fessor presided ogr' spectacular Christmas: peeen Ree cme Sorts bat Ri : r% oe frorfilie ee tne ae Deion neue Poet aioehe g mmm ieee Ra | ere ‘ Raa ur rou sett rae ah Re ae ec eu ig f Peer oe berate es, and did not have Sia of at afte, re oy Libis bed eerHe had earned the sobriquet “the Confessor” because of his piety and overall saintlness, He attended to government business when he had to, but much preferred prayers and contempla tion co the affairs ofthis wor. The Confes- sor's main goa in lie was to build a monastery dedicated to St. Peter on Thorney Island, He devoted long hours to this project and had a palace built nearby so he could watch the abbey’s construction progress. The abbey church, of “Minister,” was tothe west of Lon: don, s0 people later started calling it “West: minster Abbey: Edward longed to see the consecration of his new abbey church, and pechaps it was this that kepe him alive those last ew weeks, On Decem- 1065, the church was consecrated, and Edward was too ill to attend the cere- mony, he could now dein pace. ary 4, the king regained con- sciousness and remarked to the entourage, “Do not mourn for me, but pray God for my soul and leave me go to him.” Edward was longing for the next world, bat his subjects sil had to live inthis one. Who was soing to take his place as king? Unfortunately Edward had taken a vow of chastity just prior to marriage, a move not likely co produce any heirs. His wife was more like his sister, and this childless union was about to beat bitter fruit. The dying monarch offered his hand to Harold, Ear of Wessex, one ofthe most pow. erful magnates in the realm, and told him to protect the kingdom. With this gesture, Edward dhe Confessor made his choice forthe next king cof England. His earthy dury done, the Confes sor died January 5, 1066, Bat the suecession as not as clear-cut as it seemed. In Anglo-Saxon England it was the ‘Witan, an assembly of notables, who chose a successor when a king died. The Wiean was 2 rather amorphous body of royal councilors that included nobles and high churchmen. Custom dictated that it was they, not the king, who chose England's next rule, though of course a king’s wishes would carey great weight. But the Witan had to carefully consider its course, Harold Godwinson had been endorsed by the king on his deathbed, but there were other factors in favor of the earl. In the old king's declining years Harold had been the vir tual ruler of England and al but acknowledged y early January 1066, the king vas fling fast, and all knew ic was just a matter of time Edward suffered periods of delirium, and at times he lapsed into 2 coma. On Janu MILITARY HERITAGE. Febru 2000 heir apparent, at last in some people's mind. Even when the Confessor was alive Harold was given nearroyal status with the titles Dux Anglorun, “Duke of the English,” and sub: regu, “subking.” Harold had no royal blood, but he wielded power effectively, which was almost as good. Before long some descriptions ofhim proclaimed him Dei Gratia Duc, “Duke by the grace of God.” By implication, even the Almighty was endorsing his rle;now, all hat was needed was selection by the Witan to make it ffi ‘There were other candidates for the English throne, but the Witan had good reason to dis: iiss their claims. There was Edgar, great grandson of an ealir English king, but the lad was only 13 and perilous times demanded maturity on the throne. Swen of Denmark and Harold Hardrada (“hard ruler”) of Norway might be possibilities, bt foreign “imports” ‘were not tothe Witans ase. Finally there was William, Duke of Normandy, whose teritory was just across the channel in France. Wiliam was (probably) born in September 1027, natural son of Robert of Normandy and a canner’ daughter named Adee, Before 1066 William was called “the Bastard,” bu the stain of illegitimacy was no barter to his advance: ment. He succeeded his father when he was about eight years of ge, and by 20,was a ough and experienced soldier and able adminis Some claim he was sensitive about his ili imate birth, but the early Middle Ages were a rough, bloody era that cared litle abou a man’s originsit he proved his worth emay be that his, ‘mother’s humble origins, nt her lack of a we: ding ring, made William touchy. When he besieged the town of Alengon its ctizens cov cred the walls with hides 0 protect them from Norman ire. The Duke tok thi insult—a reminder that his mater hhad been a humble tanner. After taking the city hie had the offending citizen’ fet chopped of Hisenemies’ suggestion that he *stank like tan ery" would als induce a blinding rage. Tn, 1066 Duke Wiliam of Normandy was 38 years old and in the prime of his life. He would become grossly fa in later life, bur now