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China-India Relations - Wikipedia
China-India Relations - Wikipedia
China–India relations
China and India have historically maintained peaceful
China–India relations
relations for thousands of years of recorded history, but the
harmony of their relationship has varied in modern times,
after the Chinese Communist Party's victory in the Chinese
Civil War in 1949, and especially post the Annexation of
Tibet by the People's Republic of China. The two nations
have sought economic cooperation with each other, while
frequent border disputes and economic nationalism in both
countries are major points of contention.
Cultural and economic relations within China and India China India
date back to ancient times. The Silk Road not only served as
Diplomatic mission
a major trade route between India and China, but is also
credited for facilitating the spread of Buddhism from India Embassy of China, Embassy of India,
to East Asia.[1] During the 19th century, China was involved New Delhi Beijing
in a growing opium trade with the East India Company,
which exported opium grown in India.[2][3] During World War
II, both British India and the Republic of China (ROC) played a
crucial role in halting the progress of Imperial Japan.[4] After
India became independent in 1947, it established relations with
the ROC. The modern Sino-Indian diplomatic relationship
began in 1950, when India was among the first noncommunist
countries to end formal relations with the Republic of China President Xi with Prime Minister
and recognise the PRC as the legitimate government of both Modi, during the 2016 G20
Mainland China and Taiwan. China and India are two of the Hangzhou summit
major regional powers in Asia, and are the two most populous
countries and among the fastest growing major economies in
the world.
Growth in diplomatic and economic influence has increased the significance of their bilateral
relationship. Between 2008 and 2021, China has been India's largest trading partner, and the two
countries have also extended their strategic and military relations.[5][6][7][8] However, conflict of
interest leads to hostility. India has a large trade deficit that is favoured towards China. The two
countries failed to resolve their border dispute and Indian media outlets have repeatedly reported
Chinese military incursions into Indian territory.[9] And relations between contemporary China
and India have been characterised by border disputes, resulting in three military conflicts – the
Sino-Indian War of 1962, the border clashes in Nathu La and Cho La in 1967, and the 1987
Sumdorong Chu standoff.[10] Since the late 1980s, both countries have successfully rebuilt
diplomatic and economic ties. Since 2013, border disputes have reemerged to take centre stage in
the two countries' mutual relations. In early 2018, the two armies got engaged in a standoff at the
Doklam plateau along the disputed Bhutan-China border.[11] Since summer 2020, armed standoffs
and skirmishes at multiple locations along the entire Sino-Indian border escalated. A serious clash
occurred in the Galwan Valley, resulting in the death of 20 Indian soldiers and many Chinese
soldiers.[12] Both countries have steadily established military infrastructure along border areas,
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including amidst the 2020 China–India skirmishes.[9][13] Additionally, India remains wary about
China's strong strategic bilateral relations with Pakistan,[14] and China's relations to separatist
groups in Northeast India,[15] while China has expressed concerns about Indian military and
economic activities in the disputed South China Sea[16] as well as hosting of anti-China activity
from Tibetan exiles.[17][18] Today, the South Asian region is the premier site of intensified great
power competition between China and India.[19]
Geopolitical overview
China and India are separated by the Himalayas.
China and India today share a border, with Nepal
and Bhutan acting as buffer states. Parts of the
disputed Kashmir region claimed by India (J&K and
Ladakh) are claimed and administered by either
Pakistan (Azad Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan) or by
the PRC (Aksai Chin). The Government of Pakistan,
on its maps, shows the Aksai Chin area as mostly
within China and labels the boundary "Frontier
Undefined", while India holds that Aksai Chin is
illegally occupied by the PRC. China and India also
Eastern and Southern Asia.
dispute most of Arunachal Pradesh.
(The border between the People's Republic of
Not only is China's India policy shaped by greater China and the Republic of India over Arunachal
competition with the United States, but there are Pradesh/South Tibet reflects actual control,
also real structural issues in India-China relations without dotted line showing claims.)
that exacerbate discord. These stem largely from
China's attempts to keep India at arm's length in the
Indo-Pacific region. There are clear differences in the regional order in Asia that the two countries
desire—India seeks a multipolar order, of which India is one of the main poles, while China seeks a
single pole, of which India is not a pole at all.[20]
History
Antiquity
Etched carnelian beads of Indus valley origin have been excavated from various archaeological
sites in China dating from the Western Zhou and Spring and Autumn period (early half of 1st
millennium BCE) to the Han and Jin dynasties, indicating early cultural exchanges.[22]
China and India have also had some contact before the transmission of Buddhism. References to a
people called the Chinas, are found in ancient Indian literature. The Indian epic Mahabharata (c.
5th century BCE) contains references to "China", which may have been referring to the Qin state
which later became the Qin dynasty. Chanakya (c. 350–283 BCE), the prime minister of the
Maurya Empire, refers to Chinese silk as "cinamsuka" (Chinese silk dress) and "cinapatta"
(Chinese silk bundle) in his Arthashastra.[24]
The first records of contact between China and India were written during the 2nd century BCE,
especially following the expedition of Zhang Qian to Central Asia (138–114 BCE).[25] Buddhism
was transmitted from India to China in the 1st century CE.[26] Trade relations via the Silk Road
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Every year, there turns up at the border of Thina a certain tribe, short in body and very
flat-faced ... called Sêsatai ... They come with their wives and children bearing great packs
resembling mats of green leaves and then remain at some spot on the border between
them and those on the Thina side, and they hold a festival for several days, spreading out
the mats under them, and then take off for their own homes in the interior.
— Periplus, §65[28]
Middle Ages
From the 1st century onwards, many Indian scholars and monks traveled to China, such as Batuo
(fl. 464–495 CE)—first abbot of the Shaolin Monastery—and Bodhidharma—founder of Chan/Zen
Buddhism—while many Chinese scholars and monks also traveled to India, such as Xuanzang (b.
604) and I Ching (635–713), both of whom were students at Nalanda University in Bihar.
