entry point for overland foreign trade and served as a centre of
re-export, while Gujarat port towns such as Broach and Cambay were
exchange centres for overseas trade.
Foreign Trade
During the Sultanate period, both overland and overseas trade were in a
flourishing state. The annexation of Gujarat by Alauddin Khalji puffed-
up trade relations between the Delhi Sultanate and the Persian gulf and
the Red Sea. Gujarat was connected with the Persian gulf as well as the
Red Sea. Hormuz and Basra were the chief ports for ships passing through
the Persian Gulf, while the ports of Aden, Mocha and Jedda along the
Red Sea were important for Gujarat. Through these ports, commodities
aw
moved on to Damascus, Aleppo and Alexandria. Aleppo and Alexandria
opened into Mediterranean Sea with linkages to Europe. The merchandise
of Gujarat was also carried towards the port of the Malacca straits and the
Indonesian archipelago.
The man export from Gujarat to Malacca was that of the coloured
cloth manufactured in Cambay and other towns in Gujarat. This cloth was
much in demand in these places. Cloth was bartered for spices. This
pattern of ‘spices for coloured cloth’ continued even after the advent of
the Portuguese in the Asian waters.
Varthema, an Italian traveller who came to India during the first
decade of the sixteenth century, says that about 300 ships belonging to
different countries come and go from Cambay. He adds that about 400
‘Turkish’ merchants resided at Diu. One of the contemporary sources
mentions that 10,000 horses were annually exported to Ma’bar and
Cambay from Persia. The Broach coin hoards - containing the coins of
the Delhi Sultans along with the gold and silver coins of Egypt, Syria,
Yemen, Persia, Genoa, Armenia and Venice - further testifies to a larger
scale overseas trade.
Bengal too had some important trading ports and had trade relations
with China, Malacca and the Far East. Textiles, sugar and silk fabrics
were the most important commodities exported from Bengal. Bengal
imported salt from Hormuz and seashells from the Maldive islands. The
latter were used as coins in Bengal, Orissa and Bihar.
Sindh was yet another region from where seaborne trade was carried
on. Its most well known port was Daibul. This region had developed close
commercial ties with the Persian Gulf ports even more so than the Red
Sea zone. Sindh exported special cloth and dairy products. Smoked-fish
too, was its specialty. Coastal trade flourished right from Sindh to Bengal,
touching Gujarat, Malabar and the Coromandel coasts in between. This
provided an opportunity for exchange of regional products along the
coastal line district from inland inter-regional trade.
Multan was the major centre for overland trade. India was connected
to Central Asia, Afghanistan and Persia through the Multan-Quetta route.
But, this route was not preferred much by merchants on account of the
reported Mongol turmoil in Central Asia and Persia.
The two principal items of imports were: horses and precious metals.
Horses were always in demand for the cavalry as horses of a superior
kind were not bred in India and Indian climate was not well suited to
Arabian and Central Asian horses. They were primarily imported from
Zofar (Yemen), Kis, Hormuz, Aden and Persia. Precious metals like gold
and silver, especially silver, that was not all mined in India, but for which
there was a high demand not only in terms of metallic currency but also
for fashioning luxury items. Brocade and silk were imported from
Alexandria, Iraq and China. Gujarat was the major centre from where
luxury articles from Europe used to enter.
The merchants in the Sultanate period also exported grain and textiles.
Some of the Persian Gulf regions depended entirely on India for their
supply of food. Slaves were exported to Central Asia and indigo to Persia
along with numerous other commodities of use. Precious stones, agates in
particular, were exported from Cambay.
Two categories of merchants are mentioned in the sources of the
Delhi Sultanate: the karwanis or nayaks and the Multanis. The merchants,
who specialised in carrying grains, were designated by Barani as the
karwanis (a Persian word meaning those who moved together in large
numbers). The contemporary mystic, Nasiruddin (Chiragh Delhi) calls
them nayaks and describes them as those ‘who bring food grains from
different parts to the city (Delhi) - some with ten thousand laden bullocks,
some with twenty thousand’. It can be said with a degree of certainty that
these karwanis were essentially the banjaras of succeeding centuries. As
is clear from the Mughal sources, these were organized in groups and
their headman was called a nayak.
The other important group of merchants mentioned in our sources is
that of the Multanis. Barani says that their forte was long distance trade.
They were engaged in usury and commerce. According to Barani, they
were generally in need of cash. The Sahas and the Multanis were generally
Hindu, but there is evidence of the presence of some Muslims.
Hamiduddin Multani is a good example of what Barani chose to call a
malik ut tujjar (the great merchant). Besides these well defined merchant
groups, other motley groups also took to trade. Thus a Sufi mystic from
Bihar chose to become a slave-merchant. A number of pious men from
Central Asia came to Delhi and became merchants.
Another important commercial class that emerged during the Sultanate
period was that of the dallals or brokers. They worked as a link between
the buyer and the seller and took a commission from both parties. Barani
says that they were the ‘masters of market’ (hakiman bazaar) : they were
instrumental in raising commodity prices in the market. Alauddin Khalji
was much in the habit of consulting them about the cost of production of
every article in the market. The reference to ‘Chief’ brokers (mihtran-i-
dallalan) by Barani also suggests a somewhat well established guild of
brokers, though the details are lacking. However, during Alauddin Khalji’s
reign these ‘Chief’ brokers were dealt with rather severely. But by Feroz
Tughluq’s reign, they seem to have regained their position. Feroz Tughluq
had abolished dalat-i-bazara (a tax on the broker’s licence; a cess on
brokers). Besides, even if a deal between the buyer and the seller failed
to materialize, the brokers were not required to return the commission.

This also shows that during Tughluq’s reign ‘brokerage’ became a fairly
well-established institution.
Sarrafs were yet another mercantile group whose economic role was
no less important than that of the brokers. As money changers, they were
most eagerly sought after by the merchants, especially the foreign
merchants who came to India with their native coins. The sarrafs tested
the metallic purity of the coins (indigenous and foreign) and established
the exchange-ratio. They also issued bills of exchange (hundi or in Persian
it is known- as suffia) or letters of credit, therefore acting as ‘bankers’.
The introduction of paper by the Turks into India accelerated the
institution of bills of exchange. A commission was charged for all the
trouble taken. Thus, both the brokers and the sarrafs occupied a pivotal
position in the commercial world of their period; they were the custodians
of several basic economic institutions. Indeed, no merchant could have
dispensed with their services.
The goods were transported both by pack animals and on bullock
carts. Perhaps the share of the pack animals was more than that of the
latter’s. Ibn Battuta mentions 30,000 mans of grain being transported on
the backs of 3,000 bullocks from Amroha to Delhi. Bullock carts were
also used, according to Afif, for carrying passengers in return for payment.
The pack-oxen were, of course, a cheap mode of transport travelling
slowly, grazing as they went and moving in large herds, thus reducing the
cost of transport especially along the desert routes. Ibn Battuta describes
that highways ran through the empire marked by minarets spaced at set
distances. On the testimony of Shahabuddin al Umari, the author of the
Masalik ul Absar, we may infer that every effort was made to create
conditions conducive to trade. Inns were built at each stage and were
called manzils. In Bengal, Iwaz Khalji built long embankments as a
safeguard from floods. Boats were used to carry bulk goods, while large
ships were used for sea borne trade.
Thus, it can well be said that trade and commerce continued to
flourish after the advent of the Turks. We see an increase in the number
of coin hoards after 1200, and stand witness to the emergence of a large
number of new towns.
THE COMING OF THE PORTUGUESE

In spite of brisk trading activities, Indian merchants’ share in the overseas
trade was negligible and the trade was dominated by the Arab merchants.
Only a small section of Gujarati Banaias, the Chettis of the South and
domiciled Indian Muslims were part of this large trading activity. Trade
sgg®
was mainly in the hands of the Arab Merchants. The Portugese, who came
to Calicut in 1498, added a new dimension to the Indian sea-borne trade,
that is, the ‘element of force’. On account of their better-armed cannon
loaded ships, the Portuguese soon imposed their commercial hegemony
over the trading world of Asia, including the Indian seas, especially in the
Westem part. This curtailed the Arabs’ share of the Indian trade, though
they survived in the Eastern part, especially at Malacca along with the
Indian merchants.
The Portuguese took Goa in 15H) which became their headquarters,
Malacca fell in their hands in 1511; and Bassein and Diu in 1534 and
1537 respectively. Goa, under their patronage, soon developed as a major
centre of trade. The Portuguese understood the strategic importance of
Goa, which in their opinion, was essential to the maintenance of their
position in India. But the Portuguese possession of Goa was unfavourable
to other west Indian ports. Tome Pires rightly observed that the Muslim
rulers of the Deccan and Gujarat had ‘a bad neighbour in Goa’. Many
ports on the west coast fell into decay during the hundred years of
Portuguese domination in the Indian waters. This happened as a result of
the aggressive policies of the Portuguese. For one, they controlled the sea
routes and the type and volume of cargo carried by other merchants; then
they introduced the system of issuing cartaz which was a kind of permit
to ply ships in the Asian waters without which ships were liable to be
confiscated and the cargo plundered. A fee was charged for issuing a
cartaz. All these policies adversely affected the sea-borne trade of the
Indians as well as of the Arabs.
URBANISATION
R.S. Sharma has postulated his theory of urban decay with the help of
enormous archeological data about which we have already read in Chapter
3. He has elaborated upon his theory of the decay of towns by the
evidence of sluggish trade. The near complete disappearance of gold and
silver currencies and the almost total absence of foreign coins in the
Indian coin-hoards of the period have also been shown as indicators that
the foreign trade was at a very low scale. However, B.D. Chattopadhyaya
has successfully shown that many other urban centres remained
prosperous as centres of trade and economy. Muhammad Habib,
corroborating R.S. Sharma’s argument, postulated a theory of ‘Orban
Revolution’ meaning a changed scenario that resulted from the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. But, as discussed in Chapter 5, the
phenomena of change in the urban set-up was neither uniform nor
homogenous, and therefore, cannot be described in terms of an urban
revolution.
Urbanisation did take place in the Delhi Sultanate period. A number

of new towns and urban centres also came up in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. These were largely settlements where the
overwhelming majority of people were engaged in occupations other than
agriculture. While not much can be found in the sense of supporting
archaeological evidence, literary evidence testifies to the growth of urban
centres. Ibn Battuta described Delhi in 1330, after Muhammad Tughluq
had shifted much of its population to Daulatabad, as a city of enormous
extent and population, holding it to be perhaps the largest city in the
whole of the Islamic East. And yet he says that Daulatabad too was large
enough to rival Delhi in size.48 The other significant cities of the time are
Lahore, Multan, Anhilwara (Patan), Cambay and Lakhnauti. Lahore,
However, decayed after the Mongol invasion of the thirteenth century, but
flourished, again in the fourteenth century. There is evidence of the fact
that at least some of these cities were fairly large, even by conservative
contemporary standards, Some new towns established during the period
were Jhain (chhain) in east Rajasthan that was later named ‘Shahr Nau’
during Alauddin Khalji’s reign.
Iqtas, given to the Turks and other nobles during the Delhi Sultanate,
also led to the emergence of new urban centres. The members of the
ruling class preferred to stay at their Iqta headquarters along with their
cavalry. These Iqta headquarters had a huge cavalry along with its
Hangers-on. The retinue and households of the Muqti thus emerged as
camp cities in the early phase. Most thirteenth century towns - including
Hansi, JCara and Anhilwara - have been described as Iqta headquarters in
our sources. These towns were Jo be fed and provided Jor. In the
beginning, troops had to realise kharaj/mal by plundering the surrounding
villages. Gradually, as Moreland points out, a cash nexus developed
towards the fourteenth century. The revenue was realised in cash from the
peasants who were thus forced to sell their produce at the side of the
field. The merchants catered to the needs of towns which gave an impetus
to trade, and it was this that in turn led to the phenomena of urbanisation.
The ruling class, which came from different cultural milieus, had
need of leisure and comforts of a different type. They wanted songs in
Persian and dances of a different style, books, silk to wear and light
architecture (not the stone edifices). The ruling elite naturally wanted to
get the luxuries and comforts of their taste which encouraged immigration
from Islamic culture area. These immigrants were not only soldiers, but
craftsman^ artisans, singers, musicians, dancers, poets, physicians,
astrologers and servicemen. The immigrant master - most probably a
craftsman -introduced new techniques and articles of technology. In due
course, Indian artisans learnt the new crafts ‘when the earnings from so
doing were inviting enough’.49
We may argue that the production of urban crafts received a two-fold

impetus with the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. To begin with, the
ruling class was, largely speaking, town-centred and spent the enormous
resources it appropriated, in the form of land revenue, mainly on the
urban craft sector through multiplier effect. The nobility, on the other
hand, created a mass market for ordinary artisans’ producfgThe second
factor that contributed to urban manufacturers was the introduction of a
number of technological devices that reached India with the invaders. In
the luxury sector, silk weaving expanded and carpet weaving was brought
into India from PersiaTThe other notable urban manufacture was that of
papermaking. Perhaps a major sector of urban employment was the
building industry. Barani says that Alauddin Khalji employed 70,000
craftsmen for his buildings.
Hamida Khatobn Naqvi has highlighted the importance of political
stability in the growth of medieval Indian towns. She argues that, ‘ the
highly centralised Indian states with base at Lahore, Delhi or Agra worked
to foster viability and endurance in urban concentrations. The rise and fall
of medieval Indian towns corresponded largely to the vigour or weakness
of the central political power’.50 Lahore enjoyed an important place in the
Ghaznavid period. It had a fort at which the Sultan conducted his durbar.
However, Lahore suffered a visible decline in the reign of Firuz Tughluq.
Hissar, Firuza, Samana, Ludhiana, Bahlolpur, Sultanpur and Srihind
flourished in his tenure and were patronised by him.
Satish Chandra argues that the theme of political integration, resulting
in the unprecedented growth of towns, has actually been over-emphasised.
He is of the view that had this really been the case, the disintegration
of political power would also have resulted in the decline of towns, which
is clearly not the case. Satish Chandra, instead, links the growth
of towns to an idea of agricultural expansion. He argues that, taking the
case of Firuz Shah Tughluq’s reign when the Sultanate shrank to half its
size, the"~period is marked by the emergence of many new towns.51 As
a result of Firuz Tughluq’s network of canals, his technological
innovations and the expansion of horticulture led to the growth of the
agrarian sector.
Thus, the growth of crafts and architecture, along with the iqtas given
to muqtis, led to considerable growth of urban population. Urbanisation
in the Delhi Sultanate was sustained by ‘a more intensive exploitation of
the agrarian classes’ .52 Generally speaking, medieval Indian cities emerged
out of political, administrative, and cultural concerns and their commercial
and industrial functions were much less significant than those of the
ancient period and later on the Mughal period. Therefore, most of the
cities of the Sultanate period have political connotation attached to it.
NOTES
1. Irfan Habib, ‘Formation of the Sultanate Ruling Class of the Thirteenth Century’, in
Irfan Habib (ed.), Medieval India 1, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1992, p.8.
2. Andre Wink, Al-Hind, p. 182.
Habib Irfan (ed.), Medieval India 1, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1992, pp. 6-7.
4. Ibid., p.7.
5. Cf. Ibid., p.10.
6. Ibid., p.12.
7. P. Hardy, ‘The Growth of Authority Over a Conquered Political Elite: The Early
Delhi Sultanate as a Possible Case Study’, in: J.F. Richards (ed.), Kingship and
Authority in South Asia , Madison, 1981, p. 207.
8. Andre Wink, Al-Hind, p. 193.
Irfan Habib (ed.), Medieval India 1, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1992, p.21.
10. Mohammad Habib, Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh, 1950 p. 230.
11. Ibid., p.229.
12. ‘Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period’, Collected works of
Mohammad Habib, Volume-II, p.312.
p.9.
14. Ibid., p.10.
15. Irfan Habib, ‘Agrarian Economy’, in Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib (eds.),
The Cambridge Economic History of India, Void, Orient Longman, New Delhi,
Reprint 1984, p. 54.
16. R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, p. 339.
17. Ibid. Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part One,
Har-Anand, New Delhi, p.149.
18. C.f. Ibid., p.63.
19. Cf. Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part One, Har-
Anand, New Delhi, p.149.
20. C.f. Ibid., p.149.
21. Ibid., p.149.
22. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India: A Survey, p.12.
23. C.f. Irfan Habib, ‘Agrarian Economy’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.),
The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol I, Orient Longman, New Delhi,
Reprint 1984, p. 66.
24. Ibid., p. 66.
25. Simon Digby, ‘The Currency System’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.),
Reprint 1984, p. 95. Also see John S. Deyell, Living Without Silver: The Monetary
History of Early Medieval North India, Oxford and Delhi, 1990, pp. 179-80.
26. There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah. C.f. Gupta P.L,
Coins. National Book Trust, Fourth edn. Reprint, 2004. p. 105.
27. Simon Digby,‘The Currency System’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.),
Reprint 1984, p.95.
28. Ibid., p.95.
29. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p.37.
30. Simon Digby, ‘The Currency System’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.),
Reprint 1984, p.95.
31. Ibid., p.96.
32. Ibid., p.96.
33. Ibid., p.96.
34. Ibid., pp.96-97.
35. Ibid., p.98.
36. Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, p.261.
37. Ibid., p.261.
38. Simon Digby. ‘The Currency System’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.)
Reprint 1984, p.98.
39. Ibid., p.99.
40. Irfan Habib, ‘Changes in Technology in Medieval India’, Studies in History, Vol. II
(1), 1980, p.17.
41. Ibid., p. 17. Also see his ‘Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate’, Indian Historical.
Review, Vol. IV (3), pp.287-298.
42. Irfan Habib, ‘Technological Changes and Society 13th and 14th Centuries’,
Presidential Address, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 31st Session, Varanasi,
1969.
43. Irfan Habib, ‘Changes in Technology in Medieval India’, pp.18-19. Also see his
‘Technological Changes and Society 13th and 14th Centuries’, Presidential Address,
Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 31st Session, Varanasi, 1969.
44. Irfan Habib, ‘Changes in Technology in Medieval India’, pp. 18-20.
45. Irfan Habib, ‘Technological Changes and Society 13th and 14th Centuries’,
Presidential Address, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 31st Session, Varanasi,
1969, pp.3-11.
46. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India, p.5.
47. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India, pp. 3-6.
48. C.f. Irfan Habib, The Economic History of Medieval India: A Survey, p.3.
49. Irfan Habib, ‘Changes in Technology in Medieval India’, p.17.
50. Hamida Khatoon Naqvi, Urban Centres and Industries in Upper India 1556-1803,
Bombay, 1968.
51. Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part One, Har-
Anand, New Delhi, pp. 122-3.
52. Ibid., p.27.
Religion and Culture
(circa 1200-1550)
♦ SUFISM
> Doctrines, Silsilas and Practices
> Sufism and Political Authority
♦ SUFIS AND LOCAL SOCIETIES - CONVERSION TO ISLAM?
* BHAKTI MOVEMENTS
> Historiography of Bhakti Movement
> Nathpanthi Background
> Kabir and the Sant Tradition
> Guru Nanak and the Evolution of Sikh Community
* ART AND ARCHITECTURE IN THE DELHI SULTANATE

rith the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate came a rapid

W proliferation of Muslim settlements in north and north-western
India. Punjab and Sind were the first areas in the subcontinent where
Muslim communities moved in. Later, in the fourteenth century, the
Muslims also settled in the Deccan. It is well established now that these
settlements were not like those of the Turks and Iranians and the whole of
Muslim population in India was of course not of the immigrants who
moved with the Turkish rulers in phases. Rather, a large-scale conversion
took place over a period of time and this leaves room for speculation and
debate among scholars. It is in this context that Sufism and Bhakti have
acquired a significance which goes beyond their own distinct
characteristics.
SUFISM: DOCTRINES, SILSILAS AND PRACTICES

Sufism is an English word that was coined in the nineteenth century. The
word used for Sufism in Islamic texts is tasawwuf. Historians have
understood this term in diverse ways. According to some scholars, it is
derived from suf, meaning wool, referring to the coarse woollen clothes
worn by sufis. Others derive it from safa, meaning purity. It may also
have been derived from suffa, the platform outside the Prophet’s mosque,
where a group of close followers assembled to learn more about the faith.
Sufism seeks to establish direct communion between God and man
through a personal experience of the mystery which lies within Islam.
Sufism originated first in Iraq and then became established in northern
Iran (Khurasan) as a movement in the tenth century.1
Sufism was a natural development within Islam based on the spirit of
Koranic piety. The Sufis, while accepting the shariat, however, did not
confine their religious practice to a formal adherence to its tenets. The
growth of Sufism is divided into three broad phases. The early Sufis felt
that the Koranic verses were essentially indecipherable. They laid much
emphasis on things like repentance (tauba), abstinence, renunciation,
poverty, trust in God (Gawakkul) etc. Mecca, Medina, Basra, and Kufa
were the earliest centres of Sufism during this period. Sufism then spread
to other regions of the Islamic world like Iran, Khurasan, Transoxiana,
Egypt, Syria and Baghdad. Historians feel that when Sufism spread to
Iranian regions, it tended to convey a greater sense of individualism,
divergent tendencies, and we find the enunciation of heterodox doctrines
and practices under Persian influence.2 The most famous of the early
Sufis in the Iranian regions was Bayazid Bistami (d. 874) from Khurasan.
He gave a new tum to Sufism by introducing in it the elements of ecstasy
and mysticism and the belief that ‘all is in God’. In Baghdad, Junaid was
one of the most well known of the early Sufis.
v Religion and Culture {circa 1200-1550) ❖ 263
These early itinerant Sufi groups traveled extensively in search of a

master. In Arab regions, these wandering Sufis were attached to frontier
posts dr hostels called ibats while in the Iranian regions they were allied
to hospices or khanqahs. Sufis practiced many forms of religious exercises
and meditations. They were also fond of listening to the recitation of
mystical poetry, called the sama.
With the Turkish rule in India there developed a number of Sufi
orders or silsilahs in India as well. Sufism acquired distinct characteristics
in the Indian environment and like the Islamic world the khanqah system
emerged as an organized, endowed and permanent centre of Sufi activities.
Khanqahs were no longer mere hostels for Sufi philosophers; they had
now evolved into institutionalised centres of Sufi teaching. Each silsilah
had its own khanqah with its own spiritual masters and its own coterie of
disciples.
By the eleventh century Sufism had evolved into a well-developed
movement with a body of literature on Koranic studies and Sufi practices.
Institutionally, each group of Sufi disciples - or murids - was enrolled
under a teaching master known as the shaikh in Arabic, and the pir or
murshid in Persian. It was the master who laid down the rules of
interpersonal relationships both for inmates as well as for the uninitiated.
When the shaikh died, his tomb-shrine - or dargah - became the centre
of devotion for his followers. This encouraged the practice of pilgrimage
or ziyarat to his grave, particularly on his death anniversary or urs (or
marriage, signifying the union of his soul with God). It was widely
believed that death was the cementing ground between God and his
disciples. People sought their blessings to attain material and spiritual
benefits. The shaikh now evolved into a wali - or ally of God - who could
make the impossible happen. No feat - karamat - was beyond the wali’s
ability to accomplish.
The founding fathers of these various silsilahs accepted the Islamic
law and the ritual practices of Islam. The link between orthodox Islam
and silsilah founders is also clear from the fact that the latter were
professional jurists. However, they gave an esoteric orientation to
orthodox Islamic rituals and introduced many innovative religious
practices, which were not always in consonance with the orthodox
outlook. Though the silsilah founders laid emphasis on a strict adherence
to Islamic law, many silsilahs later allowed many heterodox beliefs and
practices to take root.3
Some of the most significant silsilahs - which became popular in
Iran, Cenral Asia and Baghdad - included the Suhrawardi silsilah founded
by Shaikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi (d. 1234); the Qadiri by Shaikh Abdul
Qadir Jilani (d. 1166); and the Khawajagan, which later came to be
associated with the name of Bahauddin Naqshbandi (d. 1398). The Sufis,
who had received their training in these silsilahs, began to establish then-
branches in India. Gradually these branches became independent Sufi
schools with their own characteristics and tendencies.
Some mystics initiated movements based on a radical interpretation
of Sufi ideals. Many scorned the khanqah and took to mendicancy and
chose to remain celibate. They believed in an extreme kind of asceticism
and were indifferent to rituals of any kind. They were known by different
names - Qalandars, Madaris, Malangs, Haidaris, etc. Because of then-
deliberate defiance of the sharia they were often referred to as be-sharia,
in contrast to the ba-sharia Sufis who complied with it.
Sufism in India
Al Hujiri was the earliest Sufi to have settled in India in 1088, whose
tomb is in Lahore. He was the author of Kashf-ul-Mahjup, a famous
Persian treatise on Sufism. However, various Sufi orders were introduced
in India only after the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in the
beginning of the thirteenth century. India not only provided a new pasture
ground for the propagation of Sufi ideas but also became refuge and
shelter to the many Sufis. They had fled from those parts of the Islamic
world which had been conquered by the Mongols in the thirteenth century.
A number of khanqahs sprang up in various parts of India in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries. The Sufis introduced various orders from the
Islamic world in India, built their own organisations and established
themselves in their respective areas of influence. By the middle of the
fourteenth century, the entire country - right from Multan to Bengal and
form Punjab to Deogiri - had come under the sphere of their activity.
According to an early fourteenth century traveller, there were as many as
two thousand Sufi hospices and khanqahs in Delhi and its neighbouring
areas.
Sufism in India originally evolved from the Sufi thought and practices
that developed in various parts of the Islamic world, especially in Iran and
Central Asia. However, its subsequent development was influenced more
by the Indian environment. Once the Sufi orders had reached the different
parts of India, they followed their own phases of growth, stagnation and
revival. Indigenous circumstances came to play a significant role.
Various transcripts were produced in and around the Sufi khanqahs.
These include -
1. Malfuzat: These are essentially the famous sayings and conversations

of Sufi saints. An early malfuzat text is the Fawa’id-al-Fit’ad, a collection
of the famous utterances of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, compiled by
Amir Hasan Sijzi Dehlavi, a noted Persian poet. Likewise, there are
❖ Religion and Culture (circa 1200-1550) ❖ 26fT
mn
malfuzats on Chiragh-i Dehli called Khayr al-majalis, and on Burhan al-
Din Gharib texts like Nafa’is al-anfask These texts were highly moralistic
in tone. They were compiled over several centuries.
2. The Kashf-ul-Mahjub: A manual dealing with Sufi thoughts and

practices and authored by Ali bin Usman Hujwiri (died c. 1071) - is an
example of this genre. It enables historians to see how traditions outside
the subcontinent influenced Sufi thought in India.
3. Maktubat: These are largely comprised of the letters written by Sufi

masters to their disciples and associates. While these tell us about the
Shaikh’s understanding of religious truth, they also deal with the lives,
circumstances and experiences of the recepients and are a response to
their aspirations and difficulties. The Maktubat-i Imam Rabbani, a
collection of letters of the noted seventeenth-century Naqshbandi Shaikh
Ahmad Sirhindi (d.1624) - whose ideology is often contrasted with the
liberal and non-sectarian views of Akbar - are amongst those most
frequently discussed by scholars.
4. Tazkiras are the hagiographies that were compiled after a saint’s death.5
Mir Khwurd Kirmani’s Siyar ul Auliya was the first Sufi tazkira written
in India. It dealt principally with the Chishti saints. The most famous of
these tazkiras is Abdul Haqq Muhaddis Dehlavi’s Akhbar-ul-Akhyar (d.
1642). The authors of the tazkiras often served as propagandists of their
own orders and expended much energy on eulogizing their spiritual
genealogies. Many details are implausible, full of elements of the
fantastic. Still they are of great value for historians and help them to gain
a better understanding of their traditions. For instance, Carl Emst and
Bruce Lawrence6 have used the word tazkira to describe the manner in
which disciples have defined their experiences in relation to those of their
Sufi masters.
A number of Sufi silsilahs became popular in India during the

Sultanate period.
The Suhrawardi Silsilah
The Suhrawardi silsilah was a major order of the Sultanate period. Its
founder was Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya (1182-1262). He was a
Khurasami and a disciple of Shaikh Shahabuddin Suhrawardi who had
initiated the silsilah in Baghdad and was directed by the latter to proceed
to India. He made Multan and Sind the centres of his activity. Thus, one
of the oldest Khanqahs in India was established by him at Multan.
266 * Interpreting Medieval India ❖
Iltutmish was the Sultan of Delhi at that time, but Multan was under the
control of his rival, Qubacha. Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya was critical of
Qubacha’s administration and openly sided with Iltutmish in his conflict
against the Multan rulers. Bahauddin Zakariya received from Iltutmish
the title of Shaikh-ul-Islam (Leader of Islam). He accepted state patronage
and forged ties with important members of the ruling class. Later, many
independent Sufi lines stemmed from him and some of them came to be
known as beshara (illegitimate orders).
In addition to Shaikh Bahuddin-Zakariya, many other Khalifas were
assigned the task of spreading the Suhrawardi faith in India. One Sufi
saint of note was Shaikh Jalauddin Tabrizi. After his initial stay in Delhi,
where he failed to“establish~his supremacy, he went to Bengal. He
established his khanqah there and made many disciples. He attached a
langer (centre for the distribution of free meals) to his khanqah. He is
said to have played an important role in the Islamisation of Bengal.
Punjab, Sind andJBengal were the three important. centres of
Suhrawardi activity. Scholars are generally of the opinion that the
Suhrawardi Sufis converted many Hindus to Islam and in this task they
were helped by their connections. with the ruling class. In this connection,
a sharp contrast is drawn between their attitude and that of the Chishti
sufis whose aim was never that of proseletysation. At no point did they
ever try to bring Hindus to the Islamic fold.
The Chishti Silsilah
The Chishtis were amongst the most influential and most popular of the
Sufis. The Chishti order was introduced in India by Khwaja Muinuddin
Chishti (d. 1235) who was bom in Sijistan in 1441. He came to India at
the time of the Ghori conquest. He finally settled in Ajmer in about 1206
and was much revered by both Muslims and non-Muslims. No authentic
record of his activities is available. Many accounts have portrayed him as
an ardent evangelist. However, he was not actively involved in making
his converts to the fold and his attitude towards non-Muslims was that of
tolerance. His tomb in Ajmer became a famous centre of pilgrimage in
later centuries.
The successors of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti in Delhi were Khwaja
Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235) Shaikah Hamidduddin Nagauri (d.
1274). Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti, a Sufi saint of note, made Nagaur in
Rajasthan the centre of his activity. Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagauri
established a silsilah in Nagaur where he chose to live the life of an
ordinary Rajasthani peasant and dissociated himself from those in
authority. He was a strict vegetarian. He, and his successors, translated
many Persian Sufi verses into the local language - Hindavi. These are
perhaps the earliest translations of their kind.
Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki was succeeded in Delhi by his
Khalifa, Khwaja Fariduddin Masud (1175—1265) who was also known as
Ganjshakar and more popularly as Baba Farid. Baba Farid left Delhi for
Ajodhan in Punjab and lived in his khanqah there. He had no wish to ally
himself with the ruling elite. Nathpanthi yogis also visited his khanqah
and discussed issues of mysticism with him. His popularity in Punjab is
evident from the fact that the verses ascribed to him were included in the
Adi Granth compiled by Guru Arjun Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru, more than
three hundred years after Baba Farid’s death in 1604. His tomb at
Pakpatan soon became a place of pilgrimage.
The most celebrated disciple of Baba Farid and the greatest Sufi saint
of the fourteenth century was Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya (1236-1325).
He made Delhi the most famous centre of the Chishti order. Ziauddin
Barani and Amir Khusrau, who were Auliya’s contemporaries, are of the
view that Nizammudin Auliya enjoyed a position of unrivalled importance
in the social and religious life of North India in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. Later, his successors spread the Chishti faith in
various parts of the country. His teachings and conversations {Malfuzat)
have duly been recorded in Amir Hasan Sijzi’s Fawaid ul Fuwad. This
work serves more as a guide to the practical aspects of Sufism than as a
treatise on its metaphysical and theosophical aspects. Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya saw the reigns of seven successive Sultans of Delhi. He adopted
many yoga breathing exercises and was called a sidh (perfect) by the
yogis. Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) was a devoted disciple of Shaikh
Nizamuddin Auliya.
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya had many spiritual successors or Khalifas.
One of them was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib (d. 1340) who was forced
by Sultan Muhammad Tughluq to migrate to the Deccan. Shaikh
Burhanuddin Gharib made Daulatabad the centre of his activities and
introduced people to the Chishti order there. However, the most famous
of Shaikh Niamuddin Auliya’s Khalifas and his successor in Delhi was
Shaikh Nasirudding Mahmud (d. 1356). It was he who came to be known
as the Chiragh-i-Dehli (Lamp of Delhi). He, along with his select
disciples, discontinued those Chishti practices that clashed with Islamic
orthodoxy and in turn persuaded the ulema to be more tolerant towards
the Chishti practice of sama.
Some scholars hold the view that Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq
was primarily responsible for the decline of Delhi as a centre of the
Chishti order. However, it must be pointed out that the Sultan was not
opposed to the Sufis per se. Some Sufis, including Shaikh Nasiruddin
Chirag-i-Delhi, remained in Delhi though their khanqahs were restored to

them only after the death of Muhammad bin Tughluq when his successor,
Feroz Shah Tughluq, chose to reverse many of the erstwhile Sultan’s
policies and showered gifts on them. However, Delhi was left with no
commanding Chishti figure after the death of Shaikh Nasiruddin in 1356.
He died without appointing a spiritual successor. Gesudaraz, one of his
chief disciples, left Delhi for a safer place in the Deccan at the time of
Timur’s invasion. As the Delhi Sultantate began to decline and
disintegrate, the Sufis dispersed to the comparatively more stable
provincial kingdoms and established their khanqahs there. This
phenomenon of Chishti dissemination, in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, was accompanied by significant changes in the attitudes and
practices of the Chishti Sufis.
The death of Shaikh Nasiruddin was followed by the decline of the
Chishti silsilah. Though the Sufis had begun to arrive in the Deccan from
the late thirteenth century or so, it was Shaikh Burhanuddin Gharib who
introduced the Chishti order there during the reign of Muhamman tughluq.
Later, several Chishti Sufis migrated to Gulbaraga, the capital of the
Bahmani kingdom (1347-1538). In Gulbarga, these Sufis developed close
relations with the court and accepted state patronage, thus, causing a
chage in the attitude of the Chishti order towards the state. The Bahmani
kings, on their part, purchased the political loyalty of these Sufis by
making land grants to them. The most prominent of these Chishtis was
Nuhammand Banda Nawaz Gesudaraz (c 1321-1422). He left for the
Deccan and received four villages from the Bahmani Sultan, Feroz Shah
Bahmani (1397-1422). He was an orthodox Sufi and declared the
supremacy of Islamic law (Shanat). Gesudaraz discontinued the practices
that were not in compliance or accordance with the orthodox tenets
subscribed to by the ulema. Unlike the early Chishti masters, he was a
voluminous writer on tasawwuf. After his death, the Bahmani Sultans
continued to make land grants to his descendants. His tomb, or dargah, in
Gulbarga later developed into a popular place of pilgrimage in the Deccan.
But the transformation of his descendants into a landed elite and their
indifference towards Chishti teachings led to the decline of the Chishti
tradition in Gulbarga. The change of the Bahmani capital from Gulbarga
to Bidar in 1422 was another contributing factor. It has been pointed out
that the Bahmani Court at Bidar, owing to its pro-foreigner and anti-
Deccani bias, encouraged the immigration of foreign Sufis who were
treated with that much more respect than the Chishtis, who were
pejoratively enough, considered Indian. However, the Chishti tradition
began to regain popularity in the Deccan from the end of the fifteenth
century or so and it lasted well into the seventeenth century. Its new
centre was a place popularly known as Shahpur Hillock. It was located
just outside the city of Bijapur and was also the capital of the Adil Shahi
Sultans. The Chishti tradition of Shahpur Hillock was different from that
of the Gulbarga Chishti in the sense that it kept the court functionaries
and the ulema at bay and chose to draw its inspiration from local
influences. The Chishti saints of Shahpur Hillock had much in common
with the attitudes and belief system of the early Chishti Sufis of Delhi,
though it must be pointed out that the Shahpur Hillock Chishti tradition
developed independently of both the Delhi and the Gulbarga traditions.
In North India, the revival of the Chishti order took place during the
last part of the fifteenth and the early part of the sixteenth century. The
Chisthi Sufis belonged to three different branches of the Chishti order -
(i) Nagauriya, named after Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagauri; (ii) Sabiriya,
named after Shaikh Alauddin Kaliyari; and (iii) Nizamuya, named after
Shaikh Nizammuddin Auliya. Another important Chishti centre in North
India was Jaunpur, the capital of the Sharqi Sultans. A Chishti centre
flourished in Rudauli near Lucknow in the early part of the fifteenth
century. Later Bahraich (in modem Uttar Pradesh) emerged as another
centre during the Lodi period. Gangoh, in the Saharanpur district of Uttar
Pradesh, became an important silsilah under the tutelage of Shaikh Abdul
Quddus Gangohi (1456-1537). He wrote many books on Sufi thought and
practice and also on metaphysics and mysticism. He also translated
Chandayan, into Hindawi; the original in Persian was authored by
Maulana Daud. In the second phase, Chishti centres also flourished in
Malwa and in Bengal. Many Chishti saints of the second phase wrote
commentaries on Arabic and Persian classics and also translated Sanskrit
works on mysticism into Persian. Like the early Sufis of Delhi, the later
Chishti Sufis drew people from all sections of society to the fold. Unlike
their predecessors, the later Chishti Sufis chose to accept state patronage.
Khanqahs occupied a place of seminal importance in society. Shaikh
Nizamuddin’s hospice (c. fourteenth century), on the banks of the river
Yamuna in Ghiyaspur, is perhaps the best known of these. It was
comprised several small rooms and a big hall (jama ’at khanaj where the
inmates and visitors lived and prayed. The inmates included family
members of the Shaikh, his attendants and disciples. The Shaikh lived in
a small room on the roof of the hall where he met visitors in the morning
and in the evening. A veranda surrounded the courtyard, while the
complex was circumscribed by a a boundary wall. On one occasion,
fearing a Mongol invasion, people from the neighbouring areas flocked
into the khanqah to seek refuge. There was an open kitchen (langar), run
on futuh (unasked-for charity). From morning till late night people from
all walks of life - soldiers, slaves, singers, merchants, poets, travellers,
Hindu jogis (yogi) and qalandars - came seeking discipleship, amulets,
and the intercession of the Shaikh in various matters. Other visitors
8
included poets such as Amir Hasan Sijzi and Amir Khusrau and the court
historian Ziyauddin Barani, all of whom wrote about the Shaikh. Practices
that were adopted -including bowing before the Shaikh, offering water to
visitors, making it obligatory for the initiate to tonsure their heads, or
laying emphasis upon yogic exercises - offer insight into the fact that a
number of local traditions had wormed their way into the local culture.
Shaikh Nizamuddin appointed several spiritual successors and deputed
them to set up hospices in various parts of the subcontinent. As a result
the teachings and practices of the Chishtis became more entrenched in
society. The Chishti organisations and religious shrines drew a number of
pilgrims to the fold. The concept of making holy pilgrimages - or ziyarats
- to the tombs of Sufi saints is prevalent all over the Muslim world. This
practice is an occasion for seeking the Sufi’s spiritual grace or barakat
Carl Emst and Bruce Lawrence feel that ‘what distinguishes him
[Nizamuddin] as a spiritual master was his ability to find, attract, and then
train worthy successors. Indeed, the success of the Chishtiyya from the
thirteenth century on lay precisely in the ability of the first cycle of
masters to train worthy successors’.7 The thrust of their argument cannot
but be evidenced from the fact that none of the initial five Chishti masters
of north India was succeeded by a blood relative. Rather, a successor was
chosen from amongst those who had chosen the path of abstinence,
prayers, meditation and listening.
People of various creeds, classes and social backgrounds flocked to
the dargahs of the five great Chishti saints - a phenomenon that could be
seen in the coming seven centuries or so. The most revered of these
shrines is that of Khwaja Muinuddin, also popularly known as ‘Gharib
Nawaz’ (comforter of the poor). The earliest textual references to Khwaja
Muinuddin’s dargah date back to the fourteenth century. The shrine
attained popularity on account of the austerity and piety of its Shaikh, the
greatness of his spiritual successors, and the patronage of royal visitors.
Muhammad bin Tughluq (1324-51) was the first Sultan to visit the
shrine, but the earliest construction to the tomb was funded in the late
fifteenth century by Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khalji of Malwa. Since the
shrine was located on the trade route linking Delhi and Gujarat, it attracted
a lot of travellers. By the sixteenth century the shrine had become very
popular; in fact it was the spirited singing of the Ajmer-bound pilgrims
that inspired Akbar to visit the tomb. He went there fourteen times,
sometimes two or three times a year, in the hope that every victory would
be his and that he would be provided with many sons. He maintained this
tradition until 1580. Each of these visits was celebrated by the grant of
generous gifts, which were recorded in imperial documents. For example,
in 1568, he offered a huge cauldron (degh) in which food could be cooked
♦♦♦ Religion and Culture (circa 1200-1550) ❖ 271
for pilgrims. He also had a mosque constructed within the compound of

