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The Jewish Women Prisoners of

Ravensbrück Who Were They Modern


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Judith Buber
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prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page i

The Jewish Women


Prisoners of
Ravensbrück:
Who Were They?
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page ii
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page iii

The Jewish Women


Prisoners of
Ravensbrück
Who Were They?

JUDITH BUBER AGASSI


prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page iv

THE JEWISH WOMEN PRISONERS OF RAVENSBRÜCK

A Oneworld Book

Published by Oneworld Publications 2007


Copyright © Judith Buber Agassi 2007

All rights reserved


Copyright under Berne Convention
ACIP record for this title is available
from the British Library

ISBN-13: 978–1–85168–470–0
ISBN-10: 1–85168–470–0

Typeset by Jayvee, Trivandrum, India


Cover design by Liz Powell
Printed and bound in India for Imprint Digital

Oneworld Publications
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Oxford OX2 7AR
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www.oneworld-publications.com

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prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page v

Once again, we are being turned into nameless, faceless, dehuman-


ized theories and statistics. I wish I could protect the memory of us all,
young and old: not one of us thought of ourselves as hero or victim –
and yet we were both.
Halina Nelken, And Yet I Am Here!, p. 135
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page vi
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page vii

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements xiii
List of Illustrations xv
Appel! (Edith Kiss) xvii
La Nuit (Edith Kiss) xviii

1. The origin of the project: my personal interest


in Ravensbrück 1
Notes 7

2. Is true historical reconstruction possible? 8


Heterogeneity 8
Obstacles to historical reconstruction 9
Special obstacles to Jewish commemoration 12
Memoirs and historical research 15
Notes 16

3. The Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück:


who were they? 19
Six years of Ravensbrück 19
Who was a Ravensbrück prisoner? 20
Who should be considered Jewish? 20
Gender questions 24
The percentage of Jewish prisoners 25
The sources 27
Periodization 32
Notes 40
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page viii

viii Contents

4. The first period 46


No Jewish Alte Ravensbrückerinnen 47
Official reasons for arrest: police documents and the reality 54
The documentary basis for statistical estimates:
filling the gaps 58
Nationality, age groups, marital status, and occupations
of the first-period prisoners 61
Notes 63

5. The second period – from Bernburg to Auschwitz 67


Countries of origin 69
Official reasons for arrest 69
Age groups 69
Marital status 70
Conditions of life 70
The big deportation to Auschwitz 70
Notes 72

6. The third period – the special groups 73


Prisoners with hidden Jewish identities 73
The French transports 75
The special categories 75
Statistical summing-up of the third period 83
Notes 85

7. The fourth period – August 1944 to end of 1944:


the floodgates open 88
August 1944: the arrival of Hungarian and
Polish Jewish women and girls from Auschwitz 88
Three ghetto transports 94
A huge transport from Auschwitz 97
Direct deportations from Budapest: November 1944 99
The direct transports from Slovakia 107
The Frankfurt/Walldorf transport 108
The arrivals of December 1944 111
Summing-up the fourth period: national groups,
age groups, and fates 117
Notes 126
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page ix

Contents ix

8. The fifth period – the last stage 135


Who was in Ravensbrück at the beginning of 1945? 135
Major changes in 1945 136
The documentary evidence concerning new arrivals in 1945 138
Direct transports from Slovakia, France, and Italy 139
The arrivals from the Auschwitz Todesmarsch and their fates 142
Neustadt-Glewe 150
Krupp-Neukölln: an exceptional labor camp 157
The transport to Burgau: a death train of the last period 168
The role of the Bernadotte-Aktion in the rescue of Jewish
Ravensbrück prisoners 178
Evacuation marches from Ravensbrück and its external camps 187
Evacuation marches from, or abandonment in, external camps 189
Liberation policies 193
Statistical summing-up of all fifth-period arrivals 196
A late large transport of Jewish men to the women’s camp 198
Notes 200