Xuanzang wrote the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, an account of his journey to
India, which later inspired Wu Cheng'en's Ming dynasty novel Journey to the West, one of the
Four Great Classical Novels of Chinese literature. According to some, St. Thomas the Apostle
travelled from India to China and back (see Perumalil, A.C. The Apostle in India. Patna, 1971: 5–
54.)
Tamil dynasties
The Cholas maintained a good relationship with the Chinese. Arrays of ancient Chinese coins have
been found in the Cholas homeland (i.e. Thanjavur, Tiruvarur, and Pudukkottai districts of Tamil
Nadu, India).[29]
Under Rajaraja Chola and his son Rajendra Chola, the Cholas had strong trading links with the
Chinese Song dynasty.[30][31][32] The Chola dynasty had strong influence over present-day
Indonesia (Sri Vijaya Empire )
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During the 8th century, the astronomical table of sines by the Indian
astronomer and mathematician, Aryabhatta (476–550), were
translated into the Chinese astronomical and mathematical book of
the Treatise on Astrology of the Kaiyuan Era (Kaiyuan Zhanjing),
compiled in 718 CE during the Tang dynasty.[34] The Kaiyuan
Zhanjing was compiled by Gautama Siddha, an astronomer and
astrologer born in Chang'an, and whose family was originally from
India. He was also notable for his translation of the Navagraha
calendar into Chinese.
Yuan dynasty
A rich merchant from the Ma'bar Sultanate, Abu Ali (P'aehali) 孛哈里
(or 布 哈 爾 Buhaer), was associated closely with the Ma'bar royal
family. After a fallout with the Ma'bar family, he moved to Yuan Ambassador from Central
dynasty China and received a Korean woman as his wife and a job India (中天竺 Zhong
from the Emperor. The woman was formerly 桑哥 Sangha's wife and Tianzhu) to the court of the
her father was 蔡 仁 揆 채송년 Ch'ae In'gyu during the reign of 忠 烈 Tang dynasty. Wanghuitu
Chungnyeol of Goryeo, recorded in the Dongguk Tonggam, Goryeosa (王会图) circa 650 CE.
Ming dynasty
Between 1405 and 1433, Ming dynasty China sponsored a series of seven naval expeditions led by
Admiral Zheng He. Zheng He visited numerous Indian kingdoms and ports, including the Malabar
coast, Bengal, and Ceylon, the Persian Gulf, Arabia, and later expeditions ventured down as far as
Malindi in what is now Kenya. Throughout his travels, Zheng He liberally dispensed Chinese gifts
of silk, porcelain, and other goods. In return, he received rich and unusual presents, including
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The Mughals may have attempted to reach the Chinese market. According to East India Company
official William Hawkins, Emperor Jahangir's wardrobe master was ordered to replace a valuable
porcelain. To fulfill the task, the wardrobe master traveled to China but found nothing of
equivalent value.
Qing dynasty
The Bhois of Orissa maintained minor maritime trade links with China. This is noted from the
Manchu language memorials and edicts depicting contacts under the reign of the Qing dynasty in
China, when the Qianlong Emperor received a gift from the Brahmin (Ch. Polomen 婆 羅 門 , Ma.
Bolomen) envoy of a ruler whose Manchu name was Birakišora han of Utg’ali (Ch. Wutegali
bilaqishila han 烏 特 噶 里 畢 拉 奇 碩 拉 汗 ), who is described as a ruler in Eastern India. Hence,
referring to Birakisore Deva I of Khurda (1736–1793) who styled himself as Gajapati, the ruler of
Utkala. Many of the gosains entering Tibet from China passed through his territory when visiting
the Jagannath temple at Puri.[46]
The reign of Tipu Sultan in Mysore saw Chinese technology used for sugar production,[47] and
sandalwood was exported to China.[48] Tipu's and Mysore's tryst with silk began in the early 1780s
when he received an ambassador from the Qing dynasty-ruled China at his court. The ambassador
presented him with a silk cloth. Tipu was said to be enchanted by the item to such an extent that he
resolved to introduce its production in his kingdom. He sent a return journey to China, which
returned after twelve years.[49]
After the Qing expansion into the Himalayas, there was increased contact with South Asia, which
often manifested in the form of tributary relations. The Qing were obliged to defend their
subservient state, Badakhshan, against the Afghans and Marathas, though no major clash with the
Marathas ever took place. The Afghans gained the initiative and defeated the Marathas at Panipat
in 1761. The battle's outcome was used by the Afghans to intimidate the Qing.[50]
Sino-Sikh War
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British Raj
Indian soldiers, known as "sepoys", who were in British service
A Chinese barber in Goa, early
participated in the First and Second Opium Wars against Qing
1800s
China. Indian sepoys were also involved in the suppression of
the Boxer Rebellion in 1900, in addition to serving as guards in
the British colony of Hong Kong and foreign concessions such
as the Shanghai International Settlement. The Chinese slur
"Yindu A San" (Indian number three) was used to describe
Indian soldiers in British service.
Republic of China
Epitaph of Major Hsiao Chu Ching
Hu Shih, the Chinese ambassador to the United States from
at Jairampur cemetery[52][53]
1938 to 1942, commented, albeit critically, on India's
Buddhism almost completely subsuming Chinese society upon
its introduction.[54]
ASIA is one. The Himalayas divide, only to accentuate, two mighty civilizations, the
Chinese with its communism of Confucius, and the Indian with its individualism of the
Vedas. But not even the snowy barriers can interrupt for one moment that broad
expanse of love for the Ultimate and Universal, which is the common thought-
inheritance of every Asiatic race, enabling them to produce all the great religions of the
world and distinguishing them from those maritime peoples of the Mediterranean and
the Baltic, who love to dwell on the Particular, and to search out the means, not the end,
of life.[55]
While never having actually visited India in his lifetime, Sun Yat-sen, founder of the Republic of
China, occasionally spoke and wrote of India as a fellow Asian nation that was likewise subject to
harsh Western exploitation, and frequently called for a Pan-Asian united front against all unjust
imperialism. In a 1921 speech, Sun stated: "The Indians have long been oppressed by the British.