the dargah.
In Sufism a part of the ziyarat is the use of music and dance including
mystical chants performed by trained musicians or qawwals to evoke
divine ecstasy. The Sufis invoke the name of God either by reciting the
zikr (the Divine Names) or through the sama (or performance of mystical
music. Sama was integral to the Chishtis, and was an amalgam of various
indigenous devotional traditions.
The Chishtis did not adopt local languages in the sama alone. The
Chishtis conversed in Hindavi, the language of the people. Other Sufis
like Baba Farid composed verses in the local language, which were later
incorporated into the Guru Granth Sahib. Yet others composed long
poems or masnavis on the theme of divine love, using human love as an
allegory. For example, the prem-akhyan (love story) Padmavat, a love
story, by Malik Muhammad Jayasi spoke about the relationship between
Padmini and Ratansen, the king of Chittor. Their trials and tribulations
were symbolic of the soul’s journey to the divine. Such poetic
compositions were often recited in hospices, usually during the sama.
A different genre of Sufi poetry came to be composed in and around
the town of Bijapur, Karnataka. These were short poems in Dakhani
(a variant of Urdu) and have been attributed to the Chishti Sufis who
lived in this region during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. These
poems were probably sung by women while being engaged in performing
household chores like grinding grain and spinning. Other compositions
were in the form of lurinamas or lullabies and shadinamas or wedding
songs. It is likely that the Sufis of this region were inspired by the pre
existing Bhakti tradition of the Lingayat vachanas of Karnataka and the
Marathi abhangs of the saints of Pandharpur. It is through this medium
that Islam gradually gained a place in the villages of the Deccan. The
Chishtis laid much importance upon austerity, including maintaining a
distance from worldly power. However, this was by no means a situation
of absolute isolation from political power. The Sufis accepted unsolicited
grants and donations from the political elite. The Sultans, in turn, set up
several charitable trusts (auqaf) as endowments for hospices and granted
tax-free land to them as inam.
The Chishtis accepted donations in cash and kind. The Chishtis did
not much care to accumulate donations. They preferred to use these on
immediate requirements such as food, clothes, living quarters and ritual
necessities (such as sama). All this enhanced the moral authority of the
shaikhs, which in turn attracted people from all walks of life. Further,
their piety and scholarship, and the popular belief that they had magical,
healing powers made the Sufis popular among the masses as well as
among the ruling, political elite. The Turks did not subscribe to the
ulema’s insistence upon imposing the sharia as state law because they felt
that this measure would antagonize the non-Muslims. The Sultans then
asked the Sufis to intervene in the matter. Besides, it was believed that the
auliya could intercede with God to improve the material and spiritual
conditions of ordinary human beings. This explains why kings often
wanted their tombs to be in the vicinity of Sufi shrines and hospices.
However, there were instances of conflict between the Sultans and the
Sufis. The Sultan, for instance, wanted people to prostrate themselves
before him and to kiss his feet. The Sufi shaikh, likewise wanted to be
addressed by high-sounding titles. For example, the disciples of
Nizamuddin Auliya addressed him as the Sultan-ul-Mashaikh or the Sultan
of shaikhs). The practice of avoiding kings, but also obeying them, was
sometimes followed. For instance, Carl Emst says that descendants of a
leading Chishti master in South India accepted land grants that in effect
made them rural gentry.8
It is significant to note here that the Suhrawardi Sufis under the Delhi
Sultans and the Naqshbandi Sufis under the Mughals were also associated
with the state. However, the modes of their association were not the same
as those of the Chishtis. In some cases, Sufis accepted courtly offices.
The following excerpt from a Sufi text describes the proceedings at
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya’s hospice in 1313. ‘I (the author, Amir Hasan
Sijzi) had the good fortune of kissing his (Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya’s)
feet ... ’ At this time a local ruler had sent him the deed of ownership to
two gardens and much land, along with the provisions and tools for their
maintenance. The ruler had also made it clear that he was relinquishing
all rights to both the gardens and land. The master ... had not accepted
that gift. Instead, he had lamented: ‘What have I to do with gardens and
fields and lands? ... None of ...our spiritual masters had engaged in such
activity.’ Then he told an appropriate story: ‘... Sultan Ghiyasuddin, who
at that time was still known as Ulugh Khan, came to visit Shaikh
Fariduddin (and) offered some money and ownership deeds for four
villages to the Shaikh, the money being for the benefit of the dervishes
(sufis), and the land for his use. Smiling, Shaikh al Islam (Fariduddin)
said: Give me the money. I will dispense it to the dervishes. But as for
those land deeds, keep them. There are many who long for them. Give
them away to such persons.’9
In addition to the Chishti and Suhrawardi orders, others such as the
Firdausis, the Qadiris, the Shattaris and the Qalandaris gained popularity
in India during this period. The Firdausi order was a branch of the
Suhrawardi order which had established itself at Rajgir in Bihar towards
the end of the fourteenth century. The most prominent Sufi belonging to
we
this silsilah in India was Sheikh Sharfudding Yahya Maneri (1380). The
Qadiri order was particularly well established in the Central Islamic
countries and was founded in Baghdad by Abdul Qadir Jilani (d. 11660).
It came to India in the late fourteenth century and established itself in the
Punjab and in the Deccan. The Qadiris had an orthodox orientation and
their doctrinal positions were very similar to those of the orthodox ulema.
The Qadiri Sufis had close ties with the ruling classes of the various
provincial Sultanates, and thrived on their bounty. The order was urban
based and attempted to reform the religious life of India Muslims of what
it considered un-Islamic influences.
The Shattari order, which was introduced in India in the fifteenth
century by Shaikh Abdullah Shattari, was also an orthodox order. Shattari
centres were established in Bengal, Jaunpur and the Deccan. The Shattari
Sufis, like their Qadiri counterparts, had close ties with the court and
accepted state patronage. The Qalandari order covered a wide range of
wandering dervishes who deviated from the norm. These dervishes found
no acceptance in society. Also, they had no recognised spiritual master
and organisation. Many of these Qalandars frequently visited the Chishti
khanqahs and became absorbed within the Chishti fold. The Qalandars
had contacts with the Nathpanthi yogis and adopted many of their customs
and practices such as those of ear-piercing. The Rishi order of Sufism
flourished in Kashmir in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. It was an
indigenous order established by Shaikh Nuruddin Wali (d. 1430). It
prospered in the rural environment of Kashmir and had a deep impact on
the religious life of the people. Some historians feel that the popularity of
the Rishi order was due to its inspiration from the popular Shaivite Bhakti
tradition of Kashmir.
Sufism and Political Authority
The Sufis played an important role in society and in the polity. K.A.
Nizami says that the Sufis, not including the early Chishti Sufis, were
involved in the affairs of the state and accepted state endowments. There
are instances of disagreement between the Chishti Sufis and the Sultans.
The early Chishtis helped the state by creating an environment in which
people belonging to different classes and religious communities could
live in harmony. Mohammad Habib and Nizami tend to suggest that the
Chishtis deliberately kept distanced themselves from politics because
they felt that any kind of political involvement would only lead to
materialism and worldliness, which they wished to avoid.10 But recent
research inputs have shown that this was not really the case. We have
references to the Chishti saints’ ‘proximity to political power even as they
resisted becoming veritable courtiers’.11
Carl Emst and Brace Lawrence believe that the Chishti saints had a
rather ambivalent relationship with the political elite. They say that though
the earliest Chishtis recommended the need to avoid formal ties with
rulers through endowments, they did accept donations in cash or kind.12
The Sufis, including the great Chishti masters of the early period,
never really felt the need to question the existing political system and the
class structure. At the most, they advised state officials to show leniency
in matters like collecting land revenue from peasants. On the other hand,
they did not forbid their ordinary followers from seeking state favours
and finding involvement in the affairs of the court. It was perhaps due to
these limitations of the otherwise radical Sufi order that made the later
acceptance of state patronage and involvement in court politics a smooth
process.13
The ulema continued to show their disapproval of the Sufis despite
the various attempts of the al-ghazzali to effect a reconciliation between
the two. The attitude of mutual distrust continued during the Sultanate
period, though orthodox Sufis like the Suhrawardis and the Qadiris went
along with the ulema. The hostile ulema objected to the Chishti practice
of sama and to the Chishti quest for religious synthesis. However, Chishti
Sufis such as Shaikh Nasiraddin (Chiragh-i-Dehli) and Gesudaraz gave
an orthodox orientation to the Chishti order to mitigate the hostility of the
ulema towards Chishti practices. Historians believe that as the Chishtis
began to involve themselves in court politics and accept state endowments,
they also came to adopt doctrinal attitudes that were very similar to those
of the ulema.
Why Chishti Silsilah became more Popular?
Different Sufi orders of the Delhi Sultanate believed in achieving the

basic Sufi goal of establishing direct communion with God under the
supervision of a spiritual guide. But of all the orders of this period the
Chishti order emerged as the most popular, and it drew people to the fold
from the north-west down to the Deccan . One of the foremost reasons for
this was that the Chishti masters adopted an attitude of religious tolerance
towards the non-Muslim population of India and adjusted themselves to
the needs of a predominantly non-Muslim environment. They made use
of popular imagery and popular idiom to convey their ideas to their Indian
followers and adopted many of their customs and rituals. Many of the
Chishti saints used Hindawi as a language of instruction. Many practices
of the early Chishtis bore a close resemblance to those of the non
conformist Nathpanthi yogis. These practices included leading a life of
austerity and asceticism, bowing before the master, tonsuring the head of
a new entrant into the order and organising a spiritual musical recital. In
TABLE: 9.1
SUFI ORDERS IN INDIA
Chishti Silsilah ' 1. Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti (d.1235); Dargah at;

_£~ — r . Ajmer -
' Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagauri/Sultan.Tajpikin’,>iT
=• X Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki (4.1135);,.
•*— ? J,
Dargah at Delhi’ *" f
4. 1 Khwaja Fariduddin Masud ‘Ganj-i-Sliakar’
(d.1265); Dargah at Ajodhan (Pakistan) -
5. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya ‘Mehboob-i-ilahi’--.
(d. 1325); Dargah at Delhi '
6. Amir Khusrau ‘Tiirkullah’ C -
7: Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud* 'Chirag-i-Dehlit j
(d. 1356); Dargah at Delhi
8. Muhammad Gesudaraz ‘Bahd'anawaj’ -
Suhrawardi Silsilah 1. Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya ‘Shaikh-ul-Islanf '
2. Shaikh Jalaiuddin Tabrizi ' * , ’TC
Firdausi Silsilah 1. Shaikh Badruddin Sarriarkandf '
2. Shaikh Sharfuddin Yaha Maneri *’ * ~ -
Shattari Silsilah 1. Shaikh Abdullah Shattari
2. Muhammad Ghaush
Qadiri Silsilah 1. Shaikh Nayamatullah Qadiri
2. Shaikh Nizamatullah
3. Sayyid Muhammad Gilani
4. Abdul Quadir Gilani
5. Shaikh Pir Muhammad ‘Mian Pir’
Qalandari Silsilah 1. Abu Ali Qalandar
2.- Sayyid Murtaza
Naqsbandi Silsilah 1. Khwaja Bahauddin Naqsbandi
2. Khwaja Baqi Billah ’ ’
3. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi ‘Mujeddid Alif-i-Saanif
4. Khwaja Mir Dard ‘Ilm-Ilahi Muhammad’
Raushaniya sect I. Bayazid Ansari
Mahadawi movement 1. Muhammad Madhi of Jaunpur
this sense, the Chishtis came to be regarded as part of an established

tradition in India.
The egalitarian atmosphere of the Chishti khanqahs attracted a large
number of people from the lower sections of society to the fold. The
Chishti attitude towards religion was characterised by sympathy towards
the deprived sections of society. Caste distinctions of the brahmanical
social order were meaningless in the Chishti khanqahs. Merchants,
9MH
artisans, peasants and even sweepers became part of of the Chishti order.
They also did not categorise people into the noble-bom and low-born
categories.
Another reason for the popularity of the Chishti masters was their
unwillingness to accept state patronage. A lot of the Chishti masters
attained fame posthumously. This was largely due to the fact that the ‘cult
of saints’ began to develop in the later centuries around their shrines
(dargahs). The writers of hagiographic literature and narrators of legends
sometimes attributed the popularity of the early Chishti Sufis to then-
ability to perform miracles.
SUFIS AND LOCAL SOCIETIES -

CONVERSION TO ISLAM?
The Sufis of the Sultanate period have been generally considered as
propagators of Islam in India. Several traditions and legends of the later
medieval period also represented the Sufis as active missionaries. The
later hagiographic accounts of the life of Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti
showed him as being actively involved in the conversion of non-Muslims
to Islam. Similarly, the first Sufis, who entered the Deccan in the late
thirteenth and early fourteenth century, have been portrayed as the
‘militant champions of Islam’ who waged a jihad (war against non
Muslims). This is supposed to be one of the oldest theories of Islamisation
in India, which Richard Eaton calls the ‘Religion of the Sword thesis.14
Both Eaton and Peter Hardy have found the idea - of the forceful
conversion on the basis of a sword at one’s neck - a dubious one.15 Eaton
in fact argues that in regions like West Punjab and Bengal, where the
most dramatic Islamisation occurred, ‘the sword was the weakest’.16
It is from the British period onwards that the various theories
purporting to explain conversion to Islam were actually formulated. The
wide range of historical, geographical and administrative theories on the
issue of conversion offered a large array of explanations ranging from
forced conversions to the so-called ‘love and lust’ theory, according to
which a woman marrying into the Muslim community would
automatically be made to become a Muslim along with her offspring.17
Another theory called the ‘Religion of Patronage theory’ offers the
view that people were drawn to the Islamic fold to secure favours like tax
exemption and inclusion in the bureacracy. But Richard Eaton feels that
this theory suffices only for the ‘low incidence of Islamisation’ it does not
really explain ‘massive conversions’.18 ‘Religion of Social Liberation’ is
also another major theory of conversion.19 This theory postulates the
Hindu caste system as rigid and discriminatory. This was the backdrop
against which Islam came to India with its message of social equity. It is
this message of equality that drew so many lower caste people to the
Islamic fold. But Richard Eaton believes that the notion of social equality
in Islam is very recent in origin, it came into being after the French
Revolution.20
There is no denying the fact that the early Sufis had been gripped by
a proseletysing zeal, but this was not their only concern. Shaikh
Muinuddin Chishti was not an evangelist and nor was he involved only in
making converts to the fold. His attitude, and that of his spiritual
successors, towards non-Muslims was that of tolerance. Shaikh
Nizamuddin Aulia had on one occasion observed that many Hindus did
consider Islam to be a true religion but did not really accept it. He was
also of the view that each religion had its own path and its own way of
worship.
M. Mujeeb states in his seminal work, The Indian Muslims, that ‘the
main agencies for conversion were the mystics’.21 A large number of non
Muslims, especially from the lower castes, were attracted to the Sufis and
later to their dargahs where they became part of a wider circle of devotees.
It was here that the Islamisation took place. Later, the descendants of
these Islamised groups claimed that their ancestors were converted to
Islam by one or another medieval Sufi. Such a claim seems to have been
motivated by their desire to establish their long-standing association with
the dargah of the Sufi and with Islam. There are instances of prosperous
khanqahs supported by state endowments, of Sufis forging links with the
state and finally of the fact that most of these Sufis came to form the
landed elite of the Delhi Sultanate.
The Chishti khanqahs were open to all sections of society and to all
communities. The qalandars and jogis made frequent visits to the
khanqahs where they were provided accommodation. The khanqahs also
contributed to the economic life of the Sultanate in various ways. Some
of them undertook the cultivation of wastelands. Others were involved in
the construction of buildings both of a religious character and of public
utility. Thus, it can well be said that the khanqah played an important role
in the process of urbanisation. The annual urs (the festival
commemorating the death of a spiritual master) gave an added impetus to
trade, commerce and to the production of local handicrafts.
We rarely find direct reference to the conversion of Hindus to Islam
in the Sufi literatures, and therefore, they do not provide a holistic picture
of the theme of conversion. The early malfuzat of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries do contain references to a few instances of
conversion, but they deal exclusively with the individual cases of those
who were drawn to the Muslim saints.22
The impact of qawwalis on the devotional Indo-Muslim musical
tradition of qawwali ceremonies within the confines of the Sufi shrine is
also an important factor in the process of conversion. Qawwali music’s
impact on its Indian environment has many aspects. First, it is a byproduct

of the north Indian musical tradition. The Sufis made a deliberate attempt
to adopt some musical elements in their mystical practice as they very
rightly understood the indigenous population’s penchant for music. Also
of interest is the entire paraphernalia that included service professionals
such as sweepers, water carriers and the Qawwali musicians themselves
who belong to a hereditary group. Lastly, there took place the
popularisation of Qawwali music and it became an integral part of Indo
Muslim folklore. In this respect, the deciding factor was the increased use
of Urdu, rather than Persian, as the preferred medium of the musicians.
Historians, through few case studies, have tried to examine the social
impact of the dargah. One such case study has been done by Richard
Eaton on the dargah of Baba Farid on the configuration of political and
religious authority in the Pakpattan area of the Punjab. According to him,
it had a long- term hidden Islamising impact on groups of people, leading
to their conversion to Islam. The institutionalisation of the shrine complex
at the death of the pir and the increase in the shrine’s court patronage led
non-Muslims gradually to the Islamic fold in due course of time.23
Richard Eaton makes a very interesting introspection. He pinpoints
that Punjab, along with Bengal, has the largest concentration of Muslims
in the subcontinent. This otherwise unlikely concentration of Muslims
has been explained in terms of the peculiar demographic and geographical
conditions of the two regions. Islam attracted the non-agrarian and pastoral
people, who had no sustained contact with Brahminism and caste
stratification. This process was similar to that which led to the
incorporation of aboriginal Indian groups into the fold of Hinduism and
its caste rituals.24 In the case of the Pakpattan shrine, Jat tribesmen
migrated from Sind to the Punjab between the seventh and eleventh
centuries, and settled there. Later, they slowly associated themselves with
the hereditary descendants of the shaikh, as the former abandoned their
nomadic way of life for a settled existence in agriculture. This transition
was effected on account of the large endowments of land that the
descendants of Baba Farid had received from devotees and dynasts alike.25
The gradual incorporation of Jat clans into Indo-Muslim culture took
place on account of the fact that a number of these Jats were the murids
of Baba Farid and his entourage of pirzadas and shrine residents. This
‘cultural’ integration involved the participation of these tribes in the
pageantry of the pirzada-ied rituals and ceremonies which ‘managed’ the
barakah of the shrine through the exchange of ‘goods’ between the pirs
and their murids. The Islamisation of Jats can be evidenced from the fact
that a number of Jats began to increasingly adopt Muslim names. In 1481,
only 10.25 per cent of the total population had adopted Muslim names; in
1862 almost the entire population had done the same as Punjabi secular
names disappeared.26 Contrary to what is customarily believed, the saint

himself was not party to the gradual acculturation of the Jat nomads.
Rather, their incorporation in the sphere of the shrine was a result of the
political, economic and kinship ties between them and the dargah.
Bengal provides another important case study of large-scale
conversion to Islam. The processes involved in Bengal were entirely
different from those in the Punjab and in the Deccan. Here the conversion
process was not shrine-based, instead, it involved the convergence of
symbols of religious authority associated with Sufism with a distinctively
economic enterprise^ which, in effect, was the opening-up of the forested
eastern tracts of Bengal to human occupation. Secondly, Bengal was,
along with the Punjab, one of the two Muslim-majority areas of British
India which were partitioned following India and Pakistan’s accession to
statehood in 1947. Thirdly, Bengali Muslims, both in the Indian state of
West Bengal and in the sovereign state of Bangladesh, constitute the
second largest Muslim ethnic population in the world.27 The incorporation
of Bengal in Mughal India and the subsequent agricultural expansion
which took place in its eastern half coincided with and were actually
made possible by the remarkable environmental changes that were taking
place at that time. The river systems of the Ganges and its delta had been
experiencing a dramatic eastward movement which led to the appearance
of large tracts of land enriched by generous deposits of silt.28 The rich
nature of the soil acted as a magnet as it drew countless settlers who,
along the with aboriginal inhabitants of these heavily forested areas,
embarked on a massive deforestation endeavor, which made possible both
agricultural pursuits and stable human settlements in an otherwise
inhospitable frontier environment. This phenomenon, even though
centuries old, intensified during the period of Timurid expansion in the
sixteenth century. The result was a dramatic increase in the rice yield of
the regions located in the eastern part of the province. According to
Richard Eaton, this bonanza was accompanied by an increase in the
textile production of Bengal as most sectors of the economy benefited
from the growth of maritime and overland trade. The pivotal role of the
Muslims in clearing the forest constituted a miraculous feat in the eyes of
the native Bengalis who participated in the endeavor.
Richard Eaton has also highlighted the phenomenon of mosque
construction, which seems to have been an integral part of the colonisation
process. The mosque as an institution, especially when built by a given
Muslim pioneer who gave his name to a particular agricultural settlement,
acted as a symbol of authority in areas which had not been exposed to any
other form of organised religious authority. Brahminism never really
managed to finally establish itself in the East amidst mostly aboriginal
tribes. The authority of the mosque was buttressed by the nature of the
Islamic religion which was based on the Revelation. It included activities

such as recitations from the Koran, whether by the leaders themselves or
by people whom they patronized. The patrons, particularly as they came
to be understood by their followers, became representative of the authority
of the written word as opposed to the ever-changing and localised
authority of indigenous religious practices and rituals.29 Those who
eventually became known as the pirs acted as a stabilising force and as a
source of authority in a’ frontier environment characterised by anarchy
and the ferocity of living conditions. There is a wide range of figures
whose magical healing abilities earned them immense fame. Manik pir
came to be known as the village protector. Haji pir had the ability to
recover lost cattle; Manai pir, the Muslim counterpart of the Hindu god of
fertility, Kartik, etc,30 Thus, this pir tradition of holy men, also played a
role in the process of conversion.
From the discussion above, it is clear that the Sufis did play a key role
but there is no evidence to suggest that they were in any way directly
involved in the process of conversion. If conversion is taken to mean a
change in the religious allegiance of an individual or a group from one
system of belief to another, then the Sufis did play a role in the process.
They did foster an environment which made Islam more palatable to
Indians, something which usually translated into increased Islamisation
and then, eventually, into the emergence of a definite Muslim identity.
Thus, we cannot talk of Sufism and Sufis as direct agents of conversion,
i.e. as active proselytisers, though their indirect role cannot be ruled out.31
BHAKTI MOVEMENTS
We have already discussed how, during the early medieval period in south
India, expressions of devotion ranged from the routine worship of deities
within temples to ecstatic adoration where devotees attained a trance-like
state. The singing and chanting of devotional compositions was often a
part of such modes of worship. This was particularly true of the Vaishnava
and Shaiva sects.
This was also the period when several Rajput states emerged in India.
In most of these states it was the Brahmins who occupied positions of
importance, and who were entrusted with the responsibility of performing
a range of secular and ritual functions. There seems to have been little or
no attempt to challenge their position directly. At the same time other
religious leaders, who did not function within the orthodox Brahminical
framework, were gaining ground. These included the Naths, the Jogis and
the Siddhas. Most of these people were artisans and weavers who were
becoming increasingly important with the development of organised craft
production. Demand for such production grew with the emergence of new
urban centres and long-distance trade with Central Asia and West Asia.
Many of these new religious leaders were sceptical about the authority of
the Vedas, and expressed themselves in the languages spoken by ordinary
people. However, in spite of the fact that these religious leaders managed
to gain popularity with the masses they were not in a position to win the
support of the ruling elite.
However, a new development of the Turkish conquest undermined
the power of the Rajput states and the Brahmanas who were associated
with these kingdoms. Many popular socio-religious movements arose in
North India, East India and Maharashtra in the Delhi Sultanate period.
Emphasis on Bhakti and religious equality were the two common features
of these movements. As has been pointed out, these were also the features
of the south Indian Bhakti movement. Almost all the Bhakti movements
of the Sultanate period have been related to one south Indian Vaishnava
Acharya or the other. For these reasons, many scholars believe that the
Bhakti movements of the period were nothing other than a resurgence of
older Bhakti movements. They argue that there existed philosophical and
ideological links between the two either due to contact or diffusion. Thus,
Kabir and the other leaders of non-conformist monotheistic movements in
north India are believed to have been the disciples of Ramananda who, in
turn, is believed to have been connected with Ramanuja’s philosophical
order. Likewise, it is also said that Chaitanya, the most significant figure
of the Vaishnava movement, was connected with the Nimbarka school of
thought on account of its emphasis on ‘Krishna’ bhakti.
There are striking similarities between the older Bhakti traditions of
south India and the various Bhakti movements that flourished in the
Sultanate and Mughal periods. If we exclude the popular monotheistic
movements of Kabir, Nanak and other ‘lower’ caste saints, the two sets of
movements can be shown to have possessed many common features. For
example, the Vaishnava Bhakti movements of North and Eastern India
and Maharashtra, like the Bhakti movements in south India, though
egalitarian in the religious sphere, never really denounced the caste
system, the authority of the Brahminical scriptures and the Brahminical
privileges as such.
Consequently, most of the Vaishnava movements of the later period,
like the south Indian Bhakti movements, were ultimately assimilated into
the Brahminical religion, though in the process of interaction, the latter
itself underwent many changes. However, the similarities end here. Bhakti
was never a single movement except in the broad doctrinal sense of a
movement which laid emphasis on Bhakti and religious equality. Each
one of them had its own regional identity and socio-historical and cultural
contexts. Thus, the non-conformist movements, based on popular
monotheistic Bhakti, contained features that were essentially different
from those of the Vaishnava Bhakti movements. Kabir’s notion of Bhakti

was not the same as that of the medieval Vaishnava saints like Chaitanya
or Mirabai. Within the Vaishnava movement, the historical context of the
Bhakti movement in Maharashtra was entirely different from that of the
Bengal Vaishnavism, or the north Indian Bhakti movement of Ramanand,
Vallabha, Surdas and Tulsidas. During the later period, when the
Vaishnava Bhakti movement crystallised into sects, the result was conflict,
acrimony and even violence. Of all the Bhakti movements of the period,
located between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, the popular
monotheistic movements of Kabir, Nanak, Raidas and other ‘lower’ caste
saints stand out as fundamentally different.
Historiography of Bhakti Movement
One of the first historians to have worked on the Bhakti movement in

India were R.G Bhandarkar and R.C. Zaehner, who tried to show that the
movement was indigenous in character. R.G. Bhandarkar brought out
literary and epigraphical evidence to show the antiquity of Krishna
worship and Vaishnavism. Zaehner is of the view that the Bhakti
movement was largely inspired by Islam. This argument is based on the
egalitarian meassage of Bhakti and an attempt to equate the idea of
worshipping a personal god with monotheism.
Some other historians feel that the Bhakti movement actually offered
the lower castes of Hindu society a choice between the devil and the deep
blue sea. On the one hand were the new Islamic rulers who advocated a
particularly harsh world-view and on the other were the high-caste Hindus
who believed in a casteism that fostered economic and social inequity. It
was in this context that Kabir and various others began talking about
freedom from oppression. To Tarachand, the idea of equity and universal
brotherhood which the Bhakti saints advocated had close parallels with
Sufi thought. Yusuf Hussain feels that the Bhakti movement can well be
divided into distinct periods. The first amongst these ranges from the time
of the Bhagwata Gita to the thirteenth century, when Bhakti was at best
an individual sentiment. The second period from the thirteenth to. the
sixteenth centuries, when, Under the influence of Islam, it became
transformed into a doctrine and a cult. He refers to this movement as a
reformation of Hinduism, where the concept of a personalised God and
simplicity of faith came to have special appeal.
To many others, the Bhakti movement emerged as one of dissent,
protest and reform. Peaceful co-existence and an individualism of sorts
has always been the cry for generations. Reform movements have often
gained ground depending upon the existing circumstances and have
reflected the aspirations and desires of the common man. The Bhakti
movement voiced resentment against the social order and gave vent to the
feelings of the newly emergent classes and castes that were emerging by
that time. M. S. Rao shows how the ideology of the Protest movement in
pre-British India was largely characterised by a concern with religious
beliefs and practices, as these constituted the chief areas of deprivation.
Brahminical Hinduism was of the view that there was only one path to
salvation and debarred the common man access to it. Taking Rao’s
argument a step further, J. R. Kamble says that the main aim of this
movement was to establish an egalitarian society. But it postulated and
fostered equality only in the religious sphere. The message of equality
was not applied to the secular aspect of life for the simple reason that the
movement failed to foster an organisation which would lead people
towards the ideals enshrined in the Bhakti preachings. The movement
enabled a composite Indian culture, embracing different linguistic and
religious communities, to emerge as a kind of national renaissance.
The critiques, however, believe that the Bhakti movement was largely
status quoist in nature. It did not achieve much beyond voicing discontent.
K. Ishwaran looks upon Lingayatism as an illustration of how the Bhakti
tradition contributes to modernisation. Ishwaran refers to models of
modernisation in relation to Bhakti. He identifies two transitory phases of
ethnocentrism and realism and hopes for the emergence of a third phase
of more lasting models. He offers Lingayatism as one such model, because
according to him it rests on universal values of freedom, equality and
rationality.
David Kinsley finds that in many devotional movements, the
theoretical harmony between doing one’s duty {dharma) and loving the
lord (bhakti) is called into question. There seems to be a tension of sorts
between the two. This becomes particularly clear in the lives of several
women saints who found it difficult to reconcile marriage with their
inherent urge to love the lord. He gives examples of Mahadvei Akka from
Karnataka, Lalleswari from Kashmir, Mirabai from Rajasthan and the
whole of Krishna mythology with Radha as its central mode of devotion
to show how in the lives of these women, devotion to God becomes an
alternative to marriage. Crushed and confined to difficult domestic
situations these women found an alternative possibility in their devotion.
Renouncing marriage, these women began to look for a divine consort.
Bhakti also opened the doors to women, who voiced discontent with
patriarchy. However the male bhaktas while clamouring for change and
protesting against the prevalent injustices in society, conveniently left the
women out, leaving her to home and hearth.
Max Weber points out that the influence of women only tended to
intensify those aspects of religion that were emotional or hysterical. He
feels that the lower Hindu classes clung on to their caste duties with even
greater tenacity than before in the hope of a better position in life after
death. To him, the Bhakti movement only made the position of the
Brahmins even stronger than it was before. He also links this to the rise
of the Guru, which permitted this to grow to great heights.
Irfan Habib speaks of the, ‘ties of caste and religious communities’,
in the peasant uprising and speaks of Kabir, Dadu, Haridas, and Nanak as
leaders of a movement that led to the ‘formation of new religious’
communities during the medieval period.32 Elaborating on this he states
that the Turks in medieval India had created an economic organisation
that was definitely superior to the previous one. By the beginning of the
fourteenth century one can see a considerable growth in towns and
expansion in craft production and commerce due to the improvement in
technology. Therefore, he concludes that there was an expansion of the
artisan class. An ever-increasing demand for certain goods for the ruling
class had led to the the adoption of new professions by the indigenous
population. The lower classes readily took to these, for this alone gave
them a new sense of dignity in the caste hierarchy. Since this meant
breaking caste rules, the anti-caste religious movements of Kabir and
Nanak found greater following amongst artisans of north India.
Irfan Habib views on the Bhakti movement have largely been
influenced by Mohammad Habib’s work on the artisan class after the
Muslim conquest. Mohammad Habib argued that the Ghorian conquest
led to the liberation of the low-caste craftsmen.33 He had used the
argument to explain the cause of the easy political success of the Muslim
invaders in India. According to him their success was due to the appeal of
the new egalitarian ideology of Islam and the growing class of artisans in
urban areas who were keen to get their freedom from the shackles of the
caste system. Taking forward Mohammad Habib’s argument Irfan Habib
says, ‘It was, perhaps, this social environment, the visible breaches in the
walls of the caste system, and the economic temptation to break its rules,
that lay behind artisans’ fervour for monotheism’.34
Many historians feel that the widespread popularity of the
monotheistic movement of Kabir, Nanak, Dhanna, Pipa etc. can be
explained fully only in the context of certain significant socio-economic
changes in the period following the Turkish conquest of Northern India.
The Turkish ruling class, unlike the Rajputs, lived in towns. Agricultural
surplus led to enormous concentration of resources in the hands of the
ruling class. The growing classes of urban artisans were attracted towards
the monotheistic movement because of its egalitarian ideas as they were
now not satisfied with the low status accorded to them in traditional
Brahminical hierarchy. It has been pointed out that some groups of traders
like the Khatris in the Punjab - who had benefited directly from the
growth of towns, the production of urban crafts and the expansion of
markets - were also drawn into the movement for the same reason. The
popularity of the monotheistic movement was the result of the support it
obtained from one or more of these different classes of the society. It is
one or more of these sections which constituted the social base of the
movement in different parts of northern India. In Punjab, the popularity of
the movement did not remain confined to urban classes. Rather it acquired
a broader base by the incorporation of the Jat peasants in its ranks. The
support extended by the Jats of the Punjab to Guru Nanak’s movement
ultimately contributed to the development of Sikhism as a mass religion.
One modem viewpoint, tends to attribute the rise of the medieval
Bhakti movement to the alleged persecution of the Hindus under ‘Muslim’
rule and to the challenge that Islam is supposed to have posed to Hinduism
through its doctroines of ‘unity of god’, equality, and brotherhood.
According to this theory, the Bhakti movements were a two-pronged
defensive mechanism to save the Hinduism by purging it of the caste
system and idolatry and at the same time defending its basis tenets - a
project accomplished by Tulsidas in the late sixteenth and early
seventeenth century. Such a notion of the medieval bhakti movement is
not borne out by much evidence.
But we cannot treat the Bhakti movement as a monolithic one. The
Bhakti movement covers a number of religious movements each with its
own distinctive features and ethos. Some of these movements were even
antithetical to one another, inspite of the fact that the common
denominator was that of Bhakti. Further, a critique of the caste system
does not necessarily dovetail into social egalitarianism. The notion of
social equality is hardly relevant in pre-modern societies, in which
inequalities of wealth, power and recognition were not only inbuilt but
rarely questioned.
The Bhakti movement, in fact, emerged due to a number of political,
socio-economic and religious factors. It has been pointed out that the
Bhakti movement could not take root in northern India before the Turkish
conquest because the socio-religious milieu was dominated by a Rajput-
Brahman alliance, which was hostile to any heterodox movement. The
Turkish conquests brought the supremacy of this alliance to an end. The
advent of Islam with the Turkish conquest also caused a setback to the
power and prestige of the Brahmins. Thus, the way was paved for the
growth of non-conformist, anti-caste and anti-brahminical movements.
The Brahmins had always advocated idol worship. The Turks deprived
the Brahmins of their temple wealth and state patronage. Thus, the
Brahmins suffered both materially and ideologically. The non-conformist
sect of the Nathpanthis was perhaps the first to gain from the declining
power of the Rajput-Brahmin alliance. This sect seems to have reached its
peak in the beginning of the Sultanate period. The loss of power and
influence by the Brahmins and the new political situation ultimately

created conditions for the rise of the popular monotheistic movements
and other Bhakti movements in northern India.
It has been argued that the Bhakti movements of medieval India were
anti-feudal in nature. Evidence for this can be found in the poetry of the
Bhakti saints ranging from Kabir and Nanak to Chaitanya and Tulsidas. It
is in this sense that sometimes the medieval Bhakti movements have been
described as the Indian counterpart of the Protestant Reformation in
Europe. However, the European Protestant Reformation had much greater
revolutionary fervour than its Indian counterpart as it was linked to the
decline of feudalism and the rise of capitalism.
The monotheistic saints denounced the aspects of both orthodox
Brahmins and orthodox Islam and their ritualistic practices. To assume
that all monotheistic and Vaishnava Bhakti saints were only trying to
counter the threat of Islam is not convincing because Kabir and other
‘lower caste’ saints did not have much in common with the Vaishnava
Bhakti cults. Further, the poetry and teachings of the Vaishnava Bhakti
saints are either not concerned with Islam or at best are indifferent to it.
In fact, it has been pointed out that Ramanand, Kabir, Nanak, Chaitanya
or Dadu Dayal had both Hindu and Muslim disciples.
Nathpanthi Background
W.H. Mcleod says that the north Indian Nathpanthi tradition should not
be confused with the Varkari sect of Pandharpur in Maharashtra, the
exponents of which have commonly been referred to as sants/' During
the twelfth century the ancient tradition of tantric yoga was much in
vogue as evidenced by the numerous adherents of the Kanphat or Nath
sect of yogis. The sect was divided into various sub-sects, all claiming
allegiance to the semi-legendary Gorakhnath and all following essentially
the same hatha-yoga technique. Charlotte Vaudenville says that the
Nathpanthis were actually staunch Hathyogis, who followed extreme
bodily practices.36
W.H. Mcleod says that Gorakhnath must be accepted as a historical
figure of sorts, though practically all that concerns him must be regarded
as essentially legendary in nature.37 He seems to have existed anywhere
between the ninth and twelfth centuries. The tradition of Vaishnava
Bhakti, which was in all probability contemporaneous with the tenure of
Gorakhnath, had spread to parts of north India from the South, and which
in the North was associated, with Ramanand. The essential tenet of Bhakti
was love and in Vaishnava Bhakti this love was directed to one of the
avatars of Vishnu. Thirdly, there were the members of the Sufi orders,
numerically far less in number than the adherents of orthodox Islam, but
exercising a perceptible influence on the religious thought and practice of

Hindus as well as Muslims. Within each of these religious groupings was
a recognisable continuity, but not one amongst these was completely
insulated. Each one of these groupings was to some extent influenced by
the others and underwent corresponding modifications. In one significant
case this sharing and reciprocity resulted not just in change and
modification but also in the emergence of a recognisable synthesis, a new
pattern which in its wholeness, resulted in an entirely new genre of sorts.
This was the Sant tradition of north India.
The new movement was by no means the dominant religious tradition
during this period, but it was certainly pivotal to the Bhakti movement in
North India. Its fecundity of ideas made it a beyond-compare tradition.
The Sant tradition was essentially a synthesis of three principal dissenting
movements, a compound of elements drawn mainly from Vaishnava
Bhakti, the hatha-yoga of the Nath yogis and a marginal contribution
from Sufism. For the Sants, as for the Vaishnava bhaktas, the necessary
religious response was love, and for this reason the movement has
frequently been regarded as an aspect of Vaishnava Bhakti. In several
respects, however, the Sants disagreed with traditional Bhakti and some
of these differences were fundamental. Their love was offered not to an
avatar, but to God himself, and they felt that the only expression of love
was meditation and devotion. More than anything else, it was a method
which involved suffering, self-flagellation and sundry other difficulties.
In spite of these differences Bhakti elements formed a major part of
the Sant synthesis, particularly during the earlier stages of its
development. Traces of the Nath influence are by no means absent during
these earlier stages, but nor are they particularly prominent and in some
cases they may represent subsequent additions. It can well be said that the
Nath concepts assumed significance only in the time of Kabir. A lot of
these concepts are integral to Kabir’s philosophy and much of this
terminology was later used by Guru Nanak. We thus see a complete
rejection of all exterior forms, ceremonies, caste distinctions, sacred
languages, and scriptures, in a strong emphasis upon a mystical union
with the Divine that would destroy all ‘duality’ of being. It is not without
significance that the commonest term used by both Kabir and Guru Nanak
is sahaj, a word which carries us back into and beyond the Nath tradition
into the earlier world of tantric Buddhism. The Bhakti influence retains
its primacy, but the Nath content of Kabir’s thought is also of fundamental
importance.
The Sants sn&cq monotheists, but the God whom they addressed and
with whom they sought union was in no sense to be understood in
anthropomorphic terms. Great importance was attached to the guru, who
was a teacher who could well be understood as the voice of God. No
value was accorded to celibacy or asceticism. Hindu and Muslim sectarian

notions were spumed because they were regarded as being radically
wrong and ultimately futile. These beliefs were expressed not in
traditional Sanskrit, but in a language which was closely related to that of
the common people to whom they addressed their teachings. Most of the
Sants were from low caste groups and were either poorly educated or
completely illiterate. For this reason their compositions were usually oral
utterances which came to be written down only after a period of
circulation.
Kabir and the Sant Tradition
With Kabir the Sant tradition moves into a more complicated phase. Not
too much is known about Kabir’s life, although he has now acquired an
almost legendary status. He is said to have been bom in 1398 and died in
1518. The year of his death is not certain, but a date in the vicinity of
1440 would appear to be reasonable.38 Charlotte Vaudenville says that
Kabir probably died in 1448.39 Kabir’s name is a Muslim one, a Koranic
title of Allah meaning great. But he neither embraced Islam nor did he
embrace Hinduism. Kabir spent the better part of his life in Banaras and
his death probably took place in the village of Magahar, twenty-seven
miles south-east of Basti. His caste was that ofjulaha and it seems clear
from his works that he followed-ztn however erratic a manner, his.caste’s
hereditary occupation, of weavinghRecent research has established a Nath
background as a strong probabiliÎt now seems clear that Kabir belonged
to a family of non-celibate yogis Islamic convertÂThe traditional
association withâmanSd^cahnof be rejected outright, but it is a most
unlikely one. It involves chronological difficulties and the only references
which Kabir makes to Ramanand can ,be found in works of doubtful
authenticity. The numerous references which Kabir does make to a guru
point unmistakably to the Sat guru within, the voice of God within the
human soul,
The compositions attributed to Kabir are seemingly numberless, but
only two collections are regarded as genuinely his. These arethe^Kafrz'r-
granthavali* and the'selection included in the Adi GranthdTo these the
Bijak may well be added, but not without reservations in the matter. The
Bijak is a later work than the other two collections and must be regarded
as a Kabir-pawr/zz recasting rather than as the original work of Kabir.40
There can be no doubt that the works included in the two older collections,
which were originally oral narratives, have to a large extent been
transformed in written records, though to an appreciably lesser degree
than those of the Bijak. The basis of Kabir’s belief was tantric yoga and
not, as has been commonly supposed, Vaishnava Bhakti or Sufism. Kabir ’s
name is certainly a Muslim one, but it has always been clear that his
knowledge of Islam' was relatively meagre. In contrast to this there is a
wealth of hatha-yoga terminology and a thought-structure with obvious
resemblances to that of the Naths. It is in the light of this contrast that the
theory, of Kabir coming from a caste which had recently been converted
from tantric yoga to Islam, comes.41
Kabir was, however, far from being a Nath yogi. To this background
he brought elements from Vainava Bhakti and perhaps from Sufism also.
His debt to the bhagats is evident in the primacy accorded to love, and his
concept of love as being synonymous with suffering reflects his debt to
the Sufis.42 Love necessarily involves long periods of anguish and
separation. Not too many people have the courage to feel its intensity and
fewer still have the persistence to follow it to the point of revelation. The
moment of the revelation cannot be pre-empted. God reveals the Word
(Sahad) and the man that is slain in gaining this epiphanic vision finds
true life in and beyond death. This life is to be found in mystical union
with the divine. There is much in Kabir’s mystical experiences that is
opaque, obscure and ineffable. Some of his experiences are described in
monistic language, but the usage is entirely unique to him. It cannot be
denied that monism had a deep impact on Kabir, though he is more
indebted to monotheism than he is to monism. Kabir was the earliest and
undoubtedly the most powerful figure of the monotheistic movements
that began in the fifteenth century. He is perhaps one of the best examples
of a poet-saint who emerged within the context of new social situations,
ideas and institutions. Historians have tried to reconstruct his life and
times through a study of the compositions and later hagiographies
attributed to him. Verses ascribed to Kabir have been compiled in three
distinct but overlapping traditionsFThe Kabir Bijak is preserved by the
Kabirpanth (the path or sect of Kabir) in Varanasi and elsewhere in Uttar
Pradesh; the Kabir Granthavali is associated with the Dadupanth in
Rajasthan, ind many of his compositions are found in the Adi Granth
Sahib. All these manuscript compilations were made long after the death
of Kabir. By the nineteenth century, a number of verse anthologies
attributed to him were circulated in print in regions as far apart as_Bengal,
GujafafahcTMaHarashtra.
Kabir’s poems have survived in several languages and dialects and
some are composed in the santbhasha ofJhe. nirgunaqaoets. The that
much more famous upside-down sayings, or ulatbansi, are written in a
form in which everyday meanings are inverted. These hint at the
elusiveness of what we would like to believe is the ‘Ultimate Reality’.43
He also described the ‘Ultimate Reality’ as Allah, Khuda, Hazrat and Pir.
He also used terms drawn from Vedantic traditions like the alakh (the
unseen), nirakar (formless), Brahmin, Atman, etc. Other terms with
mystical connotations such as shabda (sound) or shunya_ (emptiness)

were drawn from yogic traditions.
The monotheistic saints who succeeded him either claimed to be his
disciples or acknowledge their intellectual debt to him with great
veneration. Raidas (or Ravidas) mostprobably belonged to the generation
following that of Kabir’s. He was a tanner by caste. He also, like Kabir,
lived in Banaras and was influenced by the latter’s ideas. Dhanna was a
fifteenth century Jat peasant from Rajasthan. Other prominent saints of
the same period were Sen (a barber) and Pipa.44
Diverse and sometimes conflicting ideas are expressed in these poems.
Some poems draw on Islamic ideas and use monotheism and iconoclasm
to attack Hindu polytheism and idol worship; others use the sufi concept
of zikrand ishq (love) to express the Hindu practice of nam-simaran
(remembrance of God’s name). Were all these composed by Kabir? We
may never be able to say as much with any degree of certainty, although
scholars have tried to analyse the language, style and content to establish
which verses could be Kabir’s alone. What this rich corpus of verses also
signifies is that Kabir was and continues to be a source of inspiration for
those who, in a quest for the Divine, have invested in a radical enquiry
into religious and social institutions.
Just as Kabir’s ideas probably crystallised through a dialogue with
the Sufis and yogis of Awadh. A number of hagiographies that have been
clearly inspired by Kabir were composed from the seventeenth century
onwards, about 200 years, after Kabir’s death. Hagiographies within the
Vaishnava tradition suggest that he was born a Hindu, but was raised by
a poor Muslim family belonging to the community of weavers or julahas,
who were relatively recent converts to Islam. They also suggested that he
was initiated into Bhakti by a guru, perhaps Ramananda. However, the
verses attributed to Kabir use the words guru and satgurut but do not
mention the name of any specific preceptor. Historians have pointed out
that it js very difficult to establish that Ramananda was Kabir’s
contemporary because to do so would attribute to them a longevity that
neither had.45
Another important Sant of north India was Raidas, an outcaste leather
worker (chamar) of Banaras. Chronologically Raidas follows Kabir, but
his work corresponds more with that of Namdev’s. It belongs to the
earlier stage of the Sant movement, in which the links with Vaishnava
Bhakti are so much more prominent than those from other sources. The
Vaishnava concept of a divine avatar is rejected, and likewise any kind of
ritualism is entirely_repudiaied. Devotion here is the adoration, ofgod by
his bhagats. It is not just the deeply mystical experience of Kabir. The
emphasis upon the immanence of God is much stronger here than it is in
the works of Kabir. Kabir lays greater emphasis on the nature of revelation
within the human soul. Little is known about Raidas’s life and all that we
can accept is contained in the occasional references which he makes in
his works. In several verseshereferstohis.low..c.a ste status as a cham/ir
and in one to his work as a cobbler. Elsewhere he describes how the
members of his caste carry away the cattle carcases from Banaras. The
belief that Raidas was Ramanand’s disciple is entirely erroneous because
it is a chronolgical impossibility. Moreover, there is no hint of any such
relationship in any of his works. Raidas makes the characteristic Sant
emphasis, with an evident stress upon the irrelevance of caste in all that
concerns a man’s salvation.
Guru Nanak and Evolution of Sikh Community
Guru Nanak’s ideas were very similar to those of Kabir’s (1469-1539).