9. Summing-up: the place of Ravensbrück in the


Holocaust of Jewish women 211
Statistical summing-up of all five periods 211
Ravensbrück and Auschwitz 215
Women and girls of part-Jewish descent
(Mischlinge) in Ravensbrück 220
Non-Jewish prisoners married to Jews 221
“Righteous of the Nations” in Ravensbrück 222
Notes 226
10. Social ties and moral survival 228
Why was there so little group-wide social organization
among the Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück? 228
The crucial role of small-group or “camp-family” ties 237
Individual and group contacts between Jewish and
other prisoners 243
Remembering the jailers 246
What is heroism – everyday moral behavior 248
Gender-specific issues 250
Conclusions 257
Notes 258
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page x

x Contents

11. Diagrams 263


Diagram 1 The First Period – Countries of Origin 263
Diagram 2 The First Period – Age Groups 264
Diagram 3 The Second Period – Countries of Origin 265
Diagram 4 The Second Period – Age groups 266
Diagram 5 The Third Period – Age Groups 267
Diagram 6 The Third Period – Formal Citizenship 268
Diagram 7 The Third Period – Fate 269
Diagram 8 The Fourth Period – Countries of Origin 270
Diagram 9 Fourth Period – Age Groups 271
Diagram 10 The Fourth Period – Fate 272
Diagram 11 The Fifth Period – Countries of Origin 273
Diagram 12 The Fifth Period – Age Groups 274
Diagram 13 The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück –
Countries of Origin 275
Diagram 14 The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück –
The Five Periods, Countries of Origin 276
Diagram 15 The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück – Age 277
Diagram 16 The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück –
The Five Periods, Age 278
Diagram 17 The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück –
The Five Periods, Fate 279

12. Literature concerning the Jewish prisoners 280


of Ravensbrück
Full-length published autobiographical memoirs 269
Short memoirs, edited by others 270
Autobiographical and biographical documents 274
Unpublished memoirs 275
Books on Ravensbrück by non-Jewish prisoners who
describe the situation of Jewish prisoners 275
Research concerning the Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück 275

13. Lists of interviews 288

14. Appendix 306


List of major camps and ghettos from which
Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück came 306
List of major camps to which Jewish prisoners of
Ravensbrück were sent 307
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page xi

Contents xi

Maps
Nazi Camps 309
Ravensbrück 310
Photo of Ravensbrück 311

Indices
Archives and Documents 313
Concentration Camps 315
Names other than Victims and Survivors 318
Victims and Survivors 321
Places 326
Subjects 330
CD-ROM with a list of names of all known
Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück back cover
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page xii
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page xiii

ACKNOWLED GEMENTS

I thank the German Israeli foundation for research and development


(GIF) for their financial support for over six years of part of the cost
of this research. I also thank Dr. Rena M. Shadmi for a generous gift in
1999, and Mr. William L. Frost, the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation,
and Dr. Rochelle G. Saidel, the Remember the Women Institute, for
their help in the last stage of the preparation of the text.
I thank my assistants: Adi Schilling, who enthusiastically assisted
and supported me in the early stages of this research; Tamara
Kalechmann-Khatav and Nili Alon, who loyally assisted me during
the middle years; Sefi Rom, Tomer Rajwan, and Dr. Chen Yehezkeli,
who rendered technical service in the final stages; and particularly
Dr. Nurit Shmilovitz-Vardi, for her years of dedicated, expert contri-
bution up to the final stages, including her construction of the data-
bank, diagrams, and statistical tables.
I thank the directors and staff members of three major archives
who were of particular help. Special thanks go to Monika Herzog,
Cordula Hoffmann, Britta Pawelke, and Sabine Röver of the library,
archive, and Fotothek of the Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Ravensbrück,
as well as to Judith Klaimann of the archive of Yad Vashem in
Jerusalem and to Megan Lewis of the US Holocaust Survivors
Registry in Washington, DC. I also thank the staff of the Italian archive
Centro di Documentazione Ebraica Contemporanea in Milan,
Cornelia Rühlig of the archive of the Museum der Stadt Mörfelden-
Walldorf, and the staff of the Buchenwald and Dachau archives.
I thank my colleagues Dr. Irith Dublon-Knebel and Dr. Adriana
Kemp in Israel, Dr. Sabine Kittel and Dr. Linde Apel, and Professor
Dr. Sigrid Jacobeit and Ms. Petra Fank, the then director and secretary,
respectively, of the Ravensbrück Memorial in Germany, for gener-
ously sharing with me much valuable interview and documentary
material they had collected. Professor Jacobiet had faith in my project
from its very beginning and supported it all the way. I also thank Frau
Johanna Kootz of the Institut für Frauenforschung, Freie Universität
Berlin, for her constant help and support.
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page xiv