They have now reacted with a change in their revolutionary thinking...There is progress in their
revolutionary spirit, they will not be cowed down by Britain."[56][57] To this day, there is a
prominent street named Sun Yat-sen street in an old Chinatown in Calcutta, now known as
Kolkata.
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In 1924, on his major tour of several major Chinese cities, giving lectures about using their shared
Asian values and traditional spirituality to help together promote world peace, Rabindranath
Tagore was invited to Canton by Sun Yat-sen, an invitation which he declined. There was
considerably mixed reception to Tagore from the Chinese students and intellectuals. For example,
a major Buddhist association in Shanghai stated that for seven hundred years, they had "waited for
a message from India", while others, mostly modernizers and communists, outright rejected his
ideals, stating that they did not "want philosophy, we want materialism" and "not wisdom, but
power".[58]
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public reception to the Chiangs was mostly positive, some reacted less favorably to the Chiangs'
presence in India, with Jinnah believing that Chiang Kai-shek lacked proper understanding of
Indian society and feeling he was biased in favor of Nehru and Gandhi while neglecting the
demands of other religious communities,[64] with his newspaper Dawn calling him a "meddlesome
marshal", while other Indian Muslims, such as Muhammad Zafarullah Khan, expressed mistrust
for the couple's motives, believing that their government wanted to eventually expand its influence
to Indochina and the subcontinent after the British departure.[65]
For his part, Chiang apparently believed none of the major Indian leaders could help his
government meaningfully. As an ardent nationalist who lived through China's internally turbulent
years, he felt that Jinnah was "dishonest" and was being used by the British to divide the peoples of
India and, by extension, Asia, with he and his wife Song believing that cooperation between Indian
religious communities was difficult but possible. At the same time, he also felt genuinely
disappointed by Gandhi, with whom he initially had high expectations, and noted afterwards that
"he knows and loves only India, and doesn't care about other places and peoples". Having been
unable to make Gandhi change his views about satyagraha, even after arguing that some of their
enemies, such as the Japanese, would make the preaching of non-violence impossible, Chiang,
himself raised a Buddhist, blamed "traditional Indian philosophy" for his sole focus on endurance
of suffering rather than revolutionary zeal necessary to rally and unite the Asian peoples.[66]
Nevertheless, the Chiangs continued to commit themselves to supporting the Indian independence
movement from afar, mostly via diplomacy, with Song Meiling writing to Nehru encouragingly:
"We shall leave nothing undone in assisting you to gain freedom and independence. Our hearts are
drawn to you, and...the bond of affection between you and us has been strengthened by our
visit....When you are discouraged and weary...remember that you are not alone in your struggle, for
at all times we are with you in spirit."[67]
Although their meetings had ended on a positive note, with Gandhi offering to adopt Song as a
"daughter" in his ashram if Chiang left her there as his ambassador to India after she asked to be
taught about his non-violent principles, and giving her his spinning wheel as a farewell gift, both
sides were met with considerable obstacles in the aftermath.[68] After the Chiangs tried to seek
U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt's help in persuading Winston Churchill to give India
independence during the war, Roosevelt suggested splitting India's territory in two in the hopes of
resolving tensions, to which Song replied that both she and Chiang felt that "India was as
indivisible as China". Gandhi wrote to Chiang shortly afterwards, seeking to clarify his stance: "I
need hardly give you my assurance that, as the author of the new move in India, I shall take no
hasty action. And whatever action I may recommend will be governed by the consideration that it
should not injure China, or encourage Japanese aggression. I am trying to enlist world opinion in
favor of a proposition which to me appears self-proved and which must lead to the strengthening
of India and China's defence." Chiang sent a cable to Washington upon reading Gandhi's letter,
and advised Roosevelt that the best course of action would be to "restore complete freedom" to
India, but Churchill reportedly threatened to end Britain's alliance with China should the Chiangs
continue to try to interfere with Indian affairs.[69][70]
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In 1942, a division of the Kuomintang's armies entered India as the Chinese Army in India in their
struggle against Japanese expansion in Southeast Asia. Dwarkanath Kotnis and four other Indian
physicians traveled to war-torn China to provide medical assistance against the Imperial Japanese
Army.[71][72]
Post independence
On 15 August 1947, India gained independence from the British. The newly independent India
established diplomatic relations with the ROC. On 1 October 1949, the Chinese People's Liberation
Army defeated the Kuomintang (the ROC's ruling Nationalist Party) and took over Mainland
China, establishing the PRC. Soon afterwards, India became a federal, democratic republic after its
constitution came into effect on 26 January 1950.
1950s
India established diplomatic relations with the PRC on 1
April 1950, the first non-communist/socialist nation in Their last telegrame to us is an
act of gross discourtesy [...] It
Asia to do so.[74] Pakistan continued to recognize the ROC
looks as though it is not a friend
until 1951.[75]
speaking in that language but a
The relationship between India and a newly communist potential enemy [...] for the first
China started out on an optimistic note. Jawaharlal Nehru, time, after centuries, India’s
the first prime minister of India, and Chinese premier Zhou defence has to concentrate itself
Enlai articulated a vision of an internationalist foreign on two fronts simultaneously.
policy governed by the ethics of the Panchsheel (Five [...] In our calculations we shall
Principles of Peaceful Coexistence).[76] However, there was now have to reckon with
notable skepticism on the Indian side from the very communist China in the north
beginning about Chinese intentions. For example, Bhimrao and in the north-east, a
Ambedkar was surprised that Nehru took Panchsheel communist China which has
seriously,[77] while Acharya Kriplani said that Panchsheel definite ambitions and aims and
was "born in sin".[77] Nehru himself was disappointed which does not, in any way, seem
when it became clear that the two countries had a conflict friendly disposed towards us.
of interest in Tibet, which had traditionally served as a
buffer zone. Excerpt from Home Minister
Sardar Patel's letter to Prime
China viewed Tibet as a part of its territory. The preceding Minister Jawaharlal Nehru,
government of the Republic of China under Chiang Kai- November 7, 1950[73]
shek also claimed Tibet as Chinese territory. However, he
was unable to re-assert control. Mao saw Indian concern
over Tibet as a manifestation of interference in the internal affairs of the PRC. The PRC reasserted
control over Tibet and to end Tibetan Buddhism and feudalism, which it did by force of arms in
1950. To avoid antagonizing the PRC, Nehru informed Chinese leaders that India had no political
ambitions or territorial ambitions and did not seek special privileges in Tibet, but that traditional
trading rights must continue. With Indian support, Tibetan delegates signed an agreement in May
1951 recognizing PRC sovereignty but guaranteeing that the existing political and social system of
Tibet would continue.