he was tall (about five-Foot-ten), muscular and agile, ‘witha fist “that could fell an ox." Normandy was a fractious, turbulent place, where unscrupulous nobles and their ee alwayson the verge of revolt, lusting for power and not afraid to kill to achieve their selfish ends, Inthe early years of Williams rue petty warfare was endemic, bloodshed and rapine commonplace. William restored order to his rebellious domain by being even more ruthless, than his vassals. He achieved a well-deserved reputation for cruelty, and i was said his “eye could quel the fiercest baron.” In terms of heredity, Wiliam’ claim to the English throne was weak, Putting aside his il gitimate birth his great-aunt Emma had mar- Fied two English kings and had been Edward the Confessor’s mother—hardly ringing endorsement for the erown. William was ‘unscrupulous, but he also had his own sense of rough justice. He claimed the English throne because he felt Edward the Confessor had promised i to him. Never ind the fact that the Witan was the real “power behind the throne" when it eame to the succession William fel the crown was his. ‘These feelings were substantially reinforced by a curious event that remains mired in com troversy to this day. Ie seems tha in 1064 the then-Earl of Wessex had sworn an oath of fealty to William, in essence pledging to sup Port his laims tothe English throne. An oath ‘vas a sacred thing in che Middle Ages, some thing. not tobe taken lightly. Norman influence in England did not su enly begin in 1066, Edward the Confessor was I4Ree eee eee ee Cee RR CE a half Normal for a number of years. Norman archi ecture was beginning to in England More important, Edward sur rounded himself with Norm English estates to Norman n See an friends and gave against this bat apparently the king sent William, In any event, the Witan chose Harold as th new king the day after Edward's death. As w have seen, Harold was already ruler in all but name, and though he did not have a drop royal blood be had already proven himsel. Hi was aso native-born and a mature adult in his forties, nota striping youth like Edga Edward the Confe s buried in his beloved Westminster Abbey and Harold was formally proclaimed king that same afternoon Harold accepted the crown with apparently sy qualms and was duly invested with th tokens of royalty: A crown was placed upon his om oa sword of protection girded around his anda scepter of virtue and rod of equity placed in his nds. He was soon to be weighed dow polit 1 oath to William, cal albatross around his neck heavie robe of state, fow could this have come about? coulda man like Harold, who ebvio England, blithely giance to Willa of Normandy? stances surrounding his oath to William have been obscured by the passage of time a oliics. Medieval slanted the facts to conform As far as ell, the story. of of 1064 Harold n dispatched ro Normandy as the Con- Harold's oath be 1's special Harold was supposed to deliver a entirely different nature, Still othe Harold was merely on onting or fishing expedition that went awry Se (Crammed into a ship, Normans cross the Channel inthis Whatever th he English Channel's unpredictable weathe 2, Harold’ ship id he was soon blown ofcourse, He hadthe misfortune of landing in the territo unfortunate Hatold was and foot” and cast into-a dungeon. Luck: ly for Harold, Guy was William's vassal, and he Deke of Normandy quickly secured his lease, Harokt stayed with William fora while and the two men foul they were kindred spr its. They hunted together and Harold even accompanied William on a military expedition, Twas during this “honeymoon” period that Harold apparently swore an oath of fealty to Wiliam, thu ing his support ofthe Nor ng of England, And dealings: Unheknown to man as future alk aboot nder the table Haold, William b roversial event In William's eves betrayed the Norman's friendship.Wiliam ec keray way to gc ocr fe Eoin ad Sky fr a doula belay ie Te Apel fe sarge ht speared inte | eh ocr oi rs reg acon | void, a fearful apparition that some monks | Cet angst Sere eae | Seal ali Haley come bin 166 oe |e escent teat | | Ir seemed to presage disaster and was seen by ‘most people as an omen of evil tidings. But where and on whom would the disaster fall? Harold must have seen the comer, but bis immediate concerns were more down to earth, William of Normandy was probably going t0 invade England, and the new king had to make the necessary preparations. But a new threat loomed in another quarter: Harold’ own disaffected brother Tostig had allied with the Norwegian king Harold Hardrada, and it looked as if they were going to launch thie own separate invasion. The English king was Tike a man trying to fight two fies w ae earn ne ere