xiv Acknowledgements

I thank especially other Ravensbrück researchers, who were more


than generous in this respect, for sharing with me their then unpub-
lished material. They are Mme. Anise Postel-Vinay, the Ravensbrück
survivor and historian, for her identification of Jewish names on the
reconstituted French transport lists; Dr. Bärbel Schindler-Saefkow,
the author of the Ravensbrück Gedenkbuch, who shared with me over
the years the knowledge she had gained about the fate of hundreds of
Jewish victims, as well as the documentary material that she had dis-
covered and that proved useful to me, particularly the databank con-
cerning the deceased Jewish prisoners; Monika Schnell, the scientific
assistant of Dr. Schindler-Saefkow; Dr. Irmgard Seidel, researcher and
past head of the Buchenwald archive, who shared with me valuable
information on the fate of Jewish Ravensbrück prisoners sent to
the external labor camps of Buchenwald; Ravensbrück researcher
Dr. Simone Erpel, who gave me the texts of interviews with Jewish
Ravensbrück prisoners made soon after the war by the Polish Institute
of Sources in Lund; Ms. Wanda Wassermann, who volunteered to
translate these interviews from the original Polish; and Herr Karl
Heinz Schütt, who shared with me the results of his dedicated
research into the history of the prisoners of the Ravensbrück external
camp Neustadt-Glewe. Thanks also to Dr. Brigitte Halbmayr and to
Dr. Helga Amesberger for sharing with me the results of their ongoing
research concerning Ravensbrück prisoners originating from Austria.
Special thanks to the many survivors of Ravensbrück and to their
families, who shared with me their valuable written memoirs, pub-
lished or unpublished, who gave hours of their time for interviews,
recorded on tape or on paper, who answered questionnaires, who ver-
ified names and dates in correspondence and in telephone interviews,
and who generously sent precious photos and memorabilia.
Without all this generous help, this work could not have been done.
My special thanks to Joseph Agassi for his extensive help and for his
compiling the indices, and to my family and many friends, old and
young, for their unflagging interest, encouragement, and technical
assistance. I also thank Ms. Kate Kirkpatrick, Editor, and Ms. Kate
Smith, Production Manager, of Oneworld Publications, for their
friendly and dedicated work in preparing the typescript for the printer.
My sincere apologies to the victims, survivors, and their relatives,
for any factual errors and omissions that occur in this work, all efforts
notwithstanding.
May their heroism be remembered with their suffering.
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page xv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Dans le Wagon (Edith Kiss) front cover


Jolan Lebovics (Aat Breur) back cover

Appel! (Edith Kiss) page xvii


La Nuit (Edith Kiss) page xviii
Olga Benario–Prestes page 49
Marianne-Katharina (Käthe) Leichter b. Pick page 49
Rosa (Reise Hienda) Menzer page 53
Emma Murr b. Engel page 55
Irma Eckler page 56
Rosette Susanna (Rosa) Manus page 68
Jewgenia Lasarewna Klemm page 74
Sylvia Grohs-Martin page 77
Menachem Kallus page 79
Stella Nikiforova b. Kugelmann page 81
Sara (Seren) Tuvel Bernstein page 103
Edith Kiss b. Rott, plus her relief, Deportation page 104
Kato Gyulai page 106
Halina Birenbaum b. Hala Grinstein-Balin page 143
Bat-Sheva Dagan b. Isabella Rubinstein page 143
Halina Nelken page 146
Esther Kemeny page 146
Eva Danos Langley page 170
Gloria Hollander Lyon b. Hajnal Hollender page 183
Dr. Gertrud Luckner page 222
Professor Dr. Hildegard Schaeder page 223
Marie Pleißner page 223
Erna Lugebiel b. Voley page 224
Corrie ten Boom page 225
Jelisaweta Kusmina-Karawajewa “Mat Maria” page 226
Erika Myriam Kounio Amariglio page 240
prelims.080 11/12/2006 4:10 PM Page xvi

xvi Illustrations

Lidia Rosenfeld-Vago page 241


Judith H. Sherman b. Stern page 246
Niza Ganor b. Anna Fränkel page 249

Map of concentration camps page 309


Map of Ravensbrück page 310
Photograph of Ravenbrück page 311

Note: The three color paintings by Edith Kiss are reprinted with the permission of
Dr. Helmuth Bauer and of the Metropol Verlag, Berlin. They are part of the Album
Deportation, a cycle of 30 Gouaches depicting the deportation of Jewish Hungarian
women in 1944 to the Concentration Camp Ravensbrück and to forced labor in the
external camp Daimler-Benz Genshagen. Edith Kiss painted them immediately after
her return, in July and August 1945, and exhibited them in the same year in
September in Budapest. They are published for the first time in book form in
Dr. Helmuth Bauer, Das Album Deportation von Edith Kiss und die Frauen im KZ-
Aussenlager Daimler-Benz-Genshagen, Metropol Verlag, Berlin, Winter 2006/07. The
color plate sections in this book were made possible by sponsorship from the
Remember the Women Institute, New York, USA.
Appel! (Edith Kiss)
La Nuit (Edith Kiss)
ch1.080 09/12/2006 12:52 PM Page 1