In October 1954, China and India signed an agreement regarding Tibet, whereby India recognised
Tibet as part of China, with China accepting the continuance of the previous trade arrangements.
Observers noted the agreement heavily favored China.[78]
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In March 1959, the Dalai Lama, spiritual and temporal head of the Tibet, sought sanctuary in
Dharmsala, Himachal Pradesh, where he established the Tibetan government-in-exile. Thousands
of Tibetan refugees settled in northwestern India. Relations between India and China deteriorated
after India provided the Dalai Lama sanctuary.[82]
1960s
Border disputes resulted in a short border war between the People's Republic of China and India
on 20 October 1962.[82] The border clash resulted in an overall defeat of India as the PRC pushed
the Indian forces to within 48 km of the Assam plains in the northeast. It also occupied strategic
points in the Aksai Chin and Demchok regions of Ladakh, before declaring a unilateral ceasefire on
21 November. It claimed that it withdrew to 20 km behind its contended line of control. India
disagreed with the claim.
During the Sino-Indian border conflict, India's Communist Party was accused by the Indian
government of being pro-PRC, and many of its political leaders were jailed. Subsequently, the
Communist Party of India (CPI) split with the leftist section, forming the Communist Party of
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1970s
In August 1971, India signed a Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Co-operation with the Soviet
Union. The PRC sided with Pakistan in its December 1971 war with India. Although China strongly
condemned India, it did not carry out its veiled threat to intervene on Pakistan's behalf. By this
time, the PRC had replaced the Republic of China in the UN, where its representatives denounced
India as being a "tool of Soviet expansionism."
India and the PRC renewed efforts to improve relations after Indian Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi's Congress party lost the 1977 elections to Morarji Desai's Janata Party. In 1978, the Indian
Minister of External Affairs Atal Bihari Vajpayee made a landmark visit to Beijing, an impetus to
both countries to officially re-establish diplomatic relations in 1979. The PRC modified its pro-
Pakistan stand on Kashmir and appeared willing to remain silent on India's absorption of Sikkim
and its special advisory relationship with Bhutan. The PRC's leaders agreed to discuss the
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boundary issue, India's priority, as the first step to a broadening of relations. The two countries
hosted each other's news agencies, and Mount Kailash and Mansarowar Lake in Tibet, the home of
the Hindu pantheon, were opened to annual pilgrimages.
1980s
In 1981, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, Huang Hua, made a
landmark visit to New Delhi.[87] PRC Premier Zhao Ziyang concurrently toured Pakistan, Nepal,
and Bangladesh.
In 1980, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi approved a plan to upgrade the deployment of
forces around the Line of Actual Control. India also undertook infrastructural development in
disputed areas.[88][89] In 1984, squads of Indian soldiers began actively patrolling the Sumdorong
Chu Valley in Arunachal Pradesh. In the winter of 1986, the Chinese deployed their troops to the
Sumdorong Chu before the Indian team could arrive and built a helipad at Wandung.[90] Surprised
by the Chinese occupation, India's then Chief of Army Staff, General K.Sundarji, airlifted a brigade
to the region.[89][91] Chinese troops could not move any further into the valley and were forced to
move away from the valley.[92] By 1987, Beijing's reaction was similar to that in 1962 and this
prompted many Western diplomats to predict war. However, Indian foreign minister N.D. Tiwari
and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi travelled to Beijing to negotiate a mutual de-escalation.[89]
India and the PRC held eight rounds of border negotiations between December 1981 and
November 1987. In 1985, the PRC insisted on mutual concessions without defining the exact terms
of its "package proposal" or where the actual line of control lay. In 1986 and 1987, the negotiations
achieved nothing, given the charges exchanged between the two countries of military
encroachment in the Sumdorung Chu Valley. China's construction of a military post and helicopter
pad in the area in 1986 and India's grant of statehood to Arunachal Pradesh (formerly the North-
East Frontier Agency) in February 1987 caused both sides to deploy troops to the area. The PRC
relayed warnings that it would "teach India a lesson" if it did not cease "nibbling" at Chinese
territory. By the summer of 1987, however, both sides had backed away from conflict and denied
military clashes had taken place.
A warming trend in relations was facilitated by Rajiv Gandhi's visit to China in December 1988.
The two sides issued a joint communiqué that stressed the need to restore friendly relations on the
basis of the Panchsheel. India and the People's Republic of China agreed to achieve a "fair and
reasonable settlement while seeking a mutually acceptable solution" to the border dispute. The
communiqué also expressed China's concern about agitation by Tibetan separatists in India and
reiterated that anti-China political activities by expatriate Tibetans would not be tolerated. Rajiv
Gandhi signed bilateral agreements on science and technology co-operation, established direct air
links, and on cultural exchanges. The two sides also agreed to hold annual diplomatic consultations
between foreign ministers, set up a joint committee on economic and scientific co-operation, and a
joint working group on the boundary issue. The latter group was to be led by the Indian foreign
secretary and the Chinese vice minister of foreign affairs.
1990s
Top-level dialogue continued with the December 1991 visit of PRC premier Li Peng to India and the
May 1992 visit to China of Indian president R. Venkataraman. Six rounds of talks of the Indian-
Chinese Joint Working Group on the Border Issue were held between December 1988 and June
1993. Progress was also made in reducing tensions on the border via mutual troop reductions,
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regular meetings of local military commanders, and advance notification about military exercises.
In July 1992, Sharad Pawar visited Beijing, the first Indian Minister of Defence to do so.
Consulates reopened in Bombay (Mumbai) and Shanghai in December 1992.