However, his teachings led to the emergence of a new mass religion, that
of Sikhism.
The Sant tradition provided a backdrop, to Guru... Nanak’s sayings,
though much of this intellectual legacy was reinterpreted by Kabir in the
light of his own personality and experiences. This is not to imply that he
should be regarded as a disciple of Kabifj)Charlotte Vaudeville suggests
that Nanak should not be considered as the disciple of Kabir since he
never mentions Kabir in his Granth^fthexe. is no evidence to support the
view that Guru Nanak had ever met Kabifrimerc is little to suggest that
Nanak was so much as acquainted with any of Kabir’s works. Nanak was
most deeply indebted to the Sant tradition. W.M. Mcleod feels that
Nanak’s works are replete with Nath terminology. This signifies a distinct
Sant inheritance?’ Guru Nanak himself explicitly rejected Nath beliefs
and his works bear clear witness to open controversy with Nath yogis.
Nath concepts were communicated to him through the Sant channels
which largely transformed their meaning. In his usage such elements are,
for the most part, naturalized. They are recognisably of Nath derivation
but they belong to the Sants, not to the Naths.
The basic similarity of his teachings with those of Kabir’s makes him
an integral part of the monotheistic, movement. He belonged to a caste of
traders called the Khatris and was bom in a village in Punjabnow known
as Nankana Sahib. In his later life he travelled widely to preach his ideas.
Eventually he settled in a place now known as Dera Baba Nanak. There
he attracted large number of disciples. The hymns composed by him were
incorporated in the Adi Granth by Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Sikh Guru-
The message ojf Guru Nanak is spelt out in his hymns and teachings.
These suggest that Jie advocated a form of nirguna bhakti. He firmly
repudiated ritualism of any kind. For Baba Guru Nanak, the Absolute or
rab had no gender or form. He felt that the only way to connect with the
«■
Almighty was through the recitation of hymns or shabads. Baba Guru
Nanak would sing thesexompositions in various ragas while his attendant
Mardana played the rabab. Guru Nanak organised his followers into a
community. He set up rules for congregational worship (sangat) involving
the collective recitation of verses. He appointed one of his disciples.
Angadrtoûcceed him and the practice was followed for nearly 200
years. It appears that Guru Nanak did not wish toestablish a new religion.
but after his death his followers consolidated their own practices and
distinguished themselves from both Hindus and Muslims. The fifth
preceptor, Guru Arjan, compiled Baba Guru Nanak’s hymns - along with
those of his four successors and other religious poets like ^Baba Farid.
Ravidas (also known as Raidas) and Kabir - in the Adi Granth Sahib.
These hymns, called gurbani are composed in various languages. In the
late seventeenth century the tenth preceptor, Guru Gobind Singh,, included
the compositions of the ninth,guru. Guru Tegh Bahadur, and thisscripture
was called the Guru Granth Sahib.
Guru Gobind Singh also laid the foundation of the Khalsa Panth
(Army of the Pure) and defined its five Ks - the kes (uncut hair), the
karpan (dagger), the tocc/ia~(a pair of shorts), the tonga (the comb) and
the kara (steel bangle). Under him the community got consolidated as a
socio-religious and military force. The teachings of all the saints, who are
associated with the monotheistic movement, have certain common
features which give the movement its basic unity.
Most of the monotheists belonged to the ‘lower’ castes and were
aware that there existed a unity of ideas amongst themselves. Most of
them were aware of each other’s belief systems. In their verses they
acknowledge their debt to each other and to their predecessors in such a
way as to suggest a harmonious ideological affinity among them. Thus,
Kabir speaks of Raidas as ‘saint among saints’. Raidas, in turn, mentions
the names of Kabir, Namdev, Trilochan, Dhanna, Sen and Pipa with great
deference. Dhanna takes pride in speaking of the fame and popularity of
Namdev, Kabir, Raidas and Sen and admits that he devoted himself to
Bhakti after hearing of their fame. Kabir’s influence on Nanak is beyond
dispute. It is, therefore, not surprising that later traditions link Kabir,
Raidas, Dhanna, Pipa, Sen, as disciples of Ramananda.
Common Features of Bhakti Saints
All the monotheists were influenced in one way or another and in varying
degrees by the Vaishnava concept of Bhakti, the Nathpanthi movement
and Sufism. The monotheistic movement is a synthesis of all three. But
more often than not they did not accept any of these traditions in their
❖ Religion and Culture (circa 120Q-1550) ❖ 293
original form and made many innovations and adaptations that gave new
meaning to old concepts.
For the monotheists, there was only one way of establishing
communion with God. It was the way of personally experienced Bhakti.
This was also the way of the Vaishnava Bhakti saints, and therefore, they
all have been called monotheists as they uncompromisingly believed in
only one God. But there was one fundamental difference between
Vaishnava Bhakti and monotheists. Monotheistic Bhakti was nirguna and
not saguna Bhakti, which was the case with the Vaishnavites who believed
in various human incarnations of God. The monotheists adopted the
notion of Bhakti from the Vaishnava school of Bhakti but gave it a
nirguna orientation. Quite often Kabir called God by the name of Ram.
For this reason he has been called a Ram bhakta. But Kabir made it clear
in his utterances that the Ram he was devoted to was neither the son of
King Dashratha of Ayodhya nor was he the slayer of Ravana, rather he
was a formless, non-incamate God. In addition to the oneness of god and
the nirguna genre of Bhakti the monotheists also laid stress on the crucial
importance of reciting the divine name. Other aspects of bhakti included
reciting the name of the spiritual guru, community singing of devotional
songs (kirtari) and the companionship of saints (satsang).
The monotheists followed a path, which was independent of
institutional religion - be it Hinduism or Islam. They were also against
the caste system. The montheists composed their poems in the language
of the common people. Some of them used a language which was an
amalgam of the different dialogues spoken in the various parts of north
India. The monotheistic saints preferred this common language to their
own native dialects because they considered it fit for the propagation of
their non-conformist ideas among the masses. The use of a common
language is a striking feature of the movement considering that the saints
belonged to different parts of north India and spoke different dialects. The
monotheists also made use of popular symbols and images to propagate
their teachings. Their utterances are expressed in short verses which
could be easily remembered. Thus, for instance, Kabir’s poetry is
unpolished and has a rustic, colloquial quality but it is essentially the
poetry of the people.
Most of the monotheistic saints were ascetics but they led a worldly
life and were married. They lived and preached among the people. They
frequently refer to the ascetic professions as family professions. The
expression which has been used for them and by which they referred to
each other is sant or bhakta. The Adi Granth lists Kabir, Raidas, Dhanna,
Pipa and Mamdev as bhagats.
The monotheistic saints travelled widely to propagate their beliefs.
Namdev’s teachings became so popular that they were later absorbed into
iSEg*H
the Adi Granth. The popularity of the monotheists broke territorial

barriers. This is clear from the high position accorded to Kabir in the Sikh
tradition and in the Dadu panth tradition of Rajasthan. Their continuing
popularity even almost two hundred years after their time is clear from
the fact that Tukaram, a mid-seventeenth century Maharashtrian saint,
views himself as an admirer and follower of Kabir, Raidas, Sen, Gora.
Dabistan-i-Mazahib, a seventeenth century Persian work on comparative
religion, testifies to the continuing popularity of Kabir among the people
of north India.
Despite the widespread popularity of the monotheists, each one of the
major monotheists - including Kabir, Raidas and Nanak - gradually
organised themselves into exclusive sectarian orders called panths such
as the Kabir panth, the Raidasi panth, the Nanak panth, etc. Of all these
panths, the Nanak panth alone eventually crystallised into a religion with
a mass following while most of the others though still existent have a
vastly reduced following and a much narrower sectarian base.
The Vaishnava Bhakti Movement in North India
Ramananda was the most prominent scholar saint of Vaishnava bhakti in

Northern India during this period. Some of his ideas have already been
mentioned in Secton 29.3. He belonged to the late fifteenth and early
sixteenth centuiy. He lived in south India in the early part of his life but
later settled in Banaras. He is considered to be the link between the south
Indian bhakti tradition and north Indian Vaishnava Bhakti. However, he
deviated from the ideology and practice of the earlier south Indian
acharyas in three important respects. To begin with, he perceives Ram
and not Vishnu as deserving of Bhakti. In this sense he came to be
regarded as the founder of the Ram cult in north India within the
framework of Vaishnava Bhakti tradition. He preached in the language of
the common people, and not in Sanskrit. His most significant contribution
to Vaishnava Bhakti was that he made Bhakti accessible to all irrespective
of caste. Though he was a Brahmin by birth, he would often share a meal
with his ‘lower’ caste Vaishnava followers. It is for this reason that some
later Vaishnava traditions link Kabir and some other monotheists to him
as his disciples. The innovations were probably due to the influence of
Islamic ideas. It has also been suggested that Ramananda’s innovations
were actually nothing but a bid to counter the growing popularity of the
heterodox Nathpanthis. His followers are called the Ramanandis. A hymn
attributed to him was incorportated in the Adi Granth.
Another Vaishnava preacher of note in the Sultanate period was
Vallabhacharya , a Telugu brahmin of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth
century. He, too, was bom in Banaras. He was the founder of pushtimarga
(grace). It also came to be known as the Vallabha sect or sampradaya. He

advocated Krishna Bhakti. The famous Krishna Bhakti saint-poet Surad
(1483-1563) and seven other Krishna Bhakti poets belonging to the
ashtachhap were also believed to have been the disciples of Vallabha.
The sect later became popular in Gujarat. In north India, however, the
Vaishnava Bhakti cult acquired a more popular base only in the Mughal
period. Tulsidas (1532-1623) championed the cause of Rama Bhakti
while Surdas (1483-1563), Mira Bai (1503-73) and many others
popularised Krishna Bhakti.
Eastern India
Vaishnava Bhakti in Bengal was different in more ways than one from its
North Indian and the early medieval south Indian counterpart. The sources
which influenced it can be traced to two different traditions - the
Vaishnava Bhakti tradition of the Bhagavata Purana, with its glorification
of the Krishnalila on the one hand; and the Sahajiya Buddhist and
Nathpanthi traditions on the other. The Vaishnava influence was
transmitted by various Bhakti poets beginning with Jayadeva in the twelfth
century. Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda was composed in Sanskrit. He also
wrote songs in Maithili which were later absorbed into the Vaishnava
Bhakti tradition of Bengal. He highlighted the erotic-mystical dimension
of the love of Krishna and Radha. Various non-Vaishnava cults such .as
those of the Sahajiya Buddhists and the Nathpanthis, that survived in
Bengal and Bihar, influenced the bhakti movement in Bengal. These cults
preached an easy and natural path to religion while laying emphasis on
the esoteric and the emotional. Vaishnava Bhakti poets such as Chandidas
was the first Bengali bhakti poet. Similarly, Vidyapati, who wrote in
Maithili, spoke at length about the Krishna-Radha relationship. These
songs became part of the growing Vaishnava movement in Bengal.
Chitanya himself did not come under the direct influence of the Sahajiya
doctrine. It is, however, possible that elements of esoteric cults entered
into .his movement through the influence of Chandidas and Vidyapati. But
the most important source of inspiration was the Bhagavata Purana. He
popularised Krishna-bhakti in many parts of East India. His popularity as
a religious personality was so great that he was looked upon as an avatara
(incarnation) of Krishna even in his life. The advent of Chaitanya marks
a shift of focus in Bengal Vaishnava Bhakti. From being a movement that
was largely centred around devotional literary compositions, Vaishnava
Bhakti became a full-fledged reform movement with a broad social base.
Chaitanya (1486-1533) was the most prominent Vaishnava saint of

Bengal. He popularised Krishna-bhakti in many parts of eastern India.
His popularity as a religious personality was so great that he was looked

upon as an avatara (incarnation) of Krishna even in his lifetime.
Chaitanya disregarded all distinctions of caste, creed and sex to give a
popular base to Krishna-bhakti. His followers belonged to all castes and
communities. One of his most favourite disciples was Haridas who was a
Muslim. He popularised the practice of sankirtan or group devotional
singing accompanied by ecstatic dancing.
However, Chaitanya did not give up traditional Brahaminical values
altogether. He did not question the authority of the Brahmins and of the
scriptures. He upheld the caste prejudices of his Brahmin disciples against
their ‘lower’ caste counterparts. Six Brahmin Goswamins, who were
equipped with the knowledge of Sanskrit, were sent by him to Vrindavan
near Mathura. They, in turn, established a religious order which
recognised caste restrictions in devotional practices and rituals. These
Goswamins gradually distanced themselves from Chaitanya’s teachings
and from the popular movement that had grown around him in Bengal.
But Chaitanya’s movement had a great impact on Bengali society. His
disregard for caste distinctions, in the sphere of devotional singing,
promoted a sense of egalitarianism. In Bengal and in Puri in Orissa, his
movement remained popular. In these places, his followers were not
always scholarly Brahmins but also included common people. They wrote
in Bengali, propagated his Bhakti and looked upon Chaitanya as the
living Krishna or as Radha and Krishna united in one body.
Maharashtra
The Maharashtra Bhakti tradition was also influenced by the Saiva

Nathpanthis who were quite popular in the ‘lower’ sections of
Maharashtrian society in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and who
composed their verses in Marathi. Jnaneswar (1275-96) was the pioner
Bhakti saint of Maharashtra.He wrote an extensive commentary on the
Bhagavad Gita popularly called Jnanesvari. This was one of the earliest
works of Marathi literature and served as the foundation of Bhakti
ideology in Maharashtra. He was the author of many hymns called
abhangs. He felt that God could be attained through Bhakti alone and in
bhakti there was no place for caste distinctions.
Namdev (1270-1350) lived in Maharashtra and is closely linked with the

Varkari sect of Pharpur. The Varkari sect was located well within the
Bhakti tradition and its worship centred on the famous idol of Vitthal
which was located in Pandharpur. Elements of traditional Vaishnava
Bhakti are evident in Namdev’s work, but his primary emphasis is clearly
in accord with Sant concepts. His influence extended into north India as
a result of his Hindi works and possibly as a result also of an extended
visit to the Panjab.
Doubt has been expressed about whether the author of the Hindi
works is the same Namdev as the famous Marathi bhakta of Pandharpur,
but recent comparisons of the Hindi and Marathi compositions have
established it as at least a strong probability. The visit to Panjab is open
to doubt. According to this view Namdev spent about twenty years in
Ghuman, a village in the Barala tahsil of Gurdaspur District. In Ghuman
itself the tradition is both strong and old, and there is certainly nothing
improbable in a Sant wandering so far from home, but the complete
absence of any such reference in the older Marathi accounts of Namdev’s
life makes this point of view open to suspicion.
Namdev belonged to the tailor caste. He is considered to be the link
between the Maharashtrian Bhakti movement and the monotheistic
movement of north India. He lived in Pandharpur but travelled to various
parts of north India including the Punjab. His Bhakti songs have also been
included in the Adi Granth. In Maharashtra, Namdev is considered to be
part of the Varkari tradition (Vaishnava devotional tradition), but in the
north Indian monotheistic tradition he is remembered as a nirguna saint.
Other prominent Bhakti saints of Maharashtra were Eknath (1533-99)
and Tukaram (1598-1650).
Thus, the Bhakti saints were not exactly indifferent to the living
conditions of the people. They used images of daily life and always tried
to identify themselves in one way or another with the sufferings of the
common people.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE IN THE

DELHI SULTANATE
Over the years, historians have begun to re-think the history of medieval
Indian architecture, which till now has been understood as reflecting the
cultural glorification of the centres of power. In most of the earlier works,
like those of Fergusson and Percy Brown, the ideological commitment to
colonial rule is more than evident. The legacy of Fergusson, which was
systemised by Percy Brown in the colonial period, appended architectural
styles to the character traits or predilections of either ‘Hindu’ or ‘Islamic’
personalities and communities. They were written probably with the
intention of promoting less pride and more prejudice. Later, in the writings
of the Aligarh school of historians like Irfan Habib, Athar Ali, Iqtidar
Alam Khan, etc., the understanding of culture and architecture was
presented as a peaceful synthesis of the traditions of Hinduism and Islam.
Medieval architecture was then termed as ‘Indo-Islamic’in an attempt to
counter the more communal approaches to the study of Indian history.

Such a representation sounds logical given the backdrop of fundamentalist
communalism, but lacks an understanding of architectural forms and
techniques. And therefore, it is important for us to understand the purpose
or the context, forms and techniques of the medieval architecture.
Architecture as Symbol of Power
The most important source for the study of architecture are the surviving
remains of the buildings themselves, also referred to as monuments.
These enable us to grasp architectural techniques and style peculiar to the
period. Monuments provide an insight into construction technologies. Of
these, mosques are the most representative forms of architecture, as they
are primarily a fusion of the Indian and Seljuk traditions, often termed as
‘Indo-Islamic’. They are beautifully constructed since they are places of
worship. At the same time they were also meant to demonstrate the
power, wealth and devotion of the patron. Monica Juneja argues that the
construction of the public mosque should be seen as part of a pattern of
the conquest and ‘symbolic appropriation’ of an alien territory.48 She says
that territorial victory was expressed through ‘immediate visual acts and
forms’.49 Therefore, during the early years of Turkish invasion not only
were the centres of power attacked but even the most sacred sites of the
indigenous populace were completely destroyed. Many a times victory'
was celebrated by constructing a mosque to the effect where the Sultan,
along with his followers, could offer prayers to the Almighty. Early
Sultans like Qutubuddin Aibak converted the existing temples into
Quwwat ul-Islam mosques or masjid-i jamas in 1192. However, Oleg
Graber suggests that in other regions, outside India, ‘the destruction of
extant building in order to construct a mosque was generally avoided’.50
It is pertinent to note that contrary to Prophet Muhammad’s idea on
architecture -‘The most unprofitable thing which eats up the wealth of a
believer is building’51- Islamic architecture sprang up in various comers
of the world. Probably the Prophet had not been able to foresee man’s
inner urge to express himself through architecture.
The early examples of mosque architecture had certain basic features.
To take an example, the entrance gates stood on the north, west and
eastern walls and the mosque ideally had a rectangular courtyard with a
‘hypostyle hall on the Qibla side’.52 Qibla is the direction in which
Muslims offer their prayers i.e., Mecca (See Fig. 9.2).
In the early thirteenth century a new genre of buildings arose which
had larger rooms with an elaborate superstructure. This required
sophisticated skills. Earlier, between the seventh and tenth centuries,
architects had started adding more rooms, doors and windows to buildings.
FIGURE 9.1: QIBLA IN A MOSQUE
But the roofs, doors and windows were still made by placing a horizontal
beam across two vertical columns, a style of architecture called ‘trabeate’
or ‘corbelled’ (See Fig. 9.2). Between the eighth and thirteenth centuries
I1GI RE 9.2: CORBELLED TECHNIQUE IN ARCH

the trabeate style was used in the construction of temples, mosques,

tombs and in buildings attached to large stepped-wells or baolis.
Two technological and stylistic developments can well be seen from
the thirteenth century onwards. First, the weight of the superstructure
above the doors and windows was sometimes carried by arches. This
architectural form was called ‘arcuate’. Secondly, limestone cement was
increasingly used in construction. This was very high-quality cement,
which, when mixed with stone chips, hardened into concrete. This made
the construction of large structures easier and faster. (See Figure 9.3 True
Arch Technique used in Alai Darwaza at Quwwat ul-Islam mosque,
Delhi.)
FIGURE 9.3: TRUE ARCH TECHNIQUE
Arches formed one of the most prominent features of medieval

architectural buildings. The building of a true arch required stones or
bricks, to be laid in the shape of a curve and bound together firmly by a
good binding material. This binding material was lime-mortar. The Turks
introduced new techniques in the construction of true arches. The result
was that the pre-Turkish forms of lintel and beam and corbelling, were
replaced by true arches and vaults and the spired roofs (shikhar) by
domes. Arches are made in a variety of shapes, but in India the pointed
form of the Islamic world was directly inherited. And sometimes in the
second quarter of the fourteenth century, another variant of the pointed
form, the four-centred arch, was introduced by the Tughluqs. It remained
in vogue till the end of the Sultanate.
The pointed arch was adopted in the Islamic world quite early due to
its durability and the ease of construction. The usual method of raising a
pointed arch was to erect a light centering and place one layer of bricks
over it. This layer supported another thin layer of flat bricks over which
the radiating voussoir of the arch was fixed in mortar. These two bottom
layers of brick-work would, if needed, act as permanent shuttering for the
arch. It may be noted here that the use of bricks instead of an all-wood
centering was a feature typical of regions like west Asia and India that
had scanty reserves of wood.
The Persian and Central Asian influence on early medieval Indian
architecture is more than self-evident. We find that the concept and design
of the Qutb Minar (originally called the Mazana) was considerably
influenced by the jaam and siah posh minarets in Afghanistan. The Qutb
Minar forms a part of the larger Quwat ul-Islam masjid complex. Its
construction was started by Qutubuddin Aibak, but was completed finally
by Iltutmish in 1215. Qutubuddin is said to have constructed the first
storey, while Iltutmish added three more storeys to the Minar. The present
fourth and fifth storeys were constructed by Firuzshah Tughluq, who used
white marble in place of the red sandstone used in the lower storeys.
Lightning struck the Qutb Minar in 1368 and, therefore, Firuzshah, while
repairing the fourth storey, added a fifth storey to the already stupendous
building. It was originally called the mazana or the place from where the
muezzin gave the call to prayer. It became known as Qutb Minar much
later to honour Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, the patron Sufi saint of
Iltutmish.
PHOTOGRAPH 1: QUWWAT IL-ISLAM MOSQUE AT QUTB COMPLEX,

DELHI
The earliest evidence of the arch in India is found in the Quwwat ul-
Islam mosque and later in the tomb of Iltutmish. But the true Islamic aj£h
made its first appearance in Balban’s tomb. In fact, the culmination of the
architectural style of the early phase was the mausoleum of Balban built
around 1287—88. It is now in ruins but still occupies an important place
in the development of Indo-Islamic architecture, as it is here that we
notice the earliest true arch.
PHOTOGRAPH 2: QUTB MINAR, DELHI
The Khalji architecture, as revealed in Alai Darwaza (built 1305) at

the Qutb complex and the Jamat Khana Masjid (1325) at Nizamuddin,
underwent a marked change in style. This phase occupies a key position
in Indo-Islamic architecture as it is deeply influenced by the Seljuq
architectural traditions. The characteristic features of the Khalji phase
include the employment of a true arch, the emergence of a true dome with
recessed arches under the squinch and the emergence of new masonry
consisting of a narrow course of headers alternating with a much wider
course of stretchers. In addition, the decorative features characterised by
calligraphy, geometry and arabesque now became much bolder and
profuse.
Religion and Culture {circa 1200-1550) 303
PHOTOGRAPH 3: ENGRAVING ON QUTB WALL, DELHI
Percy Brown has noted that in the buildings of the Khalji period a
new method of stone masonry was used.53 This consisted of laying stones
in two different courses of the headers and the stretchers. This system
was retained in subsequent buildings and became a characteristic feature
of the late medieval period buildings. The material commonly used for
plastering buildings was gypsum. Apparently lime-paste was reserved for
places - like the roof, the indigo-vats and the canals and drains - that
needed to be secured against the leakage of water. In the later period, i.e.,
around the fifteenth century or so when highly finished stucco work
became common, gypsum mortar was preferred to plaster work on the
walls and the ceiling.
Decorative art in the Islamic buildings served the purpose of
concealing the structure behind motifs rather than revealing it. Since the
depiction of a living being was generally frowned upon, the elements of
decoration were, in most cases, limited to calligraphy, geometry, and
foliage. But characteristically enough no one type of decoration was
reserved for a particular tupe of building; on the contrary, these pan-
Islamic decorative principles were used for all kinds of buildings in the
Delhi Sultanante.
Calligraphy is an important element of decorative art in the buildings
of this period. The Koranic sayings are inscribed on buildings in an
angular, sober and monumental script, known as Kufi. They may be found
in any part of the building including - door frames, ceilings, wall panels,
niches etc., and also in a variety of materials like - stone, stucco and
painting. Geometric shapes were used in these buildings in a variety of
combinations. The dominant form of decoration employed in Sultanate
buildings is the arabesque form. It is characterised by a continuous stem
which splits regularly, producing a series of leafy secondary stems which
can in turn split again or can be re-integrated into the main stream.
Blending of Indian and Seljuk Tradition
The Turkish conquerors of the twelfth century not only brought with them
an infusion of new blood, but also innovations gained from other lands,
fresh principles and practices which had stood the test of time. This
innovation is attested more in the field of art and architecture. At the same
time, because of the interaction between the indigenous and the Seljuk
traditions, a ground common to both was gradually formed. Architecture
was deeply influenced by the visual arts as well. The appearance of the
arch may well be traced to the influence of the early Muslim invaders and
the architectural developments of the post-Roman period. The
Mohammedans soon realised that this new system was more scientific in
approach and would lend their architecture greater durability. Therefore,
they decided to adopt this version in their own buildings. However, it is
also very significant to note that while adopting this new style, the Turks
made some changes in it to suit their own requirements.
Other equally important factors contributed to the growth of this new
style. Stone is abundantly available in India and this geological factor has
conditioned the growth and development of this art. With the increased
use of stone, the transition towards the arcade principle was made
possible. Another reason, which might have contributed to the growth of
this art, was the expertise of the artisans. However, the transition to heavy
dependence on arch was not very smooth in India as the existing
construction materials could not have possibly allowed scope to this
style. Therefore, the displacement of the beam by the arch was made
possible only by the introduction of a new construction material hitherto
little known to the indigenous builders. This new cementing agent was
mortar. The Turkish brought into use certain scientific and mechanical
formulae derived from either their own experiences or those of other
civilizations. The most important consequence of it was that when put
into practice, it could be used to counteract the effects of an oblique
lateral thrust, and to resist the forces of stress and strain. The end result
was that greater strength and stability was given to the building. Also, the
new material used was more cost-effective and it provided a wider range
and flexibility to the builder’s art.
The period saw some further innovations in this field like the use of
dressed stone slabs. The fact that the Turks, the Khaljis and the Tughluqs
put these techniques to use only provide us with further evidence of the
blending of local elements with Islamic traditions. Islamic buildings in
other countries, with some exceptions in the matter, were largely
constructed of brick, plaster and rubble. The difference in the use of
construction material is very significant. The use of less permanent
materials was resorted to because of the fact that several Central Asian
rulers were in too much of a hurry to realise their plans. In India, Turkish
rulers were able to take advantage of the skills and expertise of the
indigenous workers while the master craftmen were brought in from
Central Asia.
Another factor might have been the geological one. Most of the
construction work was carried out in the area where stone was abundantly
available. Pillars supported the lintels and beams then spanned the space
below either by corbelling or by the use of the lantern method. Brackets
and bracket-capitals gradually evolved. Hindu artisans made these features
even more assertively decorative than they already were.
Evolution of the True Dome
In due course of time the arch technique developed into that of a true
dome. Various methods were adopted at different points of time, but the
particular form employed in Iltutmish’s tomb was that of a ‘squinch’. The
dome was as much a symbol of Islam as was the arch, and the gradual
pressure of the patron, upon the architect to build a ceremonial dome,
eventually found expression in the tomb of Iltutmish for the first time.
But the construction of the dome demanded special techniques. The
problem was to find a suitable method for converting the square part of
the rectangular top of the room walls into a circular base in order that a
spherical dome could be raised. The best way to overcome this problem
was to convert the square plan into a polygon by the use of squinches
across the comers.
Domes began to be constructed as a ceremonical superstructure which
not only covered the monument but also crowned it imposingly. The
squinch has been built on the traditional horizontal method. The squnich
system consists of projecting a small arch, or similar contrivances, across
the upper part of the angle of the square hall. This has an effect of
converting its square shape into an octagon, which, again if necessary,
may be transformed in the same manner into a sixteen-sided figure. The
Lintel-Beam Method (Traditional Turkish Arch technique

Indian Method)
Tughluq (Sloping Wall or Batter)
Lodi (Tomb on High Platform)
FIGURE 9.4: EVOLUTION OF DOME DURING DELHI SULTANATE
end result was that it formed a convenient base on which the lower
circular rim of the dome could rest without leaving any part unsupported.
We find a similar kind of dome in another contemporary building also
built by Iltutmish - Sultan Ghari or ‘Sultan of the Care’, so named
because the cenotaph is an underground chamber. Gradually the dome

became more bulbous and elaborate and visible even from miles away.
Proliferation of Construction: Tughluq Architecture
The Tughluq period saw an upsurge in the building activity. A new

architectural style came into vogue in the Tughluq buildings. Judging
from the remains of these buildings, it can be seen that only the first three
rulers of this house appear to have been interested in the art of building.
However, the architecture of this period can be divided into two main
groups. The first group is comprised of the buildings of Ghiyasuddin and
Muhammad bin Tughluq. The second group is that of Feroz Tughluq’s
buildings. In the Tughluq Stone rubble is the principal building material
in Tughluq architecture and the walls are, in most cases, plastered. The
walls and bastions are invariably battered, the effect being most marked
at the comers. A hesitant and possibly experimental use was that of a
four-centred arch that neccisated the use of a supporting beam. This arch
beam combination is the hallmark of the Tughluq style. The pointed
horse-shoe arch of the preceding style was abandoned because of its
narrow compass and its inability to span wider spaces. The emergence of
a pointed dome with clearly visible neck stood contrasted with the rather
stifled dome of the preceding style. The Tughluqs also introduced tiles as
an element of decoration. In the tombs of this period we find the
emergence of an octagonal plan which came to be copied and perfected
by the Mughals in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. An additional
feature was the element of reduced ornament, confined mostly to inscribe
borders and medallions in spandrels executed in plaster or stucco.
After the death of Firuz Shah Tughluq in 1388, the Sultanate became
politically unstable, and in 1398 was sacked and plundered by Timur.
However the two succeeding dynasties of the Saiyyids and Lodis managed
to attain a semblance of power, though they ruled over a greatly shrunken
Delhi Sultanate in 1414-1526. A large number of tombs were built in and
around Delhi, so much so that over a period of time the area around Delhi
looked like a sprawling qabristan. Yet some of these structures are
important from the architectural point of view and can be considered as
heralding a distinct style. The mausoleums, designed on an octagonal
plane, are comprised of a main tomb-chamber surrounded by a one-storey
high arched verandah with projecting eaves supported on brackets. The
other types of mausoleums were built on a square plane. These were
characterised by the absence of a verandah around the main tomb-chamber
and the exterior comprised of two types of stones. There is an original
treatment of coloured tile decorations in these buildings. It is set sparingly
PHOTOGRAPH 4: TOMB OF GHIYASUDDIN TUGHLUQ, DELHI
in friezes. In addition, there are the intricately incised plaster surfaces.

The Delhi Sultanate came to an end in 1526 with the defeat of the last of
the Lodi Sultans at the hands of Babur. This also signaled the end of the
Sultanate style of architecture, which, in any case, had begun showing
signs of stagnation in the fifteenth century.
Painting
The history of painting in the Sultanate period is obscure compared with

that of architecture. This is primarily due to the non-availability of any
surviving specimens of at least the first hundred years of the establishment
of the Delhi Sultanate. Equally surprising is the absence of illuminated
books, an art that had reached the zenith of success in the Islamic world
by 1200. However, researchers in the last twenty-five years or so have
unearthed new evidence, forcing scholars to re-valuate their perception of
history. We now know that not only book illuminatin but murals too were
executed during the Sultanate period. The art of painting may thus be
divided into the following three categories, each one of which will be
discussed separately.
The closest view that one has of the murals, as a flourishing art form
during the rule of the Delhi Sultans, is through a large number of literary
references found in the chronicles of this period. These have been

compiled and analysed by Simon Digby. The earliest reference to murals,
in the Sultanate period, is in a qasida (Tabaqat-i Nasiri) in praise of
lltutmish, on the occasion of a gift from the Caliph in 1228. The verses in
this composition make it clear that human or animal figures were depicted
upon the spandrels of the main arch raised to welcome the envoy of the
Caliph. The most important single reference to painting in the Delhi
Sultanate can be found in the un-islamic observances of earlier rulers
inviting a ban by Firuz Tughluq (Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi by Afif). It indicates
the existence of a continuous tradition of figural paintings on the walls of
the Delhi palaces, which Firuz Tughluq sought to impose a ban upon.
This tradition of painting is not confined to the murals alone. In a
reference, relating to the entertainment parties thrown by Qutbuddin
Mubarak Khalji (1316-20), mention is made of a profusely painted open
sided tent. The decorations would therefore appear to be on painted cloth
(Nuh Siphr by Amir Khusrau).
Calligraphy was a revered art in the Islamic world and was used as a
decorative feature both on stone and on paper. In the hierarchy of
craftsmen, the calligrapher was placed that much higher than either the
illuminator or the painter. However, the calligraphy of the Koran became
one of the foremost forms of book art, where copies of the Koran were
produced on a majestic and expansive scale. The earliest known copy of
the Koran dates back to 1399. It was calligraphed at Gwalior, and has a
variety of ornamental motifs, derived both from Iranian and Indian
sources. Hamzanama (Berlin) dates back to about 1450 and depicts the
legendry exploits of Amir Hamza, one of the companions of the prophet.
Chandayan (Berlin) can be located anywhere between 1450-70 and
illustrates the love story of Laur and Chanda. Maulana Daud of Dalmau
composed it in the Awadhi dialect of Hindi in 1389.
Music
The development of music as an art form in the Delhi Sultanate took a

back seat when compared with architecture and painting. The fourteenth
century is perhaps the most important period in the history of the Delhi
Sultanate in terms of the developments made in music. That music in
some form or the other was practiced in the courts of the early Sultans is,
however, not improbable. Kaiqubad had built for himself a magnificent
palace at Kilugarhi. The courtly revels included dancing and singing of
Persian and Hindi songs by beautiful girls. But it was Amir Khusrau who
has left an enduring mark on the music not only of the Sultanate but of
India as a whole as well. Amir Khusrau was the disciple of the great Sufi
saint Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia of Delhi. He was also the court poet of
■
Alauddin Khalji who was excessively fond of music. The genius of Amir
Khusrau in the sphere of music can well be seen in the innovations made
in new compositions as well as in assimilating different forms of music
prevalent in his time. He is credited with having introduced the qawwali
mode of singing into the countryside for the first time. Several of our
modem rags like - zilaph, sazgiri and sarpada - were produced by
combining Persian and Indian tunes. The khayal form of singing was also
introduced by abandoning the traditional dhrupad. The period also saw
the introduction of a new musical instrument called the sitar - a
combination of the vina and the tanpura.
NOTES
1. Carl W. Emst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian
Sufi Center, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2004, p.7.
2. Riazul Islam, Sufism in South Asia: Impact on Fourteenth Century Muslim Society,
Karachi, 2002.
3. S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Vol. II, Reprint,
1992, New Delhi, 1997.
4. Carl Emst, Eternal Garden, p.241.
5. Raziuddin Aquil, ‘Chishti Sufi Order in Indian Subcontinent and Beyond’, Studies in
History, vol. 21, (1), n.s., 2005, p.101.
6. Carl W. Emst and Bruce B. Lawrence, Sufi Martyrs of Love: Chishti Sufism in South
Asia and Beyond, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2002.
7. Ibid. p. 12.
8. Ibid. p. 10.
9. Fawaid-al-Fuad is a collection of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya’s conversations. It has
been compiled by Amir Hasan Sijzi Dehlavi.
10. K.A. Nizami (ed.), Politics and Society During the Early Medieval Period, Collected
Works of Mohammad Habib, vol. I, Delhi, 1974.
11. Raziuddin Aquil, ‘Chishti Sufi Order in Indian Subcontinent and Beyond’, Studies in
History, vol. 21, (1), n.s., 2005, p. 105.
12. Carl W. Emst and Bruce B. Lawrence, op.cit. p. 4. Also see Richard M. Eaton, Sufis
of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India, Princeton University
Press, Princeton, 1978.
13. Carl Emst, Eternal Garden, pp.243-244.
14. Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier 1204-1760, Oxford .
University Press, Delhi, Third Impression 2002, p. 113.
15. Ibid, p. 114.
16. Ibid., p.115.
17. Ibid. pp. 113-119.
18. Ibid., p.116.
19. Ibid., pp.116-117.
20. Ibid., p. 117.
21. M. Mujeeb, The Indian Muslim, McGill-Queens University Press, Montreal, 1967,
p.22.
22. Bruce Lawrence, ‘Early Indo-Muslim Saints and Conversion’, in Yohanan Friedmann
(ed.), Islam in Asia, Vol. I, South Asia Westview Press, Boulder, 1984, p. 116.
MR
23. Richard Eaton, ‘The Political and Religious Authority of the Shrine of Baba Farid in
Pakpattan, Punjab’, in Barbara Metcalf (ed.), Moral Conduct and Authority: the
Place of Adah in South Asian Islam, Berkley University Press, Berkley, 1983.
24. op.cit. p. 117.
25. Richard Eaton, ‘The Political and Religious Authority'of the Shrine of Baba Farid in
Place of Adab in South Asian Islam, Berkley University Press, Berkley, 1983, pp.
339, 341-344.
26. Ibid, p.353. Also see Richard Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Role of
Sufis in Medieval India, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1978.
27. op.cit. p. xxa.
28. Asim Roy, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal, Princeton University Press,
Princeton, 1983, p. 44. Also see Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal
Frontier, p.194.
29. op.cit. p.292.
30. Asim Roy, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition, pp. 50-57 and 207-248.
31. Even in Richard Eaton’s analysis of role of environment, agriculture and imperial
Mughal policy in the unwitting encouragement of the gradual growth of Muslim
population in Bengal, we find reference to indirect role of the Sufis.
32. Irfan Habib, ‘The Historical Background of the Popular Monotheistic Movements of
the 15th-17th Centuries’, in Bisheshwar Prasad (ed.), Ideas in History, Bombay,
1969, pp.6-13.
33. Mohammad Habib, ‘ Introduction to Elliot and Dowson’, History of India as Told by
Its Own Historians, Reprint, Aligarh, 1952, pp.54ff.
34. Irfan habib, ‘The Historical Background of the Popular Monotheistic Movements of
the 15th-17th Centuries’, in Bisheshwar Prasad (ed.), Ideas in History, Bombay,
1969, p. 11.
35. W.H. Mcleod , Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 1986, pp. 151-8
36. Charlotte Vaudenville, A Weaver Named Kabir: Selected Verses With a Detailed
Biographical and Historical Introduction, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1993,
pp.95-97.
37. W.H. Mcleod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 1986, p,152fn.
38. W.H. Mcleod, Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, Oxford University Press, New
Delhi, 1986, pp. 153.
Biographical and Historical Introduction, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
1993, p.55.
Delhi, 1986, pp. 156.
41. Ibid., p.156.
1993, p.55.
Delhi, 1986, pp. 156.
1993, pp 329-56.
45. Ibid., p.329.