1
THE ORIGIN OF THE PROJECT: MY PERSONAL
INTEREST IN RAVENSBRÜCK

This book is the result of my part in the group effort of a team of


women sociologists and historians that I initiated, to rescue from
oblivion the memory of thousands of Jewish women, girls, and chil-
dren imprisoned in the only Nazi concentration camp exclusively for
women.
The group effort resulted in a book with contributions by most of
the members of the initial two teams, the Israeli and the German.1
The present book is the record of my own effort – my answer to the
question: The Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück: who were they?
Let me report how I, a sociologist of gender and of work, got
involved in this project that, although pertaining to women and thus to
gender, lies on the borderline between history and sociology. I had not
previously worked in the field of Holocaust or antisemitism studies,
and I was not engaged with their specific gender aspects, nor with the
problems issuing from the combination of the evidence of the mem-
oirs of individual survivors, published and unpublished, with that of
documentary evidence, nor with the problems involved with the
combination of the information contained in open-ended interviews,
specific testimonies, and questionnaires, with police documents,
documents of the Ravensbrück camp administration and that of other
concentration camps and their outlying labor camps, their work
details (AKDOs), the SS correspondence, and documents concerning
the names of victims and perpetrators recorded after the War.
It was a personal connection that in the first place brought me to
Ravensbrück, and to the realization that its Jewish prisoners, the dead
and the surviving, and the story of their fate, had not yet been
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2 The Jewish Prisoners of Ravensbrück

recorded systematically, and that were in danger of being irretrievably


forgotten. The irony is that I was brought to this study of the
Holocaust through my German, non-Jewish mother, who had been
for five years a Ravensbrück prisoner.
My mother was Margarete Buber-Neumann. Her daughters, my
sister and I, had known nothing about her whereabouts and fate from
1938 until the end of the War. By then, she had survived two years in
Soviet prisons and concentration camps and another five years in a
Nazi concentration camp. Although I had known these facts since
1945, the name of the Nazi camp registered in my memory for the first
time two years later, when she related to me her memories of
Ravensbrück when we first met in Sweden in the spring of 1947 after
all those years.At this time, she was busy writing the second half of her
book Als Gefangene bei Stalin und Hitler, which was soon translated
into 12 languages (published in English as Under Two Dictators) and
brought her international fame.
Much later, five years after her death, due to that book of hers I was
invited to take part in the preparation of the planned commemora-
tion reunion on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the end of
Ravensbrück, its “liberation”. This is how I came to see, towards the
end of 1994, for the first time, the site of this camp, which is situated
north of Berlin in an idyllic countryside of lakes and forests. The fact
that, due to the Cold War, my mother had never returned to the site of
Ravensbrück before her death in November 1989 is symptomatic of
the political situation in Germany until the fall of the Berlin Wall: it
was inaccessible to her – as an anti-Communist, she was naturally
persona non grata in the German Democratic Republic.
She left Germany in 1933 as a Communist. I am one of her two
daughters from her first marriage, raised as Jews. We emigrated to
Palestine with our paternal grandparents. Her second husband was
Heinz Neumann – also a Jew – who had been a member of the Central
Committee of the German Communist Party, and a member of the
German Reichstag. He formed a left-wing faction whose slogan was
“Hit the Fascists wherever you meet them” and opposed Stalin’s direct-
ives to declare not the Nazis, but the Social Democrats, the main enemy
of the German Communists.In 1931 he was removed by the Comintern
from his post and thus from all German politics. In 1932, the
Comintern sent him and my mother to Spain and one year later aban-
doned them in Switzerland. In 1935, the Nazis demanded his extradi-
tion on a trumped-up charge.They had no choice but to go to the Soviet
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The Origin of the Project 3