In 1993, the sixth-round of the joint working group talks was held in New Delhi but resulted in
only minor developments. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and Premier Li Peng signed a border
agreement dealing with cross-border trade, cooperation on environmental issues (e.g. Pollution,
Animal extinction, Global warming, etc.), and radio and television broadcasting. A senior-level
Chinese military delegation made a goodwill visit to India in December 1993 aimed at "fostering
confidence-building measures between the defence forces of the two countries." The visit, however,
came at a time when China was providing greater military support to Burma. The presence of
Chinese radar technicians in Burma's Coco Islands, which border India's Andaman and Nicobar
Islands, caused concern in India.
In January 1994, Beijing announced that it not only favored a negotiated solution on Kashmir, but
also opposed any form of independence for the region. Talks were held in New Delhi in February
aimed at confirming established "confidence-building measures", discussing clarification of the
"line of actual control", reduction of armed forces along the line, and prior information about
forthcoming military exercises. China's hope for settlement of the boundary issue was reiterated.
In 1995, talks by the India-China Expert Group led to an agreement to set up two additional points
of contact along the 4,000 km border to facilitate meetings between military personnel. The two
sides were reportedly "seriously engaged" in defining the McMahon Line and the line of actual
control vis-à-vis military exercises and prevention of air intrusion. Talks were held in Beijing in
July and in New Delhi in August to improve border security, combat cross-border crimes, and on
additional troop withdrawals from the border. These talks further reduced tensions.[93]
There was little notice taken in Beijing of the April 1995 announcement of the opening of the Taipei
Economic and Cultural Centre in New Delhi. The centre serves as the representative office of the
Republic of China (Taiwan) and is the counterpart of the India-Taipei Association located in
Taiwan. Both institutions share the goal of improving India-ROC relations, which have been
strained since New Delhi's recognition of Beijing in 1950.
China-Indian relations hit a low point in 1998 following India's nuclear tests. Indian Defence
Minister George Fernandes declared that "“in my perception of national security, China is enemy
No 1....and any person who is concerned about India's security must agree with that fact",[94]
hinting that India developed nuclear weapons in defence against China's nuclear arsenal. During
the 1999 Kargil War, China voiced support for Pakistan, but also counseled Pakistan to withdraw
its forces.
2000s
In a major embarrassment for China, the 17th Karmapa, Urgyen Trinley Dorje, who was
proclaimed by China, made a dramatic escape from Tibet to the Rumtek Monastery in Sikkim.
Chinese officials were in a quandary on this issue as any protest to India on the issue would mean
an explicit endorsement on India's governance of Sikkim, which the Chinese still hadn't
recognised. In 2003, China officially recognised Indian sovereignty over Sikkim as the two
countries moved towards resolving their border disputes.
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Issues surrounding energy have risen in significance. Both countries have growing energy demand
to support economic growth. Both countries signed an agreement in 2006 to envisage ONGC
Videsh Ltd (OVL) and the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) placing joint bids for
promising projects.
In 2006, China and India re-opened the Nathula pass for trading; Nathula had been closed for 44
years prior to 2006. The re-opening of border trade helps to ease the economic isolation of the
region.[97] In November 2006, China and India had a verbal spat over the claim of the north-east
Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. India claimed that China was occupying 38,000 square
kilometres of its territory in Kashmir, while China claimed the whole of Arunachal Pradesh as its
own.[98]
In 2007, China denied the application for visa from an Indian Administrative Service officer in
Arunachal Pradesh. According to China, since Arunachal Pradesh is a territory of China, he would
not need a visa to visit his own country.[99] Later in December 2007, China reversed its policy by
granting a visa to Marpe Sora, an Arunachal-born professor in computer science.[100][101] In
January 2008, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh visited China to discuss trade, commerce,
defence, military, and various other issues.
Until 2008, the British Government's position remained the same as it had been since the Simla
Accord of 1913: that China held suzerainty over Tibet but not sovereignty. Britain revised this view
on 29 October 2008, when it recognized Chinese sovereignty over Tibet through its
website.[102][103][104] The Economist stated that although the British Foreign Office's website does
not use the word sovereignty, officials at the Foreign Office said "it means that, as far as Britain is
concerned, 'Tibet is part of China. Full stop.'"[105] This change in Britain's position affects India's
claim to its North Eastern territories, which rely on the same Simla Accord that Britain's prior
position on Tibet's sovereignty was based upon.[106]
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In April 2011, during the BRICS summit in Sanya, Hainan, China,[113] the two countries agreed to
restore defence cooperation and China had hinted that it may reverse its policy of administering
stapled visas to residents of Jammu and Kashmir.[114][115] This practice was later stopped,[116] and
as a result, defence ties were resumed between the two countries and joint military drills were
expected.
In the March 2012 BRICS summit in New Delhi, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist
Party and Chinese President Hu Jintao told Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh that "it is
China's unswerving policy to develop China-Indian friendship, deepen strategic cooperation, and
seek common development". Other topics were discussed, including border dispute problems and
a unified BRICS central bank.[117] In April 2012, in response to India's test of an Agni-V missile
capable of carrying a nuclear warhead to Beijing, the PRC called for the two countries to "cherish
the hard-earned momentum of co-operation".[118]
Xi Jinping was one of the top world leaders to visit New Delhi after Narendra Modi took over as
Prime Minister of India in 2014.[125] India's insistence to raise the South China Sea in various
multilateral forums subsequently did not help that beginning once again, the relationship facing
suspicion from Indian administration and media alike.[126] In September 2014, the relationship
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took a sting as troops of the People's Liberation Army reportedly entered two kilometres inside the
Line of Actual Control in the Chumar sector.[127] The next month, V. K. Singh said that China and
India had come to a "convergence of views" on the threat of terrorism emanating from
Pakistan.[128]
In May 2018, the two countries agreed to coordinate their development programmes in
Afghanistan in the areas of health, education, and food security.[155] In 2019, India reiterated that
it would not join China's Belt and Road Initiative, stating that it cannot accept a project that
ignores concerns about its territorial integrity.[156] On 11 October 2019, President Xi Jinping met
with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Mahabalipuram, Tamil Nadu, India, for a second informal
meeting between India and China.[157] Modi and Xi Jinping met 18 times between 2014 and
2019.[158]
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China offered public health and economic assistance to India in response to the COVID-19
pandemic, although India refused per the United States' request.[159]: 14
2020s
On 10 May 2020, Chinese and Indian troops clashed in Nathu
La, Sikkim, leaving 11 soldiers injured.[160][161][162] Following
the skirmishes in Sikkim, tensions between the two countries
grew in Ladakh, with a buildup of troops at multiple
locations.[163] There were 20 Indian soldiers and an unknown
number of PLA soldiers killed on the night of 15/16 June.[164]
China reinforced troops near the Indian border with Tibet,
Chinese state media reported.[165] Bilateral agreements
between India and China prevent the use of guns along the line
The disputed territory of Kashmir is
of actual control. However, these skirmishes saw the first shots, administered by Pakistan (green
warning shots, being fired in decades.[166][167] and lime), India (blue and turquoise)
and China (yellow).