46; Charlotte Vaudenville, A Weaver Named Kabir, p.41.
47. W.H. Mcleod , Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion, pp.157-158.
48. Monica Juneja (ed.), Architecture in Medieval: Forms, Contexts, Histories ,
Permanent Black, Delhi, 2001, p.76.
49. Ibid., p.76.
50. Oleg Graber, The Formation of Islamic Art, London, Revised edition, 1987, Chapter
3. Yale University Press.
51. C.f. Surendra Sahai, Indian Architecture: Islamic Period 1192-1857, Prakash Books,
2004, p.10.
52. Monica Juneja (ed.), Architecture in Medieval: Forms, Contexts, Histories ,
Permanent Black, New Delhi, 2001, p.77. Also see Surendra Sahai, Indian
Architecture: Islamic Period 1192-1857, Prakash Books, 2004, p.8.
53. Percy Brown, Indian Architecture: Islamic Period, D. B. Tarporevala & Sons
Bombay, 1968.
Unit III
History of Regions
The Regions
(circa 1200-1550)
♦ THE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ISSUE: FORMATION OF
SUPRA-REGIONAL AND REGIONAL STATES
♦ SUPRA-REGIONAL KINGDOMS
> Vijayanagar
> Bahmani
♦ THE PROCESS OF REGIONAL STATE.FORMATION

> Gujarat
> Mewar
> Bengal
THE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ISSUE: FORMATION

OF SUPRA-REGIONAL AND REGIONAL STATES
e have already read in Chapters 2 and 3 that there was a marked
W shift in historiography of period located between 750 and 1200 or
so with greater emphasis being placed on the regional developments.
Perhaps this development hinges upon the arrival of the Turks and the
establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. It is quite intriguing to observe that
monographs and research on the Delhi Sultanate dominate the
historiography on state formation. Histories of the region do appear on
the historiographical terrain, but only after the disintegration of the Delhi
Sultanate. It is almost as if no other state, apart from the Delhi Sultanate,
existed in the period ranging from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries.
Recent research over the last one decade or so has shown how the
study of state formation as well as of religious and cultural transformation
in various regions have become vital and indispensable to combat earlier
points of view which put tremendous emphasis on the political
fragmentation that followed the collapse of the Delhi Sultanate. Earlier
accounts of historiography are also suspect because they do not take the
processes of continuous state formation from the local roots at the regional
levels into account. Thus, an alternative historiography is increasingly
contemplating the study of regions not only from 1200 onwards, but from
eighth century onwards. In this historiography the existence of the
powerful Delhi Sultanate is not contradicted or questioned. Rather the
Delhi Sultanate is indicative of an important interventionist moment.
Research is now directed towards the endogenous processes of social and
intellectual development in the region. B.D. Chattopadhyaya1 and
Hermann Kulke2 have identified three key historical processes that gained
momentum from the eighth century onwards - the vertical and horizontal
expansion of state society, the assimilation and acculturation of the earlier
tribal population, and the integration of local religious cults and practices.
Hermann Kulke in his seminal work on Orissa entitled Kings and Cults,
argues that the large tribal population and the many scattered centres of
settlement in medieval Orissa provide an exceptionally vivid illustration
of how the growth of regional polities dovetailed into the incorporation of
indigenous deities and the ‘peasan tisation’ of tribal societies. On that
basis, Kulke has formulated a scheme of the progressive stages of
medieval state formation from chiefdom to early kingdoms to imperial
kingdoms.
Before we move on to discuss the different regions, it is pertinent to
define and understand the term ‘region’. The term ‘region’ has been
defined and explained in diverse ways. Deryck O. Lodrick has come up
with a very interesting view of the matter. He says that each ‘human
❖ The Regions (circa 1200-1550) ❖ 317
collectivity’ has a sense of place, ‘a subjective connection’ to its natural

and man-made environment, with its physical features, institutional and
social patterns, historical traditions and cultural landscapes. According to
him, while regions are grounded in objective realities, they are also
subjective constructs, for both outsiders and insiders, and therefore,
exploring a regional identity is ‘to explore an idea’.3 While exploring
Rajasthan as a region Deryck O. Lodrick says that the desert, the manner
in which people dress, and the Rajput clans have not only helped in
creating an image of Rajasthan, they are also elements of a specific
environmental setting, a cultural tradition and a social structure that have
all played a significant role in shaping the character of modem Rajasthan.4
Jayashree Gokhale-Turner says that the regions of India are real and not
merely geographic or administrative accidents. Turner argues that the
histories of various regions seem to possess some inner logic and dynamic,
and this inner coherence distinguishes one region and its history from
another.5 Thus, conceptualisation of regions and the emergence of regional
identities reflect processes involving complex historical, cultural and
social forces working in a particular geographic setting over somewhat
longer periods of time. In fact, the objective of regional studies is to
present a clearer and more complete picture of India as a whole; and it is
this that provides both the rationale and the justification for regional
studies.
Cynthia Talbot6 has shown how the notion of ‘a regional identity that
merged linguistic and political affiliation’ was expressed during the era of
the Kakatiyas (1175-1325) and the territorial boundaries of the state were
largely harmonising with the Telugu-speaking area. They continued to
persist even after the demise of the Kakatiyas in Medieval Andhra. Talbot
says that the growth of regional societies was the most outstanding feature
of the medieval period. According to her, the most noteworthy regional
development during the medieval period was the ‘proliferation of
polities’.7
Thus, the study of regions is very important to understand the various
regions and communities of India in their diversity. However, in the
historiography of the period, the heartlands and the great empires and
kingdoms of the time have been well represented, while not too much
importance is accorded to regions. Interestingly enough, late twentieth
century research did not care to talk about the proliferation of many
smaller states as this was considered a peripheral, historically insignificant
matter.
There is no disagreement among historians over the fact that the early
medieval period saw the emergence and spread of a large number of
smaller states, but the reasons for this development require more
introspection. Earlier in Chapter 2 we have read that R.S. Sharma and
gaga
other advocates of the Indian feudalism model took this phenomenon as

evidence of political disintegration. According to them, the system of
land grants resulted in the alienation of large tracts of land from royal
control. This only led to the fragmentation of political authority, and the
lack of a strong central power. For them, medieval economy was soon
becoming demonetised and deurbanised as levels of trade dropped steeply.
Thus, according to this thesis, the explosion of states was both a symptom
and a cause of regression in early medieval India. But it is important to
note that the smaller states were situated in areas that had not produced
states previously.8 The new political structure that emerged comprised not
the dispersed fragments of a previous central government, but new
formations arising out of the extension of agrarian settlements and the
resulting growth of population. Outside the Gangetic plain, small pockets
of settled agriculture had emerged amidst vast tracts of forested land.
Along these agrarian tracts smaller political powers and a new political
elite evolved. According to Cynthia Talbot, the swing toward regional
idioms in inscriptions and literary texts indicates that ‘medieval elites
[szc] were becoming more localised in character’.9
The study of regions also has another rationale. It is also a history of
the marginalised and the dispossessed. Their history till now has remained
unexposed largely on account of the easy availability of the structured
source material related to the elite. Researchers are now putting a lot of
emphasis on the use of bardic narratives and local literatures and legends
to uncover subaltern history. The works of B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Herman
Kulke and B.P. Sahu have made a major breakthrough in the study of
local state formation in the early medieval period, which we have already
discussed in Chapters 2 and 3. The idea of an ‘integrative polity’ not only
subjected the very basis of political decentralisation to scrutiny, but also
revealed that a very intensive process of state formation was taking place
at the regional and local levels. It also focussed upon the cohesiveness of
local elements of culture at the regional level. However, regional studies
vanished into oblivion immediately after the early medieval period, when
the Turks were finally able to establish a highly powerful Delhi Sultanate.
The Delhi-centered historiography suddenly becomes important enough
to make regional states non-entities. One possible reason for this lies in
the relatively easy availability of primary sources in the form of Persian
narratives. The abundance of literary sources on the Delhi Sultanate made
the knowledge of a largely and predominantly north Indian empire known
to us in various and all-embracing forms. But it is significant that some
regional states continued to exist throughout this period of the Delhi
Sultanate and some states independent of the Delhi Sultanate emerged in
central and south India after Muhammad bin Tughluq abandoned
Daulatabad and came back to Delhi.
A few works have come up highlighting the formation of regional

sultanates in Malwa10 and Gujarat11, although they are largely dynastic
histories. Recently, the works of Nandini Sinha Kapur12 on Mewar; Burton
Stein13 on Vijayanagar; and Richard M. Eaton14 on Bengal have tried to
fill the gap by highlighting the importance of regional states. The works
of Richard M. Eaton and Nandini Sinha Kapur in particular highlight the
continuity of the processes of regional state formation cutting across the
conventional divide of the medieval period. Nandini Sinha points out that
the political process of state formation continued along with
accompanying economic, social and religious processes. Similarly a lot of
research work has been done on . Orissa, the most significant of these
being the work of Herman Kulke.15 He tells us that Orissa witnessed a
continuous process of the territorial integration of nuclear areas from the
sixth to the sixteenth centuries and saw the emergence of a great regional
kingdom under the Gangas and the Suryavamsis during the period 1112-
1568. Another important work on the region is the history of the Gonds
by Surajit Sinha.16 He draws our attention to the fact that the Gonds were
able to shape large kingdoms in central India, particularly in Madhya
Pradesh, the capitals of which were located in Garha, Deogarh, Kherla
and Chanda. Thus, over the recent few years many research works have
been undertaken which prove that the socio-economic and cultural
patterns in various regions shaped up as important historical phenomenon.
SUPRA-REGIONAL KINGDOMS
Supra-regional kingdoms included the regional states which were above
the category of ‘region’m the sfncTsense of the term since they extended
beyond geographically defined boundaries and challenged the authority
of the powerful Delhi Sultanate. The most important states of this kind
comprised the Vijayanagar kingdom of South India and the Bahmani
Sultanate of Central India.
VIJAYANAGAR
Vijayanagar - unlike the other regional kingdoms, the historiography of
which can be reconstructed only from inscriptions - is particularly well
documented and we get an insight into the daily life, the administrative
structure and the social organisation of the late medieval supra-regional
kingdom. Apart from the inscriptions, chronicles written in regional
languages life also a good source of information for the history of
Vijayanagar. We also have access to extensive reports of European
travellers who began visiting Vijayanagar soon after the Portuguese
conquest of Goa in 1510.
TABLE 10.1
SOURCES OF STUDY OF VIJAYANAGAR KINGDOM
T. Archaeological: < r f
" • Ruins of tile Vijayanagar Empire,- .which includes palaces" and''"temples,
monuments and many secular buildings* such as elephant stables and'the'
Lotus Mahal.
• Inscriptions providing information about the political, social and.economic'
history of the empire (in Tanai, Telgu and Kannada) - „;
• Coins (numismatics) issued by Vijayanagar rulers, subh ai the yaraiia'oiii&'-
gold coins, which have the names of the Vijayanagar rulers stamped djtone^ i
side and the figures of Hindu deities or §ve$ qf animals on the uierse.
2. Literary: < - ,
• Amuktamalyada (in Telgu) of Krishna Deva Raya’ ,
J .
• Janibavati Kalyanam (in Sanskrit) of Krishna Deya Raya
• Manucharitam of Peddana ' ~ \-
• Gangadasa Pralapa-Vilasam of Gatiagadhar (siege of Vijayanagar by the -
Bahmanis)
. • Maduravijayam of Gangadevi (conquest of Madurai by Bukka I) . > - ’’
' • Saluvabhyudayam. of Rajanattha Dindima (history of the Saluva dynasty).
Foreign Travellers’Account
1 • The Moroccan traveller, Ibn Battutah (Harihara I) also visited Muhammad
bin Tughluq
• Nicolo de Conti, Venetian or Italian Traveller (Deva Raya I) ’’
♦ Abdur Razzak, Persian Traveller (Deva Raya II)’ -
• Domingo Paes, Portuguese Traveller (Krishna Deva Raya) ’’ r
• Edwardo Barbosa, Portuguese Traveller (Krishna Deva Raya) “ ;
• Nuniz, Portuguese Traveller (Achjuta Deva Raya)
The Vijayanagar kingdom was founded in 1346 as a direct response

to the challenge posed by the Delhi Sultanate. However, it is said that
Vijayanagar emerged as an expression of Hindu resistance to Islam. To
them, the religion became symptomatic of the invasion of their country
by the Delhi and the Bahmani Sultans. Richard M. Eaton has described it
as ‘the Maginot Line’ of Deccan historiography.17 But neither the
Vijayanagar nor the Bahmani kingdom arose out of opposition to each
other. The two kingdoms emerged at about the same time for more or less
the same reasons and it was this that was understood as resistance to the
Sultanate of Delhi. Richard M. Eaton says that both states were
established as ‘revolutionary regimes’ that evolved out of armed resistance
to a common imperial power, the Delhi Sultanate.18 The Telugu chieftains
desired only to throw off the northern rule.19
MB
The Vijayanagar kingdom was founded by two brothers, Harihara and
Bukka. They were the sons of Sangama, the last Yadava king and had
TeerTin the service of the Kakatiyas. of Warangal. Legend has it that the
two brothers fled from Warangal in Andhra Pradesh after its capture by
the Muslims; they then settled at Kampili, a small realm close to what
was to become the city of Vijayanagar, where they were taken captive by
the Sultan’s army in 1327. They were taken to Delhi and were made to
convert to Islam, whereupon the Sultan put them in charge on his behalf.
They then came under the influence of the Hindu monk Vidyaranya, who
took them back into the fold of Hinduism. They founded a new monarchy
with a capital at a strategic place south of the Tungabhadra River, where
Harihara was crowned king in 1336.
Harihara I was succeeded by his younger brother, Bukka I, in 1357.
Bukka began the rapid expansion of the empire. He fought against
Muhammad Shah Bahmani to gain control over the Raichur Doab, the
land between the rivers Tungabhadra and Krishna. In a peace treaty of
1365, Doab was ceded to Bukka with the river Krishna intervening
between the two kingdoms. Some revenue districts to the south of the
Krishna had to be administered jointly. However, the Doab remained a
contested site in the years to come. Richard Eaton also says that there was
‘fierce interstate competition over control of one of the wealthiest strips
of land in the entire peninsula, the Raichur Doab, which lay directly
between Vijayanagar and Bahmani domain’.20 By the time Bukka died in
1377, Vijayanagar became the largest regional kingdom of south India.
Throughout the fifteenth century there were innumerable clashes
between the rulers of Vijayanagar and Bahmani over the annexation of
the Doab. Vijayanagar’s defeat exposed the weaknesses of its armed
forces. Repeated defeats forced the Vijayanagar rulers to reorganise the
army by recruiting Muslim archers and purchasing better and more able-
bodied horses. Raichur Doab again became the bone of contention for a
number of turbulent decades beginning in 1465 or so and extending into
1509. In the beginning, Vijayanagar had to surrender the western ports
like Goa, Chaul and Dabhol to the Bahmanis. But, around 1490, when the
Bahmani kingdom began to disintegrate and Bijapur was established
under Yusuf Adil Khan, fortune eventually smiled upon Vijayanagar and
it succeeded in capturing Tungabhadra region. The loss of western ports
had completely dislocated the horse trade, on which the Vijayanagar army
hugely depended for its cavalry. However, the occupation of Donavar,
Bhatkal, Bakanur and Mangalore led to the revival of the horse trade,
ensuring the regular supply of horses.
The Gajapatis of Orissa were a vital force in the region located in the
north east of the Vijayanagar. They had in their possession areas like
Kondavidu, Udayagiri and Masulipatam. Vijayanagar waged several .wars
against Orissa and this struggle for supremacy continued for about a
century. The Vijayanagar rulers succeeded in pushing the Gajapatis as far
as the Godavari and soon occupied Kondavidu, Udayagiri and
Masulipatam. But in 1481, Masulipatam was lost to the Bahmanis. As far
as Orissa was concerned, the collapse of the Gajapati kingdom was
precipitated by this internecine struggle. Whenever balance of power
shifted, Vijayanagar’s control of the east coast was challenged.
Krishnadeva Raya 1509-29
Krishnadeva Raya was the greatest ruler of Vijayanagar. Jie restored the
lost glory of Vijayanagar and proved to be both a great warrior and an
astute politician. In addition to being a great warrior and administrator,
Krishnadeva is also remembered as a great patron of art and architecture.
Almost all the big and noteworthy temples of South India, the
Chidambaram being one among many, were built in Krishnadeva’s time.
Ele was alsoTgreat patron of Telugu literature and composed poetry. He
received much praise as the ‘Andhra Bhoja’ because he could rival the
great eleventh-century Paramara king, Bhoja, who had been one of the
greatest patrons of literature in Indian history.
During Krishnadeva Raya’s reign, the power of the Bahmanis
declined, leading to the emergence of five kingdoms on the ruins of the
Bafimani empire - the Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar; the Adil Shahis of
Bijapur; the Imad Shahis of Berar, the Qutb Shahis of Golconda and the
TJand~Shahis of Bidar. This helped Krishnadeva Raya greatly in capturing
Kovilknda and Raichur from the Adil Shahis_o£Bijapur and Gulbarga in
Bidar from the Bahmanis. Krishnadeva Raya also recovered Udayagiri.
Kondavidu (south of river Krishna), Nalgonda (in Andhra Pradesh).
Telingana and Warangal were taken from the Gajapatis. By 1510, the
Portuguese had also emerged as a strong power to reckon with. The
occupation of goa and the sack of Danda Rajourin and Dabhol provided
them with monopoly over the horse trade. Since Goa had been the
entreport of the Deccan states of horse trade Krishnadeva Raya maintained
friendly relations with the Portuguese on Bhatkal. Similarly, the
Portuguese soldiers played a reasonable role in Krishnadva Raya’s success
against Ismail Adil Khan of Bijapur.
After Krisnadeva’s death, Vijayanagar was plunged in civil war and
this only attracted external invasions. Taking advantage of the conflict
ridden situation that Vijayanagar found itself in, Ismail Adil Khan of
Bijapur seized Raichur and Mudgal. Under weak successors, reaj power
remained in the hands of Rama Raya, the son-in-law of Krishnadeva
Raya. He followed the policy of recruiting Muslims into the army and
v The Regions (circa 1200-1550) ❖ 323
conferred important offices on them, a measure which greatly enhanced

its efficiency. By 1512, the rulers of Vijayanagar had succeeded in
bringing almost the whole southern peninsula under their control.
By the end of 1564 the combined forces of the Sultans of the newly
emergent five kingdoms, that had arisen on the ashes of the Bahmani
kiHgabthTcamelogether near the Vijayanagar fortress of Talikotajon the
banks of the fiver Krishna. Rama Raya, who was leading the Vijayanagar
army, must have realised what was at stake. He mounted a determined
attack with all the forces at his disposal. The battle seemed to be turning
in favour of Vijayanagar - when two Muslim generals of the Vijayanagar
army suddenly changed sides. Rama Raya was taken prisoner and was
immediately beheaded. His brother Tirumala then fled with the whole
army, including 1,500 elephants and the treasures of the realm, leaving
the capital city in shambles. Thus, the two major realms of the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries undermined each other’s resistance to the Delhi
Sultanate.
Nature of Vijayanagar State
Opinion among historians is divided when it comes to characterising the

Vijayanagar state. Nilakanta Sastri’s 21 work has dominated the panorama
of the history of Vijayanagar and of south India for almost two decades.
Sastri and his supporters’ work methodology remained unchallenged until
Burton Stein came forward with a strong critique of the existing model.
Burton Stein 22 introduced the ‘segmentary state model’ which he q)
borrowed from Southal who had used it to explain the Alur society of
South Africa. He first applied it the study of the history and polity of the yj
Cholas and then extended it to explain the Vijayanagar power structure.?'''
In the New Cambridge History of India series Burton Stein presented the i J
Vijayanagar history in this conceptual framework only. However, Stein’s
segmentary state model and its applicability to the Indian context has
been looked at with much distrust and scepticism by several scholars,
especially Hermann Kulke who highlighted its limitations by pointing out
that the actual sovereignty of the kings of Orissa can well be proved
beyond scope of doubt against the backdrop and incontrovertible veracity
of which the idea of ritual sovereignty, as propounded by the segmentary
state model, seems facile and weak, to say the least.
Recently, scholars like Karashima and Subbarayalu have attempted to ,
analyse the history of Vijayanagar. Their method of study is based on th^-"7
details mentioned in the Vijayanagar inscriptions in Tamil Nadu. These
historians have rejected Stein’s segmentary state model in favour of the
feudal model with significant variations. Karashima says that ‘the strength
of the state control over nayakas seems to have made Vijayanagar

feudalism fatfieFsimilar to the Tokugawa feudalism of Japan’.
T.V. Mahalingam has also described the Vijayanagar state as
essentially feudal in structure and has compareci it to European feudalism.
He has also highlighted the differences between the western and the
Vijayanagar models of feudalism. Mahalingam’s opinion was mainly
based on his study of the Nayankara system. In the Vijayanagar polity,
land was conceived of as belonging to the king. Hence, he could distribute
it to his dependants. Those who held land granted by the king were called
Nayakas. These Nayakas had great autonomy over the territory that had
thus been granted to them. In return the Nayakas had two key obligations -
(i) to remit an annual financial contribution to the imperial treasury; and
(ii) to maintain and provide the kings with an army back-up.
The Nayakas often leased out land to their tenants on terms similar to
those on which they held their lands from the king. This can well be
described as sub-infeudation, which was also a feature of European
feudalism. However, there were essential differences between the two
systems. In Europe, the process of fealty was very much in existence
according to which the individual small land holder paid homage to the
lord and received land from him as a fief in return for services rendered
to him in return for protection offered. This feature is practically non
existent in the Vijayanagar Nayak system. The Nayankara system was an
administrative policy of the kings to assign territories to the Nayakas in
return for military service and a fixed financial contribution. The element
of subservience to a politically superior lord, predominant in European
feudalism, was lacking in the Nayankara system according to
Mahalingam. Nayakas held land as amaram tenure. Vijayanagar kings
assigned heavy responsibilities and duties to Nayaks and withdrew
protection if they failed to perform their duties. Nuniz has stated that
punitive measures could well be taken against them and property could be
confiscated if the king’s displeasure was incurred in any way. In European
feudalism the society as a whole was chained together by the link of land
tenure whereas the Nayankara system linked together only a section of
the population. Likewise sub-infeudation was not practiced on as large a
scale in Vijayanagar as in Europe.
Hermann Kulke and Dietmar Rothermund have also described the
Vijayanagar polity as a ‘military feudalism’.23 They see in the Amarnayaka
system a close parallel to such a structure. However, Burton Stein is of
the view that this system cannot be called a feudal one on account of the
fact some of the more salient features of feudalism such as homage and
vassalage are practically non-existent in the Vijayanagar system. Further,
there is no evidence of the tributary relationship either. Stein says that the
Portuguese writings on feudalism should be studied with caution in this
respect because their use of the term feudalism must be understood in the
context of their own experience and their desire to explain Indian affairs
to European readers in the terms which were familiar to them. Stein
described the system as segmentary in which the king enjoyed a ritual
sovereignty which is in contradiction with actual sovereignty. The
segmentary model introduced by Stein was challenged by Herman Kulke
and others showing that in many parts of India kings enjoyed actual
sovereignty over their territory, giving examples of the Suryvanshi kings
of Orissa.
More recently Karashima, after studying the Tamil epigraphical
sources of the Vijayanagar kingdom, has argued that ‘the strength of the
State control over nayakas seems to have made ‘Vijayanagar feudalism’
rather similar to the Tokugawa feudalism of Japan’. He argues that if one
does not accept the' feudal interpretation, we need to find some other
logical explanation for the difference between the Chola and the
Vijayanagar regimes.
Anatomy of Administration
The king was the supreme authority. He had a council of ministers to

assist him. The kings would also appoint royal princes to important
official positions in order to train them in administration.
The kingdom was divided into smaller administrative units called the
rajyas or provinces, which were placed under the administrative control
of the Pradhanis. To begin with, the Pradhanis were princes of the royal
line but later, the post was occupied by military officers. The exact
number of rajyas in the Vijayanagar kingdom is not known, but it is true
that the rajyas were important administrative and revenue units. The
headquarters of each rajya was called cavadi and a rajya could have a
number of smaller units like the nadus, the parrus and so on and so forth.
The rajyas ceased to serve the function of important administrative units
when the Nayaka system was established by the time of Krishnadeva
Raya. However, various rajyas figure in records though perhaps only as
geographical names. There were other smaller divisions like the sthalas
and the nadus used in addition to the rajyas.
Nayankara System
The Nayankara system was an important characteristic of the Vijayanagar
political organisation. The military chiefs or warriors held the title of
Nayaka or Amaranayaka. It is difficult to classify these warriors on the
basis of definite offices held, ethnic identities, set of duties or rights and
privileges. The institution of the nayaks was studied in great detail by -
Femao Nuniz and Domingo Paes - two Portugese men who visited India
during the reigns of Krishnadeva Raya and Achyut Raya of the Tulvua
dynasty during the sixteenth century.
The Nayakas, from which the term Nayankara has been derived,
were a category of officers appointed by the king with rights over land.
The Nayakas enjoyed control over the land held by them and could parcel
out a part of it to others in return for some remittance of revenue and
other services rendered to a higher authority. Epigraphical sources mention
different kinds of Nayakas such as Dannayakas (military official), Durga-
dannayakas (military official in charge of fort) and Amaranayakas.
Durga-dannayakas were Brahman commanders in charge of strategic
fortresses. The landholding allocated to the Nayakas was called
Nayakattanam. Nuniz, a Portuguese traveller, says that there were as
many as two hundred nayakas in the Vijayanagar kingdom. Karashima
refers to more than three hundred Nayakas in the post 1485 period located
in the northern part of the Tamil region. The Nayaka chiefs controlled and
furthered production by encouraging settlers, cultivators, artisans and
other service groups, who on their part enjoyed some tax concessions.
These Nayakas were obliged to be present in the royal headquarters and
looked after their territory through their agents or Karyakarta. In return
for the territory received from the king the Nayaka’Th&Ax.o maintain
troops; as compensation for services rendered, they would get a remittance
of a portion of revenue. The king would assign a niece of land to a
Nayaka who in turn would distribute it in three way^l JA sub-Nayaka who
received land from the Nayaka was called Amaranayaka. He was
responsible for maintaining troops. He had to remit a fixed amount to the
Aaya^n^rhe Nayaka employed cultivators on the land. This land under
his direCt possession was called Bhandaravada/!Xhe Nayaka would often
gift a portion of land to some religious institution free of tax. Such grants
were called manya. The amaram land, which was in possession of the
AmaranayaNas^ was cultivated by employing a Kaniyalar who then
engaged a kudi; primary cultivators as well as forced labour. The manya
land, enjoyed by religious institutions, was cultivated by the kudis
(occupant cultivators).
Domingo Paes gives a clearer picture of the amamayaka system-
‘ Should anyone ask what revenues the king possesses, and what his
treasure is that enables him to pay so many troops, since he has so many
and such great lords in his kingdom, who, the greater part of them, have
themselves revenues, I answer this: These captains whom he has over
these troops of his are the nobles of his kingdom; they are lords and they
hold the city, and the towns and villages of the kingdom;there are captains
amongst them who have a revenue of a million and a half of pardaos,
others a hundred thousand pardaos, others two hundred, three hundred or
five hundred thousand pardaos and as each one has a revenue so the king
fixes for him the number of troops he must maintain, in foot, horse and
elephants. These troops are always ready for duty whenever they may be
called out and whenever they may have to go; and in this way he has this
million of fighting men always ready. Each of these captains labours to
turn out the best troops he can get because he pays them their salaries;
and (in the review of troops by Krishnaraya)....there were the finest
young men possible to be seen, for in all this array I did not see a man that
would act the coward. Besides maintaining these troops each captain has
to make his annual payments to the king, and the king has his own
salaried troops to whom he gives pay [szc]’.24
Sometimes the Nayakas, who were pillars of support for the king,
became so powerful that they rebelled against him. Burton Stein cites one
such example and says ‘When his brother the great Krishnaraya died,
Achyuta’s position was secured against the powerful Aliya Ramaraya, a
brother in law of the late king, by two of Achyuta’s own brothers in law:
Pedda and Chinna Salakaraju. The Salakaraju brothers continued to serve
Achyuta as among his most successful and reliable generals as did another
brother in law Cevappa Nayaka. The Brahman commander and minister
Saluva Narasimha Nayaka or Sellappa who, with the Salakaraju brothers,
assured the Vijayanagar throne to Achyuta in 1529 was rewarded with the
control of Tanjore, the richest territory in the empire. Sellappa revolted
against Achyuta in 1531 in alliance with the other Nayakas of the south.
The reasons for this revolt appear to have been differences with Aliya
Ramaraya; Sellappa had thwarted Ram Raya’s ambitions to the throne at
the death of Krishnaraya and was now being made to pay for that by the
still powerful Ram Raya’.25
Overall the Nayankara system functioned very well in the Vijayanagar
kingdom throughout its existence. Noboru Karashima26 in his work points
out that the nayaka system was 'established as a ruling system in the
Vijayanagar kingdom during the last quarter of the fifteenth century and
continued till the first quarter of the seventeenth century. He saysThat the
nayaka system was well established and functioned satisfactorily during
the first half of the sixteenth century. The defeat of Rakshasi-Tangadi in
1565 was followed by a long succession of weak, inept kings pitted
against that much stronger and more powerful Nayakas; an unequally
matched skirmish, which could result only in defeat. We have references
to the bestowal of nayakkattanam on some Nayakas by Sriranga (1572-
85) and Venkata (1586-1614).
According to Burton Stein, "Nayaka authority in Tamil country
certainly hastened or perhaps even completed the demise of those local
institutions which together provided each locality segment of the Chola
state with basic coherence: the local body of nattars acting corporately
through their territorial assembly, the nadu or, latterly, combined with
other locality bodies in the greater nadu, the periyanadu, brahmadeyas
acting as the ritual and ideological cores of each locality [sic]’.27 Nilkantha
Sastri has also suggested that ‘crown lands, annual tributes from
feudatories and provincial governors military fiefs studded the whole
length and the breadth of the empire, each under a nayak or military
leader authorised to collect revenue and administer a specified area
provided he maintained an agreed number of elephants, horses, and troops
ever ready to join the imperial forces in war’.28
Historians, who feel that the European concept of feudalism cannot
be applied to the Indian context, have seen in the Nayakara system of
Vijayanagar a close parallel to such a social structure. Krishnaswami
points out, ‘... this Nayankara system of the feudal arrangements in the
Tamil country seems to have been in existence from the time of the
conquest of the region by Kumara Kampana’.29 In fact, N.K. Sastri says
that the Nayakas of 1565 were entirely different from the nayakas located
in the period after 1565. This is because the Nayakas, who were totally
dependent upon royal will until 1565, acquired a status of semi
independence after 1565.30
Venkataramanayya, however is of the opinion that, ‘The Nayankara
system has no doubt strong affinities to feudalism but it has also many
differences. ...and was held immediately or mediately of the emperor on
condition of military service’.31 Thus, since the concept of homage did
not exist it is characterised as a military system under a central power.
Ayagar System
The Ayagars were functionaries of the village and constituted of groups

of families. There were headmen (gaudas or maniyams), accountants
(kamams, senabhovas) and watchmen (talaiyaris). They were given a
portion or plot of land in a village. Sometimes they had to pay a fixed
rent, but generally these plots were tax-free manya lands as no regular
customary tax was imposed on their agricultural income. In exceptional
cases, direct payment in kind was made for services performed by village
functionaries. Other village servants - like washermen and priests - who
performed essential services for the village community, were assigned
plots of land. Other village servants like potters, blacksmiths and
carpenters who helped in providing essential services were also given
income shares. These income shares, which were not taxed but which
served as payment for other services performed, were called umbali,
kodage and srotriya. Payments in kind were referred to as danyadaya and
those in cash were called suvarndaya, kasu kadamai.
T.V. Mahalingam 32 is of the opinion that the village administration

was organised in the form of the ayagar system and every village was a
separate" unit. Twelve functionaries, collectively known as ayagars.
were~appointe<f~bv thegoverhment. The office soon became hereditary.
An ayagar could always sell or mortgage” the officeTax free landsT or
manyas, were granted to them till perpetuity. The term ayagar cannot be
found in Tamil inscriptions and finds rare mention in Kannada
inscriptions. However, it may be notecHhat thevillagefurictionanes of
Jhe-ayagafsystemn carried out diverse economic activities in the local
communities. The question is whether it was a system and if it was, when
and where was it first introduced? Was the genesis laid in Vijayanagar.
Inscriptional evidence does not seem to prove as much. Burton Stein
raises an important question about ‘whether “local institutions” continued
to flourish during the Vijayanagar period as they had, especially in Tamil
country, prior to that time’.33
It is generally held that the introduction of the Nayankara and Ayagar
systems in the provincial and local spheres by the Vijayanagar rulers
brought about the decline and resulted in the gradual disappearance of the
local institutions in the Tamil Country. Historians like Nilkantha Sastri
and T. V Mahalingam refer to the changes that crept into the functioning
of local institutions like the Ur, the Sabha and the Nadu in Tamil areas on
account of the prevalence of the Nayaka tenure. The views of Sastri and
Mahalingam find favour with Stein. Burton Stein suggests that ‘.ayagars,
the body of village servants displaced villages of the Chola period (Sabha
and Ur) as the local management institutions’.34
Revenue Administration
N.K. Sastri has argued that one mode of collecting revenue was through
the system of tax fanning. This has not yet been established conclusively.
Nuniz has also made an interesting reference to the annual payment made
by the Nayakas to the king. However/Burton Stein does not agree with
the view that royal officials or revenue farmers actually existed and were
assigned the task of sending the tax collection to the central treasury.
Adhikaris did exist in an earlier phase, but were soon replaced by the
Nayakas who came to control the field of revenue administrationôboru
Karashima however says that there were three kinds of tax collecting
authorities - the king, the Nayaka and the Nattavan Sanjay
Subrahmanyam has argued that during the later part of the Vijayanagar
rule a new layer of mercantile entrepreneurs acquired political importance.
These groups of intermediaries were involved in diverse tasks like long
distance trade, revenue-farming etc. He describes this group as being
‘portfolio capitalists’.35
- '
Economy
Revenue was the major source of income. Rates varied in different parts
of the empire and sometimes even in the same locality, depending upon
the regional location of the land and its fertility. It was generally one
sixth of the produce. But in some cases it came to one-fourth of the
produce. Brahmins were required to pay only one-twentieth of the total,
while temples paid even less amounting to not more than one-thirtieth of
the total. We find references to three major categories of land tenure -
amara, bhandaravada, and manya. These are indicative of the manner in
which the village income was distribute^pThe bhandaravada was a crown
village of perhaps the smallest category. A part of its income was used to
maintain the Vijayanagar forts. Income from the manya (tax-free) villages
was used to maintain temples and mathas and to patronise the Brahamins.
The largest category was that of the amara villages, which were given by
the Vijayanagar rulers to the Amaranayakas. Their holders did not possess
proprietary rights but enjoyed privileges over its income only. The amara
tenure was primarily residual in the sense that its income was distributed
after deductions had been made for support of the Brahmins and forts.
Three-quarters of the villages came under this category. The term
Amaramakni is considered a reference to an estate or a fief but it literally
means one-sixteenth of the share (makani). Thus, it points to the fact that
the amaranayakas could claim only a limited share of the village income.
The manya rights underwent a transformation during this period. Land
tenure continued to be granted by the state to individual (ekabhogan)
Brahmins and groups of Brahmins as well as to mathas. Non-Brahmin
Saiva Siddhanata and Vaishnava gurus were also included. But there was
a great increase in devadana grants conferred on temples.
Apart from the land-tax, many professional taxes were also imposed
upon shopkeepers, farm-servants, shepherds, washermen, potters,
shoemakers, musicians etc. Property tax existed and so did the grazing
and house taxes. Villagers were also supposed to pay for the maintenance
of the village officers. Another source of income was irrigation. It was
called dasavanda in Tamil country, and kattu-kodage in Andhra and
Karnataka. This kind of agrarian activity concerning irrigation was
undertaken in semi-dry areas where hydrographic and topographic
features were conducive to development projects. The dasaavanda or the
kattu-kodage was a share in the increased productivity of the land earned
by the person who undertook such developmental work (e.g. construction
of a tank or channel). This right to income was personal and transferable.
A part of the income accruing from the increased productivity of land also
went to the cultivators of the village. Spices, especially black pepper,
cononut and betel nut were important items of production.
Temples emerged as important landholders. Hundreds of villages

were granted to the deities who were worshipped in large temples. Temple
officers managed the devadana villages to ensre that the grant was put to
proper use. The income from devadana villages provided sustenance to
ritual functionaries. It was also used to provide food offerings or to
purchase goods (mostly) aromatic substances and the cloth essential for
carrying out the ritual rites. Cash endowments were also made by the
state to the temples for providing ritual service.Temples took up
irrigationai work as well. Those who gave cash grants to temples also
received a share of the food offering (prasadani).
Thus, the temples in the Vijayanagar kingdom, like in the Chola
kingdom, were important centres of economic activity. They were not
only great landholders but also carried out banking activities.
Trade
Authors like Krishnadeva Raya, Domingo Paes and Nuniz have provided
us with information about foreign trade in their works. There are vivid
descriptions of horse trade in these works. However, the role of indigenous
people in overseas trade was minimal. Barbosa mentions that Indian
overseas trade was completely controlled by Muslim merchants. They
were treated particularly well by the rulers. He says that on returning
from the Red Sea the king provided them with a support staff consisting
of a Nayar bodyguard, a Chetti accountant and a broker to aid and assist
them in local transactions. Such was their status and power that at Kayal
a royal monopoly of peari-fisheries was given to a Muslim merchant. The
Arabs, and later the Portuguese, controlled the horse trade. Horses were
brought from Arabia, Syria and Turkey to the west-coast ports. Goa
supplied horses to Vijayanagar as well as to the Deccani Sultanates.
Import of horses was of great military importance to the southern states as
good horses were not bred in India. Besides, Vijayanagar’s conflict with
the northern Deccan Bahamani states restricted the supply of horses that
were imported from Central Asia. Ivory, pearls, spices, precious stones,
coconuts, palm sugar, salt, etc., were also imported. Pearls were brought
from the Persian Gulf and Ceylon; precious stones were brought from
Pegu; velvet was imported from Mecca; and satin, silk damask and
brocade came from China. White rice, sugarcane (other than palm-
sugarcane) and iron were the major items of export. Diamonds were
exported from Vijayanagar. Nuniz states that its diamond mines were the
richest in the world. The principal mines were on the banks of the Krishna
river and were also located in Kumool and in Anantapur. This led to the
development of a great industry for cutting and polishing precious stones
like diamonds, sapphires and rubies in Vijayanagar and in Malabar.
Travellers’ accounts mention that local and long distance trade thrived
under the Vijayanagar rulers. The roads and roadside facilities for
travellers were excellent. Carts were used for the transport of grains over
short distances. Riverine shipping, especially the backwater-system on
the west-coast, has also been referred to. Pack-animals were used for long
distance transport. Thus, the trading activities in the Vijayanagar kingdom
were numerous and that is why temple records refer to the prosperity and
prestige of merchants and artisans.
BAHMANI
Once Muhammad bin Tughluq abandoned Daulatabad and decided to

shift his capital back to Delhi, Daulatabad was conquered by Zafar Khan
in 1345. Zafar Khan, a Turkish or Afghan officer, had earlier participated
in a mutiny of troops in Gujarat. He probably did not feel particularly safe
in Daulatabad, so he shifted his capital two years later to Gulbarga
(Karnataka). This city, which exists till date, is located in a fertile basin
surrounded by hills. Malkhed or Manyakheta, the capital of the
Rashtrakutas, was located in the near vicinity, which only goes to prove
that this area was ideally suited as the nuclear region of a great realm.
Zafar Khan, also known as Bahman Shah, became the founder of an
important dynasty which ruled the Deccan for nearly two centuries. The
new kingdom comprised the entire region of the Deccan.
The political developments of the Bahmani kingdom can be divided
into two phases: In the first phase (1347-1422), the centre of activities
was Gulbarga while in the second phase (1422-1538) the capital shifted
to Bidar which was more centrally located and was more fecund in terms
of land productivity. The phase was replete with conflicts between the
Afaqis and the Dakhnis.
The rulers of Vijayanagar had established their empire at almost the
same time as Bahman Shah had founded his sultanate; they now emerged
as his most formidable enemies. The Bahmani sultans were as cruel and
as unsrupulous as the Delhi Sultans were, at least according to what
contemporary chronicles say. Bahman Shah’s successor, Muhammad Shah
(1358-73), killed about half a million people in his incessant campaigns
until he and his adversaries came to some agreement to spare prisoners-
of-war as well as the civilian population. Despite their many wars, Sultan
Muhammad Shah and his successors could not expand the sultanate very
much: they just about managed to maintain the status quo. Around 1400
the rulers of Vijayanagar, in a bid to check the Sultan’s expansionist
policy in good old Rajamandala style, even established an alliance with
the sultans of Gujarat and Malwa. But in 1425 the Bahmani Sultan laid
❖ The Regions (circa 1200-1550) ❖
seige to Warangal and thus reached the east coast. However, only a few
years later the new Suryavamsha dynasty of Orissa challenged the
sultanate and contributed to its downfall.
In the fifteenth century, the capital of the Bahmani sultanate was
moved from Gulbarga to Bidar. The new capital, Bidar, was located at a
much higher level than Gulbarga was and had much better weather
conditions. However, it was also nearly 100 miles further to the north-east
and thus much closer to Warangal. Bidar soon was as impressive a capital
as Gulbarga had been. Nikitin, a Russian traveller who spent four years in
the sultanate, from 1470 to about 1474, has left us a with a report which
is now considered to be one of the most important European accounts of
life in medieval India. He highlighted the great contrast between the
enormous wealth of the nobility and the grinding poverty of the rural
population.
The most important personality of this Bidar period of the Bahmani
Sultanate was Mahmud Gawan, who served several sultans as prime
minister and then as General from 1461 to 1481. It is mainly under
Alauddin Humayun Shah’s reign (1458-61) that Mahmud Gawan rose to
prominence and power. He reconquered Goa, which had been captured by
the rulers of Vijayanagar. The Sultanate then extended from coast to
coast. Gawan also introduced remarkable administrative reforms and
controlled many districts directly. State finance was thus much improved.
But all of this ended with his execution on false charges of court intrigue.
After realising his mistake the sultan drank himself to death within a year,
thus marking the beginning of the end of the Bahmani Sultanate.
The reforms of Mahmud Gawan were aimed at curbing the power of
the tarafdars. They were in charge of the military administration of the
province and were entrusted with the task of mobilizing troops and
appointing able commanders who were placed in charge of garrisons and
forts. Mahmud Gawan attempted to restrict their authority by bringing
most of the forts and their commanders under his direct control. The
jurisdiction of the tarafdars was now restricted to only one fort in the
province. These were also meant to bring the revenue resources assigned
to commanders under the direct scrutiny of the central government.
Mahmud Gawan was also responsible for adopting revenue assignment
on the basis of measurement of land. The policy of accommodation and
equilibrium is reflected in Mahmud Gawan’s efforts to induct an equal
number of old comer Abyssinians and Dakhnis. The newcomers (Afaqis)
included - Iranian, Circasian and Central Asian immigrants. Sarlashkar
was appointed from amongst both the groups i.e. Dakhnis and Afaqis. He
made Fathullah Imdaulmulk and Malik Hasan Nizamulmulk (Dakhnis)
the sarlashkars of Mahur and Gulbarga respectively. Yusuf Adil Khan
sssss
(afaqi) was made the sarlashkar of Daulatabad and Prince Azam Khan
was made the sarlashkar of Warrangal and Fakhrul-mulk Gilani (Dakhni)
was made the Sarlashkar of Junnar. Mahmud Gawan’s reforms did not
find favour with the nobility and after his death conflicts amongst nobles
acquired a new dimension and was no longer based on racial
considerations. The conflict was now purely based on the desire to seize
power by whatever means came to hand. The various factions at the
Sultan’s court started a struggle for power that was to end only with the
dynasty itself. Indigenous Muslim courtiers and Generals were ranged
against the ‘alien’ Arabs, and the Turks and Persians. Mahmud Shah, the
last Sultan (1482-1518), could do little to save this once powerful but
now tottering Sultanate.
The governors of four important provinces - including Bijapur in
1489, Ahmadnagar and Berar in 1491, Bidar in 1492 and Golconda in
1512 - declared their independence from him one after another. Although
the Bahmani sultans lived on in Bidar until 1527 , they were mere puppets
in the hands of the Barid Shahis, who would only make use of them to put
pressure on the other usurpers of Bahmani rule. Bijapur proved to be the
most expansive of the successor states while Berar and Bidar were
annexed. Ahmadnagar and Golconda retained their independence and
finally joined hands with Bijapur in the war against Vijayanagar.
The Bahamani Sultanate produced a marvelous blend of Indian and
Persian cultures in art and architecture and contributed to the further
development of India’s regional cultures.
Administration
The Bahmanis seem to have imitated the administrative structure of the

Delhi Sultans. The king stood at the apex of the administrative system.
He was assisted by a number of officials for discharging his duties e.g.
Wakil (Prime Minister), Wazir (Minister), Dabir (Secretary), Sarhaddar
(Warden of Marches), Qiladar (Commander of Fortresses), Bakshi
(paymaster), Qazi (Judge), Mufti (interpreter of law), Kotwal (police),
Muhtasib (censor of public morals) etc. These offices bear a remarkable
resemblance to the administrative structure of the Delhi Sultanate. Several
other officers are also mentioned in this period viz. Barbak (king’s private
secretary), Hajib-i-khas (Lord Chamberlain), Sarpardar (Master of
Ceremonies) etc. The new ministers and officials in the period of Alauddin
Hasan Bahman Shah were 'Wakil-i-Mutlaq (Prime Minister), Amir-ul-
Umara (Commander in Chief of the army), Barbek (king’s private
secretary), Hajib-i-Khas (Lord chamberlain). In due course of time, many
other offices were created and an elaborate administrative system came
into existence. Muhammad I is credited with organising the administrative

and institutional structures of the time. Under him the kingdom was
partitioned into four tarafs or provinces which had their headquarters at
Daulatabad, Berar, Bidar and Gulbarga. Each was placed under the charge
of a governor. The nomenclature for governors varied for different
provinces. For example, he was known as Musnad-i-Ali in Daulatabad,
Majlis-i-Ali in Berar, Azam-i-Humayun in Bidar and Malik Naib in
Gulbarga.
Under Shihabuddin Ahmad I (1422-36) the capital of the Bahmani
kingdom was shifted from Gulbarga to Bidar. The Bidar period of
Bahamani rule witnessed the weakening influence of the Tughluqs and
the coming into being of the law of primogenture. His predecessor Firuz
is credited with promoting the cause of the Afaqis, who , in effect, were
the nobles who had come to India from from Persia, Iraq and Arabia. The
reign of Tajudding Firuz (1397-1422) is particularly important for the
induction of Brahmins into the administrative system. He also entered
into matrimonial alliances with Hindu women. The rest of the nobility,
which came from north India, was called the Dakhnis. The influence of
newcomers increased in the administration of the Bahamani kingdom.
During the reign of Ahmad I (1422-36), Khalaf Hasan Basri was made
Wahl-i- Sultanate Mutlaq ( Prime Minister) and was bestowed the title of
Malik-ut-Tujjar (Prince of Merchants). He also inducted archers into
Bahmani army. These archers came from Iraq, Khurasan, Transoxiana,
Turkey and Arabia. The Dakhanis were rather envious of the importance
accorded to the Afaqis and this discontent and resentment led to eventual
factionalism and instability.
Economy and Society
In the Bahmani kindom, trade and commerce was in a flourishing state.