Union where, in 1937, he was arrested and secretly executed; she was
arrested and sent to Siberia in 1938. Later, in 1940, she was forcibly
handed over – together with about one thousand other German and
Austrian refugees, mainly Communists and many of them Jews – to the
Nazi authorities at the border that then separated Nazi and Soviet
occupied Poland.2 Thus my mother,after learning firsthand the realities
of the Soviet Communist regime and its prisons and concentration
camps, was incarcerated for five more years in the Nazi “Hell for
women”, Ravensbrück, this time as a suspected Soviet agent.
Ostracized by the leadership of the German Communist
Ravensbrück prisoners, she survived due to the support and friend-
ship of many fellow prisoners, a few Communists who did not accept
the dictate of their own leaders, and others, mainly Czech, French,
and Norwegian non-Communist prisoners. Those who survived
remained her friends for life.
During these five years, she had learnt about many events in the
camp and about the behavior of many of the SS guards, supervisors,
and commanders. She knew hundreds of fellow prisoners from dif-
ferent national groups, categories, and workplaces. Through her
Czech close friend Milena Jesenska,3 she knew about the horrors of
the camp Revier (hospital). She knew about the deportation of nearly
all the Jewish women there to Bernburg in 1942, and to Auschwitz
until October 1944; but even she had no firsthand contact with Jewish
prisoners, since all contact between non-Jewish and Jewish prisoners
was strictly forbidden. Jews and non-Jews worked most of the time in
different work details and work sites. Therefore, her account can serve
only partially as evidence for the construction of the present histor-
ical account of the Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück. It supplies much
background material for this study.
When I visited the campsite at the end of 1994 to take part in the
preparations for the commemoration of 50 years since the liberation
of the camp, considerable efforts had already been made by the gov-
ernments of the Land Brandenburg and the Federal Republic of
Germany to reform the memorial site and to open it to visitors and
researchers from all over the world. Yet, when I learned that the gov-
ernments of the Land Brandenburg and the Federal Government of
Germany had decided to share the cost of travel and accommodation
for all the survivors of Ravensbrück so that they could attend the com-
memoration, and asked the members of the inviting committee how
many survivors they were inviting from Israel, I was astonished to
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4 The Jewish Prisoners of Ravensbrück

learn that there was only one. It turned out that only the name of this
one woman, who had been the editor of the Mapai (Social Democrat)
daily newspaper Davar, had been registered on the list of the
International Ravensbrück Committee as an Israeli survivor. The
Committee also did not possess any separate list of Jewish
Ravensbrück survivors living in any country whatsoever.4
On returning to Israel, I went to the archive of Yad Vashem in
Jerusalem (The Holocaust Martyrs’ and Heroes Remembrance
Authority) and asked for a list of Ravensbrück survivors. Yad Vashem
had then no separate list of Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück. A cur-
sory search produced a short list of women who had mentioned the
name of this camp in their testimonies or in interviews about their
Holocaust experiences. Many of the addresses and phone numbers of
the women on that list were no longer valid. (Later on, Yad Vashem
was very helpful to our research teams. Many more names of
Ravensbrück survivors were located in its archives. Previously unex-
amined microfilms of arrival lists of prisoners to Ravensbrück soon
proved most significant for the beginning of my study. Much later we
found many more Ravensbrück documents in its archives.)
As I had taken upon myself the task of organizing the travel of Israeli
Ravensbrück survivors to the commemoration event, I approached a
young woman journalist writing for the daily Yediot with a request to
interview me about this issue. I offered my phone number to all who
were interested. As a result, the phone did not stop ringing for the next
two weeks. More than 200 women declared themselves willing to travel
to Ravensbrück, and about a hundred additional ones also told about
their being Ravensbrück survivors, but were unable to travel – usually
because of their own ill health or that of a family member. The upshot
was that the German government had to rent a special plane from
EL-AL so the survivors could reach Berlin in time.
In Germany, the arriving survivors were received well and a group
of young students who had all previously visited Israel were very help-
ful guides. Yet, in Ravensbrück itself, it took a special effort to enable
them to appear as Israelis and for a representative to deliver their spe-
cial message to the thousands of other survivors arriving from all over
the world. Many of the Israeli survivors had not spoken before about
their Holocaust experiences, even to their own children, and many
had set out to visit Germany with great trepidation. Surprisingly, all
experienced the visit to the place of their immense suffering as posi-
tive, and the opening of the floodgates of their memories as liberating.
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The Origin of the Project 5