etter erro ee pose theprentest thee? ee ey The ist step wat to mahal his forces end raise an army, no easy task when standing armies boltaethephcsshadusavondeninnons werenonensen and rly profesional ders were few. The Anglo-Saxon army hadtwomajor The other fighting body in Anglo-Saxon Eng- moment's notice when the king gave the word. components: The fir andthe hours. The land wasthehouecat, Theres some amb- Harold also assembled a powerfl fle of fyrd was the militia, basically 2 levy of peasants. ity about the nature ofthese men; traditionally ships to contest Wiliam’s passage of the Eng: included ceors, freemen farmers who had they were though of s professional soldiers or lish Channel. Through much of the summer rights as well as duties, and one must not pic- well-trained bodyguards. Recent scholarship Harold had his fy levies stationed along th ture them as downtrodden slaves of the soil. suggests they were interchangeable wth thegns, threatened coastlines of Sussex and Kent, and land-owning nobles with a degree of wealth had a fleet positioned ar the Ise of Wight. apon,” they probably did have cme and status. In any event, these housecals: William did not | rudimentary military erining wel eral ourford) | any case the peasant levies would have to return home to reap the all-important Although the plow and nor the sword was thei The weeks passed, and equipped, ready to serve at a come. The fyrd could only be cll days, andi ship with King Williarn and, pre- what is actually a collection of his: ‘siimably, with other members of torics| documents wrltted and RRP SIE Tae AAS HIVEE CARE PEIN the: Norman aristocracy who. compiled by English EARENO EYEWITNESS. around/1028 intoarioble Notmaan fought at Hastings. ing ablciferent monasteries ithe uns ofthe Battle of Hastings." family, the author served/as-2 -Gesta Normannorum Ducum' Angie-Saxon realni: The ptolect ‘Whac follows is aise of works by » knight before entering the pries- - (Deeds of the Dukes of the Nor- was htarted during thd feigtt of ‘thedieval- writers who! gathered hood at'the age 30 and became — mans). This work covers the his- Alfred the Great inthe Sth céntuty information about the battle from Willits personal chaplain ‘Arriv- tory of the Norman dukes from and terminated in the| | tisdustources;incladisg veterans ing in'England shortly after the the Noe ivadion of what was centy, when there washio Anglo: Of the 1066 campaign and histor- _ Battle Of Hastings, he soon bepan then kxiown as West Francia or _ Saxohi kingdom lf to ical documents, generally listed in “writing is lengthy and détalled| Neutra inthe edly 10th century |The are five majot der of importance. accoum completing it nd later, to Henry inthe 1130s, Willam of the Chronicle, named A thtotgh (Geste Guliehni Ducis Norman- than 1077, The Gesta Gulf is Juiitges, a Norman monk ,wrote of these, version Dilptobably. oniin et Regis Anglorwm (The tegarded as the most impbttanit the settion on the Battle of Hast written at York towed the éxd Of Deeds of William, Duke of Nor- medieval source for the events of ings dompletingit in about 1072, the th century, ptdvidés thé.) fitandy and King’of the English), 1066, not least because bf the Thd Anglo‘Saton Chronicle. most information aboitf 1066) |, BF William! of Poitiers. Bom author's close personal relation- ‘The ttleof this wark reférs to Chronicon ex Chroqie (Thaharvest. If the grain wasn’t harvested, J wool woven, England might sce a winter famine every bit as bad as foreign nvasion, and perhaps a good deal worse. After weeks of waiting in vain, King Harold he fyrd to disband demobilization had no choi and tie flet to disperse orders were given on the Nativity of St. Mary September 8, 1066, Once winter came, Eng land was safe from invasion until the next spring. But there was still enough time for an CChoticle of Chronicles). ‘The verte this work has inthe past been! {dentiied. 4s Florence ‘of ‘Worcate a monk at the Bent tine-ipbnastary-of Worcester in Englahd. It is ow. genetally accepéel that he had a co-authog, a fellow iionk called) Johh- of Worcstes Like the monks'who peanél the Anglo-Saxon Chron cle, rence and John were Eng- Tish; ence, with respect to the events of 1066, their sympathies clearly lay with thei, defeated conittymen, Completed between 1110 tnd 1118, the 1066 settion | of the Chronic presents te las Anglo-Saxon King doomed soldiey in a highly favor- able if unavoidably tag, ight “The Bayou Tapestry This stuns ning pictorial history oF the Noct man conquest i6 in fact an embroidery o, to be precise, an embroidered tol. It is generally held thatthe tapestry was com> missioned soon after 1066 by Odo, Bishop) of Bayeus' and Willia’s tristed halfntothes, fot cligplay inthe