Nikitin, the Russian traveller, who was in the Deccan during 1469-74,
provides us with ample information regarding the commercial activities
of Bidar. He says that horses, cloth, silk, and pepper were the chief
merchandise. Nikitin mentions the Bahmani seaport Mustafabad-Dabul
as a centre of commercial activity. Dabul was well-connected with Indian
as well as with African ports. Horses were imported from Arabia,
Khurasan and Turkestaan. Trade and commerce was mostly controlled by
Hindu merchants.
The social structure of the Bahmanis was cosmopolitan in character.
There were Muslims, Hindus, Iranians, Transoxonians, Iraqis and
Abyssinians. The Portuguese came during the early sixteenth century.
Further evidence of hetrogeneity can be observed in the linguistic pattern
TABLE 10.2
REGIONAL KINGDOMS
A. North - Western Region Founder - -- - Famous . ~

- India - ‘ Ruler -' A
'.WMK^shSu^ - Kashmir ' Shams-ud-dm Jainul Abidin.-
' (Shah Mir dynasty) (in 1339)
(ii) Mewar • - ‘ - -.' Chittor - . Rana Hamm'ir ‘ Rana Kumbha.
' - (Sisodia dynasty) , -
(iii) Marwar - rJodhpur > Rao Jodha . - Rao Jodha,
(Rathore dynasty) (in 1384) Maldeva B
(iv)._ Amber (or Amer) - „ 'Ajmer Dullah Rao Hamrnir-Eteva ~-
(Kachhawaha) ' (in the 10th
century ad)
(v) Gujarat' - Anhilvada, Zafar Khan Ahmad Shah
(Muzaffarshahi later shifted . (also known as I, Mahmud 1. ’>
dynasty) to Muzaffarshah) (Mahmud
Ahmedabad . in 1397 Begarha) , .
B. Central and Eastern India
(i) Malwa Mandu Dilwar Khan Mahmud
(Khalji dynasty) Ghori Khalji
(ii) Jaunpur Jaunpur Malik Sarwar Ibrahim Shah
(Sharqui dynasty) Sharqi
(iii) Bengal Gaud Liyas Shah
(iv) Orissa Jainagar Kapilendra Kapilendra
(Gajapati dynasty). •,-BB" BB
b-
(v) Kamrup and Assam Charaideo,. Suapha (of Suhungmug. "

(Ahom dynasty) Later shifted Mao-Shan BBbBBBBB'WBBB
to Bidar tribe)
C. Southern India and Deccan
(i) Bahmani Gulbarg. Hassan Gangu Firuz Shah,
later shifted (1347) with the Ahmad Shah
to Bidar title of Bahman
Shah.
(ii) Vijayanagar Hastinavati
(Hampi)
(a) Sangam dynasty Harihara I Harihara 1
(b) Suhiva dynasty Narasimha Narsimha
Suluva
(c) Tuluva dynasty Via Narasimha Krishnadeva
Thirumala Raya
(d) Aiavidu dynasty Shifted to Thi rumala Thirumla
Penugonfa f
(iii) Khandesh Farukki Burthanpur Mabk Raja Malik Raja
dynasty. Farukki Faruki
(iv) Mahar Madurai Jalal-ud-din Jalal-ud-din-
Ahshan Ahshan.
The Regions (circa 1200-1550) 337
MAP 1: REGIONAL KINGDOMS (circa 1200-1550)

ows®
of social structuring. Persian, Marathi, Dakhni (proto-Urdu), Kannada
and Telugu were widely spoken in various parts of the kingdom.
Broadly, two classes existed in the society. According to Nikitin, on
the one hand was the affluent nobility and on the other was an extremely
impoverished section of society. He says that the nobles were carried
across the city on beds of silver. They were preceded by as many as
twenty horses caparisoned in gold and followed by three hundred men on
horseback and five hundred men on foot along with them came the
torchbeararers. Nikitin also gives a graphic account of the grandeur of the
bahmani wazir, Mahmud Gawan. He mentions that almost five hundred
men would dine with him eveiyday. A hundred men formed part of his
armed personnel. Contrasted with this pomp and ostentation, was the
extreme poverty and suffering of the general population. Though Nikitin
mentions only two classes, there was yet another class of merchants
which has not been mentioned.
The Sufis migrated to the Deccan as the religious auxiliaries of the
Khaljis and the Tughluqs. The major Sufi, orders, who migrated to the
Bahmani kingdom, were chiefly of the Chishti, Qadiria and Shattari orders
and Bidar emerged as one of the most important centres of the Qadiri
order. The Sufis were greatly respected by the Bahmani rulers. The
Bahmani Sultans required the support of the Sufis for the popular
legitimisation of their authority. Sheikh Sirajuddin Junaidi was the first
Sufi thinker to receive royal favour. The Chishti saints enjoyed the greatest
honour. Syed Muhammad Gesu Daraz, the famous Chishti saint of Delhi,
migrated to Gulbaraga in 1402-3. Sultan Feroz granted a number of
villages as inam for the upkeep of his khanqah. But during the later
period of his reign dissensions between the two developed on account of
the Sufi’s support for the Sultan’s brother as the next successor to the
king. It finally led to the expulsion of Gesu Daraz from Gulbarga.
The Shia Muslims also emerged as a significant social group under
the Bahmanis. With the large influx of the afaqis in the Bahmani kingdom,
the Shias found a niche of sorts under the protection offered by Fazlullah.
Ahmad I’s act of sending 30,000 silver tankas for distribution among the
Saiyyids of Karbala in Iran shows his leanings towards the Shias.
THE PROCESS OF REGIONAL

STATE FORMATION
GUJARAT
Gujarat was one of the richest regions of the Indian sub-continent given
the excellence of its handicrafts and its flourishing seaports, as well as the
richness of its soil. Due to its prosperity and location the region has
❖ The Regions {circa 1200-1550) ❖ 339
always attracted the invaders. We may recall that Mahmud of Ghazna

plundered Gujarat and later Alauddin Khalji annexed it to the Delhi
Sultanate. Since then Gujarat remained under the control of the Turkish
governors. Historians are still working on the available sources on the
basis of which the process of state formation in eleventh and twelvth
century could be studied. In fact, there is huge scope for researchers to do
a regional study on this period prior to the Muslim rule.
When Timur invasion took place Zafar Khan was the governor of the
province. Taking advantage of the political turmoil at Delhi Zafar Khan
threw off his allegiance to the Delhi Sultanate. In 1407 he formally
proclaimed himself the ruler, donning the title of Muzaffar Shah. The real
founder of the kingdom of Gujarat was, however, Ahmad Shah I (1411—
13), the grandson of-Muzaffar Shah. During his long reign, he brought the
nobility under his control, provided administrative stability and expanded
and consolidated the kingdom. He shifted the capital from Patan to the
new city of Ahmedabad, the foundation of which he laid in 1413. He was
a great builder, and beautified the town with many magnificent places and
bazars, mosques and madarsas. He drew on the rich architectural traditions
of the Jains of Gujarat to devise a style of building which was markedly
different from that of Delhi. Some of its features included slender turrets,
exquisite stone-carvings, and highly ornate brackets. The Jama Masjid in
Ahmedabad and the Tin Darwaza are fine examples of this style of
architecture.
Ahmad Shah tried to extend control over the Rajput states in the
Saurashtra region, as well as those located on the Gujarat-Rajasthan
border. In Saurashtra, he defeated and captured the strong fort of Gimar,
but restored it to the Raja on the assurance of a tribute. He then attacked
Sidhpur, the famous Hindu pilgrim centre, and levelled many beautiful
temples to the ground. He imposed the jizyah on the Hindus in Gujarat
which had never been imposed on them earlier. All these measures have
led many medieval historians to hail Ahmad Shah as the arch enemy of
the infidels, while many modem historians have simply called him a
bigot. The truth, however, appears to be more complex. That Ahmad Shah
was a bigot cannot be denied; however he did not hesitate to induct
Hindus into the government. Manik Chand and Motichand, who were
bania traders and merchants, were ministers under him. He had a very
sound sense of justice and had his own son-in-law executed in the market
place for a murder he had committed. The author of Mirat-i Sikandari has
rightly said that the impact of this exemplary punishment lasted till his
reign. Although he fought the Hindu rulers, he also had an extremely
unsettled relationship with the Muslim rulers of Malwa. He brought the
powerful fort of Idar under his control and then brought the Rajput states
of Jhalawar, Bundi, Dungarpur, etc., under his tutelage.
Malwa was a bitter rival of Gujarat. Muzaffar Shah had defeated and
imprisoned Hushang Shah, the ruler of Malwa. Finding it difficult to keep
Malwa under his control, he released Hushang Shah from bondage and
eventually reinstated him. Far from healing the breach, this move made
the rulers of Malwa even more apprehensive of the power of Gujarat.
They were always looking for an opportune moment to strike and would
do so by offering help and encouragement to disaffected elements be they
rebel nobles, or Hindu rajas at war with the Gujarat rulers. The rulers of
Gujarat tried to counter this by installing their own nominee on the throne
of Malwa. This bitter rivalry weakened both the kingdoms of Malwa and
Gujarat.
The successors of Ahmad Shah continued his policy of expansion and
consolidation. On his death in 1441 his eldest son Muhammad Shah
ascended the throne. He was known as Zar-Baksh. His nobles conspired
against him and he was murdered in 1451.
The most famous Sultan of Gujarat was Mahmud Begarha. He ruled
over Gujarat for more than fifty odd years from about 1459 or so to about
1511. He was called Begarha because he captured powerful forts (garhs)
of Gimar in Saurashtra (now called Junagarh) and Champaner in south
Gujarat. The ruler of Girnar had always paid tribute regularly, but
Mahmud Begarha decided to annex Iris kingdom as part of his policy of
bringing Saurashtra under his complete control. Saurashtra was a rich and
prosperous region and had many fertile tracts and flourishing ports.
Unfortunately, the Saurashtra region was also infested with robbers and
sea pirates who impinged upon trade and shipping. The powerful fort <?f
Gimar was considered suitable not only for administering Saurashtra, but
also as a base of operation against Sindh. Mahmud Begarha besieged
Gimar with a large army. After the fall of the fort, the Gimar king
embraced Islam and was enrolled in the service of the sultan. The Sultan
founded at the foot of the hill a new town called Mustafabad. He built
many lofty buildings there and asked all his nobles to do the same. Thus,
it came to harbour pirates who thrived upon making a complete nuisance
of themselves to hapless pilgrims on their way to Mecca. The fort of
Champaner was strategically located for the Sultan’s plan of bringing
Khandesh and Malwa under his control; The ruler, though a feudatory of
Gujarat, had close relations with the Sultan of Malwa. Champaner fell in
1454 after the gallant raja and his followers, despairing of help from any
quarter, fought back with all the might of their beings. Mahmud
constructed a new town called Muhammadabad near Champaner. The
plan for many fine gardens was laid out and this became his main place
of residence. Champaner is now in mins. But the Jama Masjid still
attracts much attention. It has a covered courtyard, and is deeply indebted
, MM
to Jain architecture. The stone work in use can well be compared to the
work of goldsmiths.
Mahmud Begarha also had to reckon with the Portuguese who were
obstructing Gujarat’s trade with West Asia. He led an expedition against
the Portuguese in 1507 who were attempting to monopolise the trade in
the Indian sea. He joined hands with the ruler of Egypt to check the
growing menace of Portuguese naval power, but he was not successful. In
the end Mahmud had to grant them a site for a factory at Diu.
During the long and relatively peaceful reign of Mahmud Begarha,
trade and commerce prospered. He constructed many caravan-sarais and
inns for the comfort of the travellers. The merchants were happy because
roads were so much safer now. Though Mahmud Begarha had never
received formal education, he did acquire considerable knowledge by his
constant association with learned men. Many works were translated from
Arabic into Persian during his reign. His court poet was Udayaraja who
composed in Sanskrit.
Mahmud Begarha had a rather striking appearance. He had a long,
flowing beared which reached upto his waist, and his moustache was so
long that he tied it over the head. Barbosa, a well known traveller, is of
the view that Mahmud, from his childhood, had been nourished upon
some poison so that if a fly so much as sat on his hand, it would meet
certain and inevitable death. Mahmud was also famous for his voracious
appetite. It is said that for breakfast he ate a cup of honey, a cup of butter
and one hundred to one hundred and fifty plantains. Legend also inform
us that he ate as much as fifteen kilos of food a day and that plates of
meat patties or samosas were placed on both sides of his pillow at night
in case he felt hungry.
Thus, under Mahmud Begarha Gujarat reached the pinnacle of
success. It emerged as one of the most powerful and well-administered
regions.
MEWAR
Mewar was one of the most significant regions in the western part of
India which survived the invasions of the Delhi Sultans and continued to
flourish with its own cultural traditions. Nandini Sinha Kapur 36 has
shown how the study of regional state formation went way beyond the
twelfth century in the making of the regional state of Mewar. She argues
that Lodrick’s discussion on the regional identity of Rajasthan seems to
be one of the most important factors that went into the making of the
political identity of Rajasthan. Added to this is the contributory role of
the Rajputs. Nandini Sinha emphatically says that if the Rajputs
contributed to the making of political identity of Rajasthan between

thirteenth and the sixteenth centuries, Rajput state formation at the
regional levels such as the Guhila state of Mewar, between the tenth and
the fifteenth centuries can certainly be considered to be a precursor of the
political identity of Rajasthan.37
Mahendraji II, better known as Bappa Rawal founded the state of
Mewar. Historical records are very scanty for the next 500 years after
him. Karan Singh ruled the state towards the end of the twelfth century
and during his time the ruling family was divided into two branches. The
senior branch ruled at Chittor with the title of Rawal and the junior
branch settled in the village of Sisodia and took the title of Rana.38 During
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, repeated attempts to capture Mewar
were made. In 1303 Allauddin Khalji was successful in capturing Chittor
from Rawal Rattan Singh I. He then named the fort Khizirabad after the
name of his son, Khizir Khan. However, the Mewar ruler soon recaptured
Chittor. Rawal Ratan Singh had no heir to the throne and so the rulership
of Chittor passed on to the Rana family. The Ranas repulsed the attacks
of Mohammad bin Tughluq and the rulers of Malwa during the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries.
It was Rana Kumbha who made the city a formidable name to reckon
with. After cautiously consolidating his position by defeating his internal
rivals, Kumbha planned to conquer Bundi, Kota, and Dungarpur on the
Gujarat border. Since Kota had earlier paid allegiance to Malwa and
Dungarpur to Gujarat, this brought him into conflict with both these
kingdoms. Another reason for conflict was that Rana Kumbha had given
shelter at his court to a rival of Khalji and had even attempted to install
him on the Malwa throne. In retaliation, Khalji also helped and supported
the various rivals of the Rana, including his brother Mokal. The conflict
with Gujarat and Malwa occupied Kumbha throughout his reign. The
Rana also had to face challenge from the Rathors of Marwar.. Marwar was
under Mewar occupation, but it acquired independence soon after a
successful struggle waged under the leadership of Rao Jodha.
Despite all these pressures Rana Kumbha was able to maintain his
position in Mewar. Kumbhalgarh was besieged a couple of times by
Gujarat forces, while Mahmud Khalji was able to carry out successful
raids as far inland as Ajmer and install his own governor there. But the
Rana was able to repulse these attacks and retain possession of most of
his conquests, with the exception of some of the outlying areas such as
Ranthambhor. Rana Kumbha’s achievement in facing two immensely
powerful states against all odds was really heroic.
Rana Kumbha was a patron of learned men, and was an extremely
scholarly person himself. He is the author of a number of books, which
are still widely read. The ruins of his palace and of the Victory Tower
(Kirti Stambha) which he built at Chittor gives evidence of his interest in
architecture. Several lakes and reservoirs were dug under his supervision
for irrigational purposes. Some of the temples built during his period
show that the art of stone cutting, sculpture, etc. was a highly developed
one. One such temple renovated during this period, known as Kumbha
Shyam temple, is known for its huge shikhara and carvings at the panel.
Kumbha was murdered by his son, Uda, in order to gain access to the
throne. Though Uda was soon ousted, he left a bitter trail. After a long
fratricidal conflict with his brothers, it was Rana Sanga - the grandson of
Kumbha - who ascended the gaddi of Mewar. Maharana Sangram Singh,
also referred to popularly as Rana Sanga, was a contemporary of Babar,
the first Mughal Emperor. Mewar was at the height of its glory and
splendor under his rule. Rana Sanga emerged as the leader of the Rajput
chiefs of Rajasthan and with the combined forces of various Rajput rulers
he won over the territories of Malwa and Gujarat. He also defeated
Ibrahim Lodi, the ruler of the Delhi Sultanate, and thus became the most
powerful ruler of northern and western India. All this while, Babar was
threatening to take control of northern India. Babar had already defeated
PHOTOGRAPH 1: KUMBHA SHYAM TEMPLE AT CHITTORGARH

(MEWAR), RAJASTHAN
Ibrahim Lodi in the First Battle of Panipat and it bacame imperative for
him to obstruct his expansionist ambitions. Some historians are of the
view that Rana Sanga himself had invited Babar to come to India in the
hope that the latter would help him to defeat Ibrahim Lodi. It is believed
that Rana Sanga felt he had been abandoned and betrayed by Babar in the
First Battle of Panipat. The Babamama seems to suggest as much. But
this is a very reductive and simplistic explanation of a primary record. We
should note that Babar had his own problems in Central Asia with the
Uzbegs, who had now begun to resent his power and authority. And so he
decided to move to Kabul and the northwestern regions of India. His
movement down south had actually begun many years before the Battle
of Panipat in 1526. However, we may conclude that Rana Sangha had not
been able to preempt the future. He might have seen Babar’s military and
territorial success in the northwest as essentially temporary in nature. So
he remained a silent spectator of Babar’s military conquests. But when he
realised that his own life could well be endangered, he decided that
Babar’s expansionist policies would have to be checked. Rana Sanga met
Babar at the battleground of Khanwa in 1527. In the beginning Babar
seemed to be fighting a losing battle, but he refused to give up. He vowed
not to drink wine in the future, and evolved into a devout, pious follower
of Islam. Babar won the battle against Rana Sanga at last, but this victory
was mainly due to his use of gun-powder in the battle. The defeat of Rana
Sanga made him the supreme authority in India, although Mewar
continued to enjoy its independent status. After the death of Babar,
Humayun became the next Mughal Emperor but had no time for Mewar.
However, he did get a letter from Rani Kamavati of Chittor asking for
help as Bahadurshah of Gujarat had besieged the fort of Chittor.
Nandini Sinha Kapur has spoken at length about the manner in which
the Guhila dynasty in Mewar lent cohesiveness and stability to an
otherwise highly fragmented state. According to her, the local Guhila
states began their political career on an economic base that was largely
governed by small-scale trading activities. That the state had begun to
make forays into the tribal areas of the local Guhila state of Nagda-Ahada
is attested by the opening up of mines and by the Brahaminical
appropriation of tribal deities. Gradually, there was consolidation of
Guhila power at Nagda-Ahada and the territorial integration of the upper
Banas plains and the Mewar hills by the tenth century. Territorial
integration was accompanied by the exapansion of the material resource
base of the Guhila state. The earlier rural base was transformed into an
urban exchange-centre at Atapura, which had become the seat of the
Nagda-Ahada Guhila state. Religion had begun to be used as an
ideological tool, that provided legitimation to the state. Royal patronage
of the Pasupata sect and the construction of the temple of Ekalinga at
Nagahrda (Nagda) can well be understood as a politically significant

strategy to bring the local as well as migrant Rajput chiefs into the fold.
Nandini Sinha has also argued that the tenth-century records of the
Nagda-Ahada Guhilas testify to an enhanced political and social status.
This is evident from their renewed claims to a respectable ancestry, the
prestigious matrimonial and administrative alliances they entered into,
and finally, the Guhila power in Medapata, which finds mention in the
epigraphical records of the period. The integration of the southern part of
the Mewar hills and the northern middle Mahi basin, and the termination
of the Paramara and Caulukyan sway over the latter indicate the
connection of this region with the Nagda-Ahada dynasty and point to the
growing political power of the Guhila state. In spite of the Pratihara sway
over southern Rajasthan and Chittaurgarh, no Pratihara record was
discovered till the first half of the thirteenth century. The Pratapgarh
inscription from the southern part of the upper Banas plains was issued in
the reign of the Pratihara king Mahendrapaladeva II by the local
Cahamana and Guhila rulers.
The records of the late eleventh century confirm the expansion of
Guhila power to the north beyond the Aravallis in the region of Marwar.
Thus, it is not surprising that, in as early as the twelfth century, the
Guhilas celebrated their sovereignty in Medapata (Mewar). By the
thirteenth century or so the Guhilas had taken over Chittaurgarh, a
development that brought the whole of Mewar under their control. The
records of the Guhilas trace the legendary Bappa’s possession of the
fortress to the remote past. That is why we see a shift in the role of
Guhadatta who is projected as Bappa’s son. The thirteenth-century Guhila
state in fact drew legitimation from the regional cult of Ekalinga through
Bappa and his preceptor, Haritarasi, the Pasupata acarya. The capital of
Mewar was shifted to Chittaurgarh during the Guhila Tejasirhhas’ reign.
The Guhila genealogy was radically restructured in thirteenth-century
records and thus acquired a new form. The Guhilas, who were of
Brahaminical origin, now began to claim a brahma-ksatra status, which in
turn allowed them to claim larger territorial and social ties with leading
contemporary, Kshatriya royal families. However, the mere possession of
Chittaurgarh did not enable the Guhilas to retain power in Mewar beyond
the thirteenth century.
Nandini Sinha argues that the Guhilas of the fifteenth century forged
matrimonial alliances with a lot of politically and militaristically powerful
chiefs. She is of the view that matrimonial alliances with the Hadas of
eastern Mewar contributed substantially to the territorial integration and
control of forts strategic to Chittaurgarh.
Another kind of territorial integration talked about is that of the Bhils
with the state-society.39 The crux of the relationship seems to have been
346 ’♦* Interpreting Medieval India ❖
the symbolic recognition of the Bhils (tradition mention the application of

blood or tika on the forehead of the succeeding Guhila king by the Bhil
chief of Oghna-Panarwa - a practice supposedly discontinued from the
fourteenth century onwards) and the Bhil acceptance of the Guhilas as
their political masters. This inaugural ritual took place on formal
occasions and numerous bardic traditions point to a political relationship
between the Guhilas and the Bhil chiefs. But official sources are silent
and indicate the subordinate position of the Bhils in the Guhila state. But
still the ‘Peasantisation’ of core-area by the Bhils, their control over
routes of communication in the hilly and forested terrain, local Bhil
militias and labour at the mining centres, were important assets for the
Guhila state. Their interaction with the Guhila state, carried out over a
long period of time, was bound to bring significant changes in an
ostensibly egalitarian tribal society. The Bhil chiefs of Oghna-Panarwa
began to say that they were of ‘Solamki Rajput origin’. Thus, the process
of state formation in Mewar was accompanied by caste formation in Bhil
society.
Another interesting phenomena in the process of state formation was
the inclusion of the non-Rajput groups like the Jains in the administrative
structure. Initially it was dominated by the Rajputs, but now from the
thirteenth century the Jains began to serve the Guhila state as
administrative personnel, They were already in control of most of the
contemporary trade in western India. They often served as the chief
treasurer of the chief minister. They provided the state with one of the
main sources of state revenue. Their assimilation into the Rajput political
structure is also evident from the fact that they soon donned the title of
Rajaputra. The Guhila state patronised Jain religious establishments
between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries. The Guhilas did everything
in their power to integrate this wealthy community into the state; likewise,
the Jains too hoped to use political connections for fiscal advancement.
At this stage, most Rajput chiefs and their retainers were involved in
building a strong military apparatus in the context of growing political
instability. References to an increasing number of fortresses by the
fifteenth century point towards the importance of Rajput personnel in the
control of new areas such as Merwara within Mewar or strategic points.
The' Jains were not the only important group of note. Other sects like the
Brahmins and some other non-Rajput social groups like the ‘Tamtaradas
of Nagda’ also contributed to the development of the Guhila state in the
same period.41 The Brahmins were particularly active in legitimising
Guhila rule in the fifteenth century in areas beyond the traditional frontiers
of the Guhila realm, as is evident from the royal land grants made in Rana
Kumbha’s reign to the Brahmins. The Guhila dynasty had managed to
stay in power for a long period of time as a united royal family, which no
divisive forces of any kind could fragment. The chief family of

Chittaurgarh used and adopted this tradition from the Guhilas and thereby
emerged as the leading regional power in Mewar.
Nandini Sinha also explores the symbiotic relationship between the
monarchy and the cult centres. Her study reveals the reciprocal
relationship between the temporal and the divine, the Guhila king and the
deity Ekalinga. The Pasupata acaryas, who essentially belonged to a
Saiva sect, got the temple of Ekalinga constructed by Guhila kings at
Nagda. The Guhilas patronised the Pasupatas and in turn the Pasupata
acaryas legitimized royal power through the Ekalinga cult and by
introducing the legend of Bappa and Haritarasi. Nandini Sinha mentions
a very interesting legend of Bappa Rawal. To quote her - ‘The
Chittaurgarh Inscription (1274) and the Achalesvara Inscription (1285) of
Samarsimha claimed Bappaka and not Guhadatta, as the founder of the
royal house of Medapata. Guhila (Guhadatta) merely appears as his son.
Thus, Guhadatta of the tenth-eleventh century was dropped from the
thirteenth century records as the founder of the royal family. The records
claimed the bestowal of the state of Mewar on Bappa by the Pasupata
sage Haritarasi with the favour of Ekalinga. The sage also gave Bappa, a
Brahmin by caste, a golden anklet and Bappa got his Brahmanahood
exchanged for ksatriyahood which was obtained by the blessing of god
Ekalinga, who was happy with the devotion of the Pasupata sage,
Haritarasi.’41 This dialectic between the state and the cult of Ekalinga
reached its zenith in the late fifteenth century when the Guhilas declared
themselves Ekaliligajinijasevaka, metaphorically surrendering temporal
power to the regional cult. The popular tradition of various local
goddesses was also integrated into the dominant cult of Vindhyavasini
and was used for providing the state with a degree of legitimation.
Similarly, myths of genealogy and origin graduated from relatively simple
claims to highly prestigious ones in the medieval period. Like the state
itself, ideology underwent a slow process of transformation, spanning
centuries.
Thus, the history of Mewar in the period ranging from the tenth to the
fifteenth centuries only affirms our basic argument about the political
processes of early medieval India. Local level ruling-class families
developed into regional dynasties through the process of the integration
of local chiefs and other prominent social groups into the emerging
political structure. Each person had a fixed placed in a hierarchy ordered
along samanta lines. Likewise administrative roles and services were
clearly defined and duly allocated.
The political process of state formation ran parallel to accompanying
economic, social and religious processes. The key to economic growth
was the spread of rural agrarian settlements. Some of these rural
SsSSiH
settlements developed into urban trading centres, thus bolstering the

regional economy and resulting in a growth in additional resources. Along
with the process of peasantisation came the process of Rajputisation.
These collaborative processes culminated in the formation of caste
identity, which in turn formed the basis of the social process. Royal
affiliation to regional cults or tirtha facilitated the emergence of a central
pantheon into which most of the local cults and tirthas were incorporated.
Hence, regional state formation also rap parallel to the formation of
regional religious traditions. The processes of state formation in regional
contexts cannot be understood or located in terms of a neat chronolgical
divide between the early and then the somewhat later medieval period.
For instance, the emergence of the Delhi Sultanate did not bring to an end
the process of seeking ideological legitimation for the Guhila state of
Mewar. In fact, the high point of the process of territorial expansion and
consolidation of Guhila power and the crystallisation of a new political
structure took place in the fifteenth century.
BENGAL
Bengal had been frequently independent of Delhi Sultanate on account of

factors like distance, climate, and the fact that much of its communication
depended upon the waterways with which the Turkish rulers were
unfamiliar. During the last decade of the twelfth century Muhammad bin
Bakhtiyar, one of the slaves of Muhammad Ghori, had annexed Bengal
and preferred to rule the region. But later after his death Balban brought
it under the suzereignty of the Delhi Sultanate. Balban appointed his son
Bughara Khan as the governor of Bengal. But very soon Bengal declared
its independence.
The important ruling houses in Bengal were those of the Iliyas Shahis
(1342-1415, 1442-58) and the Husain Shahis (1493-1538). Ilyas Khan
captured Lakhnauti and Sonargaon and ascended the throne assuming the
title of Sultan Shamsuddin Ilyas Khan. He extended his dominion in the
west from Tirhut to Champaran and Gorakhpur and finally up to Banaras.
This forced Firuz Tughluq to undertake a campaign against him. In the
pitched battle that followed, Firuz Tughluq occupied Pandua, the capital
of Bengal and forced Ilyas to seek shelter in the strong fort of Ekdala.
After a siege of two months Firuz forced Ilyas to go out of the fort on the
pretext of a fight. The Bengali forces were defeated, but Ilyas once again
retreated into Ekdala. Finally, a treaty of friendship was concluded by
which the river Kosi in Bihar was made to form a boundary of sorts
between the two kingdoms. Though gifts were often exchanged between
the two men, the relationship did not put Ilyas in a disadvantaged position
■M
in any sense of the term. Friendly relations with Delhi enabled Ilyas to
extend his control over the kingdom of Kamrup in modem Assam.
Ilyas Shah was a popular ruler and had many achievements to his
credit. When Firuz was at Pandua, he tried to win over the inhabitants of
the city by giving liberal grants of land to the nobles, the clergy and other
deserving people. His attempts to find popularity and acceptance in this
manner failed miserably. The fact that people were inclined in favour of
Ilyas might well have been one of the many reasons for the failure of
Firuz. Firuz Tughluq invaded Bengal a second time when Ilyas died and
his son, Sikandar, succeeded to the throne. Sikandar followed the tactics
of his father, and retreated to Ekdala. Firuz failed, once again, to capture
the fort , and had to beat a hasty retreat. After this, Begal was left alone
for about 200 years and was not invaded again till 1538 after the Mughals
had established their power in Delhi. During this period, a number of
dynasties flourished in Bengal. Political turbulence and instability did not
disturb the even mood of the lives of the common people in any way.
The most famous sultan in the dynasty of Ilyas Shah was Ghiyasuddin
Azam Shah (1389-1409). He was known for his love of justice. Legends
have it that he once accidentally killed the son of a widow who took the
matter to the Qazi. The Sultan, when summoned to the court, humbly
appeared and paid the fine imposed by the Qazi. At the end of the trial,
the Sultan told the Qazi that had the latter failed to do his duty, he would
have been beheaded.
Azam Shah was fond of Persian literature. He maintained cordial
relations with many famous learned men of his time, including the famous
Persian poet, Hafiz of Shiraz. He re-established friendly relations with the
Chinese. The Chinese Emperor received his envoy warmly and, in 1409,
sent his own envoy with presents to the Sultan and his wife, and a request
to send Buddhist monks to China. This was accordingly done. Incidentally,
this shows that Buddhism had not died out completely in Bengal till then.
The revival of ties with China helped in the growth of the overseas trade
of Bengal. The Chittagong port become a flourishing port for trade with
China, and for the re-export of Chinese goods to other parts of the world.
During this period, there was a brief spell of Hindu rule under Raja
Ganesh. However, his sons preferred to convert to Islam. The Sultans of
Bengal adorned Pandua and Gaur, which formed their capital cities, with
magnificent buildings. These had a style of their own, distinct from the
style which had developed in Delhi. Both stone and brick were used. The
Sultans also patronised the Bengali language. Maladhar Basu, a celebrated
poet and compiler of Sri-Krishna-Vijaya, was patronised by the sultans
and was granted the title of Gunaraja Khan. His son was honoured with
the title of Gunaraja Khan. His grandson was honoured with the title of
Satyaraja Khan. But the most significant period for the growth of the
Bengali language was the rule of Alauddin Hussain (1493-1519). Some

of the most famous Bengali writers of the time flourished under his rule.
Alauddin Hussain restored law and order, and adopted the liberal
policy of appointing Hindus to high posts. Thus, the Sultan’s wazir was
a talented Hindu. The chief physician, the chief bodyguard, and the
master of the mint were also Hindus. The two famous brothers, who were
celebrated as pious Vaishnavas, Rupa and were anatan, held high posts,
one of them being the Sultan’s private secretary. The Sultan is also said
to have immense regard for Chaitanya, a famous Vaishnavite saint.
From the outset, the Muslim rulers of Bengal had tried to bring the
Brahmaputra valley in modem Assam under their control, but had to
suffer a series of disastrous defeats in this region. The independent Sultans
of Bengal tried to follow in the footsteps of their predecessor. There were
two warring kingdoms in north Bengal and Assam at that time. Kamata
(also known as Kamrup by the writers of the time) was in the west, and
the Ahom kingdom was in the east. The Ahoms, a Mongoloid tribe from
north Burma, had succeded in establishing a powerful kingdom in the
thirteenth century,' and had become Hinduised in due course of time. The
name Assam is derived from them.
Ilyas Shah invaded Kamta and, it seems, reached as far as Gauhati.
However, he could not hold on to the area, and the river Karatoya was
accepted as the north-east boundary of Bengal. The series of raids carried
out in Kamta by some of the successors of Ilyas Shah did not change the
situation. The rulers of Kamta were gradually able to recover many of the
the areas on the eastern bank of the Karatoya. They also fought against
the Ahoms. By alienating both neighbours they sealed their doom. An
attack by Alauddin Hussain Shah, which was supported by the Ahmos,
led to the destruction of the city of Kamtapur and the annexation of the
kingdom of Bengal. The Sultan appointed one of his sons as governor of
the area. A colony of Afghans was also planted in the area. Subsequent
attacks made on the Ahom kingdom - probably by Nusrat Shah, the son
of Alauddin Hussain - were largely unsuccessful and resulted in
considerable losses. The eastern part of the Brahmaputra valley was at
this time under Suhungmung who is considered the greatest among the
rulers of Ahom. He changed his name to Svarga Narayana. This was an
index of the rapid Hinduization of the Ahoms. He not only repulsed
Muslim attacks, but also extended his kingdom in all directions.
Shankaradeve, a Vaishnavite reformer, belonged to this epoch and played
an important role in the spread of Vaishnavism in the area.
The Sultans of Bengal also tried to bring Chittagong and a part of
Arakan under their control. Sultan Hussain Shah not only wrested-
Chittagong from the Arakan king, but also conquered Tipperah from its
❖ The Regions {circa 1200-1550) ❖ ^351_
ruler. The rulers of Bengal had also to contend with Orissa. The Ganga
rulers of Orissa had raided Radha in South Bengal and had even made an
attempt at the conquest of Lakhnauti. However, these attacks were
repulsed. At the beginning of his reign, Ilyas Shah launched a series of
raids in Jajnagar in Orissa. It is said that overcoming all opposition, he
advanced up to the Chilka Lake and returned with rich booty, including a
number of elephants. A couple of years later, in 1360, while returning
from his Bengal campaign, Firuz Tughluq also led a raid in Orissa. He
occupied the capital city, massacred a large number of people, and
desecrated the famous Jagannatha temple.
Administration
The rulers of Bengal preferred to call themselves Sultans. The Sultan was
the head of all administrative matters and decisions. There were a number
of officers attached to the Sultan or to the royal establishment to help in
the central administration. These included - Jamdar-i-Ghair-Mahalli (The
Bearer of the Cup outside the palace), Sar-i-Naubat-Ghair-Mahalliyan
(The Chief of the Guards outside the palace), Mahalliyanl-Naubat-l-Ali
(The Chief of the Guards of the Royal Household), Kar-i-Farman (Officer
on Special Duty), Dabir-i-khas (Personal Secretary), Vaidya (Royal
Physician). Other officers, employed in the central administration, were:
Chief Wazir (Prime Minister) Sar-i-Lashkar (Commander of the Army),
Qazi (Justice) Mudir-i-Zarb ( Superintendent of the Mint).
All executive, legislative and judicial powers were vested in the
Sultan and emanated from him. Sultans like Alauddin Hussain Shah
regarded themselves as agents of God on earth. However, the ulema and
the Qazis acted as a curb on the King’s power. The Jamdar-i-Ghair-
Mahalli or Sharabadar-i-ghair-Mahalli supervised the eatables given to
the king when he was on a tour as well as otherwise. This office was
attached to the office of the Governor. Sar-i-Naubat-Ghair-Mahalliyan
was the head of the royal army stationed outside the palace.
Mahalliyan-i-Naubat-i-Ali performed the task of supervising the
household establishment of the Sultan. It was his job to look into
important matters like the remuneration of the king’s personal staff. Kar-
i-farman was the official who carried out the orders of the king with
regard to the implementation of certain tasks. The Dabir-i-Khas - or the
personal secretary of the king - was responsible for all correspondence
regarding state affairs between the king and his officials. Husain Shah’s
Personal Secretary was a Hindu Brahmin called Sanatan Goswami. Dabir-
i-Khas had various writers or katibs in his employ. Vaidyas were employed
by Sultans and were referred to as Antaranga (intimates). Mukunda Das
was the Chief Physician of Husain Shah.
mb
The officers in the central administration were: Chief Wazir (Malik-
ul-Wuzra) (Bada Wazir). These wazirs adopted exalted titles: viz. Al-
khan-Al-Azam-Khaqan-ul-Muazzam ( The Great Khan) , Muin-ul- muluk
wa-s-salatin (the Aide of the kings and monarchs), Naseh-ul-muluk wa-s-
solatin (the Adviser of the kings and sultans), Bahlawi-ul-Asrwa-z-zaman
(the Hero of the Age and the Time), Sahib-us-saif-wa-l-qalam (the Lord
of the Sword and the Pen) and Masnad-i-Ali (the Great Prop or Support
of the King). They guided the king and were responsible for general
administration. They were the most important functionaries in the
administrative system placed next in line to the king and the royal family.
They also took charge of matters like revenue and military administration.
Sar-i-Lashkar was the Commander of the Army. Sometimes he was
attached to the post of the Wazir. The Qazz was responsible for the
administration of justice. He supervised, controlled and managed the trust
(awqaf) of orphans, lunatics etc. and handled civil cases. Mudir-i-zarb
performed the task of supervising the mint where coins were struck. Apart
from these minute details not much is known about the administrative set
up of Bengal.
To conclude, the study of various regional states from the early
medieval to the second half of the sixteenth century confirms the more
recent hypothesis about the political processes outside the core regions.
Local level ruling families evolved into supra-regional kingdoms and
regional dynasties through the process of the integration of local chiefs,
social groups and local cults. Thus emerged larger political structures in
different regions.
NOTES
1. B.D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, pp.1-37.
2. Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults: State Formation and Legislation in India and
Southeast Asia, Manohar, New Delhi, 2001.
3. Deryck O. Lodrick, ‘Rajasthan as a Region: Myth or Reality?’, Karine Schomer, Joan
L. Erdman, Deryck O. Lodrick and Lloyd I. Rudolph (eds.), The Idea of Rajasthan:
Explorations in Regional Identity, Manohar, New Delhi, 2001, pp. 1-44.
4. Ibid, Vol.I, Manohar, New Delhi, 1994 p.2.
5. Gokhale-Turner Jayashree, ‘Region and Regionalism in the Study of Indian Politics:
The Case of Maharashtra’, in N.K.Wagle (ed.), Images of Maharashtra: A Regional
Profile of India, Curzon Press, London, 1980, p. 88.
6. Cynthia Talbot, Precolonial India in Practice: Society, Region and Identity in
Medieval Andhra, p.6.
7. Ibid., p.7.
8. Joseph Schwartzberg, ‘The Evolution of Regional Power Configurations ill the Indian
Subcontinent’, in Richard G. Fox (ed.), Realm and Region in Traditional India, Duke
University Press, Durham, 1977, pp.218-21.
9. Cynthia Talbot, Precolonial India in Practice, p.7.
10. U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa: A Political and Cultural History, 1401-1562, Delhi,
1965.
11. Mishra S.C., The Rise of Muslim Power in Gujarat: History of Gujarat from 1298 to
ad 1442, Bombay, 1963.
12. Nandini Sinha Kapur, State Formation in Rajasthan: Mewar during the Seventh-
Fifteenth Centuries, Manohar, New Delhi, 2002.
Press, New Delhi, 1980. Also see his The New Cambridge History of India:
Vijayanagar, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, Reprint (Paperback), 1999.
14. Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier 1204-1760, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, Reprint 2002.
15. Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults: State Formation and Legitimation in India and
Southeast Asia, Manohar, Delhi, 2001.
16. Surjit Sinha, ‘State Formation and Rajput Myth in Tribal Central India’, in Hermann
Kulke (ed.), The State in India 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1997.
17. Richard M. Eaton, ‘The Articulation of Islamic Space in the Medieval Deccan’, in
Meenakshi Khanna (ed.), Cultural History of Medieval India, Social Science Press,
Delhi, 2007, p.126.
18. Ibid., p.130.
19. H.K. Sherwani and P.M. Joshi (eds.), History of Medieval Deccan (1295-1724),
Vol. I, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1973, p.81.
20. Richard M. Eaton, ‘The Articulation of Islamic Space in the Medieval Deccan’,
p.137.
21. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India.
22. Stein Burton, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi, 1980.
23. Hermann Kulke and Rothermund Dietmar, A History of India, Third Edition,
Routledge, London and New York, 1998, pp.180-3.
24. Robert C.f. Sewell, Vijayanagar A Forgotten Empire, Reprint, New Delhi, 1962, p.
280-1.
Press, Delhi, 1980, p.399-400.
26. Noboru Karashima, History and Society in South India: The Cholas to Vijayanagar,
Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2001, pp.15-113.
27. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India,Oxford University
Press, Delhi, 1980, p. 408.
28. N.K. Sastri, History of South India, pp. 296-7.
29. A. Krishnaswami, The Tamil Country under Vijayanagar, Annamalai University,
Annamalainagar, 1964, p. 181.
30. N.K. Sastri and Venkatramannaya N., Further Sources of Vijayanagar History, vol.3.,
University of Madras, Madras, 1946, p.299.
31. N. Venkataramanayya, Studies in the history of the Third dynasty of Vijayanagar,
University of Madras, Madras, 1935, pp 171-2.
32. T.V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar.
33. Burton Stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, p.373.
34. Ibid., p. 423.
35. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India 1500-
1650, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990.
36. Nandini Sinha Kapur, State Formation in Rajasthan: Mewar during the Seventh-
SMS®
37. Sinha Kapur Nandini, State Formation in Rajasthan: Mewar During the Seventh -
38. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol.XXTV, p.88.
39. Nandini Sinha Kapur, State Formation in Rajasthan: Mewar During the Seventh -
Fifteenth Centuries, p.283.
40. Ibid., p.284.
41. Ibid., p.76.
Religion, Society and
Culture in Regions
* VAISHNAVA MOVEMENT IN EASTERN INDIA
* RELIGIOUS CULTS
> Jagannath Cult
> Warkari Movement and Cult of Vithoba
♦ WOMEN BHAKTAS: MAHADEVI YAKKA, LALDED