Following the deaths, Prime Minister Modi addressed the
nation about the incident, saying that "the sacrifice made by
our soldiers will not go in vain", while the Indian foreign minister told the Chinese foreign minister
that Chinese actions in Galwan were "pre-meditated".[168] Following the Galwan Valley clash on 15
June 2020, there were renewed calls across India to boycott Chinese goods. However, numerous
Indian government officials said that border tensions would have little impact on trade.[169][170]
On 29 June 2020, the Indian government banned 59 widely used Chinese mobile phone and
desktop applications in response to rising tensions and escalating diplomatic dispute between the
two nations.[171] On 19 August, The Times of India reported that the ministry of external affairs of
India has been told that visas for Chinese businessmen, academics, industry experts, and advocacy
groups will need prior security clearance, and the measures are similar to those that have long
been employed with Pakistan.[172] On 19 September, India police arrested a freelance journalist for
passing sensitive information to Chinese intelligence.[173]
On 27 October 2020, the United States and India signed the Basic Exchange and Cooperation
Agreement, enabling greater information-sharing and further defense cooperation, to counter
China's growing military power in the region.[174]
After the 2022 visit by Nancy Pelosi to Taiwan, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of India responded,
"Like many other countries, India, too, is concerned at recent developments. We urge the exercise
of restraint, avoidance of unilateral actions to change status quo, de-escalation of tensions, and
efforts to maintain peace and stability in the region."[175] India stopped reiterating the so-called
"One China" policy as early as 2010.[176]
In September 2022, India and China pulled back soldiers from a friction point along the line of
actual control. However, according to India's Ministry for External Affairs, the situation on the
Line of Actual Control is "still not normal".[177] The Diplomat has reported that normalcy around
the border between the countries seems unlikely and may not develop further.[178]
In June 2023, China placed a technical hold on a proposal moved by the U.S. and co-designated by
India to sanction accused Pakistani terrorist Sajid Mir under the 12/67 Al Qaeda Sanctions
Committee of the UN Security Council. Mir had previously orchestrated bombings in Mumbai,
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killing some 175 people.[179] India heavily criticized the Chinese decision.
On 25 August 2023 during the 15th BRICS summit in Johannesburg, South Africa, Modi and Xi
spoke on the summit's sidelines where they agreed to deescalate tensions at the border. The
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China said both leaders "had a candid and in-depth exchange of
views on current China-India relations” and Xi stated that "improving China-India relations serves
the common interests of the two countries and peoples”, while the Ministry of External Affairs of
India stated that during the meeting Modi "underlined that the maintenance of peace and
tranquility in the border areas, and observing and respecting the LAC are essential for the
normalization of the India-China relationship." The meeting was seen as a step toward mending
the bilateral relations between the two countries.[180]
Triangular relations
The United States and Russia (previously Soviet Union) have been a consistent part of
developments in Chinese and Indian relations.
As a major power, Japan has also been part of China–India relations, with initiatives such as the
Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Pakistan and China share warm relations that drive Chinese
infrastructure projects in the disputed territory of northern Kashmir. The Middle East, Latin
America, and Africa are places where both India and China engage and compete. The Middle East
is important to both countries in terms of their energy security. In Africa, China and India seem
most engaged across a wide variety of issues, from development to peacekeeping. In South Asia
and South-East Asia, a power balance struggle between China and India is seen in triangular
relations.[181]
Nepal
Nepal's geostrategic situation during periods of heightened tensions between China and India,
such as during the 1962 war, resulted in varying shades of cautionary neutrality when making
statements. Nepal's Permanent Representative stated, "we do not want to pass judgement on the
merits of Sino-Indian border dispute. As a country friendly to both...". Tulsi Giri, then the Nepalese
foreign minister, stated, "Nepal's relations with India will remain close [...] Yet, Nepal has a 600-
mile boundary with China, China has now emerged as a great power. Friendly relations with our
northern neighbour (China) should be the natural aim of the country's foreign policy."[182] During
the time Tibet was independent, Nepal played the role as an important buffer state and was central
to influence between the regions.[183]
The China-Nepal-India Economic Corridor (CNIEC) was proposed by China in April 2018.[184] It is
an extension of the agreed upon China-Nepal Trans-Himalayan Multi-dimensional Connectivity
Network into India. While China and Nepal have shown favourable reactions towards CNIEC,
India is "indifferent".[185] This indifference is postulated to stem from CNIEC being a part of BRI,
China's growing influence over Nepal, and an end to "India's monopoly over Nepal's transit points
and Nepal's attempt to end its dependency on India".[185]
United States
On 11 November 1950, Sri Aurobindo wrote in Mother India,[186]
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"The gesture that can save is to take a firm line with China, denounce openly her
nefarious intentions, stand without reservations by the USA [...] Militarily, China is
almost ten times as strong as we are, but India as the spearhead of an American defence
of democracy can easily halt Mao’s mechanised millions."