On returning to Israel, I realized that by this informal process, a


considerable amount of evidence through oral history had come
my way. Colleagues persuaded me then to use this unique opportu-
nity for systematic research and to apply for funding to the GIF
(German Israel Foundation for Research and Development). I
approached with this suggestion a sociologist, Professor Hanna
Herzog, and historians Professor Dina Porat and Dr. Irith Dublon-
Knebel, all of Tel Aviv University, and they accepted the idea and
agreed to cooperate. The regulations of the GIF demand the cooper-
ation of teams of Israeli and German researchers. Eventually, a group
of women sociologists and historians of Tel Aviv University and of
Free University Berlin, also including Professor Dr. Sigrid Jacobeit, the
director of the Ravensbrück Memorial (Mahn- und Gedenkstätte),
started out on a three-year research project, which was later extended.
We first sent out a questionnaire to survivors living in Israel that
hundreds answered. For many more who had lived in Israel but had
died, relatives filled in the data to the best of their knowledge. We also
used the data eventually found in 200 Yad Vashem survivor testi-
monies. All this resulted in a database for over 700 survivors of
Ravensbrück who had ever reached Israel. Using the data first gained
in 1995, we organized a moving meeting of Israeli Ravensbrück
survivors at Tel Aviv University.
Though both teams participated in this initial effort, soon our
ways parted as each showed interest in different aspects of the story. It
became increasingly clear to me that, in addition to my contribution
to the collective volume of both teams, A Neglected Chapter in the
History of the Holocaust: The Jewish Women Prisoners of Ravensbrück,
which Dr. Irith Dublon-Knebel has edited and which is due to appear
soon, my task was to concentrate on a thorough study – both histori-
cal and sociological – in an attempt to answer as best I can the ques-
tion, The Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück: who were they? I wanted to
illustrate my view that social studies do not preclude the individual
human aspect of the story.
Meanwhile, two welcome publications appeared on the same topic
but from different viewpoints. One is by a member of our German
team, Dr. Linde Apel, Jüdische Frauen im Konzentrationslager
Ravensbrück 1939–1945, Metropol, Berlin, 2003; the other is by
Rochelle G. Saidel, The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück Concentration
Camp, Wisconsin University Press, Madison, WI, 2004, who pursued
this topic independently. (The terms of our contract with GIF
ch1.080 09/12/2006 12:52 PM Page 6

6 The Jewish Prisoners of Ravensbrück

regrettably prevented us from including her in our team.) Let me add


one brief paragraph on these books.
Neither book aims at as complete an answer as possible to the ques-
tion of my choice, The Jewish prisoners of Ravensbrück: who were they?
And neither book pays as much attention to the differences in the
Jewish prisoner populations and their different situations in different
periods as this study does. Apel made a valiant effort to be objective.
She describes and analyzes the specific conditions of work, life, and
death of the Jewish women prisoners on the basis of a wealth of docu-
ments, records, and testimonies of Jewish and non-Jewish survivors.
Her effort at objectivity towards the Jewish prisoners may be the reason
for her not having touched upon moral issues, attitudes, and senti-
ments.By contrast,Saidel is very sensitive to the attitudes and sentiments
of the interviewed survivors, including also the problems that the
survivors experienced after the War. She includes in her book many
pages of interview texts, and it is indeed the fruit of a labor of love.
Returning to the question of my choice, ‘The Jewish prisoners of
Ravensbrück: who were they?’, in the following chapters I present the
fruits of my efforts to answer this question. I also enclose on a
CD-ROM a list of well over 16,000 names of Jewish prisoners of
Ravensbrück, with much detailed information about them.
In addition, I have also attempted to include in this volume an
analysis of the social relations of the Jewish women prisoners and of
the specific social ties among them. What I did not do is study the
problems related to the physical and psychological damage to sur-
vivors of the Holocaust and the degree of success of efforts to over-
come them and integrate in the societies, most of whose populations
were spared this horrendous experience. I also did not deal with the
difficult question of whether it was advisable or inadvisable for sur-
vivors to share their horrid experiences with their closest relatives.
How heavy was the post-Holocaust traumatic burden and was its
transmission to the next generation inevitable? On these questions,
there is a wealth of literature that I was not sufficiently qualified to
examine on the basis of the data available to me. As a sociologist, I
always found very relevant the differences in conditions between the
USA, Israel, and other countries. I also found relevant the differences
in the degree of education and the social status of the survivors, as well
as their ability to integrate in their societies of settlement. I did not
have sufficient data to examine these. I used the expression of Halina
Nelken as a motto for this study: “Once again,” she says,“we are being
ch1.080 09/12/2006 12:52 PM Page 7