Bayeux Cathedral, ‘Some20 inches high and 230 feet Jong, the tapésity currently cont sists of eight joined sections; there might have been a ninth and final invasion, and William’s fleet had been delayed st as the demobilization started a courier ight Harold disturbing news: An enemy ce had landed on English shores. The invaders were not Notmans but a large force of der the command of Harold Hardrada of Norway This was not a mere raid ing expedition for plunder, buta serious bid for the English throne. In fact, Harold of England's own rebel brother Tostig was with the Nors Norsemen and his section, pethaps nine feet long, that was'long ago lost or destroyed. The tapestry was prob ably designed and sketched out by a Norman) artist; but stitched together by English women ‘ernbroiderets, possibly in Canter~ buty, who eompleted the job in 4077 (int sooner)—in tinie for the consectation of Odo's newly built Bayete Cathedeal. Scenes epic, in chronological order, the fall of Saxon England, beginning with Harolt’s trip to Normandy and ending with the Bale of Hastings, Curiously the story told by the tapestry deals fairly with invaders inthe capacity of ally and adviser There was not a moment to lose, King Harold gathered what forces he could on such short notice and marched— rather, rode—to the vicinity of York, roughly two hunds north of London. King Harold met th bot at Stamford Bridge on Septem utterly defeated them, Thousands of Norsemen were slaughtered in the ut, including Harold Hardada. The English were notin a forgiving moods earlier the Norsemen had sacked and d miles Norse and the Englishy who come actos as brave and)toble Fighters, wohthy opponents éf the Normans, | Other Works important to scholars afé: Carinen de Habtin- _gae Proelib (The Song of the Bat- tle of Hastiigs); Roman de Roi des Dues! He Normandie (he Romance|éf Rollo and of the Dukes of Normandy); Historia Etclesiastiéa Angliae et Nor ‘mandie (The Ecclesiastical Hifeory of England and Normandy); hind Historia Anglonum (History of England). (All weee complete by 1150: Steven WeitgadinerSeren Ron burned Searborough, and now it was time t0 vwreak a terrible revenge. Tostg had also per ished in the battle, so Harold wold never again have o deal with his siblings treacherous pos. Scamford Bridge was a great victory, and the English celebrated in York for several days. The revelry was cut short by disturbing news: William of Normandy ha Harold hurried back to London with his men and stayed in the capital for a few days 10 pather additional fore That William landed at all was something of a miracle, The Normans may have hi roots, but they hi Viking largely forgotten the seafar ing waysof True, sailors could be eet ee ee ee) recruited, and ships could be gathered or buile from scratch, but the process was rime consum- ing. Soon Norman oak forests rang with the sounds of chopping axes as eres wer felled ro build ships. Shipwrights took hammer and ade to shape the aw wood into planks, and before long William had a substanial lee atthe mouth ofthe Dives River for his great enterprise The number of ships needed depended upon the size of Willian’ army. Medieval chroniclers had a tendency to inflate statistics, and mod! rh ecciranes areathngc cluciaed geese Of authority reckons William's fleet at some 450 ships—enough to carry 10,000 men and 3,000 horses across the channel, As previously noted, an adverse wind delayed the expedition for a month, but a westerly breeze finally came up thatlet Wiliam salto St. Valery, at the mouth of the Somme. Here the English Channel nar rows, so England is that moch nearer ‘Once again, unfavorable winds stalled the expedition, and Wiliam found himself bored ‘pat St. Valery: Actually the delays were a bless ingin disguise, since the long wae caused Harold to partly demobilize his army and disband his fleet. The Pope himself supported William's {quest forthe English crow, and the Norman proudly displayed a Papal banner for ll se. In Norman eyes this was a good omen; God would not abandon William's cause. Sure enough, the winds turned favorable and the Nor man flec set sil for England. Wiliam led the way in his flagship Mora, a large lantern hang ing feom its mast as beacon fr the other ships. When the Normans landed at Pevensey they were pleasantly surprised to find no English opposition. William made a brief reconnais sance then ordered 2 march inland, Thei pillaged the countryside, stripping the food like a swarm of hungry locusts. Towns and illages were laid wast, their inhabitants put 10 the sword or made refugees. William and his contemporaries had few scruples about such methods; it was simply part of wat [About this time Harold made a decision that would change the