AND MIRA
♦ GROWTH OF REGIONAL LITERATURES
♦ REGIONAL ART AND ARCHITECTURE

uring the period before eighth century the kings tended to derive
D religious legitimation of their authority through the performance of
various royal sacrifices and yajnas and the Brahmins acted as partners to
this legitimation. But during the medieval period there was a decisive
shift in the strategy of the ruling authority towards royal patronage of
local and regional cults. This development was deeply influenced by the
emergence of the Bhakti cults with their own regional characteristics as
new and more popular folk religion. One such popular Bhakti became
popular in eastern India.
VAISHNAVA MOVEMENT IN EASTERN INDIA

The Vaishnava Bhakti Movement in eastern India, especially in Bengal,
evolved in a manner that was entirely different from the form it took in
parts of north and early medieval south India. The Vaishnava movement
in this region was arguably influenced by two different traditions - the
Vaishnava Bhakti tradition of the Bhagavata Purana, which glorified
Krishnalila; and the Sahajiya Buddhist and Nathpanthi traditions. The
Vaishnava influence was transmitted by various Bhakti poets beginning
with Jayadeva in the twelfth century. Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda was
composed in Sanskrit. He also wrote songs in the Maithili dialect which
were later absorbed in the Bengali Vaishnava Bhakti tradition. He spoke
at length about the many dimensions, the erotic and the mystical, to the
Krishna-Radha relationship. Various non-Vaishnava cults, such as those
of the Sahajiyas, the Buddhists and the Nathpanthis that survived in
Bengal and Bihar, influenced the growth of the Bhakti movement in
Bengal. These cults preached an easy and natural religion focussing on
the esoteric as well as the emotional. Vaishnava Bhakti poets such as
Chandidas (14th century) and cults, though the Bhagavata tradition was
always the major source of influence. The songs of Chandidas, who was
the first Bengali Bhakti poet and those of Vidyapati, who wrote primarily
in Maithili, laid much emphasis on the Krishna-Radha relationship. These
songs became part of the growing Vaishnava movement in Bengal.
Chaitanya himself did not come under the direct influence of the Sahajiya
doctrine. It is, however, possible that elements of the more abstruse and
philosophically profound cults and the views of thinkers like Chandidas
and Vidyapati had a deep and lasting impact upon his belief system. But
the most important source of inspiration was Bhagavata Purana, Vaishnava
saint of Bengal. He popularised Krishna-Bhakti in many parts of eastern
India. His popularity as a religious personality was so great that he was
looked upon as an avatara (incarnation) of Krishna. Chaitanya’s
interventionist stance changed the face of the Vaishnava Bhakti Movement
altogether. The Movement, which once had nothing to boast of but its
❖ Religion, Society and Culture in Regions ❖ 357
devotional literature, had now become a full-fledged reform movement

with a broad social base.
Chaitanya (1486—1533) was the most prominent Vaishnava saint of
Bengal. Chaitanya disregarded all distinctions of caste, creed and gender
to give a popular base to Krishna-Bhakti. His followers belonged to all
castes and communities. His favourite disciple, Haridas, was a Muslim.
He popularised the practice of sankirtan, or group devotional singing,
accompanied by ecstatic dancing.
However, Chaitanya did not give up traditional Brahamanical values
altogether. He did not question the authority of the Brahmins and
scriptures. He upheld the caste prejudices of his Brahmin disciples against
the ‘lower’ caste disciples. Six Brahman Goswamins, who were well
versed in Sanskrit and who were sent by him to Vrindavan near Mathura,
established a religious order which recognised caste restrictions in its
devotional practices and rituals. These Goswamins gradually distanced
themselves from Chaitanya’s teachings and from the popular movement
that had grown around him in Bengal. But Chaitanya’s movement had a
great impact on Bengali society. His disregard for caste distinctions in the
sphere of devotional singing promoted a sense of equality in Bengali life.
In Bengal and in Puri in Orissa, his movement remained popular. In these
places, his followers were not always scholarly Brahmins but included
common people. They wrote in Bengali, propagated his Bhakti and looked
upon Chaitanya as none other than Krishna himself or as the fusion and
amalgam of Radha and Krishna located in one body.
RELIGIOUS CULTS
Historians, who have tried to understand the religious developments of
the medieval period, suggest that there were at least two processes at
work. One was a process of disseminating Brahminical ideas. This is
exemplified by the composition, compilation and preservation of Puranic
texts in simple Sanskrit verse, meant to be accessible to women and
Shudras, who were generally excluded from Vedic learning. At the same
time, there was a second process at work - that of the Brahmanas
accepting and reworking the beliefs and practices of these and other
social categories. In fact, many beliefs and practices were shaped through
a long-term dialogue between what sociologists have described as the
great Sanskritic Puranic traditions on the one hand and the smaller,
somewhat more insignificant traditions located, believed in and subscribed
to locally throughout the land. One of the most striking examples of this
process is evident at Puri in Orissa, where Jagannath, a version of Vishnu,
is the principal deity. A local deity, whose image was and continues to be
made of wood by local tribal specialists, has also been understood as a
358 Interpreting Medieval India ❖
form of Vishnu. At the same time, Vishnu was conceptualised in a manner

that differed in more ways than one from the popular understanding of
him that was prevalent in other parts of the country. Such instances of
integration are evident amongst goddess cults as well. Worship of the
goddess, often simply in the form of an ochre-coloured stone idol, was
evidently widespread. Most of these local goddesses found a niche identity
for themselves as the wives of important male deities. Sometimes they
were equated with Lakshmi, the wife of Vishnu, in other instances, with
Parvati, the wife of Shiva.
The regions during the medieval period has attracted the attention of
the historians over the recent years since they have found the study of the
changing modes of legitimation at different stages of state formation very
significant. The process of legitimation ranges from princely patronage of
tribal deities to the construction of imperial temples by the rulers of the
regional kingdoms. The Jagannath cult of Puri is the fitting example of
the intrinsic relations between the emergence of a regional kingdom
under the Eastern Gangas and of the regional cult. The recent research by
Hermann Kulke reveal a discernible pattern of the rise of tribal chieftains
and local deities to translocal and regional importance. Gradually the
Jagannath cult went on to become the ‘tutelary deity’ of the region.
Jagannath Cult
The history of the late medieval regional kingdom of Orissa begins with
King Anantavarman Chodaganga. He belonged to the Ganga dynasty of
Kalinganagara and in c. 1112 he conquered the fertile Mahanadi delta of
central Orissa from the Somavamsha king. Ten years later - following the
death of the last great Pala king of Bengal, Rampala - Anantavarman
extended his sway all the way up to present-day Calcutta in the north and
to the mouth of the Godaveri in the south. When he tried to expand his
realm to the west - that is, into the interior of the country - he was
stopped by the Kalachuri king, Ratnadeva, who, as an inscriptional
engraving tells us, is believed to have defeated none other than King
Chodaganga, the ruler of Kalinga. Thus Anantavarman remained a coastal
ruler, but the coastline under his control was nearly 500 miles long. At the
end of his long life he built the famous Jagannath temple of Puri. To begin
with, in the early part of the thirteenth century, Anantavarman’s successors
ran into serious conflicts with the new Muslim rulers of Bengal.
Nevertheless, the Muslims could not make any significant inroads into
Orissa. King Anangabhima III (1216-39) was all praise for his Brahmin
general, Vishnu, in an inscription. King Narasimhavarman I (1239-64),
the builder of the great Sun Temple at Konarak. was a powerful Hindu
ruler who launched an offensive against the that much stronger,

militaristicaliy better equipped Muslims. When in 1243 the Muslim
governor of Bengal wanted to increase his autonomy and extend his sway
after the death of Iltutmish, an army from Orissa attacked him in his
capital at Lakhnaur, in central Bengal. The following year, the Orissa
forces scored another success in Bengal. Narasimhavarman’s determined
policy of self-defence probably warded off a Delhi Sultanate attack on
Orissa for more than a century. Only in 1361 did Firoz Shah, the Sultan
of Delhi, suddenly launched a concerted assault on Orissa on his way
back from Bengal, smashing the power of Raja Gajapati, massacring the
unbelievers and demolishing their temples. Firoz Shah’s frontal assault
had no lasting consequences as far as Orissa’s status as an independent
Hindu kingdom was concerned. The payment of tribute to the Sultan was
soon stopped. But the Ganga dynasty of Orissa had lost its glamour in the
conflict and suffered visible decline in the years to come. Finally, after
the death of Bhanudcva IV, the last king of that dynasty, the throne was
seized by Kapilendra, a rank outsider, who happened to be the grandson
df a mere officer (nayaka). It was he who founded the Suryavamsha
dynasty in 1435. Kapilendra had to wage a pitched battle against the more
legal claimants to the throne for the first couple of years. He abolished the
salt tax in order to gain popular support. In his inscriptions he has
threatened his adversaries with dire consequences and the confiscation of
their property and assets. After overcoming these initial difficulties,
Kapilendra soon became the greatest Hindu ruler of his day, extending his
realm alTtheTvay into Bengal in the north and, temporarily, to the mouth
of the Kaveri in the South. Kapilendra’s successors, however, could not
defend such an enormous realm and Orissa soon lost most of the territories
in the south to Vijayanagar and the Bahmani Sultanate. Kapilendra’s sons
waged a war of succession from which Purushottama (1461-97) emerged
victorious. He was able to recover at least all the territory down to the
Krishna-Godaveri delta and Orissa enjoyed a period of peace and
prosperity, along with a flourishing cultural life, in his long reign. The
third ruler of the Suryavamsha dynasty, Prataparudra, had to contend with
three powerful and hostile enemies at one gof; I nt he North, Hussain Shah
C1493:z15T8) had founded a new dynasty in Bengal and had rapidly risen
in power2)ln the south, Krishnadeva Raya, the greatest ruler of the
Vijayanagar empire, ascended the throne in 1509. Three years later the
Sultanate of Golkonda emerged as an independent Sultanate, which
proved fb be a tiiuch greater and more immediate threat to Orissa than the
more distant Bahmani Sultanate had ever been. In addition to this, internal
dissensions troubled the court of the Gajapatis. The tributary states in the
mountainous hinterland and rebellious generals in the core of the realm
fife
further destabilised the already troubled condition that the state found
itself in.
Finally, in 1568, the Sultan of Bengal launched yet another attack on
Orissa. In the wake of this attack, Kalpahar, who was a particularly
belligerent general, marched towards Puri, desecrated the temple and,
with the help of a Hindu ally, got all religious idols destroyed and
incinerated. This could well have been the end of both the Gajapati rule
and the Jagannath cult.
A few decades later Ramachandra, managed to restore the cult and to
win the support of Akbar, who needed a loyal Hindu ally against the
Sultan of Golkonda. Hermann Kulke says that the descendants of
'Ramachandra even today live on as the rajas of Puri and, in the shadow
of Jagannath, as his royal servants.2 The close relationship of the Gajapatis
with the cult of Jagannath is a peculiar feature of the history of Orissa.
PHOTOGRAPH 1: JAGANNATH TEMPLE, PLRI, ORISSA

The idols, worshipped in the great temple in Puri, are at best crude
wooden logs, they are renewed from time to time in a special ritual in
which tribal priests still play an important role, thus indicating the tribal
origin of this cult which was only much later identified with Vishnu-
Jagannath. The cult achieved historical significance with King
Ahantavarman Chodaganga, who was a Shaivite, like all his ancestors
were, but who obviously fostered this -cult to gain the support of. the
people of central Orissa, an area which he had just conquered. He built
the great temple of Puri, the height of which is exactly, the same as that
of the royal temple of the Cholas at Thanjavur (Tanjore). But this was not
merely a case of emulating the Cholas, with whom he was not on very
good terms; if anything, it was an act of defiance. Subsequently, in 1230,
King Anangabhima III announced that Jagannath was sovereign in Orissa,
and the king was none other than the son of Jagannath, who had been
asked to govern the country on behalf of the god. Kapilendra, a usurper,
wasTnneed of special legitimation and gave umpteen gifts to the priest of
Jagannath, who duly took note of the king’s bounty. The result was that
all recorded temple chronicles advocated the view that Jagannath himself
had appointed Kapilendra the king of Orissa. Kapilendra called himself
tfieTirst: Servitor of Jagannath and was extremely intolerant of dissidence,
which he felt was tantamount to high treason (droha) against none other
than Jagannath himself. It is difficult to come up with an exact appraisal
of the impact that this ideological ploy had upon the king’s subjects. It
can well be imagined that a measure of this kind must have had
tremendous efficacy in suppressing internal dissension and discord. It
could also be used against Hindu kings, whereas it made no impression
on Muslim adversaries. But perhaps it did help to consolidate the rule of
the Gajapatis, enabling them to hold their ground against the Delhi
Sultanate for a fairly long period of time.
Hermann Kulke3 argues that in Orissa, nuclear areas were an integral
part of political development and enabled the tribal population of Orissa
to find a niche for themselves. Later on, these nuclear areas of sub
regional power became the homeland of the royal dynasties of the future
regional kingdoms. The most important of these nuclear areas of sub
regional power in Orissa were those situated in the upper delta regions of
the various rivers flowing into the Bay of Bengal or upstream in the
valleys of the Mahanadi river.
The process of political development of certain nuclear areas began
in the fifth century or so when land grants made to Brahmins became
more and more frequent. The consolidation of the small kingdoms and
principalities in the nuclear area was a long and gradual process. Brahmins
came to play an important role in this. The inclusion of tribal groups into
the Hindu caste system initiated, at least at the village level, a process of
the ‘Hinduisation of tribal deities’. The assignment of military duties to
tribal” ofsemi-tribal groups, often led to the royal patronage of the
dominant autochthonous deities of the area concerned. The main reason
for this royal patronage was that, ‘a fairly Hinduised court’, was highly
dependent on the support and loyalty of the tribes.
“Three examples from Orissa suffice to prove the point. Two
a inscriptions of the fifth and sixth centuries mention land donations made
J to Maninagesvari, the mother goddess or ambika, whose temple still
exists on the steep hill near the capital of the former feudatory state of
Ranpur. Even today she is worshipped as one of the most powerful
goddesses of central Orissa to whom till recently human sacrifices were
made.
{AZjWhen the Gangas rose to power in the area south of the Mahendragiri
Mountain around 500, they acknowledged a diety of the Saora tribe of the
Mahendragiri under the name of Siva-Gokarnasvamin as the tutelary
deity of the family. These traditions have been prevalent for centuries.
7 , Another example is that of the goddess Stambhesvari, also known as the
Lady of the Pillar, a Hinduised tribal deity who till date is worshipped in
various parts of Orissa. Most of these autochthonous tutelary deities of
Orissa underwent a process of Hinduisation, the intensity and direction of
which , was related to and deeply influenced by the parallel rise of sub
regional political authority from tribal chieftainship to Hindu kingship.
Whenever a chief or raja included a powerful autochthonous deity into
the cult of his court, its development assumed peculiar features. In course
of time, the cult was raised to the level of a fully developed temple cult,
the rituals of which were nearly completely Hinduised. The most
important aspect of the cult yyas the iconic status of the deity and the
unrivalled status of temple priests. Patronising Hinduised deities had an
added advantage. It helped the ruling dynasty to ingratiate itself in tribal
popularity. Let it not be forgotten that ruling clans depended on these
tribes for military and fiscal support. Another reason was certainly the
unbroken, blind belief in the shakti of the deities. The politically and
economically developed nuclear areas yielded sufficient surplus crop for
the establishment and the maintenance of a sub regional power and its
gradual extension into tribal border areas.
The ideal of salvation through intense devotion (Bhakti) to personal
deities became a powerful religious movement in south India from the
late sixth century onwards. It was mainly through this Bhakti movement
that forms of orthodox Brahmin Hinduism reached the villages of India.
The second counterbalancing measure against centrifugal forces of
regional kingdoms was a systematic settlement Brahmins. In some
cases they were settled in quite remote places where they colonised the
. __ S5&
peripherial zones of the nuclear areas. Towards the end of the first
millennium, a new dimension was added to the royal policy of land
donation. Large groups, some times of several hundred Brahmins, were
systematically settled near the political centers of the Kingdoms.
In 903, Govinda IV, a Rashtrakuta king, donated vast portions of his
domain to Brahmins and temples. In Kalinga, king Vijrahasta (1038-70)
who paved the way for the Gangas, donated the village Komi, which was
situated near Kalinganagara, to as many as 300 Brahmins. In 1078
Codaganga renewed this donation, and in 1112-13, just after having
conquered central Orissa he enlarged this agrahara of 300 Brahmins with
portions from several other villages. In 1903 Raja Candradeva of the
Gahadavala dynasty of Kannauj donated a complete fiscal district to 500
individual Brahmins near Benares. A few year later he added to this
already mammoth land grant another 37 villages from two other districts
in the neighbourhood of Benares.
The main purpose behind these land grants was to provide regional
kingdoms with a core group of people who had administrative and
ideological expertise and who were thus equipped to govern a region
well. The third counter measure used was the construction of new
monumental temples of a hitherto unknown height. It is most likelj that
through the construction of these temples the ruling elite was trying to
create a new centralised ritual structure, focused on the new state temple
and its royal cults.
The famous Brhadisvara temple at Tanjore and the Jagannatha temple
at Puri provide the two best examples of this. After a long period of
political weakness, Rajaraja the Great (985-1014) , re-established the
hegemony of the Cholas over the various dynasties of south India in the
last years or so of the tenth century and even conquered parts of northern
Sri Lanka. He constructed in c. 1003 the largest temple of India in his
capital Tanjore. Like other monuments of ‘political architecture' in India,
the temple symbolised the new royal power of the founder. The extensive
Tanjore inscriptions, providing a detailed list of the people who had
donated liberally to the cause, reveal an even more explicit political
function of the temple.
Temple inscriptions at the Patalesvara temple in Puri mention the
holy trinity: Halin (Balabhadra), Cakrin (Krsna-Purusottama) and
Subhadra. The year 1237 is probably when the formation of the
Jagannatha trinity took place. In the year 1216 we come across an
inscription at Draksharama in which Anangabhima III is deified as
Purusottamaputra, Rudraputra and Durgaputra. But our main interest in
Anangabhima’s inscription lies in the fact that Purusottama of Puri
features as part of the holy trinity. Evidently the concept of this trinity
still differs in many respects from the present trinity of Puri. It can be said
now that the Jagannatha trinity was established at some time between
1216 and 1237. Whereas the Draksharama inscription put the god
Purusottama at par with the other two religious deities of Orissa, the year
1230 marks a decisive step in favour of Puri and its deity. In an inscription
at Bhubaneshwara, dated January 1230, King Anangabhima is believed to
be the son of Purusottama alone; Durga and Rudra find no mention
whatsoever. In 1230, after taking a ritual bath in the Mahanadi, he donated
land to Purusottama and his priests. Shortly afterwards, his wife donated
valuable presents to the god Allalanatha in far off Kanchipuram. Two
months later, in 1230, King Anangabhima undertook a pilgrimage to
Purusottamakestra and again donated land to the god and to priest. In the
same year a new Purusottama temple, which he chose to call Abhiriava-
Varanasi, was constructed in Cuttack. In 1231, he was granted the darsana
of Lord Purusottama at the Cuttack temple and he again donated tax free
land to the god and his priests.
It is pertinent to note here that Orissa during the thirteenth century
did have a strong tradition of building temples. One such example is the
grand Sun temple at Konark, built by the Eastern Ganga ruler
Narsimhadeva (1236-56).
The years 1237-38 witness an even further development of this
Purusottama-Jagannatha kinship ideology. Where earlier inscriptions had
referred to the ‘prosperous and victorious reign of King Anangabhima’, a
marked change was observed in the post-1237 inscriptions which began
to speak of the ‘the prosperous and victorious reign of [the god]
PHOTOGRAPH 2: SUN TEMPLE, KONARK, ORISSA

Purusottama.’ According to Madala Panji, Anangabhima established as

many as 36 niybgs, or customary services, at the Jagannatha temple and
made extensive land donations to the temple. Mid-thirteenth century finds
the Gajapatis fashioning themselves as the sons (putras) and vassals of
lord Purusottama-Jagannatha. Narasimha I, Anangabhima’s son, was the
first Orissa king to be known as the Gajapati or the Lord of the Elephant.
Hermann Kulke says that the dedication of the empire to ‘the lord
Jagannatha, the king of the Orissan empire’, combined with vast land
donations and the formation of the trinity at Puri, must have resulted in
the entire re-structuring of ritual policy. This provided a degree of security
against the Muslims. With Ramanuja, the great South Indian philosopher
and reformer (1056-1136), the belief-system of Pancaratra came to Orissa.
The Pancaratra system was ideally suited to Puri and to the Jagannatha
cult in all its ramifications. This provided an excellent and, at the same
time, a most up-to-date basis for a new systemisation of the multifaceted
cult of Purusottama before it was elevated to the state cult of Orissa.
However, there seems to have been another, perhaps even more important
reason that led to the official introduction of Balabhadra into the cult of
Puri. It seems obvious that the Pancaratra system allowed the holy triad
of Orissa to become a state cult. Perhaps even more importantly, the
Pancaratra system made a lot of regional deities unimportant. These
included: Siva-Lingaraja and Durga-Viraja in the Pancaratra blend of
Samkarsana-Balabhadra and Ekanamsa-Subhadra under Purusottama-
krsna. There can be no doubt that the iconic status of Jagannatha had a
strong impact on the Oriya and the Hindu World. Any service rendered to
the king of Orissa became a service to Jagannatha, the new overlord of
Orissa. It is not surprising that many successors on the Gajapati throne
followed his example and called themselves Rr/n/rr under the .SAm/ry va of
Jag'annatha. Politically, it meant that only those kings, who had power
over Puri and its Jagannatha temple, were recognised as the legitimate
Gajapatis and rulers of Orissa.
The destruction of the central power of Orissa in. 1568 by, the Afghan
armies and the demolition of the wooden sculpture of Jagannaths seems
to have put a rather abrupt end to this system. Akbar’s final victory over
theTAfghans^ enabled Ramacandra Deva, a local raja, to build a small
kingdom in 1580 with its capital at Khudra near Puri and to renew the
Jagannatha cult as well. During the late sixteenth century, Puri was an
importanTbone of contention in a three-pronged struggle among three
Muslim powers - the Afghans of Bengal, the Sultanate of Golkonda and
the Mughals. Akbar thus played a considerably important role in the
renewal of Jagannatha cult and was able to build a local buffer state
against the Sultantate of Golkonda.
Warkari Movement and Cult of Vithoba
The Maharashtra Bhakti tradition was influenced by the Saiva Nathpanthis

who were quite popular among the ‘lower’ classes of Maharashtrian
society during the eleventh and twelfth centuries and who composed their
verses in Marathi. Pandharpur was an important centre at which the
Warkari movement took root. The poet saints of Maharashtra, the
Vaishnavas in particular, are known as the Warkaris. In Pandharpur, the
cult of Vithoba emerged as a powerful mode of worship and devotion and
gained tremendous popularity. Charlotte Vaudeville argues that Vitthal, as
a form of Vishnu or Krishna-Gopal, was not the original deity worshipped
there. Gradually this cult displaced the older cults including those of
Pandurang and of Maruti.4 Even the Warkaris, who belonged largely to
the lower castes and who were Saiva by birth or tradition, chose to follow
the Vaisnava cult as they venerated Vithoba. The Vithoba temple was
probably erected at Pandharpur as a small structure in 1189.5 The image
of Vithoba in the Vitthala temple is very distinct from the usual
representation of a four-armed Vishnu. It has some similarity with Sri
Venkatesvara of Tirupati, Dvarakadhish of Dvarka and Sri Nathji of
Govardhan.6
Namdev (1270-1350) - a popular saint of Maharashtra, was to begin
with a devotee of Sadasiva, and later converted to the cult of Hari.
Namdev has been closely associated with the Warkari sect of Pandharpur.
The Warkari sect was well within the Bhakti tradition and its worship
centred on the famous idol of Vitthal, which was located in Pandharpur.
Elements of traditional Vaishnava Bhakti are evident in Namdev’s work,
but his area of focus is clearly in accord with Sant concepts. His influence
extended into northern India as a result of his Hindi works and possibly
as a result also of an extended visit to the Panjab.
People are unsure about the authorship of these works though
evidence points in the direction of Namdev. There is doubt expressed
about whether that visit to the Panjab was made at all in the first place.
It is believed that Namdev spent as many as twenty years in Ghuman, a
village in the Barala tahsil of Gurdaspur District. This belief has gained
tremendous ground in Ghuman and there is certainly nothing improbable
in a sant wandering so far from home, but the complete absence of any
reference to this in older Marathi accounts of Namdev’s life casts a
shadow of doubt upon the matter. Namdev belonged to a family of tailors.
He is considered to be the link between the Maharashtrian Bhakti
movement and north Indian monotheistic movement. He stayed primarily
in Pandharpur but travelled to various parts of north India including the
Panjab. His bhakti songs have also been included in the Adi Granth. In
Maharashtra, Namdev is considered to be a part of the Warkari tradition

(Vaishnava devotional tradition), but in the north Indian monotheistic
tradition he is remembered as a Nirguna saint. Jnaneswar (1275-96) was
a pioneer Bhakti saint of Maharashtra. He wrote an extensive commentary
on the Bhagavad Gita popularly called the Jnanesvari. This was one of
the earliest works of Marthi literature and served as the foundation of
Bhakti ideology in Maharashrata. He was the author of many hymns
called the abhangs. He was of the view that the only path to salvation was
Bhakti and in Bhakti there was no place for caste distinctions. Other
prominent bhakti saints of Maharashtra were Eknath (1533-99) and
Tukaram (1598-1650).
Apart from Namdev, Chokhamela was also an important ‘untouchable’
saint of Maharashtra.7 He was a mahar of Pandharpur. The mahars were
assigned tasks like carting dead animals and looking after the horses of
the traders. Chokhamela also composed a number of abhangas. His
abhangas refer to the work assigned to mahars; almost all Bhakti poets
narrate personal experiences in their songs. These were also inspired by
devotion to Vitthala. Eleanor Zelliot says that Chokhamela’s is the only
untouchable voice from the Marathi speaking region that we have until
the nineteenth century.8 Chokhamela was very conscious of the mahar
social status, and he mixed with his piety the protest of his birth and the
concept of purity and pollution.9
Thus, the Bhakti saints were not indifferent to the living conditions of
the people. They used images of daily life and always tried to identify
themselves in one way or another with the sufferings of the common
people.
WOMEN BHAKTAS: MAHADEVI YAKKA,

LALDED AND MIRA
Women, in early medieval India, had a deep ideological and intellectual
impact upon society and culture, but despite their wide impact, not too
much work has been done on them. There have been some eighty women
Bhakti saints in medieval India like Lalded of Kashmir, MahadevLYakka,
Bahinabai,
r- — Mira,'■ .»Muktabai and- sb
a.-..—— and so forth.
on — — All thes --ewome
. n
expressed their rigirt to life as they understood it. Some of them, like
Bahinabai^Zexpi^ssed their views on what they understood of the concept
oOrutnJ, /religioh and„society while remaining in the traditional field of
society. Others like Mira Muktabai, Mahadevi Yakka, etc., renounced the
traditional role of nrothefs,' daughters, wives,,and sisters, and openly spoke
about controversial, debatable, issues, including those of love, desirgând
tySToctlity.
368 Interpreting Medieval India ❖
Thinkers like Bahinabai and Mira had to face much humiliation and
hostility. Women could respond to their spiritual calling only by risking
their reputation and being called ‘deviant’and .‘rebellious’.10 This set the
women Bhakti saints apart from their male counterparts who could
function to a large extend within the established mode. Women were very
much a part of the Bhakti movement and thus achieved sainthood- The
(Vasishnavije, the Lingayat and the (Warkari movements attained much
popularity in Maharashtra. We even find a-number ofVadznqy. written by
the women saints in which they have spoken their minds.
Vijaya Ramaswamy says that the theme of gender spirituality has to
be located in the context of male epistemology, which foregrounds all
philosophical speculations on women’s right to salvation. Hindu
Brahminical tradition denies women the right to asceticism or
monasticism? If humanity and the surrender of the ego mark the path to
salvation, it is argued that woman - the virtuous, selfless, self-effacing
mother, wife, and daughter - automatically attains salvation by virtue of
the fact that self-abnegation is so intrinsic to her being. The Dharma
Shastras also seem to suggest as much.
The term Bhakti is generally used to describe the devotional
movements which, beginning in the south, moved right upto Maharashtra
in the west and Bengal and Orissa in the east and found its iviitanesl in
v powerful non-Brahmin saints like Kabir, Raidas. Dadu. Mira was,
definitely one of ttaanJShe can very easily be called ‘the devotee princess’.
The /Virasaiyism -or, Lingayat movement. wKichôr^Tnated in
Karnataka in the twelfth century was pivotal to putting male,. Brahminical
superiority on its head. The female with her power of creatjpfl and ability
to nurture became more important than the male. ;
~Tmages~dfwomen have been found imVirasaivism) Inscriptions of thV
eleventh and twelfth centuries in Karnataka refer to the Suputrah ; no
mention is made of a daughter. Commentators like Mallanha talk about
the disadvantaged position of women. Virasaivism arose against the
backdrop of an oppressively patriarchal society. Basavanna’s vachanas
take note of the customary understanding of women. An analysis of the
social background of the Lingayat women saints reveals an interesting
pattern. Given the paucity of information in this regard, an effort has been
made to identify the social background of these women saints. All these
women were essentially vachana writers. It is noteworthy that casie_was
an important determinant. Many Shudra women were known by their
CasfiTand occupational status.
Yakka Mahadevi and Lalded

One of the most popular women saints of Virasaivism was Yakka1
Mahadevi who would walk the streets in the nude and deliberately flouted
Religion^ Society and Culture in Regions 369
/X i
established conventions. Lalded or Lallesvari of Kashmir was another
such women from Kashmir who walked out of an oppressive marriage
and opted for an ascetic path. Women became more visible within Jhe
Virasaivism movement towards the twelfth century or so but their
presence was most conspicuously felt in theWarkari panthsjin Maharastra.
The Warkari movement marked a major departure from the mainstream
Bhagvata movement in the gender context. The notion of a woman’s
subordinate status finds its roots in the concept of ‘the bride of the Lord’.
The Radha,, Rukmanira^ to an understanding of
gender altitudes within the Warakari panth.
Bahinabai yvas a women saint whose oSviance is manifest not so
much in Atmanividana, her autobiography, and her ubhangs as in her
spiritual calling. Bahina, a Brahman woman, defied all caste and gender
norms by attending the spiritual congregations of the Shudra saint
'Tukaram^jvhom she accepted as_her guru.
TheRamdasi panth occupies a very special place in the .spiritual
history of women because this was the first time that a monastic institution
had been headed and administered by a woman, Vinabai. who hcaded the
mutt at Mirajal, was the chief disciple of Ramdas?jVinabai was expected
to conform to the harsh life imposed upon the Branmin widow, instead of
which she chose to be a. disciple of Ramdas. Her parents punished her by
giving her a poisoned drink. She was saved due to the miraculous
intervention of Ramdas.
Women did not quite manage to find a speaking voice for themselves;
this was a concession granted to them rather grudgingly by their male
counterparts. The vachanas of women saints are best described as the
___________. wbwk
Despite its use of patriarchal
language of ‘madness, loneliness.z and,poetry’. ---
symbols ancrmetaphors, it is deviantun direction and content. Virasaivite
women saints use strong^sexual imageryjn the context of their union with
theûpreme Being. They are..also..mticlfmore powerful in their expression
than their male counterparts, sometimes startlingly intense and bold.
There is strong sense of alicnatioji in the poetry of these women
saints. This feeling can be attriWretLtOTwo main reason^^ne, a sensef,<pf
being out of sync with the world and its material pursuits, and two,'‘a
radical non-conformism, which led to an even greater sense of loneliness.
Male ascetics and non-conformists find themselves located at the
periphery of a patriarchal social structures; female ascetics would find
themselves in an even more marginalised position. Yakka Mahadevi and
Mira talk at length about the theme oflonefiness. Mira describes herself
in one of her verses as a fish out of water, deprived of the sight of the
beloved, a lonely and lost souk It is the welding of the quotidian and the
mysterious that makes the vachanas of the women saints almost
indescribably-umque. Women’s poetry has sometimes been described as
‘the poetry of things’.
The decision to end a marriage marked a deviance of sorts. The The

fact that women like Yakka Mahadevi or Lalded of Kashmir chose to
walk out on a marriage was a second-order rebellion since they had
initially accepted the yolk of the marriage. Therefore, it would be logical
to talk of women with fatally divided loyalties, split between social
conformism and deviant rebelliousness."
Harihara^ gives us an account of Yakka Mahadevi’s decision to end
her marriage. It is believed that she scorned King Kaushika’s sexual
advances toward her by walking out of the king’s palace in the nude with
her long hair as her only covering. She declared her mystic.union with
Shiva in full presence of the fCmgayat spiritual council) This uninhibited
stance marked the ultimate geslHrô-LdefianG&Jsy-rrwoman saint. It was
her flagrant refusal to conform to what was considered appropriate
womanly behaviour.
ItTs Tnteresting to note that while many of these women saints in their
vachanas give a long list of the Shiva Sharanas about whom they talk at
length not one of them pays homage to Yakka Mahadevi. It is thus clear
that Yakka Mahadevi faced criticism and hostility from the women whose
cause sjie espoused. Other thaiiSasavaîiale Bhaktas did notTupporfher.
Mira
Mirabai is perhaps the best known woman poet within the Bhakti tradition.
Biographies have been reconstructed primarily from the Bhajnas attributed
to her, which were transmitted orally for centuries. According to these,
she was a Rajput princess from Merta in Mewar who was married against
her wishes to a prince of the Sisodia clan of Mewar, Rajasthan. She did
not submit to the traditional .xole._of..wife..and..mother, and instead
recognised Krishna, the avtar of Vishnu, as her lover. Her in-laws tried to
poison her, but she escaped from the palace to live as a nomadic,
wandering singer who came to be best known for the emotional intensity
of heFmusical compositions. According to some tradition, her preceptor
was Raidas, a leather worker. This would indicate her defiance of the
norms of a highly caste~stratified society. After rejecting the comfort of
her husband’s palace, she is supposed to have donned the white robes of
a widow or the saffron robes of the._asc£tim Although Mirabai did not
attract a sect or a group of followers, she has been recognised as a source
of inspiration for centuries. Her songs continue to be sung by womenand
men, especially those who are poor and are considered ‘low caste’ in
Gujarat and Rajasthan.
Vijay a Ramaswami Suggests that Mirabai was a rebel, since she was
vocal abouf her KnsHnabfiakti andlargely associated herself with low
caste people.12 On the other hand, some historians are of the view that she
❖ Religion, Society and Culture in Regions ❖
was not a rebellious woman in any sense of the term as she did not
cnanengFl^^cTaTo^^TIowever, Mira was an extremely self-styled,
unconventional woman. She felt that there was no shame in_\ye.aring
anklets -j- a trait associated only with dancing girls - on the feet, or in
keeping company with holy men. It is noteworthy that even now in parts
of Rajasthan, especially~Mewar, Mira does not enjoy social respectability
and the singing of her songs is not encouraged.
When a woman takes to a spiritual path she is automatically held
guilty of defiance and revolt. Vijaya Ramaswamy suggests that female
spirituality can also be ‘an enforced phenomenon, a diabolic outcome of
patriarchal conspiracy’.13 Evidence of this can well be seen in the widows
of Benaras, Rrshikesh and many other pilgrimage centres. Single women
again give evidence of rebellious, socially subversive behaviour. Female
saints have also referred to themselves as purusha in a bid to rid the
world of gender inequity. To take-anêxample, when Yakka Mahadevi
casts herself in the role of a purushgj her purpose is not to become a
biological male but to transccnd thc boundaries of gender.
Male asceticism was understood to be a spiritual quest while female
asceticism was nothing but defiance. Virasaivism, accords the status of
‘jangama’ to women in theory but this remains a theoretical concession
rarely granted.
The prevailing socio-economic structure was characterised by the
1
prevalence of Brahmin owned lands called the Brahmadevas. This was
largely a Brahmin dominated society, which marginalised women and
lower castes.
Religious protest movements like Virasaivism should be understood
in this context. Women were placed at a deliberate disadvantage. A woman
was considered impureTecause^f her monthly menstruation. Her power
oFprocreation andTRiTpower of her beauty and attractiveness were looked
upon as the greatest" deterrents to man’s spiritual progress.
"Patriarchy has always made a great virtue of domestic drudgery for
women. Thus, the achievements of a woman outside the household have
always been trivialized. Most women saints cast themselves as tê brides ,
of the lord. The result was an inability to reconcile an intense love for god
,WlEâ*3ense of duty for a spouse. Crushed and confined to different
domestic situations these women found an alternative possibility in their
devotion. Renouncing marriage and life in the_^xMddLg£nerally, they
redirected their passion to a heavenly consort.
To sum up, the women saints do not find mention in traditional
historiography or in court biographies. Information about them has largely
been reconstructed from the writings of the emergent middle class. Vijaya
Ramaswamy in Walking Naked is of the view that - ‘ In modem India, the
rebel women saints are by and large as much accepted as revered as
conformists^ This may be the; result: of subtle efforts made by the religious
orthodoxy to institutionalise them so that their radicalism got neutralised
andlhey did not appear as a potential alternative to the existing model for
the women’.
GROWTH OF REGIONAL LITERATURES

Persian was the official language of the Delhi Sultanate court. During the
heydays of the Persian historiography at Delhi Sultanate court several
regions of India witnessed the emergence of new genres of regional
literatures. Distinct languages and literary traditions emerged in various
other parts of India.
Hindi
Hindi originated as a language between the seventh and the tenth

centuries. Adi Kala, the first stage of Hindi literature (1206 - 1318) was
the richest period in the history of Hindi literature. Major literary
contributions were made by the nirguna and saguna saint-poets and the
mystic poets. Kabir, Guru Nanak, Dadu and Sundaradasa are some
nirguna poets of note. Tulsidas (Ramcharitmanas), Surdas (Sur Sagar),
Mirabai, etc., are the pre-eminent saguna poets. Mystic poets included
Jayasi (Padamavati), Nur Muhammad (Indravati), Uthman (Chitravali).
Several secular poets like Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan also contributed
to the growth of Hindi literature. The third stage of Hindi literature,
known as the Riti Kala (riti means love) and covering the period 1643-
1850, was essentially secular. The important poets of this period were
Kesavadasa, Chintamani, Mati Rama, Bihari, etc.
Urdu
It emerged due to the interaction of the Persian and Indian languages in

the military camps of Alauddin Khalji. The Deccan was the cradle of
Urdu and the language flourished in the kingdoms of Bijapur and
Golconda. The earliest available work in Deccani Urdu is a mystical
prose treatise, Mirajul-Ashiqin by Gesu Daraz. Shah Miranji Shamsul
(Khush Namah) and Burhanuddin Janam (Irshad Namah) of Bijapur,
Muhammad Quli and Ghawasi (Tuti Namah) of Golconda were the most
famous Urdu writers of the Deccan. Urdu arrived in north India in a more
developed form during the Mughal period. Hatim, Mitrza Jan-i-Janum,
Mir Taqi, Muhammad Rafi Sauda and Mir Hassan were the most
important Urdu writers of north India in the eighteenth century.
hssss
Assamese
Like Bengal, Assamese literature also developed in response to the bhakti

movement. It was Sankaradeva who ushered in Vaisnavism and, being a
good poet, he also introduced into Assamese a rich crop of poetry. He was
followed by his disciple Mahdhavadas whose seminal work was the
Bhakti-ratnavali, a book which largely dealt with the different aspects of
Bhakti; a handbook consisting of a large number of hymns; the Baragitas,
depicting the life of Krishna in Vrindavan and another work also dealing
with the childhood of Krishna. Vaisnava poetry, unlike that of the poetry
of Bengal and Gujarat, is characterised by its lack of eroticism. In the
Vaisnava poetry of Assam, the amorous love-play of Krishna is avoided,
the emphasis being laid only on his childhood.
Translations from the exics and the Puranas also formed a part of the
literary projects of Assamese writers. While Rama Rarasvati translated
parts of the Mahabharata for his patron, the king of Cooch Bihar, Goopal
Chandra Dvija narrated the story of Krishna as told in the Bhagavata and
the Vishnu Purana. Assamese prose developed mainly through the
compilation of historical chronicles known as the Buranjis. These were
written at the command of the Ahom kings who overran Assam and
continued to rule the country fighting the Mughals off as and when when
necessary. The Sino-tibetan dialect of the Ahoms is known to have greatly
influenced Assamese prose just as it gave a cultural identity to the people.
Oriya
Although Oriya originated in the eight century, major works in the

language appeared only in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
Important Oriya writers were Sarladasa ( Mahabharta in the fourteenth
century), and Balramadasa and Jagannadadasa. Balaramadasa and
Jagannadadasa belonged to a group known as the Pancha Sakha or the
five associates. The Bhakti movement of Chaitanya and of the Vaishnava
poets made a lasting influence on Oriya literature. Though the Oriya
poets generally wrote in a conventional language derived from Sanskrit,
an artificial style came to be established in the eighteenth century or so
and was marked by an overt eroticism expressed through verbal jugglery.
The greatest exponent of this new style was the poet Upendra Bhana
(1670-1720), who ushered in a new ear in Oriya literature that lasted well
into the nineteenth century.
Panjabi
Masud Farid-up-din, a mystic poet, was the pioneer of a new school of

poetry in Panjabi. A major contribution to Panjabi poetry towards the end
of the fifteenth century was made by Guru Nanak. Later Sikh gurus also
contributed to the enrichment of the language. Guru Arjun Dev compiled
the Adi Granth in 1604 and also wrote the Sukhmani Sahib, one of the
longest and greatest of the medieval mystic poems. The contribution of I
Guru Gobind Singh is also invaluable. Punjabi prose made immense j
progress and a number of religious and philosophical works were
translated from Sanskrit to Panjabi between 1600 and 1800.
Gujarati
The first phase from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries, was marked
by two main forms - the prabandha (narrative poems) and the mukta
(shorter poems). Sridhara and Bhima, were the exponents of the
prabandha while Rajasekhara, Jayasekhara and Somasundara wrote in
the mukta style. The second phase, from the fifteenth to the seventeenth
centuries, was the golden age of Gujarati literature. Major contributors
during this period were Narasimha Mehta, Bhalana and Akho.
Marathi
Marathi literature emerged in the later half of the thirteenth century. A

major contribution was made by the saint-poets of the Natha cult (founded
by Gorakhanatha) such as Mukundaraja (Vivek- Sindhu). The saint-poets
of the Mahanubhava cult, like Lilachrita, and SiddhantaSutropatta, also
contributed to Marathi prose and poetry. Other important contributors
were Jananadeva (Jnanesvari and Amritanubhava) Eknatha, Tukaram
(abhangas), Ramdas and Vamana Pandit. The seventeenth century saw the
compilation of secular poetry in the form of povadas (ballads describing
the warfare skills and selfless valour of the Marathas) and the lavanis
(romantic works).
Telugu
The group of poets called Kavitraya were Nannaya (eleventh century),