The Origin of the Project 7

turned into nameless, faceless, dehumanized theories and statistics. I


wish I could protect the memory of us all, young and old: not one of
us thought of ourselves as hero or victim – and yet we were both.” I
sincerely hope that this study, dealing with theories and statistics as it
does, nevertheless does justice to the memory of the victims: I honor
as many names as I could find, describing them and their diverse per-
sonalities and fate, and above all, their having been both victims and
heroines.
Herzlia J. B. A.
January 2006

NOTES

1. Irith Dublon-Knebel (ed.), A Neglected Chapter in the History of the Holocaust:


The Jewish Women Prisoners of Ravensbrück, forthcoming.
2. Margarete Buber-Neumann, Under two Dictators, New York, 1950, pp. 162–166
(first published in German as Als Gefangene bei Stalin und Hitler, Munich, 1949);
Hans Schafranek, Zwischen NKWD und Gestapo: Die Auslieferung deutscher und
österreichischer Antifaschisten aus der Sowjetunion nach Nazideutschland
1937–1941, Frankfurt am Main, 1990, pp. 110f.
3. Margarete Buber-Neumann, Milena, London, 1989 (first published in German
in 1963).
4. Later we found that lists of Ravensbrück survivors existed in several countries;
although the overwhelming majority of these women had been arrested and
deported to Ravensbrück either directly or via Auschwitz as Jews, they usually
were listed as “anti-fascists”, without mention of their being Jewish. In the US
about 1200 Jewish women (and some men) who had registered with the
Washington Holocaust Registry had mentioned Ravensbrück as one of their
camps.

NB. Dates of documents are recorded here as in the originals: day,


month, year.
ch2.080 09/12/2006 12:54 PM Page 8

2
IS TRUE HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION
POSSIBLE?

HETEROGENEITY

Before dealing with the problem of the reconstruction of the memory


of the Jewish prisoners, let me discuss the problem of the reconstruc-
tion of historical memory in general – written or oral. Any memory of
what happened to a large number of human beings in any location or
institution that existed over several years of necessity must be
heterogeneous, multifaceted, and contain even conflicting items of
information – even in cases where there had been no organized
efforts to suppress or falsify this memory, or reluctance to treat it
with respect and consider it significant to a collective or a national
memory.
In the case of Ravensbrück, there had been extreme heterogeneity
– women from at least 20 countries were incarcerated for different
formal reasons – with considerable changes of conditions and policies
over six years and different treatment of different groups even at the
same time.
Let me discuss first what was common to the experience of all pris-
oners during the entire period. Ravensbrück was, from its beginning to
its end, a Nazi concentration camp, a special place for women whom
the regime considered enemies, not ordinary prisoners, but rather
non-persons incarcerated for an unspecified period, abandoned to the
absolute rule of the SS and its policy of regimentation, terrorization,
brutality, and humiliation. Many survivors who had experienced both
Ravensbrück and other camps have recorded that, in Ravensbrück,
regimentation was particularly severe, especially in the form of
ch2.080 09/12/2006 12:54 PM Page 9

Is True Historical Reconstruction Possible? 9

standing in lines twice a day for hours in all weather for endless roll-
calls, with prisoners collapsing and dying during the roll-calls.
At Ravensbrück, new female SS guards were trained for duty in all
camps with women prisoners. They were trained in treating the pris-
oners to a constant barrage of foul language and threats, to blows to
face, head, and body by using fists or truncheons, to kicking them with
their booted feet, or to setting their dogs at the prisoners to bite their
legs. Ravensbrück also had from the very start a formal system of pun-
ishment. Its prison included a punishment block and rows of cells
where prisoners were incarcerated in solitary confinement, total
darkness, and near-starvation. Already by the beginning of 1940,
Himmler had introduced for female camp prisoners punishment by
flogging (25 lashes, once, twice, or three times), causing extreme suf-
fering and many deaths.
Yet there also existed extreme heterogeneity in the experiences, con-
ditions, and fate of different groups of prisoners among the more than
110,000 women, girls, and children whose arrival was registered.1
There was a separate, much smaller men’s camp in the middle of
Ravensbrück, but completely isolated from it, which for most of its
existence contained concentration-camp prisoners brought there to
perform construction work. Through it passed 20,000 men and boys,
2000 of them Jews, some of them boys over 13, some of them trans-
ferred there at the age of 13 from the women’s camp. Though the two
camps were adjacent, severe penalties were imposed for any attempt at
contact.2