On 28 March 1963, Sudhir Ghosh recorded the President of the United States John F Kennedy's
reaction on reading Sri Aurobindo's words, "One great Indian, Nehru, showed you the path of non-
alignment between China and America, and another great Indian Aurobindo, showed you another
way of survival. The choice is up to the people of India." Earlier in the meeting, Ghosh recorded
Kennedy's reaction to a letter from Nehru, "He indignantly said that only a few months earlier
when Mr Nehru was overwhelmed by the power of Communist China, he made desperate appeal to
him for air protection, and non-alignment or no non-alignment, the President had to respond. He
added sarcastically that Mr Nehru's conversion lasted only a few days".[186]
Unlike the left-wing diplomatic leanings of the Indian Congress Party, the BJP administration has
strengthened its strategic partnership with the United States.[187] China faces combined challenges
to its influence with its neighbors, and because it sees a growing threat from India and the United
States' cooperation, it has exaggerated the discord between the two countries to divide and conquer
its rivals.[20]
India participated in the restart of Quadrilateral Security Dialogue,[188] and has strengthened the
military, diplomatic, and economic cooperation with the United States, Japan, and Australia.[188]
More recently, after the deadly Chinese-initiated clash at Galwan Valley in June 2020, preceded by
the 2017 Doklam standoff, the U.S.-based think tank, the Center for Foreign Relations, explained
that there was a significant ramp-up in QUAD activity.[189][188][190] The group cites how, since
2020, the group has looked beyond regional cooperation and have focused on checking Chinese
regional behavior, with the four navies performing their first joint exercise in over a decade in
November 2020. This was specifically initiated by India in response to the border skirmishes.[190]
Indo-Pacific
Pakistan, and more importantly, Myanmar, other than India itself, are potential land routes into
the Indian Ocean. Pan Qi, Vice Minister for Communications, wrote in 1985 that China would need
to find an outlet for its landlocked provinces. At the time, he suggested routes to the Indian Ocean
through Myanmar.[191]
In the same vein of invigorating relationships with geopolitical allies, India has also strengthened
their Look East Policy, transforming it into the Act East Policy under the Modi
administration.[192][193] The rebranded Act East Policy has an increased focus on infrastructure
projects, such as the Agartala-Akhaura Rail Project and the Asian Trilateral Highway.[194] Such
geopolitical connectivity measures improved India's alliances with the Philippines, Malaysia, and
Vietnam to check Chinese dominance.[193][195] These soft power measures also enhance Indian
border security.[192][195]
Military relations
Border clashes
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Since the 1950s, during the term of India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, India and China
have repeatedly encountered border disputes at the Line of Actual Control, delineating the border
between the two nations.[196] The first Sino-India border war broke out in 1962 at the Aksai Chin
region, escalating into a month-long military conflict.[196] Initiating the conflict, China took
advantage of global concern about the ongoing Cuban missile crisis to time their regional invasion
in hopes of building a military road in India's Ladakh region.[197]
During the Narendra Modi administration, bloody clashes erupted again on the Sino-Indian
border.[189] The strategic alliance between China and Pakistan, and the vigorous arming of the
Pakistani forces, make India face the threat of a two-front war.[198] Indian officials said the huge
differences between the two sides on the border issue "eroded the entire basis" of their
relationship.[199]
Military exercises
China and India conduct a joint military exercise called
'Exercise Hand–in–Hand'.[200] The exercise began in 2007,
with the second edition taking place in 2008.[201] The third,
fifth, and seventh editions of Hand-in-Hand were conducted in
China in 2013, 2015, and 2018, respectively, while the fourth
edition and sixth editions were held in India in 2014 and INS Kora (P61) escorting PLA Navy
2016.[202] The eighth edition was held in India in 2019.[203] Ship Weifang off Visakhapatnam,
While bilateral military exercises between India and China India, in May 2014, during their visit
to the Indian Navy's Eastern Naval
have ceased over the past few years, India is still accepting
Command.
invitations from Russia for multilateral armed forces exercises
that also happen to host Chinese soldiers.[204]
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Economic relations
India-China economic relations have been institutionalized through the Joint Economic Group and
Business Council, as well as more focused efforts such as the "Agreement on the Avoidance of
Double Taxation".[208]
China and India have developed their own complementary skills following a period in which they
had cut themselves off from each other. By 2007, while China excelled at cost-effective
manufacturing, India was skilled in cost effective designing and development. In 2007, Tarun
Khanna wrote in Harvard Business Review that "The simplest, and most powerful, way of
combining China and India is to focus on hardware in China and on software in India."[209] In the
2009 book "Getting China and India Right", the authors suggest a China plus India strategy so as
to strategically benefit from both India's and China's scale, complementary strengths, and reducing
the risk of being unilaterally present.[210]
There are cases when Indian companies have gone to China and done well, such as Mahindra and
Mahindra, while Chinese companies such as Huawei have done well in India. Huawei set up its
Indian unit in 1999 and by 2007, had 1500 engineers. Huawei's Bangalore unit, already one of
Huawei's most important research and development centres, was Capability Maturity Model Level
5 certified in 2003.[209]
In the oil sector, there is competition and engagement — China's Sinopec and China National
Petroleum Corporation and India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation fight over oil assets in some
regions, while winning bids as joint ventures in others such as Syria, Colombia, Angola, and
Venezuela.[209]
Since the deterioration of relations between the two countries in the 2010s, India has banned a
large number of Chinese technology companies and software, including Huawei, TikTok, WeChat,
etc., from entering the Indian market.[211] In order to reduce Western countries' previous
dependence on Chinese products, India plays an integral role in boosting supply chain resilience
through friendshoring.[212]
On 18 January 2024, at the World Economic Forum 2024 in Davos, Switzerland, top Indian
industrial policy bureaucrat Rajesh Kumar Singh told Reuters that due to easing of border tensions
between India and China in 2023, India could reduce its heightened scrutiny of Chinese
investments in India although timeframe for it was not given.[213]
Bilateral trade