Tikkana (thirteenth century) and Yerrapragada (thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries) They translated the Mahabharata into Telegu. Their other
works included Nanaya’s Andhra Sabda Chintamani and Tikkana’s
Nirvachanothara Ramayana. Other important writers were Bhima Kavi
(Bhimesvara Puranam of the seventeenth century), Choda
(Kumarasambhava of the eighteenth century), Somanatha (Basava
Puranam of the thirteenth century), Srinatha (Srinagaranaisada, Sivaratri
Mahatyam, Kasikhanda, etc., of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries),
Bammera potana (Bhagavatam of fifteenth century), Vemana (Sataka),

Krishna Deva Raya and his poets and Molla ( Ramayana by a low caste
poetess of the sixteenth century).
Tamil
The literature of the Alvars or the Vaisgnava saints was known as

Prabhanda-, the most important work of which is the Nalayiram
(consisting of hymns composed by twelve Alvars including Tirumalisai
Alvar, Nammalvar, etc.). The literature of the Nayanars or of the Saiva
saints was known as Tevaram; writers were Appar, Sambhandar and
Sundrar. Their works were known as the Tirumarai. Kamban’s Ramayana
also called the Ramanataka was written during the Chola period.
Sekkilar’s Turyttondar Purannam, also known as Periya Puranam, was
composed during the Chola period. This is a biography of sixty-three
Nayanaras. Pugalendi’s Nalavenba was composed in the fifteenth century.
Kannada and Malyalam
The earliest extant work in Kannada is Kavirajamarga by Rashtrakuta

Amoghavarsha I. The poets known as ratnatraya are Pampa (eighth
century). Their works are the Adi Parana and the Bharata; Poona’s Santi
Purana; Rana’s Ajitanatha Parana and Gadhayudha. Narahari, also
known as Kannada Valmiki, wrote the Taravi Ramayana, and Virupaksha
Pandit authored the Chenna Basava Purana (sixteenth century).
The earliest literary work in Malayam is Unnunili Sandesam, a work
by an unknown writer of the fourteenth century. Ramanuja Elluttoccan, a
writer of note, wrote Harinamakirtanam, Bhagavatam Kilippattu and
other works.
Bengali Literature
The earliest phase of Bengali literature can well be located in the period
ranging between the tenth and the twelfth centuries. Its literature was
mainly in the form of folk songs and was deeply influenced by the
philosophy of the Sahaja cult. The second stage began with the Muslim
conquest of Bengal in the thirteenth century and continued till the end of
the seventeenth century. There were three main trends in this stage. The
first amongst these was the school of Vaishnava poetry. The most
important exponents of Vaishnava poetry were Chandidasa, Chaitnaya.
Govindasa and Krishnadasa Kaviraja. Then there were the translations
and adaptations from classical Sanskrit. The best examples of these are
SBEB&
Kasirama’s Mahabharata and Kristtivasa Ojha’s Ramayana. Then there
was the magical kavya form of poetry - sectarian in spirit - it narrated the
struggle of gods against their adversaries. The main contributors were
Manikadatta and Mukundarama.
Sri Chaitanya’s intervention was conducive to the advancement of
language and literature. The Vaisnava poets, inspired by the saint’s mystic
preachings, composed a number of lyrics in a new literary language that
was largely a blend of Maithili and Sanskrit. This is known as brajaboli
and the lyrics are called padavali. A new genre of Vaisnava biographies
came into being. Though the earliest biography of Sri Chaitanya was
written in Sanskrit by Murari Gupta, this was soon followed by the
somewhat more contemporary accounts of Brindabandas in Bengali.
Brindabandas’s Chaitanya Bhagavata or Chaitanya Mangai was probably
composed within a decade of the saint’s death and is considered to be the
most authentic account of the social conditions of his time
The next important account is Krishnadas Kaviraj’s Chaitanya-
Charitamrita. The date of its composition is till date a controversy ridden
matter. The work serves as the first philosophical treatise which
represented Sri Chaitanya as an incarnation of Sri Krishna and laid the
philosophical foundation of Gaudiya Vaisnavism.
Of all the biographies of Sri Chaitanya which followed, Gourange
Vijay by Chudamanidas and two works by Jayananda and Lochandas,
both entitled Chaitanya Mangai, deserve to be mentioned. The latter is,
however, best known for introducing a new style of folk songs called
dhamali, dealing exclusively with the more romantic aspect of Krishna’s
life. The lyrics known as padvali constitute another important branch of
Vaisnava literature. Here, the diverse amorous moods, termed rasa in
Sanskrit literatue, were incorporated into the main verse or the padas..
The Radha-Krishna relationship formed the major theme, though most
works began with a eulogy of Sri Chaitanya who was hailed as the
amalgam of Radha and Krishna. A large number of narrative poems were
written on the life of Krishna, particularly the portion immortalised in the
Bhagavat dsam skandha as the vrindaban leeia.
Vaisnava literature began to be patronised by Hindu zamindars and
Muslim governors alike. Another genre of narrative poetry also known as
the mangal kavyas attained immense popularity. The themes spoke at
length about local cult-deities like Chandi and Manasa Dharma and
transformed the Purani gods like Siva and Visnu into household deities
where they came to assume the garb of the Bengali peasant or artisan. The
narrative form of the mangal kavyas was derived from the Puranas. The
version of manifest poets of a single cut-deity was repeated even in the
local versions of the Bengali Mangal Kavyas. The poets of Bengal were
■
❖ Religion, Society and Culture in Regions v 377
deeply influenced by the Puranas, but their poetry also included personal
experiences. Hence, the fearsome Bhairava Siva, the killer of demons in
the Puranas^ has his trident recast into agricultural implements and often
dons the appearance of an absent-minded rural yogi. A syncretic feature
of the dharma-mangal kavyas merges Buddhism with the Puranic
Marayana and the Muslim pir comes to be known as the Satyapir or
Satyanarayana.
A number of Muslim writers wrote in Bengali. Daulat Qazi, a writer
of note, was from Arakan. This was due to the close association that
existed between Bengal and Arakan ever since the latter state attained
freedom from the yoke of Burmese rule. The Maga ruler of Arakan was
forced to take shelter in Bengal where he stayed for as many as twenty-
six years. It was on account of this that Bengali became the court language
of Arakan.
Daulat Qazi rendered into Bengali a number of popular romantic
themes prevalent in the Gujarat-Rajasthan area such as Lar-Chandn ni or
Mayna Sati. It is said that Alaol, who was perhaps the most talented
poet of his age, completed Laur Chandrani after his death. Alaol, the
son of a Muslim governor of lower Bengal, was taken captive by a
Portuguese pirate and sold as a soldier into the Arakan army. His talent as
a musician and poet endered him to Sulaimam, a minister at the Arakan
court and also found him favour with Magan Thakur, the king’s foster
nephew. These friends and patrons freed Alaol from bondage. He rendered
Malik Mohammad Jayasi’s Padmavat, a Persian romance story, into
Bengali.
REGIONAL ART AND ARCHITECTURE
The development of art and architecture in the regional states follows

diverse courses. While architecture adheres mainly to the technological
principles evolved under the Indo-Islamic style of painting, particularly
manuscript illumination, it scaled new heights due mainly to the
substitution of paper for palm-leaf as the writing material. The multiplicity
of form of regional art did not conform to any set geographical pattern,
but sometimes, as in the case of painting, took a cross-regional course.
Music, too, adopted a syncretic approach, and like painting and
architecture assumed a a cross-regional course.
Regional styles of architecture proceeded to develop a form that
suited their individual requirements. These regional styles of architecture
were distinct form the Indo-Islamic style practiced at Delhi and often
displayed definitely original qualities. In the areas, which have a strong
indigenous tradition of workmanship in masonry, regional styles of
Islamic architecture produced the most elegant structures. On the other
MH
hand, buildings constructed for regional states were a lot less distinctive
at places where these traditions were not so pronounced. In some cases
totally novel tendencies, independent of both the indigenous and the
imperial Sultanate traditions, are also visible.
Eastern India
Two major strands of architectural style in eastern India were Bengal and
Jaunpur, both of which witnessed the rise of regional states.
The establishment of an independent Muslim power in Bengal took
place within a gap of five years since the capture of Delhi by the Turks.
But an independent building style, distinct from the one prevalent at
Delhi, developed in the beginning of the fourteenth century and lasted for
a period of nearly 250 years. Bengal style spread in all parts of the region,
but most of the prominent buildings were located within the boundary of
the Maida district which had been the strategic centre of the region due to
the confluence of the two rivers, the Ganaga and the Mahananda. Here lie
the remains of the two principal cities-Gaur and Pandua-which, in turn,
enjoyed the status of the capital seat of the regional ruling pqwer. In our
effort to understand the style distinctive features of the architectural style
of this region we have to depend mostly on the buildings extant in these
two cities and a few important examples elsewhere. The building art of
Bengal is generally divided into the following three phases of which the
first two are considered preliminary stages and the third its ultimate
development into a specific style.
The Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur was founded by Malilk Sarwar, a
noble of Firoz Shah Tughluq, in 1394. In the wake of Timur’s invasion
and sack of Delhi Jaunpur took over from the capital as a centre for
scholars and writers. The surviving buildings produced under the Sharqis
are located in the capital city Jaunpur. The Sharqi architecture of Jaunpur
carries a distinct impact of the Tughluq style, the battering effect of its
bastins and minarets and the use of arch-and-beam combination in the
openings being the two most prominent features. However, the most
striking feature of the Jaunpur style is the design of the faqade of the
mosques. It is composed of lofty propylons with sloping sides raised in
the centre of the sanctuary screen. The propylons consist of a huge
recessed arch ramed by tapering square minars, of exceptional bulk and
solidity, divided into registers the best examples can be seen in the Atala
Masjid (built in 1480 and the Jami Masjid. Evidently, the propylon was
the keynote of Jaunpur style and occurs in no other manifestation of Indo-
Islamic architecture.
One of the interesting and significant buildings in Bengal is the Adina
mosque at Pandua.With many similar looking archways it might have
Religion, Society and Culture in Regions 379
PHOTOGRAPH 3: ADINA MOSQUE, PANDUA, BUILT BY SIKANDER

SHAH IN 1364, WEST BENGAL
served as a palce for vast congregations. Although the mosque is not

recognized for its architectural beauty, but is certainly significant for its
magnitude.
Western India
The regional style of architecture that came into being in western India
towards the beginning of the fourteenth century is almost exclusively
confined to Gujarat.
The regional style flourished for a period of some two hundred and
fifty years beginning early in the 14th century. The founders of Gujarat
style of Indo-Islamic architecture were in fact the governors of the Khalji
Sultans of Delhi. There were three different phases of the Gujarat style.
The first phase lasting for the first half of the fourteenth century marked
by the demolition of the Hindu temples and their re-conversion into
Muslim buildings. The second phase prevailing mostly during the first
half of the fifteenth century and showing signs of hesitant maturity of a
distinctive style.
Before the annexation of Gujarat by Alauddin Khalji, the architecture
of Gujarat had acquired a distinct character of its own under the Solankis.
On of the best examples is the temple at Somnath. And infact even under
the Delhi Sultanate influence the buildings did not show much influence
of Sultanate architecture except some elements of dome and arch. The
time tested Gujarat tradition called trabeate still remained dominant in the
PHOTOGRAPH 4: TOMB OF MA KI)UM SHAH, SARKHEJ BUILT AROUND

1451, GUJARAT
medieval buildings of Gujarat atleast till Ahmad Shah I (1411-42) came

to rule. Ahmad Shah founded the new capital city of Ahmadabad in 1411
and followed a continuous building programme including many mosques
and tombs. One of the noteworthy structures of the period is the tomb of
the famous Sufi saint Makhdum Sheikh Ahmad Khattu (1336-1445) built
by Ahmad Shah II. It is an open pillared mosque toped by a huge dome
surrounded by many rows of smaller domes.
In Central India, the development of Indo-Islamic architecture
remained confined within the Malwa region which became an independent
kingdom at the turn of the fifteenth century. The regional manifestations
of Indo-Islamic architecture in Malwa are located essentially within the
confines of two cities, Dhar and Mandu, though some buildings may also
be seen at Chanderi. The Sultans of Dhar and Mandu have left a rich
architectural legacy, the main- buildings being mosques, tombs and
palaces.The buildings at Dhar and Mandu derive many features from the
Tughluq architecture such as the battered walls, fringed arch and the arch
beam combination. But soon we also notice the emergence of distinctive
feature which give Malwa style of architecture a character of its own.
Perhaps the most important is an innovative technique by which the two
separate structural systems of the arch and the lintel have been combined
in Malwa architecture. In no other early type of architecture has this
problem of using arch and beam as structural elements been more
artistically solved. Another notable feature of the Malwa buildings is the
constructin of stately flight of steps of considerable length leading to their
entrances. This became necessary due to the use of unusually high plinths
on which most of the important buildings are raised. This architectural
impulse died in 1531 with the defeat of the last Malwa ruler Mahmud II
at the hands of Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. Malwa was temporarily brought
under the Mughals by Humayun in 1535 and was finally conquered by

Akbar in 1564.
Deccan
The Indo-Islamic architecture that developed in the Deccan from

fourteenth century onwards under the Bahmanis acquired a definitely
regional character quite early in its growth. But this architecture followed
a different pattern in evolution of the regional styles. As opposed to the
growth of regional styles in northern India, architecture in the Deccan
seems to have ignored to a very large extent the pre-Islamic art traditions
of the region. Alauddin Bahman Shah (1347-58) built a strong fort at
Gulbarga. Inside the fort is the Jami Masjid built in 1367. It has the rare
distinction of being the only fully covered mosque in India.
PHOTOGRAPH 5: CHAND MINAR AT DAULATABAD FORT, BUILT BY

BAHMANI SULTAN ALAUDDIN AHMAD II IN 1436-58, MAHARASHTRA
Another fort of significance in Deccan is the Daulatabad fort. One of

the buildings of architectural merit insisde the fort is the Chand Minar
built in 1435 under the rulership of Alauddin Ahmad II. It is a 30 m high
tower with four storeys. The structure is distinct for its circular form
slightly tapering towards the top.
In practice, the Deccan style of architecture consisted basically of the
fusion of the architectural system in vogue at Delhi under the Sultans,
particularly the Tughluq form,and the architecture of Persia.
The Bahmani capital was transferred to Bidar, a fortress town in
1425 b ruler Ahman Shah (1422-36). Soon the new capital saw a flurry of
building activity within its alls sprang up palaces with large audience
halls and hammams, mosques, a madrasa and royal tombs.
Vijayanagar
The Vijayanagar style of architecture was distributed throughout South

India, but the finest and most characteristic group of buildings is to be
seen in the city of Vijayanagar itself, this city, in fact, had a great
advantage as a site for large- scale building activity in that it abounds in
granite and a dark green chlorite stone, both used extensively as building
material. The use of monolithic multiple piers in the temple at Vijayanagar
testify this fact.The expanse of the city of Vijayanagar at the height of its
glory measured some 26 sq. km., and it was enclosed with a stone wall.
Besides palaces and temples, the city had extensive waterworks and many
secular buildngs such as elephant stables and the Lotus Mahal.
The most distinct characteristics of the Vijayanagar architecture is
visible in the Vitthala temple. The temple is ascribed to Krishnadeva
Raya. The courtyard surrounding the temple is grand. It has three main
structural sections - the open pillared mukhamandapa, the closed
mahamandapa at the centre and garbhagriha at the end. The stone ratha
or the chariot standing in front of the mukhamandapa is a brilliant
exposition of stone carving. It is believed that even the wheels of the
chariot used to rotate.
The use of pillars for architectural as well as decorative purpose is on
an unprecedented scale. Numerous compositions are used in raising the
pillars, but the most striking is one in which the shaft becomes a central
core with which is attached an unpraised animal of a supernatural kind
resembling a horse or a hippograyph. Another distinguishing feature is
the use of huge reverse-curve leaves at the cornice. This feature has been
borrowed into the style from the Deccan and gives the pavilions a
dignified appearance. Pillars form an integral part of Vijayanagaf
architecture, almost all of which have ornamental brackets as their
capitals. Usually this bracket is a pendant known a bodegal in local
Religion, Society and Culture in Regions 383
PHOTOGRAPH 6: STONE CHARIOT OF VITHALA TEMPLE AT

VIJAYANAGAR BUILT BY KRISHNADEVA RAYA, KARNATAKA
parlance. This pendant, in Vijayanagar style, is elaborated into the volute

teminating in an inverted lotus band, the occurrence of this pendant is a
index reliable of the building in the Vijayanagar group. The glory of the
Vijayanagar empire ended in 1565 at the battle of Talikota when the
combined army of the Sultans of the Deccan inflicted a crushing defeat
on the Vijayanagar ruler Ram Raya.
Painting
One of the centres where regional painting could take a distinct identity
was Rajasthan. The Rajasthani paintings have a distinct aesthetic quality.
The emergence of this style from the earlier pre-Turkish traditions reached
its consummation around 1600. In its early phase, it showed a great
vigour, though it absorbed Mughal influence later. After the collapse of
the Mughal power, it re-emerged and flourished under the patronage of
different Rajpur kingdoms. Rajasthani painting, since its beginning, a
dopted nature as the main theme. The illustrations are almost like
landscape paintings where human figures seem to play only subordinate
roles. The Rajasthani miniatures are also known for the intensity of
colours used. Deep blue for clouds, streaks of gold showing flashes of
lightening, and emerald green for foliage are some of the most
prominently used colour.
Mewar was an important centre of painting in western India. The
house of Nisar Din (1606) stands out as the earliest known group of
Rajasthani painters. Subsequently the same tradition was carried further
by Sahib Din, who worked form 1627 to 1648. This phase represents the
Mewar School at its height. Under the patronage of Jagal Sing I (1628—
52). A long series of illustrations called Nayakabheda was executed by a
number of painters in a poetic and sentimental style.
Bundi school has an almost parallel history, except that there seems
to have been two important periods in it, vi., 1620-35 nd 1680-1700.
During the eighteenth century, the Bundi School took a new turn. While
retaining its originality of expression, it followed the Mughal school in
subject-matter and technical details. The emphasis now was on the display
of feminine grace in which it seemed to excel.
The Krisangarh style was lyrical and sometimes sensuous. It was
encouraged by Maharja Sawant Singh, popularly known as Nagari Das at
the turn of the eighteenth centuiy (1699-1764). Under Sawant Singh’s
patronage, there was a spurt in the art of painting based n the love-lore of
Radha and Krisha. The Kishangarh paintings are mostly the work of the
talented artist Nihal Chand. The elegant forms of the Kishangarh females,
with their sharp noses, almond eyes and arched mouth, set up a new
feature in Rajasthani painting. Apart from these regions, Pahari and
Deccani also emerged as important centres of painting.
NOTES
1. Hermann Kulke, Kings and Cults: State Formation and Legitimation in India and
Southeast Asia, Manohar, Delhi, 2001, p. 74.
2. Ibid.
3. Charlotte Vaudeville, Myths, Saints and Legends in Medieval India, Oxford

University Press, Delhi, p. 210.
4. Ibid., p. 202.
5. Ibid., p. 212.
6. Ibid., p. 221.
7. Eleanor Zelliot, ‘Chokhamela: Piety and Protest’, in David N. Lorenzen (ed.), Bhakti
Religion in North India: Community Identity and Political Action, Manohar, Delhi,
1996, p.212.
8. Ibid., p.212.
9. Vijaya Ramaswamy, Walking Naked: Women, Society, Spirituality in South India,
Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, 1997, pp.1-2.
10. Ibid., p.20.
11. Ibid., pp.21-24.
12. Ibid., p.22.
Glossary
Abwab Cess (other taxes)
Afaqi New comers to the nobility.
Alungnum Executive committee.
Amaram Territory allocated to the military chiefs
of Vijayanagar.
Amil Revenue collection
Anashrita Sudras who were not dependent
Ardhika A cultivator who tills the land of others
out of which he gets a crop share.
Astachap The eight disciples of Vallabhacharya.
Astadiggaj The eight luminaries in literature.
Aurang Depot for manufactured goods
Ayagar System It meant that the requirements of the rural
population in certain goods and social
services were met by professionals, who
received a fraction of the gross
agricultural produce called the ‘ayam’ as
remuneration. All village artisans and
menials, along with the community
administrative staff, were therefore
commonly known as ‘ayagars’.
Baladhipa - Military officer put in charge of the
customhouse.
Bania - Merchant class located in the sub
continent. They also acted as bankers and
money changers.
Banjara - Banjara merchants specialized in the
carrying (caravan) trade, particularly in
grain, slat and cattle throughout India.
Bargadar - Share cropper in Eastern India were
known thus. Having the status of a tenant-
at-will, he occupied the land only as long
as the landowner allowed it to happen.
Bargir - Troopers who were supplied horses and
arms by the state.
Barid \- Intelligence officer.
Batai - Crop was divided between the cultivator
and the government either before or after
388 ❖ Glossary ❖
the harvest. It was also known as the

Galla Bakshi system.
Bhagdar Partner-shareholder of a joint village in
some parts of western India. Also called
Patidars and Narwadars.
Bhagdari It was a system under which the bhagdars
were collectively, and not individually,
responsible for payment of the
government.
Bhaichara Brotherhood. Holding lands or certain
rights and privileges as common property.
Bhandarvada Crown village.
Bhojyanna Food prepared by Sudras, which was fit
for consumption by the Brahmins.
Bigha Measure of land area, which usually did
not ever come to more than an acre.
Charai Cattle or grazing tax.
Chaurasia Holder of a grant of eighty-four villages.
Chauth One-fourth of the land revenue of an
undefined belt of land paid to the
Marathas by the Mughals and other native
rulers so that those areas would not be
subjected to Maratha raids.
Chetti or Chettiar Merchant of South India.
Chitnis Correspondence clerk.
Chowki Customs Outpost.
Cowries (Conch shells) - A medium of exchange.
Crusados A gold coin of Portugal; 390 reis equaled
1 crusados; reis( plural of real) is a
Portugal monetary unit; currently 1000
reis equals 1 escudo (Portuguese coin).
Dakhni Old nobles.
Dalal Middleman in commercial transactions.
Daroga Head of police, customs or excise outpost.
Dasavadana Income from irrigational investments.
Des Deccan plateau stretching eastwards from
the Western ghats
Deshpande Hereditary accountant of revenue
collection at the district or sub-district
level in Western India or Deccan.
Desi Popular themes (rural) in Telgi.
Deskara Sub-feudatory.
❖ Glossary ❖ 3g9
Digvijayans A title assumed by Vijayngar rulers.

Diwani - Right to collect the revenue of a province.
Ertipatti - Tank land.
Farman - Royal order or decree.
Fawajil Excess amount paid to the exchequer by
the Iqtadar.
Ganj (Mart) - Trade center or market.
Gauda Chief of nadu (local magnates).
Ghari House tax
Goldar - Wholesale merchant owning a warehouse
or gola.
Gopuram Lofty gates of a temple.
Grame - Mahajana Village elders.
Halt or Haliya Bonded agricultural labourer of western
India.
Haqq-i-sharb - Water tax (under Firuz Shah Tughluq).
Hasil - Land revenue actually collected or
realized from an estate or area.
Hat Periodic village fair.
Ijara - Practice of revenue farming.
Ijaradar - Revenue farmer in eastern India.
Inam Revenue-free land or a gift from superior
to inferior.
Iqta Unit of land whose revenues were
assigned to government officials in lieu
of their salaries in the Delhi Sultanate.
Iqtadar - Holders of an iqta under the Delhi
Sultans. Also known as the muqti.
Jagirdar - Holder of a jagir under the Mughals.
Jajmani System - Under this system the jajman families,
generally the landowners, received goods
and services from the kamin families of
village artisans and servants, and made
customary payments to them.
Jama - Total land revenue levied from an estate
or area.
Jamabandi - The revenue decided upon in an estate or
village or district.
Jamadar __ - Treasurer.
Jaziya - A religious tax paid by all Zimmis.
Kamiya - Bonded agricultural labourer of eastern -
India.
Kamrupa - Assam.
Kanamdar - Holder of land tenure under the zamindars
(jenmis) in Kerala. During the term of the
tenure (usually 12 years) the kanamdar
paid the jenmi a lower rent than the other
tenants did. The kanamdar paid the jenmi
a lump sum or kanam at one go and the
rent he had to pay was accordingly
reduced. The kanamdar either cultivated
the land himself or let it out to other
tenants also known as the pattamdars.
Karkhana - Royal factory where different types of
goods were manufactured for the royal
court and army under the Delhi Sultanate
Karkhanis - Commissary in charge of karkhanas.
Kaulnama - Written voucher granted to revenue
Payers specifying the terms of payments
to be made.
Khalisa - Crown land held and managed directly by
the state.
Khanazad - Sons of Khan.
Khanazad - The sons and close kinsmen of persons
who were already holding important
positions in the nobility.
Khanqah - Sufi/Muslim Monastery.
Kharaj - Land revenue.
Kharaj - Revenue in the Muslim ruled states of
medieval India.
Khums - The State’s one-fifth share of the war
booty, treasure troves, mines, etc. Later,
from the time of Alauddin Khalji, the
state began to claim a four-fifth share.
Khurak-dawab - Fodder allowance for animals.
Khutba - The recital of a sermon after the
congregational Friday prayer.
Kofra - A tenant with certain customary land
rights in eastern India.
Konkan - Western coast line; the low-land tract
below the Western ghats.
Kosthapala - Functionary placed in charge of law and
order.
Kulkarni - Village accountant in western India and
the Deccan.
❖ Glossary ❖ 391
Ma and Velli - A system in the Sangam age by which

revenue was calculated on the measure of
land.
Mahajan - Wholesale merchant or big banker in
eastern, northern and western India.
Mahasamanta - Feudatory.
Malfuzat Sufi literature.
Malguzar - Holder of malguzari, i.e. revenue
engagement right in northern and central
India, under the British.
Malikana - Special allowance assigned to the
zamindar by the State.
Malik-ul-Tujjar - Chief of Merchants (Under Bahmanis).
Mamlatdar - Non-hereditary revenue official in charge
of a district or sub-district in western
India and the Deccan.
Mamlatdar He was the subedar or governor of the
bigger provinces. They were placed
directly under the control of the central
government with the exception of
Khandesh, Gujarat and Kamatak where
they were placed under the sarsubedars.
Mandap (temple ) Pillared hall.
Mandi - Wholesale market.
Maniggramam as - Merchant guilds or nandesis.
Manotidar - A banker or money-lender who provided
guarantee or stood security to the
intermediary revenue collector after
receiving a premium or manoti for that
purpose from the latter.
Marwari Native of Marwar in Rajasthan who
followed the business of banker, merchant
and broker.
Mashrut - The conditional rank given to nobles.
Mauja Tax-free land given to village
functionaries, Brahmins and temples.
Mazumdar - Auditor and accountant.
Milki - Propriestorship or ownership, especially
of land.
Mleccha - Foreigners*( Turks, Arabians and various
others).
Mohur - Gold coin.
Muafi - Revenue-free holdings.
❖ Glossary ❖
Mukarari - Tenure at fixed rates of rent or revenue.

Muqaddam - Village headman in north India, also
called khot.
Muqti - Iqta holder or wall
Nadu - Territorial assembly in Vijayanagar.
Nagram - Assembly of merchants.
Nattar - A person belonging to the local ruling
class and domination in Tamil Nadu.
Nazrana - Gift usually from an inferior to a superior.
Force contribution.
Pahi A peasant who was basically an ‘outsider’
but who cultivated the rented lands in a
village either while staying in the
neighboring village or by staying in the
same village in Mughal India. In
Maharashtra he was known as the Upari.
Paikar Merchant agents concerned with buying
goods from artisans in eastern India.
Palaigar or Nayaka - Military chiefs.
Palegar or Piligar - Petty chieftain or zamindar who enjoyed
hereditary right of revenue collection in
South India.
Patel or Patil - Village headman in western India and the
Deccan.
Patnidar - Holder of a “Patni” or under tenure in a
zamindari in some parts of eastern India
(e.g. Burdwan dist).
Patta - Document given by the revenue official
to the revenue payer stating terms about
the land held and the amount required to
be paid.
Pattanaswami - Leader of trade association.
Pattidari - Joint ownership of a village or estate.
Patwari- - Village accountant in northern and central
India.
Patwri - Village accountant.
Potnis - Cash keeper
Prashasti - Descriptions of praise rendered.
Provida - Vijayanagar style of architecture.
Qiladar - Person placed in charge of a fort.
Qubuliyat - Document in which the revenue payer
accepts the terms and conditions laid
down by the government.
❖ Glossary ❖ 393
Sabha - Gathering of elders - variyam.

Sabha and Ur — Village assembly in Vijayanagar.
Sahukar — Banker and money lender in western
India.
Sair or Sayir — Taxes other than that of the land revenue.
Transit duties.
Sardeshmukhi — An additional levy of 10 per cent on those
lands of Maharashtra over which the
Marathas claimed hereditary rights.
Sarthavaha — Carvan leader.
Saudagar — Merchants involved in long-distance trade
in eastern India.
Seth — Bankers and money lenders in eastern,
western and northern India.
Shreni — General term for guild of traders, artisans
and craftsmen.
Shrenibala — Fighting force maintained by guild.
Silehdar — Hired troopers, who would bring in their
own arms and horses.
Sondhar — Agricultural Loans (under Muhammadbin
Taghluq).
Sreshthi — Trauer.
Surasnedvipa — Indonesia.
Suvarnabhumi — Burma.
Tabinan — The contingents that were maintained by
the nobility.
Takkakvi — Cash advance or loans given to
cultivators.
Talab Khasa — The personal pay of the nobles.
Tan Kurram — Township.
Taniyur — A very large village administered as a
single unit under the Cholas.
Tanka — Silver coins
Their origins were largely associated with
large-scale reclamation of wasteland.
Umara —- Plural of amir or noble.
Uparika — Governor of Province.
Uppayam — Name of the salt tax imposed by the
Cholas.
Ur — General assembly (Alungnam).
Variyam — Executive committee of sabha.
Varnadhikari — Offices responsible for maintenance of
vama.
Vimana - (temple) Storey uponstorey.

Vipravinodins - Artisans.
Visyapati - Head of district.
Waqf - Grants assigned for the maintenance of
religious institutions.
Waqia - nawis - News reporters.
Chronology of Events
SOUTH INDIA
• 753-973 Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta.
• 788-820 Sankaracharya, who propounded the philosophy of
Advaitavada.
• 850-1267 Cholas of Tanjore (Thanjavur).
• 985-1014 Rajaraja Chola- built Brihadeshwara temple at Tanjore.
• 1000 Started a great land survey.
• 1000-1323 Kakatiyas of Warangal-Beta Raja (founder);
Prataprudradeva (last ruler).
• 1014-44 Rajendra Chola. Conquers Sri Lanka (1030); invades Bengal
(1021); expendition to Kadaram (Sumatra and Malaya Peninsula)
(1025). t
• 1022 Chola expedition to Gangetic valley-Somavamsas of Orissa and
Palas of Bengal defeated by Rajendra Chola.
• 1044—52 Rajadhiraja I.
• 1052-64 Rajendra II.
• 1070-70 Virarajendra.
• 1070-1120 Kulottunga I, who annexed the Andhra country to Chola
Kingdom (1076).
• 1120-1267 Later Cholas.
• 1126-1322 The Kakatiya Kingdom of Warangal (Andhra) : The
Kakatiya ruler, Ganpati (1198-1261) transferred his capital from
Hanmakonda to Warangal and greatly patronized overseas trade. His
daughter Rudramba (1261-90) succeeded him and is the most well-
known ruler of medieval south. The last Kakatiya ruler was
Prataprudradeva (1290-1322). Annexation of the Kakatiya kingdom
to the Sultanate of Delhi (1322).
• 1189 The end of the Chalukya kingdom of Kalyani and the rise of the
Yadavas of Devagiri.
• 1189-1311 The Yadavas of Devagiri : The kingdom was founded by
Bhillama. Ram Chandra was one of the last rulers of Devagiri. It was
during his reign that the kingdom of Devagiri was annexed to the
Sultanate of Delhi (1311).
• 1288-93 The Venetian traveler Marco Polo visited south. Visited the
most important Kakatoya port of Motupalli (1293), praises the
administrative qualities of Rudramba.
396 *** Chronology of Events ❖
• 1279 Decline of the Chola empire under Rajendra III (1246-79).

• 1216-1323 The Pandyan Kingdom of Madurai.
• 1334-70 Foundation of the Sultanate of Madura by Jalauddin Ahsan.
• 1306-46 The Hoysalas of Dwarsamudra (modern Halebid in
Karnataka). The Hoysala kingdom annexed to the empire of
Vijayanagar (1346).
NORTH INDIA
• 630-955 Karkotaka dynasty of Kashmir.

• 712 Arab conquest of Sind.
• 724-60 Lalitaditya Muktapida, the greatest king of the Karkotaka
dynasty, who built the famous Martand (sun) temple.
• 736 Founding of Dhillika, the first city of Delhi.
• 730 Yasovarman of Kannauj.
• 760-1142 Palas of Bengal and Bihar.
• 770-810 Dharmapala, a Pala ruler who founded the Vikramshila
University.
• 815-885 Devapala, greatest Pala King, who maintained close culture
contacts with the far-eastern Island of Java and Sumatra, and made
magnificent grants to the University of Nalanda.
• 800-1036 Guijar Pratiharas of Kannauj-founded by Vatsaraja.
• 835-885 Bhoja (Gurjar Pratihara)-Arab traveller Sulaiman visited his
kingdom.
• 850 Capture of Tanjore by Vijayalaya (Chola) from the Pandyas.
• 855-939 Utapala dynasty of Kashmir.
• 860 Balaputra of Sumatra (Indonesia) established a monastry at
Nalanda.
• 883-1026 Hindu Shahis of Kabul and Punjab.
• 916-1203 The Chandellas of Jejabhukti (Bundelkhand). They were
the builders of magnificent temples at Khajuraho.
• 939-1339 The Loharas of Kashmir.
• 940-967 Krishna III (Rashtrakuta).
• 950-1195 Kalchuris of Tripuri (Madhya Pradesh)
• 973-1192 Chahmanas of Sakambhari (Ajmer Rajasthan).
• 974-1238 Chalukyas of Anhilwad (Gujarat)- also known as the
Solankis.
• 974-1233 Parmars of Dhar (Malwa, Madhya Pradesh).
• 980-1003 Empress Didda, one of the most interesting figures in the
history of Kashmir, and also one of the most well-known women
rulers of India.
❖ Chronology of Events ❖ 397
• 1000-55 Bhoja, the most striking and versatile Parmara ruler. Author
of about two dozen books on different subjects known as “one of the
greatest scholar-kings of India.”
• 1076-1435 Eastern Gangas of Orissa.
• 1080-1194 Gahadvalas of Kannauj. The Gahadvala ruler Jyachandra
defeated and slain by Muhammad Ghori in the battle of Chandawar in
1194.
• 1118 - 1205 Senas of Bengal-Vijayasena (founder); Lakshamanasena
(last ruler).
• 1020-1030 The Great Arab traveller and author of Kitab-id-Hmti,
Alberuni, in India.
• 1000-27 Invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni-17 raids into India-
Somanatha being the most lucrative and the last raid.
• 1001 Battle of Waihind and defeat of Jaipal (Hindu Shahi) by Mahmud
of Ghazni.
• 1034 Ahmad Niyaltgin invades Varanasi.
• 1175-1206 Invasions of Muhammad Ghori. Invasion of Gujarat and
defeat of Mularaja II (Solanki) in 1178; second battle of Tarain and
the defeat of Prithviraj in ll92; defeat of Jayachandra in the battle of
Chandawar in 1194; conquest of Gwalior and Ajmer in 1193-95;
Invasion of Bengal in 1202. Death of Muhammad Ghori and Qutub-
ud-din Aibak becomes Sultan of Delhi in 1206.
• 1179-92 Prithviraj III also known as Rai Pithaura, who defeated
Muhammad Ghori in the first battle of Tarain in 1191-however, got
defeated in 1192.
• 1189-1311 Yadavas of Devagiri-Bhillama (founder); Ramachandra
(last ruler).
• 1194 Battle of Chandawar and defeat and murder of Jayachandra
(Gahadvala ruler of Kannauj) by Muhammad Ghori.
• 1202 Conquest of Bihar and Bengal by Bakhtiyar Khalji, one of the
slaves of Mohammad Ghori.
DELHI SULTANATE (1206-1526)

Ilbari Dynasty (1206-90)
• 1206 Foundation of the Sultanate of Delhi by Qutub-ud-din Aibak,

also founder of the first ruling dynasty of the Sultanate of Delhi,
known as Ilbari dynasty.
• 1210 Death of Qutub-ud-din Aibak.
• 1211-36 Reign of Iltutmish- created nobility group called Turkan-I
Chahalgani.
398 ❖ Chronology of Events ❖
• 1221 Invasion of Chengiz Khan of northwest India.

• 1231 Qutb Minar built.
• 1236-40 Empress Razia, daughter of Iltutmish, the first and last
woman ruler of medieval India.
• 1246-65 Nasir-ud-din Mahmud.
• 1265-85 Balban.
• 1288-93 Venetian traveler Marco Polo visits India.
Khaljis (1290-1320)
• 1290-96 Jalaluddin Firuz Khalji, founder of the Khalji dynasty.

• 1294 Alauddin Khalji invades Devagiri.
• 1296-1316 Alauddin Khalji Invasion of Gujarat-1299.
• Ranathambhor-1301, Chittor-1303, Malva- 1305, Invasion of Deccan
under Malik Kafur -1309-13. Introduced a series of reforms, the most
notable being Economic Regulations or Market Control. Newe Capital
at Siri (Delhi) 1302.
• 1316-20 Reign of Shihabuddin Umar, Qutb-ud-din Mubarak and
Nasir-ud-din Khusrav. End of the Khalji dynasty-1320.
Tiighluqs (1320-1414)
• 1320-25 Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (Ghazi Malik), founder of the Tughluq

dynasty. Second expedition to the Deccan under Muhammad Jauna
(Ulugh Khan), annexation of the Kakatiya and Pandya kingdoms to
the Sultanate of Delhi-1321-23.
• 1325-51 Muhammad-bin-Tughluq. Transferred the capital from Delhi
to Daulatabad (1327). Issue of Token Currency (1329).
• 1351-88 Sultan Firuz Tughluq.
• 1388-1414 Later Tughluqs.
• 1398 Invasion of Timur during the reign of Sultan Mahmud and the
sack of Delhi.
Sayyids (1414-51)
• 1414-51 Reign of the Sayyid dynasty-Khizr Khan (1414-21),

Mubarak Khan (1421-34), Muhammad Shah (1434-45), and Alauddin
Alam Shah (1445-51)
Lodis (1451 - 1526)
• 1451-1526 Bahlul Lodi (1451-89), Sikandar Lodi (1489 -1517), and

Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26), who was defeated by Babur in the first battle
of Panipat.
❖ Chronology of Events ❖ ^399~
• 1469 Birth of Guru Nanak

• 1506 Transfer of capital from Delhi to Agra by Sikandar Lodi.
• 1519-26 Babur’s seven raids on Hindustan. (Babur himself states that
he raided India five times).
• 1526 Babur defeats Sultan Ibrahim Lodi at the battle of Panipat
Ibrahim Lodi killed in the battle. Foundation of the Mughal empire in
India.
REGIONAL KINGDOMS
Gujarat
• 1392-1526 Foundation of the independent kingdom of Gujarat by

Muzaffar Shah (1392-1410); Ahmad Shah (1411-43), founder of the
city of Ahmadabad; Muhammad Shah (1443- 51); Ahmad Shah II
(1451-58); Daud Khan; Mahmud Begarha (1458-1511 ); andMuzaffar
Shah (1511-26).
Faruqi Kingdom of Khandesh (1390-1526)
• 1390-1417 The Faruqi kingdom of Khandesh founded by Rajab Khan.
Malwa (1401-1531)
• 1401-35 The Ghuri Dynasty of Malwa founded by Dilavar Khan.