OBSTACLES TO HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION

Any effort to get as near to the truth as possible when engaging in his-
torical reconstruction (of Ravensbrück or of anything else) must run
into serious obstacles of different kinds.
As in all Nazi concentration camps, the Ravensbrück camp
authorities – both SS and Gestapo – systematically tried to limit the
number of survivors by causing, or not preventing, the deaths of as
many prisoners as possible, especially during the last half-year.
Prisoners were subjected to selection for the gas chamber and other
forms of organized killing, chronic near-starvation, frostbite due to
lack of clothing, shoes, blankets, shelter, and heating, extreme over-
crowding, filth, and vermin (conditions that caused the spread of
ch2.080 09/12/2006 12:54 PM Page 10

10 The Jewish Prisoners of Ravensbrück

tuberculosis, hunger-dysentery, furunculosis, and eventually also


typhoid epidemics), and to extremely long and heavy work – moving
earth, unloading boats, and work in the weapons, ammunition, and
SS-uniforms industry – not to mention the outright starvation of
those for whom there was no more work in Ravensbrück’s outlying
labor camps. Between the end of January and March 1945, many hun-
dreds of prisoners were transferred from Ravensbrück to Bergen-
Belsen, a camp that had been designated as a death camp without a gas
chamber.3
In the last two or three months of the War, the SS also sent off ver-
itable death trains, trains that traveled not just for days, but sometimes
weeks; the women were squeezed into cattle-wagons without food,
water, or the most primitive sanitation. On these trains, women died
of starvation, dehydration, suffocation, exhaustion, and even of
mental derangement. Many of these trains were meant to become tar-
gets for the Allies’ bombardments. In the very last stage, the SS orga-
nized death marches north-westwards, both from Ravensbrück and
from its outlying labor camps, as well as from those of Buchenwald, to
which thousands of Ravensbrück prisoners had previously been sent.
The likelihood of survival became ever smaller.
The SS camp authorities also then tried to destroy as many camp
documents as possible, including arrival lists, gas-chamber death lists,
and the central card index of the camp. Of these documents, there
existed thousands of pages – many in several copies. In late April 1945,
the crematorium burned paper while huge heaps of corpses lay
unburied.
The SS also destroyed the physical evidence of its crimes by blow-
ing up the gas chamber on 22 or 23 April 1945.
Throughout its entire existence, the camp authorities had pre-
vented the recording by prisoners of their experiences by not permit-
ting the use of paper or writing utensils and by restricting contact with
the outside world (by those who were permitted it at all and had any
relative to write to) to a short, heavily censored monthly letter.
These two purposes – the elimination of survivors and the evi-
dence about their sufferings – were somewhat counteracted by the
last-minute rescue operation of the Swedish Red Cross that included
the evacuation of thousands to Sweden. This evacuation and the fol-
lowing thorough medical treatment and generous recuperation not
only ensured the survival of thousands of Ravensbrück prisoners
who otherwise would certainly have perished, but also permitted the
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Berthe ne voulut ni manger ni boire. Daniel finit par lui faire
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siennes, et, dans cette attitude de recueillement, chacun d’eux
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longue à se déshabiller. Quand elle vint le rejoindre, il la prit dans
ses bras.
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Il lui tourna brusquement le dos, comme s’il était très fâché.
— Qu’est-ce que vous avez ? dit-elle alarmée. Daniel ! vous
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TABLE DES CHAPITRES

I. — Départ pour le bal 1


II. — Quadrille des lanciers 10
III. — Coup de foudre 18
IV. — Dimanche 29
V. — Dans les affaires 39
VI. — Pylade 49
VII. — Intermède 62
VIII. — Grande banlieue 72
IX. — Le double aveu 84
X. — La fête commence 95
XI. — Le retour 106
XII. — En famille 118
XIII. — Maison à louer 131
XIV. — On s’installe 144
XV. — A cheval 156
XVI. — Un point obscur 171
XVII. — Graves résolutions 180
XVIII. — Démarches officielles 191
XIX. — Fleurs et présents 207
XX. — Un ami véritable 220
XXI. — Conseil de famille 234
XXII. — Une démarche 245
XXIII. — La fiancée 256
XXIV. — Repas officiel 268
XXV. — André Bardot 283
XXVI. — L’enquête 299
XXVII. — Sagesse nocturne 314
XXVIII. — L’attachement 325
XXIX. — Épilogue 340

Châteauroux. — Imp. et Stér. A. Majesté et L. Bouchardeau.


A. Mellottée, Successeur.
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