China is India's 2nd largest trading partner.[214][215]
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In 2018, a Standing Committee on Commerce chaired by Naresh Gujral submitted a report on the
'Impact of Chinese Goods on Indian Industry.'[226] The report pointed out insufficient
implementation of existing anti-dumping laws, reliance on Chinese raw materials in sectors such
as pharmaceuticals, reliance on Chinese imports in India's National Solar Mission, Goods and
Services Tax on certain products resulting in increased imports from China, and Indian smart city
administrations preferring Chinese bicycles over Indian ones.[226] India imported $65.3 billion
worth of goods from China in the fiscal year ended March 2020, and exported $16.6 billion,
according to the commerce ministry.[227]
In 2020, in a departure from the previous pledges of collaboration, Modi instituted bans on
Chinese products, including both intangible apps (TikTok) and tangible goods (toys and
furniture).[228][229][230] Furthermore, the Modi administration created the Phased Manufacturing
Program to encourage India-based cellphone assembly and manufacturing.[228] Under guidance
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from this legislation and the accompanying task force to reduce import dependence, India raised
import duties on electronic items produced in China, as well as a laundry list of ancillary
goods.[228][230]
According to a 2021 survey published in ThePrint, 43% of Indians did not buy ‘Made in China’
products since the Galwan clash the previous year.[231] Modi also took notice of Swadeshi Jagran
Manch's (SJM) campaigns, launching or reviving 220 out of 370 anti-dumping suits against
Chinese items ranging from steels, pharmaceuticals, and chemicals.[140][230]
Due to the international sanctions against Russia following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine,
Indian oil refiners started using Chinese yuan for payments of Russian oil imports as an alternative
to the US dollar.[232] The Indian government also does not welcome the use of yuan for payments
by its companies.[233]
Public opinion
According to a 2014 BBC World Service Poll, 23% of Indians viewed China positively, with 47%
expressing a negative view, whereas 27% of Chinese people viewed India positively, with 35%
expressing a negative view.[234] A 2014 survey conducted by Pew Research Center had 39% of
Indian respondents holding an unfavourable view of China compared to 31% holding a favourable
view;[235] 72% of the respondents were concerned that territorial disputes between China and
neighbouring countries could lead to a military conflict.[236]
An Observer Research Foundation survey released in August 2021 of Indian youth found that 77%
of respondents distrusted China, which was higher than any other country including Pakistan. 86%
also supported the government's decision to ban Chinese mobile apps.[237] An August 2023 survey
by Pew Research Center found that 67% of Indian respondents had an unfavourable view of
China.[238]
A 2008 poll from Pew Research Center found that in China, views about India were mixed at best
– 25% said India was a partner while 24% said it was an enemy.[239] A 2023 Tsinghua University
survey found that 8% of Chinese respondents had a favourable view of India, 50.6% had an
unfavourable view and 41.5% had a neutral view.[240][241]
See also
China portal
India portal
Politics portal
Border disputes
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Further reading
Bajpai, Kanti, Selina Ho, and Manjari Chatterjee Miller, eds. Routledge Handbook of China–
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0708224536/https://www.amazon.com/Routledge-Handbook-China-India-Relations-Bajpai-ebo
ok/dp/B0855JQYJJ) 8 July 2020 at the Wayback Machine
Bagchi, Prabodh Chandra, Bangwei Wang, and Tansen Sen. 2012. India and China:
interactions through Buddhism and diplomacy : a collection of essays by Professor Prabodh
Chandra Bagchi. Singapore: ISEAS Pub.
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Bayram, Duygu Çağla. "The Geopolitical Scenarios of the 'Quad' Countries, The United States,
Japan, Australia and India." in Global Maritime Geopolitics (Transnational Press London, 2022)
pp 167–185. online (https://www.tplondon.com/product/maritime-geopolitics/) Archived (https://
web.archive.org/web/20220802103242/https://www.tplondon.com/product/maritime-geopolitic
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Bhat, R. B., & Wu, C. (2014). Xuan Zhang's mission to the West with Monkey King. New Delhi :
Aditya Prakashan, 2014.
Chandra, Lokesh. 2016. India and China. New Delhi : International Academy of Indian Culture
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Casson, Lionel, ed. (1989), The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text With Introduction, Translation,
and Commentary (https://books.google.com/books?id=qQWYkSs51rEC), Princeton: Princeton
University Press, ISBN 0-691-04060-5, archived (https://web.archive.org/web/2023020123033
8/https://books.google.com/books?id=qQWYkSs51rEC) from the original on 1 February 2023,
retrieved 2 November 2022.
Chaudhuri, S. K. (2011). Sanskrit in China and Japan. New Delhi: International Academy of
Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan.
Chellaney, Brahma, "Rising Powers, Rising Tensions: The Troubled China-India Relationship,"
SAIS Review (2012) 32#2 pp. 99–108 in Project MUSE (http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/sais_revie
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Davies, Henry Rudolph. 1970. Yün-nan, the link between India and the Yangtze. Taipei: Ch'eng
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elations-1346254066.html) 2 March 2019 at the Wayback Machine "India China Relations –
Future Perspectives", Vij Books, July 2012
Forbes, Andrew; Henley, David (2011). "Past, present and future commercial Sino-Indian links
via Sikkim," in: China's Ancient Tea Horse Road. Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books. ASIN:
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85440/http://www.hindu.com/2006/01/24/stories/2006012403181000.htm), January 2006
Yutang, Lin. 1942. The wisdom of China and India. New York: Random House.
Yoder, Brandon K., and Kanti Bajpai. "Introduction: Explaining Cooperation and Rivalry in
China-India Relations." Journal of Contemporary China (2022): 1–16.
External links
White Paper on Indo-Chinese Relations (https://eparlib.nic.in/bitstream/123456789/898911/1/0
2_VIII_12-09-1959_p15_p85_PII.pdf)
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru : White Paper on Indo-Chinese Relations (https://eparlib.nic.i
n/bitstream/123456789/809075/1/pms_02_08_12-09-1959.pdf) page 16
White Paper II Containing Notes Memoranda and Letters Exchanged between The
Governments of India and China During September-November 1959 (https://eparlib.nic.in/bitstr
eam/123456789/899521/1/02_IX_16-11-1959_p74_p74_PII.pdf)
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China–India_relations 46/47
09/05/2024, 15:16 China–India relations - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China–India_relations 47/47