• 1435-1531 The Khaljis of Malwa with capital at Mandu.
Sharqi Kingdom of Jaunpur (1394-1479)
• 1394—99 Malik Sarvar, the founder of the Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur.
Ilyas Shahi Kingdom of Bengal (1399-1519)
• 1493-1519 Alauddin Husain Shah was one of the most memorable

rulers of Bengal. It was during his reign that Chaitanya preached his
religion and Bengal witnessed a remarkable development of Bengal
literature. A Hindu author of the time described him as an incarnation
of Krishna.
Shahmiri Dynasty of Kashmir (1339-1529)

• 1339-42 Foundation of the Shahmiri dynasty by Shahmir or Dhams-
• 1420-70 Zain-ul-Abdidin, the greatest king of Kashmir and one of the

most enlightened Muslim rulers of India. Second part of Rajatarangini
was written by Jonaraja, during his reign.
Sisodiyas of Mewar
• 1509-28 Rana Sanga, the greatest ruler of the house of Mewar. His
defeat at the hands of Babur in the battle of Khanua-1527.
• 1527-97 Maharana Pratap.
Rathors of Marwar (1241-1678)

Gajapatis of Orissa (1434-1519)
• 1434/35-70 Kapulendra Gajapati, the most powerful king of the

dynasty.
Vijayanagar Kingdom (1336-1649)
• 1336 Foundation of the empire of Vijayanagar by Harihara and Bukka,

the founders of the first dynasty of Vijayanagar-Sangamas (1336-
1485).
• (1336-1485) The first dynasty of Vijayanagar known as Sangama
dynasty. Annexation of Goa and Konkan to the empire of Vijayanagar
(1380) during the reign of Harihara II (1377-1404).
• Devaraya II (1426-46) was the greatest king in the Sangama dynasty.
• 1485 Foundation of the second or saluva dy-nasty of Vijayanagar by
Saluva Narsimha (1485- 90)
• 1503-70 The third dynasty of Vijayanagar (Tuluva dynasty) founded
by Narsa Nayak or his son Vira Narsimha.
• 1509-29 Reign of Krishnadeva Raya, the greatest king of Vijatanagar,
• 1530-42 Achyuta Deva Raya, emperor of Vijayanagar.
• 1543 Venkata I and his regent Tirumala.
• 1543-65 Sadasiva, emperor of Vijayanagar and Ram Raya as his
regent.
• 1565; Battle of Raktakshasi-Tangadi (Talikota); decline of the empire
of Vijayanagar. Death of Ram Raya. Vijayanagar government
transferred to Penukonda.
• 1565-70 Safasiva rules from Penukonda and Tirumala becomes his
regent.
• 1570 - 1649 Tirumala founds the fourth dynasty viz. Aravidu dynasty
of Vijayanagar (1570).
❖ Chronology of Events ❖ 401
Bahmani Kingdom (1346-1518)
• 1346 Foundation of the Bahmani kingdom by Alauddin Hasan Bahman

Shah.
• 1347-1422 Gulbarga phase. Gulbarga made Capital of the Bahmani
kingdom. It remained the capital of Bahamanids till 1142, when it was
transferred to Bibar. Sultan Firuz Shah (1397-1422) was the most
important ruler during the phase.
• 1422-1518 Bidar Phase. Sultan Ahmad Shah (1422- 36) transfers the
capital to Bidar.
• 1463-81 Mahmud Gawana s Wazir and Vakil-us- Sultanate. Conquest
of God, Belgaum, and Hubli from Vijayanagar (1470). His execution
(1481).
• 1482-1518 Dissolution of the Bahmani kingdom and emergence of
five Bahmani successor states.
Successor States of the Bahmanis
• 1490-1633 The Nizam Shahi kingdom of Ahmadnagar : Foundation

of the kingdom b/ Malik Ahmad Bahri in 1490. The period of the
Nizam Shahi Wazir Malik Ambar (1600-26), who is regarded as one
of the most towering personalities of South India. Annexation of
Ahmadnagar to the Mughal empire (1633).
• 1490-1686 The Adil Shahi Kingdom of Bijapur. The founder of the
kingdom was Yusuf Adil Khan (1490-1510). Annexation of the Adil
Shahi kingdom to the Mughal empire (1686).
• 1490-1574 The Imadshahi kingdom of Berar : Founded by Fathullah
Khan Imad-ul-mulk (1490-1504). The Imadshahi kingdom annexed to
Ahmadnagar (1574).
• 1528-1619 The Barid Shahi kingdom of Bidar : The founder of this
kingdom was Ali Barid (1528-80), who is known as the Rabah-i-
Deccan or the Fox of the Deccan. The Baridshahi kingdom was
annexed to Bijapur in 1619.
• 1518-1687 The Qutbshahi kingdom of Golconda : Sul-tan Quli (1528-
43) was the founder of this kingdom. Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah
(1580 -1612) was the greatest sultan of this dy-nasty who constructed
a new capital at Hyderabad in 1590. Annexation of Golconda to the
Mughal empire (1687).
The Portuguese
• 1497-1529 Vasco da Gama arrives at Calicut-1497; Portuguese fleet
under Cabral reaches Calicut-1500; Vaso da Gama’s second voyage to
India-1502; D’Almeida, the first Viceroy of the Portugues in India-

1505 -9; Al-buquerque succeeds him as Viceroy 1509-15; conquest of
Goa from the Adilshahi Sultan of Bijapur-1510; conquest of Malacca
1511; the Portuguese Viceroy Niro da Cunha transfers the headquarters
of the Portuguese Government in India from Cochin to Goa.
Select Bibliography
The bibliography is intended to give students a comprehensive reference
guide to the various topics of Medieval Indian History. It is a compilation
of most of the sources - books, research papers and articles - used to
write this textbook. Readers interested in probing more deeply into the
various issues of the period would find the chapter-wise references
extremely useful.
UNIT-I
Chapter 1
(Sources Qf Medieval Indian History)
Askari, S.H., Amir Khusrau as Historian, Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library, Patna,
1992.
Carr, E.H., What is History ?, Penguin, England, 1965.
Chattopadhyaya , B.D., The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1994.
------- —, Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims, Manohar, Delhi,
1998.
Deyell, John S., Living Without Silver: The Monetary History of Early Medieval North
India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1990.
Emst, Carl, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi
Center, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2004.
Furer-Haimendorf, C.Vbn, ‘The Historical Value of Indian Bardic Literature’ in C.H.
Philips (ed.), Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, Oxford University Press,
London, 1961, pp. 87-93.
Gopal, Lallanji, Early Medieval Coin - Types of Northern India, Numismatics Society of
India, Varanasi, 1966.
Gupta, P.L., Coins, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1969.
Habib, Irfan, ‘Barani’s Theory of the History of the Delhi Sultanate’, Indian Historical
Review, 7 (1981), pp.99-115.
;--------- , ‘Zia Barani’s Vision of the State’, Medieval Historical Journal, 2 (1999), pp.19-
36.
Hardy, Peter, ‘Some Studies in Pre-Mughal Muslim Historiography’, in C.H. Philips(ed-),
Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, pp. 115-127.
--------- , Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1997.
Hermann, Kulke, The State in India, 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1995.
Jackson, Peter, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, 1999.
Karashima, Noboru, History and Society in South India, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
2001.
404 ❖ Select Bibliography ❖
Kumar, Sunil, The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2007.
Moosvi, Shireen ‘Numismatic Evidence and the Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate’,
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 50 (1989), pp. 207-18.
Nizami, K.A. ‘Historical Significance of the Malfuz literature of Medieval India’ in On
History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
1982.
--------- , Ziya-ud-din Barani, in M. Hasan (ed.), Historians of Medieval India, Jamia
Millia Islamia, Delhi, 1968, pp. 37-52.
--------- , Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India in the Thirteenth Century,
Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, Delhi, 1974.
Phukan, Shantanu, ‘Through Throats where Many Rivers Meet’: The Ecology of Hindi in
the World of Persian’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, 38 (2001),
pp. 33-58.
Prasad, Pushpa, ‘The Turuska or Turks in Late Ancient Indian Documents’, Proceedings
of Indian History Congress, 55th Session, 1994, Delhi, 1995, pp. 171-175.
--------- , Sanskrit Inscription of Delhi Sultanate 1191-1526, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1990.
Thapar, Romila (ed.), Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, 2"A (ed.), Popular
Prakashan, Bombay, 1998.
--------- , ‘Imagined Religious Communities? Ancient History and the Modem Search for
a Hindu Identity’, in Interpreting Early India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1994,
pp. 60-88.
Siddiqui, I.H., Perso-Arabic Sources of Information on the Life and Conditions in the
Sultanate of Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1992.
Talbot, Cynthia, Precolonial India in Practice: Society, Region, and Identity in Medieval
Andhra, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2001.
Tod, James, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (1829-32), vol.I, II and IB, Motilal
Banarsidas, Delhi, 1971.
Veluthat, Kesavan, The Political Structure of Early Medieval South India, Orient
Longman, Delhi, 1993.
Yadava, B.N.S., ‘Historical Investigation into Social Terminology in Literature’, in
Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Warangal, 1993, pp. 1-35.
Ziegler, Norman, ‘Marvari Historical Chronicles: Sources for the Cultural History of
Rajasthan’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol.13 (1976), pp. 219-50.
Chapters 2 and 3
(Interpreting Early Medieval India)
Bhattacharya, N.N., History of Tantric Religion, Manohar, Delhi, 1982.

Chakravarti, Ranabir, Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society, Manohar, Delhi, 2007.
--------- , Trade in Early India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2001.
Champaklakshmi, R. ‘State and Economy: South India, circa a.d. 400-1300’, in Romila
Thapar (ed.), Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, Popular Prakashan,
Mumbai, 1998.
Chattopadhyaya, B.D., ‘Religion in Royal Household: A Study of Some Aspects of
Karpuramanjar!, in The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1994.
--------- , Coins and Currency System in South India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1977.
❖ Select Bibliography ❖ HBggg
--------- .‘Irrigation in Early Medieval Rajasthan’, in The Making of Early Medieval India,
Oxford University Press., Delhi,1994, pp.38-56.
----------, ‘Origin of the Rajputs: The Political, Economic and Social Processes in Early
Medieval Rajasthan’, in The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University
Press, Delhi, 1994.
--------- , ‘State and Economy in North India: 4'h Century to 12th Century’ in Romila Thapar
(ed.), Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, 2nd edn, Popular Prakashan,
Mumbai, 1998.
--------- , ‘Urban Centres in Early Medieval India’, in S. Bhattacharyya and Thapar, Romila
(ed.), Situating Indian History, Oxford University Press, 1986.
Desai, Devangana, ‘Art Under Feudalism in India’, in D.N.Jha (ed.), The Feudal Order,
Deyell, John S., Living Without Silver: The Monetary History of Early Medieval North
India,Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1990.
Gopal, Lallanji, Early Medieval Coin - Types of Northern India, Numismatics Society of
India, Varanasi, 1966.
Heitzman, James, ‘State Formation in South India, 850-1280’, The Indian Economic and
Social History Review, vol. XXIV, no.l, March 1987, pp.35-61.
--------- , Gifts of Power: Temples, Politics and Economy in Medieval South India, Oxford
University Press, Delhi, 1997.
Jain, V.K., Trade and Traders in Western India, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1990.
Jha, A.K., (ed.) Coinage, Trade and Economy, Indian Institute of Numismatics, Anjaneri,
~ 1991.
Jha , D.N., (ed.) The Feudal Order: State, Society and Ideology in Early Medieval India,
Manohar, New Delhi, 2000.
--------- , Early India: A Concise History, Manohar, Delhi, 2004.
Karashima, Noboru, in History and Society in South India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 2001.
--------- , ‘The Village Community in Chola Times: Myth or Reality’, in Journal of the
Epigraphical Society of India, vol. 8, 1981, pp. 85-96.
Kosambi, Damodar Dharmanand , An Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay, Reprint 1985, pp.295-96.
Kulke, Hermann, The State in India, 1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1995.
--------- , ‘Fragmentation and Segmentation versus Integration? Reflections on the Concepts
of Indian Feudalism and the Segmentary State in Indian History’, Studies in History,
4 (1982), pp.237-63.
--------- , Kings and Cult: State Formation and Legitimation in India and Southeast Asia,
Mukhia, Harbans, ‘Was There Feudalism in Indian History?’, The Journal of Peasant
Studies, vol. 8, no. 3, (1981), pp. 273-310.
Narayanan, M.GS. and Kesavan Veluthat, ‘Bhakti Movement in South India’, in D.N. Jha
(ed.), The Feudal Order, Manohar, Delhi, 2002.
Nilakanta Sastri, K. A., A History of South India: From Prehistoric Times to the Fall of
Vijayanagar, Fourth Edn, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1998.
Sahu, B.P. (ed.), Land System and Rural Society in Early India, Manohar, Delhi, 1997.
Sharma, R.S., Indian Feudalism c.300-1200, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1965.
--------- , ‘Problems of Peasant Protest in Early Medieval India’, in Bhairabi Prasad Sahu
(ed.), Land System and Rural Society in Early India, Manohar, New Delhi, 1997,
pp. 343-360.
---- .---- , Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Early India, Munshiram
Manoharlal, Delhi, 1983.
--------- , ‘Material Milieu of Tantricism’ in D.N. Jha (ed.)' The Feudal Order, Manohar,
Delhi, 2002.
--------- , Early Medieval Indian Society: A Study in Feudalisation, Orient Longman,
Kolkata, 2001.
—------, ‘How Feudal was Indian Feudaism?’ in Hermann Kulke (ed.), The State in India,
1000-1700, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1995.
--------- , Social Changes in Early Medieval India (c. a.d. 500-1200), Delhi, 1969.
--------- , Urban Decay in India, c. 300-C.1000, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1987.
Sircar, D. C. , ‘Landlordism Confused with Feudalism’, in D.C. Sircar (ed.) Land System
and Feudalism in Ancient India, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1966.
Stein, Burton, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, Oxford University
Press, Delhi, -1980.
Subbarayalu, Y., ‘The Chola State’, Studies in History, vol. 4, (2), 1982, pp. 265-306.
Thapar, Romila, Early India: from the Origins to a.d. 1300, Penguin, England, 2001.
Veluthat, Kesavan, ‘Into the “Medieval” - and Out of It: Early South India in Transition’,
Sectional President’s Address, Medieval India, Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress, 58th Session (Bangalore), Aligarh, 1998.
--------- , The Political Structure of Early Medieval South India, Orient Longman, Delhi,
1993.
Chapter 4
Religion and Culture (circa 750-1200)
Bhattacharya, N.N., History of Tantric Religion, Manohar, Delhi, 1982.

Champaklakshmi, R., ‘From Devotion and Dissent to Dominance: The Bhakti of the
Tamil Alvars and Nayanars’, in R. Chmpaklakshmi and S. Gopal (eds.), Tradition,
Dissent and Ideology: Essays in Honour of Romila Thapar, Delhi, 1996.
—;---- , ‘State and Economy: South India, circa a.d. 400-1300’, in Romila Thapar (ed.),
Recent Perspectives of Early Indian History, Popular Prakashan, Mumbai, 1998.
Chattopadhyaya, B.D., ‘Religion in Royal Household? A Study of Some Aspects of
Karpuramanjari', in The Making of Early Medieval India, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1994.
Desai, Devangana ‘Art Under Feudalism in India’, in D.N. Jha (ed.), The Feudal Order,
--------- , Erotic Sculpture of India: A Socio-Cultural Study, New Delhi, 1975.
Jha, D.N., Early India: A Concise History, Manohar, Delhi, 2004.
--------- (ed.), The Feudal Order: State, Society and Ideology in Early Medieval India,
Manohar, New Delhi, 2000.
Kulke, Hermann, Kings and Cult: State Formation and Legitimation in India and
Southeast Asia, Manohar, Delhi, 1993.
Narayanan, M.G.S. and Kesavan Veluthat, ‘Bhakti Movement in South India’, in D.N. Jha
(ed.), The Feudal Order, Manohar, Delhi, 2002.
Sharma, R.S., ‘Material Milieu of Tantricism’ in D.N. Jha (ed.), The Feudal Order,
Smith, David, The Dance of Siva: Religion, Art and Poetry in South India,- Cambridge
Univesity Press, New Delhi, 1998.
Thapar, Romila, Early India: from the Origins to a.d. 1300; Penguin, England, 2001.
❖ Select Bibliography ❖
UNIT - II
Chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8
(The Delhi Sultanate)
Chattopadhyaya, B.D., Representing the Other? Sanskrit Sources and the Muslims,
Habibullah, A.B.M, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Oriental Book Depot,
Allahabad, revised edition, 1976.
Lal, K.S., History of the Khaljis a.d. 1290-1320, Third edition, Munshiram Manoharlal,
Delhi, 1980.
Alam, Muzaffar, The Langauges of Political Islam in India C. 1200-1800, Permanent
Black, Delhi, 2004.
Ali, Athar, ‘Military Technology of the Delhi Sultanate (13th - 14,h C.)’, Proceedings of
the Indian History Congress, 50 (1989), pp. 166 - 82.
--------- , ‘Nobility under Muhammad Tughluq’, Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress, 42 (1981), pp. 197 -202.
Amin, Shahid, ‘On Retelling'the Muslim Conquest of North India’, in Partha Chatteijee
and Anjan Ghosh (eds.), History and the Present, Permanent Black, Delhi, 2002, pp.
24-43.
Bosworth, Clifford, ‘Mahmud of Ghazna in Contemporary Eyes and in Later Persian
Literature’, Iran, T (1966), pp.85 -92.
Chandra, Satish, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part One, Third Edition,
Har-Anand Publications, Delhi, 2004.
Chattopadhyaya, B.D., ‘Origin of the Rajputs: The Political, Economic and Social
Oxford University Press, Delhi, pp. 57-88.
Crone, Patricia, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam, Princeton University Press,
Princeton, 1988.
--------- , Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, 1980.
Davis, Richard, ‘Indian Art Objects as Loot’, Journal of Asian Studies, 52, 1993, pp. 22-
48.
Digby, Simon, ‘The Currency System’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.), The
Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol I, Orient Longman, New Delhi, Reprint
1984, pp. 93 -101.
—------ , War Horse and Elephant in the Delhi Sultanate: A Study of Military Supplies,
Orient Monographs, Karachi, 1971.
Eaton, Richard, ‘Temple Desecration and Indo-Muslim States’, in David Gilmartin and
Bruce B. Lawrence (eds.), Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identities
in Islamicate South Asia, India Research Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp. 246-81.
--------- , Essays on Islam and Indian History, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 2002.
Elliot, H.M. and I. Dowson (trans.), The History of India, As Told by Its Own Historians,
vol.3, London, 1867, reprint edition, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, n.d.
Fox, Richard G, Kin, Clan, Raja and Rule: State-Hinterland Relations in Preindustrial
India, University of California Press, Berkley, 1971.
Habib, Irfan, ‘Agrarian Economy’, in Tapan Raychaudhri and Irfan Habib (eds.), The
Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol I, Orient Longman, New Delhi, Reprint
_ 1984.
----- —, ‘Barani’s Theory of the History of the Delhi Sultanate’, Indian Historical Review,
7 (1981), pp. 99-115.
--------- , ‘Economic Histoiy of the Delhi Sultanate’, Indian Historical Review, vol. IV (3),
pp. 287-298.
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Chapter 9
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Index
Abbasids dynasty Iltutmish (1210-36), 155-9
collection of land revenue, 134 Raziya (1236-40), 159-61
rise of, 133 Barani, Ziauddin, 24, 26-9
taxation, 134-5 Fatawa-i Jahandari, 221
Albertini, Abu’l Rayhan 22-3 on revenue under Delhi Sultunate,
Achintendra, regional literature by, 111 237-42
Administration in Delhi Sultunate, on Sufi saints, 269
222-4 Bardic narratives, 35-7
apparatus of, 224-7 Beduin tribes, 128-9
Agrarian structures, 87-9 Bengal, 348-51
Agriculture administration, 351-2
during early medieval period, 45, 57, Bengali regional literature, growth of,
89-90, 129, 135-6, 318 375-7
predominance in Delhi Sultunate, 238 Bhakti, 43
technological changes after the Tlirkish saints, common features of, 294-6
rule, 245-51 tradition (circa 750-1200), 101-05
Ala-ul Mulk, 26 Bhakti movements in medieval period,
Ali, 132 282-4
Alim, 26 bhakti saints, common features of,
Alvars, 101 294-6
Anandalahari, 103 eastern India, 297-8
Annals, 37 Guru Nanak and evolution of Sikh
The Arabs in Sind, 137 community, 293-4
Archaeological epigraphy, 10-13 historiography of, 284-8
Arcuate, 302 Indian Nathpanthi tradition, 288-90
Army organisation Kabir the Sant tradition, 290-3
Arakan, 377 Maharashtra Bhakti tradition, 298-9
Bahmani, 335 Vaishnava bhakti movement in north
the Chola, 73 India, 296-7
under Delhi Sultunate, 227 Bharat, origin of term, 5
Turkish, 147 Bhaskaracharya, 111
Vijayanagar, 321-3 Bhats and the Charans, 35-6
Assamese Bhattacharya, N.N.
regional literature, growth of, 373 on tantrism, 107
Brihadisvara temples, 115, 122
Babumama, 6 Brihadisvara or Rajarajesvara temple, 115
Bahlul Lodi, 210-211 Brown, Percy
Bahmani kingdom (1347-1538), 270, on Khalji period, 305
332-4
administration, 334-5, 335, 338 Calligraphy, 304, 305-6, 311
Bakr Abu, 131-2 Can-, E.H., 21-2
Balambal, V. Castes, proliferation of., See also Jatis
on feudalism in South India, 51 Cave temple, 119
Bandagans, Delhi Sultanate under Centralisation of state
Balban (1266-87), 161-165 under Delhi Sultunate, 218-20
Balban’s theory of kingship, 165-8 Chahamanas or Chauhans, 56, 143
414 ❖ Index ❖
Chaitanya (1486-1533), 297-8, 357 Decorative art in the Islamic buildings,

Chakravarti, Ranabir, 49 305-6
on agrarian expansion in India, 98 Dehliwal, 242
on trade, 93 Delhi Sultunate, 8-9
Chalukya period, regional literature in, 111 administrative structure under, 222-4
Chalukyas army organisation, 227
paintings, 119, See also Paintings building industry under, 251
style of art and architecture, 119-21 centralisation of state under, 218-20
temples, 119 decline of, 209-10
Champaklakshmi, R., 113 in fifteenth and sixteenth century, 210-
Chandra, Satish, 258 13
Charans, Bhats and the, 35-6 governance of the state in the, 220-22
Chattopadhyaya, B.D. gunpowder techniques in, 250
on Indian feudalism, post-Gupta period, horseriders in, 249-50
46-8 iqta system, 228-31
on medieval Rajasthan, 59 monetary system and revenue extraction
on regional kingdoms, 57 of the, 245
on regional states, 57 Mongols attacks and, 175-82
on ruling lineages, 58-9 nobility, 234-6
on ruling lineages or families, 58 paper usage in, 249
on success of Turkish invasion, 149 Portuguese, coming of the, 255-6
on trade, 93 revenue administration, 227-8
on tripartite struggle, 64-5 revenue system under, 237-42, 242—45
on urbanisation, 95-6 ruling elite, 234—36
Chaulukya landlords, 56 technological changes, 245-51
Chishti Silsilah, 268-75 tin coating techniques in, 250-1
Chola dynasty, the, 56, 65-8, 73-4 trade and commerce, growth of, 251-5
administration, 68-70 Turkish slaves and, 235-6
army, 73 ulema, 236-7
bronze sculpture, 122 urbanisation, 256-8
education, 110—11 Delhi Sultanate under bandagans, 151-5
feudalism in, 50-2 Balban (1266-1287), 161-5
irrigation taxes in, 72 Balban’s theory of kingship, 165-8
land revenue in, 72 Iltutmish (1210-1236), 155-9
paintings, 121 Raziya (1236-1240), 159-61
peasant society of the, 73 Desai, Devangana, 112-13
sculpture, 122 on tantrism, 108
style of art and architecture, 113-17 Devaraya II (1422-1466), 16
village assemblies in, 70-2 Deyell, John S.
Chola kings, 8, 57-8 on scarcity of money, 93-4
temples and, 57-8 Digby, Simon
Cholas, village assemblies of, 70-2 and monetary circulation, 243
Coda-Gangas, 58 Dihlavi, Amir Hasan Sijzi, 33
Coins, See Numismatics Dingala and Pingala, 36
Col. Tod, 36 Dravida style of art and architecture,
Copper coins, 17, 18, See also Numismatics 113-17
Cotton cultivation in Delhi Sultunate, 247-8 Dravida temples, 112
Cowry shells, 94 Duby, Georges
Crone, Patricia on European feudalism, 44
on slavery during Arab conquests, 133
Early medieval period, overview, 5
Deccan Eastern India
plunder of, kingdoms, 243-4 Bhakti movements in medieval period,
regional art and architecture, 381-2 297-8
❖ Index❖
Chaitanya (1486-1533), 297-8 Sultunate, 251

regional art and architecture, 378-9 on iqta system, 231
Eaton, Richard on nobility of Delhi Sultunate, 234
on Islamisation in India, 278-81 on revenue under Delhi Sultunate, 238
Elephanta Caves, 120 on technological changes in Delhi
Emst, Carl, 33 Sultunate, 245-6
on urban revolution, 170-2
Fatawa-i Jahandani, 27-9 Habib, Mohammad, 223
Fatawa-i Jahandari, 26, 28, 221 on urban revolution, 169-70
Fawa’id al-fuad, 33 Hanafi School of Muslim Law, 239
Fawaid ul Fuwad, 269 Hardy, Peter, 21, 33, 35
Feudalism, Indian, See South India, Harihara (1336-1356), 16
feudalism in Heitzman, James
The Feudal Mind on Chola state, 51-2, 73-4
by R.S. Shanna, 48 Hijaz, 128
Feudal state, 73-4 Hindi regional literature, growth of, 372
Firuz Shah Tughluq (1351—1388), 22, Hindu kings, military efficiency and, 147
205-6 Hindustan, meaning in medieval period, 5
and his quest for silver, 244-5 Historiographical issue, 316-19
highlights of, rule, 208 Horseriders
taxation by, 241-2 in Delhi Sultunate, 249-50
welfare measures, 206-9 Hoysalas
Forbes, A.K., 36 style of art and architecture, 121
Foreign.-travellers/envoys, 18-19 Husayn, 132-3
Furer-Haimendorf, C.Von, 36
Futuh us Salatin, 31 Iltutmish (1211—1236), 155-9, 223
and gold coins, 243
Gangaikondacholapuram, 72 Indian coinage and, 17
Ghatiyantra (pot-machine), 247 India
origin of term, 5
Ghaznavids, empire of the
usage of term in British Raj, 6-7
Mahmud of Ghazna (997-1030), 139-42
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-25), 193, 240 Indian and Seljuk tradition, blending of,
Indian coinage and, 17 306-7
Ghorian invasions Indian architecture, medieval, 299
as symbol of power, 300-6
Mohammad Ghori (1175-1206), 142-5
Governance of the state blending of Indian and Seljuk tradition,
306-7
in the Delhi Sultunate, 220-2
Govindasamy, M.S. evolution of the true dome, 307-9,
309-10
on feudalism in South India, 51
music, 311-12
Guild, 94—5, See also Social change
painting, 310-11
Gujarat, 338-—41
Gujarati ‘Indian feudalism’ model, 112-13
Indian Nathpanthi tradition, 288-90
regional literature, growth of, 374
Gupta, P.L., 15-16 Industrial art development, 85-6
Gutjara-Pratiharas, 55-6, 57 Inscriptions, 10-13
and tripartite struggle, 64-5 of Delhi Sultanate period, 13—15
Integrationist paradigm, 10
Gutjaras, 58
Integrative Polity
Guru Granth Sahib, 294
by Chattopadhyaya, 47-8
Guru Nanak and evolution of Sikh
community, 293-4 Integrative Polity model, 59
Iqta system, 224-31, 238
Habib, Irfan Alauddin Khalji, 226, 228
on bhakti movement, 286 classic description by Nizam-ul Mulk
on building industry under Delhi Tusi, 228-9
416 ❖ Index ❖
Diwan-i-Arz, 225 Kannada and Malyalam

Diwan-i-Wizarat, 225 regional literature, growth of, 375
Firuz Shah Tughluq, 228, 230 Karashima, Noboru, 12-13
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq, 228, 230 on feudalism in South India, 51
hukm-i misahat, 227 Karl Marx on Asiatic Mode of Production.
Kham, Jizya and Kharaj, 227-8 40
Lodis and, 230-1 Khair al-Majalis
Muhammad bin Tughluq, 228, 230 by Hamid Qalandar, 33
Muqti, 225-6, 229 Khajuraho
officers at provincial level, 226 group of temple, 117
waqf (endowments), 231 Orissa and, 117-19
Isami, Khivajah Abdal Malik, 31 Khalji, Alauddin 8, 185-93
Isami’s Futuh al Salatin, 20 highlights of, rule, 192
Islam, rise of Indian coinage and, 17
Ali, 132 military, administrative, agrarian and
Arab trade, 128-9 economic measures of, 186-90
Bakr Abu, 131-2 price control, 190-93
Husayn, 132-3 silver coins by, 244
Muhammad, rise of, 129-31 Khalji architecture, 304-6
non-Arab Muslims, 133 Jalaluddin Khalji, 236
overthrow of the Umayyads, 133 The Khaljis, 182-5
Quraysh tribe, 129 Alauddin Khalji, 185-93
rise of the Abbasid, 133-5 Khams, 239
theories of, 135-6 Kharaj, 239
Turks, 135 Kharaj- i-jizya, 239
Umar and Usman, 132 Khaza'in ul Futuh
Islamic buildings, decorative art in the, by Amir Khusaru, 31-2
305-6 Khokar tribes, 176
Islamic law, 136-7 Khurasan Campaign (1330), 202
Islamisation in India, 278-81 Khusrau, Amir, 22, 31-2, 223
on Sufi saints, 269
Jackson, Peter Khutba (public prayer), 16, 242-3
on Mongol attacks, 176 Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, 268-9
Jagannath cult, 358-65 Khyats, 36-7
Jagannath temple, 117 Kitab al Hind, 22-3
Jain, V.K. Kosambi, D.D., 169
on trade, 93 on India feudalism, 41
Jajmani, 43 Krishnadeva Raya (1509-1529) 322-3
Jatis, 58, 90-91. See also Castes Kshatriyaisation, 46-7
Jha, D.N., 48, 112-113 Kulke, Herman
on tantrism, 106 on historiographical issue, 316
on trade economics, 93 on Indian feudalism, 46
Jital, 243 on Jagannath cult in Orissa, 58
Jizya, 134, 206, 212, 227-229, 239, 339 on regional kingdoms, 58
Juzjani, Minhaj-us-Siraj, 5-6, 24-26 Kumar, Sunil, 20, 25
on iqta system, 231
Kabir Granthavali, 291 on success of Turkish invasion, 150
Kabir the Sant tradition, 290-293 on urban revolution, 171-172
Kailasanatha temple, 114
Kailasa temple, 120 Ladkhan temple, 119
Kakatiya rulers, regional literature and, 111 La ilah-il-illah Muhammad-ur-Fasool Allah,
Kalima, 16, 17, 243 16, 243
❖ Index ❖
Land endowments Mongols attacks and Delhi Sultunate,

as source of money to temples, 82-3 175-82
Landgrants, 41, 42, 44, 46-7, 56, 58, 82, Muhammad (570-632), 129
85, 87-8, 106, 230-1, 270, 274, 318, creation of political structure, 130-31
361 death of, 131
and agricultural settlements, 59 religious preachings in Meccan, 130
R.S. Shanna on, 56 shift to Madina, 130
Late medieval period, overview, 5 successor of, 131
Le Goff, Jacques Muhammad bin Tughluq (1324—51),
on European feudalism, 44 194, 270
Lingaraja temple, 117 experiments in agriculture, 196-7
Literary sources of medieval period, 18-19 gold coins by, 244
The Lodis, 228, 230, 236, 242, 245, 309 highlights of, rule, 204
Lodrick, Deryck O., 316-17 Indian coinage and, 17-18
introduction of the token currency
Madhava (1329), 200-2
on Vaishhavite Bhakti, 105 raising the taxes in the Doab, 195-6
Mahalingam taxation by, 240-1
on feudalism in South India, 51 transfer of capital from Delhi to
Maharashtra Bhakti tradition Daulatabad (1327), 197-200
Jnaneswar (1275-1296), 299 Mohammad Ghori
Namdev (1270-1350), 298-299 Indian coinage and, 16-17
Mahasamantas, 42 inscription on gold coins by, 243
Mahmud of Ghazna (997-1030), 139-142 Muharram, 133
Malfuzat, 33, 35 Mukhia, Harbans
Malfuzat texts, 22 on India feudalism, post-Gupta period,
Marathi 44-5
regional literature, growth of, 374 Music
Marriage network, 87-8 medieval Indian architecture and, 311-12
Mawalis, 133-34 Muslim, defined, 130
Mazana, 303 Muslims and Indian coinage, 16-18
Mcleod, W.H.
on Nathpanthi background, 288-9 Nagara style of art and architecture, 117-19
Medieval period, between [750 and 1550] Nagara temples, 112
political groups invading during, 7 Nagavarma I, 111
region and empire, 8-9 Naik, Malik, 223
religious traditions, 9-10 Naqvi, H.K., 258
social and economic changes during, 7-8 on urban revolution, 171
Medieval period, defined, 4 Narasimhavarman I, 114
Mewar, 341-8 Narayanan, M.GS.
Miftah-ul Futh on Bhakti movement in South India, 51
by Amir Khusaru, 31 on religious trends, 101-4
Military efficiency and Hindu kings, 147 Nathpanthi tradition, 288-90
Mirabai, 370-2 Nayanars, 101
Mohammed bin Qasim, 137 Nimbarka
Monetary anaemia thesis, 93-4 on religious trends, 105
Monetary system Nizami, K.A., 33
of the Delhi Sultanate and revenue on Mongol attacks, 176-7
extraction, 245 Nizammudin Auliya, 269
under Turkish rule, 242-5 North India (750—1200), feudalism in
Mongols and Delhi Sultunate centralised state model, 40-1
goodwill between, 177-8 Indian Feudalism model, 41-9
•'55
Sb®?
418 ❖ Index ❖
Nuh Sipehr Deccan, 381-82

by Amir Khusaru, 32 eastern India, 378-79
Numismatics, 15-18 regiofial painting, 384
Vijayanagar style of architecture, 382-3
Orissa and Khajuraho, 117-19 western India, 379-81 '
Oriya Regional languages, 110
regional literature, growth of, 373 Regional literature, 110-12
Regional literature, growth of
Painting(s), 121 Assamese, 373
Chalukya, 119 Bengali, 375-7
Chola, 121 Gujarati, 374
medieval Indian architecture and, 310-11 Hindi, 372
regional art and architecture, 384 Kannada and Malyalam, 375
Palas, 56, 61-2 Marathi, 374
and tripartite struggle, 64-5 Oriya, 373
Pallava kings, 57-8 Panjabi, 373-4
temples and, 57-8 Tamil, 375
The Pallavas, 51, 60, 84, 104, 122 Telegu, 374-5
style of art and architecture, 113-17 Regional state formation, process of
Pancholis and Mahajnas, 36 Bengal, 348-51
Panjabi Gujarat, 338-41
regional literature, growth of, 373-4 Mewar, 341-8
Papanatha temple, 119-20 Religion of Patronage theory, 278-9
Paper usage in Delhi Sultunate, 249 Religious developments of the medieval
Peasant society of the Cholas, 73 period, 357
Persian narratives, 20-2, 34 Jagannath cult, 358-65
Pingala, Dingala and, 36 Warkari movement and cult of Vithoba,
Portugese invasion during Delhi Sultunate 366-7
period, 255-6
Pratiharas, 56, 63-—4 Sahu, B.P.
Principle of monism, 109 on Indian feudalism, 49
Prose chronicles, 36-7 Saiva and Vaishnava saints, 102
Samanta, 42, 47
Qadar Khan, 244 Sangatnesvara temple, 120
Qalandar, Hamid, 33 Sankaracharya, Vedantic philosphy of, 109-
Qarachil Campaign (1333), 202-4 10
Qawwali music, 280 Sassanid-Byzantine conflict, 128-9
Qim us Sadayn Sastri, Nilakantha
by Amir Khusaru, 31 on Chola empire, 73
Qutubuddin Aibak, 222, 234-6, 300, 303 on feudalism in South India, 51
on revenue generation in the Chola
Rajatarangni, 21 dynasty, 72
Rajput-Brahmin alliance, 287-8 Sculpture, 108, 114, 118-19, 120, 122
Rajputras, 75-7 Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya (1182-1262),
and their origin, 77-82 267-8
Rajputs, 58 Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti, 279
Ramanuja, 110 Shaikh Nizammuddin Auliya, 269-70
The Rashtrakutas, 56-7, 59-61 Shamsi Siraj Afif, 24, 29-31
style of art and architecture, 119-21 Shankara
and tripartite struggle, 64-5 on religious trends, 103
Raziya (1236-40), 159-61 Shankaradeve, 350
Regional art and architecture, 377 Shankaravarman (883-902), 84
❖ Index ❖
Sharia (Islamic law) and women, 212 Tamil

Shariat, 221, 236-7 regional literature, growth of, 375
Shanna, R.S., 15, 48-9, 112-13 Tangas, 243
on India feudalism, 41-^4 Tanjore temple, 84
on landgrants, 56 Tantrism, 43, 105-8
on regional kingdoms, 56 Tarikh-i Ala
on tantrism, 105 by Amir Khusaru, 32
on trade, 91-2 Tarikh i Firuz Shahi
on urbanisation, 95, 256 by Shams i Siraj Afif, 29-31
Shattari order, 275 by Ziauddin Barani, 26-9
Sher Shah Sur (1540—15 45), 212-13 Tarkih-i Mubarak Shahi
Indian coinage and, 18 Yahya bin Ahmed Sirhindi, 32
Shiaites, 132-3, 136-7 Tawarikh, 20-21
Shihabudditi Ahmad I (1422-1436) Tax system. See also Iqta system
matrimonial alliances with Hindu Abbasids dynasty, 134-35
women, 335 in Doab by Muhammad bin Tughluq
Shudra vama, 58 (1324—1351), 195-6
Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517), 211-12 followed by the Sultans of Delhi, 239
Silver coinage, 16 , See also Numismatics irrigation, in Chola dynasty, 72
and Delhi Sultunate, 243 Telugu literature, 111-12
Sircar, D. C. Temples
on Indian feudalism, 44 endowments for maintenance of, 86
Sirhindi, Yahya bin Ahmed, 32 land endowments as source of money to,
Social change during circa 750-1200, 82-3
89-90 ritual functionaries and, 83-4
Sdmesvara III, 111 role of, 85-7
Southall, A., 50 royal support to, 82
South India (750-1200), feudalism in, socio-economic role of, 82
49-52 wealth and gifts and donations and, 84
State society, 46 Tessitori, L.P., 35, 36, 37
Stein, Burton Thapar, Romila, 118-19
on Indian feudalism, 50-51 on Muslim invasion on Somnath, 142
on peasant society of the Cholas, 73 on success of Turkish invasion, 149
on temples, 84-5 Thomas, Edward, 15
Subbarayalu, Y. Timur
on Chola state, 51 attack on Delhi Sultanate, 209
on Indian feudalism, 50 Trabeate, 301-2
Suddiqui, Iqtidar Husin, 168-9 Trade and commerce, growth of, under
Sufi khanqahs, transcripts in, 266-7 Delhi Sultunate, 251
Sufi orders'in India, 277 foreign trade, 252-5
Sufism, 264-66 inland trade, 252
Chishti Silsilah, 268-75 Trade during circa 750-1200, 91—4
Chishti Silsilah, popularity of, 276-8 Tribes, 57
in India, 266-7 beduin, 128-9
and local societies, 278-82 defined, 89
and political authority, 275-6 Khokar, 176
Suhrawardi silsilah, 267-8 peasantisation of, 90
Sun temple, 117 Quraysh, 129
Supra-regional kingdoms, 319 Tripartite struggle
among Palas, the Gurjara-Pratiharas and
Tabaqat i Nasiri, 24-6 the Rashtrakutas, 64—5
Talbot, Cynthia, 11, 317-18 Tughluq Namah
on success of Turkish invasion, 150 by Amir Khusaru, 32
420 ❖ Index ❖
HM
The Tughluqs, 193-5 Vesara style of art and architecture, 119-21
architecture, 309-10 Vijayanagar coins, 16, See also
Firuz Shah Tughluq (1351-1388), 205-9 Numismatics
introduction of the Token Currency Vijayanagar political organisation
(1329), 200-2 Ayagar system, 328-9
The Khurasan Campaign (1330), 202 Nayankara system, 325-8
Muhammad Tughluq’s innovations, Vijayanagar state, 319-22
195-6 anatomy of administration, 325-9
The Qarachil Campaign (1333), 202-5 economy, 330-1
transfer of capital from Delhi to Krishnadeva Raya 1509-29, 322-3
Daulatabad (1327), 197-200 nature of, 323-5
Turkish campaign, 139-42 revenue administration, 329
Turkish tribes, 135 trade, 331-2
Turks, conquest on North India Vijayanagar style of architecture
impact on urban centres, technology and regional art and architecture, 382-3
rural society, 168-72 Virupaksha temple, 119, 120
Turks, success of Vishti, 43
Andre Wink on, 147-8 Visti, 49
armies and, 146
caste structure and, 147-8
Warkari movement and cult of Vithoba,
issue of Indian and foreign sources,
366-7
148-51
Wink, Andre, 137
lack of centralised power and, 146-47
on contribution of Turkish slaves, 235
social structure and, 146
‘Islamic theology of iconoclasm,’ 149-
50
Ulema, 26, 224, 236-7 on success of Turks, 147-48
and sufism, 276 on Turkish tribes, 135
Umar and Usman, 132 Wintemitz
Urbanisation, 95-8 on tantrism, 106
during Delhi Sultunate period, 256-8 Women
Urdu household chores and, 273
regional literature, growth of, 372 from lower vamas, 91, 101
peasant, 242
Vahi, 35 rajput, 185
Vaishnava Bhakti Movement in eastern sharia and, 212
India, 356 tantrism and, 108
Chaitanya (1486-1533), 357 Women bhakti saints in medieval India,
Vaishyas, 58 367-8
sufferings of, 58 Mirabai, 370-2
Vaitai Deva temple, 112 Yakka Mahadevi and Lalded, 368-70
Varna, 5
Vamasankara, 43
Yadava, B.N.S.
Vassals, 42
on India feudalism, 42
Veluthat, Kesavan, 12
on Indian feudalism, 48
on Bhakti movement in South India, 51
Yakka Mahadevi and Lalded, 368-70
on Chola state, 52
on Indian feudalism, 49-51
on religious trends, 101-4 Zawabit, 221

Vipul Singh - Interpreting Medieval India - Early Medieval, Delhi Sultanate, and Regions (Circa 750-1550) - 01-Macmillan (2009)

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■

VIPUL SINGH is Reader in History at Motilal Nehru College, University of Delhi,

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or

First published, 2009

MACMILLAN PUBLISHERS INDIA LTD.

Companies and representatives throughout the world

ISBN 10: 0230-63761-2

Published by Rajiv Beri for Macmillan Publishers India Ltd.

I need to thank my teachers at Delhi University - Prof. R.L. Shukla,

New Delhi VIPUL SINGH

Map 1: History and Environment (Physical Map of India) 6

Map 1: Major Kingdoms (circa 750-1200) 55

Map 1: Campaigns of Mahmud Ghaznawi and his Empire 141

Map 1: Area of Influence of Mongols in North-west Frontier 180

Map 1: Regional Kingdoms (circa 1200-1550) 337

7. Political Structure of the Sultanate 215-232

* SOURCES OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY

istory is governed by a strong sense of chronology, which is to say

MAP 1: HISTORY AND ENVIRONMENT (PHYSICAL MAP OF INDIA)

SHARED CHARACTERISTICS OF THE

Region and Empire

Religion played a predominant role in medieval Indian society because

used local dialects and regional languages, which could be easily

SOURCES OF MEDIEVAL INDIAN HISTORY

Archaeological: Epigraphy, Numismatics

Archaeological sources include inscriptions, coins, monuments, paintings,

into account. The literature and historiography of the period concerns

Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate Period

content of such Sanskrit inscriptions of the Delhi Sultanate.8 Almost the

Edward Thomas was the first, among the modem historiographers of

Literary Sources: Foreign Travellers’Account and Persian Narratives

The distinctive feature of the sources of the medieval period, especially

AI-Masudi (957): An-Arab traveller, he has given an extensive account of India.

Today historians doubt the veracity of these accounts and these

formal stylistic convention. There were many genres of literary tradition

Tabaqat i Nasiri of Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani is considered the first ever

Ziauddin Barani takes up the historical narrative of the Delhi Sultanate

Whatever the reasons for this imprisonment, Barani seems to have

lectures delivered by Mahmud of Gaznah to his sons. The Fatawa-i

Shams i Siraj Afif

Afif wrote a Persian narrative by the same name approximately half a

had no particular wish to eulogise or flatter the king as Firpz Shah

Yahya bin Ahmed Sirhindi

Rankean positivism, to which a historian’s job is to merely to ascertain

to recast old chronicles in a more poetic form. According to Tessitori, Tod

he early medieval period in Indian history has been described by

NORTH INDIA (750-1200):

The existing historiography of the early medieval period has been ,

42 ❖ Interpreting Medieval India ❖

emerged from the gradual breakdown of a centralised bureaucratic state

important feature of Indian feudalism was the samanta or the independent

neighbouiing-Xhief. who rose to prominence in about bOO orjso. In other

consisted of an extremely inequitable distribution of land and its

The construct of Indian Feudalism by R.S. Sharma drew criticism

social organisation of forms otlaboim-used in the agriculture of the two

marked by a ‘free peasant economy’. A free peasant was understood to be

X B.D. Chattopadhyaya8 agrees that the existence of land grants cannot

system based on gradation. Thus, according to Chattopadhyaya. the

B.P. Sahu14 has also questioned the, validity of the evidence of

SOUTH INDIA (750-1200)

state as a highly centralised empire, presided over by a ‘Byzantineuxiyalty’

political dominance of the former and the tributary obligations required

* AGRARIAN STRUCTURES AND SOCIAL CHANGE