course of English history: He would fight William immediately. This deci sion—seen with the advantage of hindsight— remains controversial. To this day scholars end: lessly debate the issue, William was ravishing Sussex, Hacold’s original power base, and maybe that warped the English king’s jude. ment, Or perhaps the vietory at Stamford Bridge had made him overconfident. medieval contemporaries could not fathom his rmrotives, how ean we do it 900 years later? Certainly there's much to be sad forthe tae je of waiting, Harok’s army had been blood. ied and the men were exhausted. According ro somecestimates, when Harold marched to Has. ings “not one half of his [potential] army had assembled,” though fresh soldiers were coming inal the cme Leaving London on October 11, Haeold and hisong-suflering ary marched the 60 miles to Hastings in about ewo days. They made camp And, according to some sources, spent the night ‘drinking and singing.” Ifthe stories ae true, many probably eschewed such noisy bravado in favor of catching a few winks of much-needed sleep. They were going ro need it, because the battle would begin on the morrow King Harold was going to fight a defensive battle, « wise choice hecause of William’ghting a mounted oppon loyed his men on che high ground of a the posi of Senlac, a corruption ofthe Anglo-Saxon Santlache or “Sand Lake fronted by the marshy V aturday, October 14, nd England’ fa Each side J mi equal in_-number: Harold placed his men ina shield unbroken line s slong. we sources say the wall was six men deep, carls were probably inthe font ranks th trained fyrd peasant in the rer. Many of Harold’ housecarls had coats o ‘mail and helmets, but poorer fyrd levies had much less prot maybe a leather jerkin with metal pieces sewn fon for added strength. The Bayeux Tapestry these coats were very expensive ancl surely of the poorer farmers , swords, and battle types were in use atthe sax.” When wielded in the hands ing wounds in a matter of secon, Actoss the Valle of Senlac, William of Nor mandy and his army readied themselves for bat tle. The Duke's army w with archers, infantry and caval. The right division was composed of Flemish and French troops under the command of © ne, while the left had Bretons led by Count Alan Fergant. The center was largely Norman infantry and cavalry under William's half-brother Bishop Odo of Bayeux. Odo, who later commissioned the famed apestn co prefer club ro cross and fought secular knight. Each livision had a “layered” formation of archers in the front ranks, then infantry, and finally mounted knights The backbone host was the ‘mounted Norman knight, Each knight wore a ot haubetk, which extended to his only great lords like William would have additional protection such as m gloves. A knight's head was protected by mailed hoo nasal, aie the helmet tothe da helmet. The metal projection in the front of orded some minimal protection Norman weapons included a sword, lance, and possibly a club or mace, But a list of weapons had to include the horse, bec horse and ridet made a formidable fighting ‘machine capable of shock action. A century fr so before Hastings the stirrup had heen adopted, giving the knight a berter seat on his mount. A line of mailed knights charging at a ful lop was an awesome spectace in On 1 few years after Hastings, daring the Crusade, a Byzant princess witnessed arge by mounted knights and ssed. She spoke of an "i resitible first shoce” and added that a knight *with lance in his hand could punch a hole inthe walls of | Babylon | The battle began at 9-aM. King Harold | marked his postion by fying two standards: | The Dragon of Wessex, which some describe man, It was said the Normans spotted the English king When William these standards and so was commanding in pe learned his great adversar across the valley, he swore that if victorious he would build an abbey on the battle ste, its altar posicoer iy, gye es Ee ee Aa et AA fanfare of trumpets from both sides announced the beginning of the bate. The last brassy notehad hardly echoed across the morn- ing stillness before elements of Williams army was on the move. The first attack was by Nor- man archers, who advanced to about 50 paces from the English ines before unleashing a cloud of arrows. Few if any ofthe lethal shafs found their mark; the bowmen were shooting uphill, and the shield wall was proving a very effective hharier. Feathered shafts pincushioned English shields, but little damage was done one € he bowmen made litle impression on the English ine, so William sent his mailed infantry forward to see what they could do. The infancy advanced ata bcsk pace, the batle ery of '*God's Help!” shouted in Norman French to bolster their fighting sprit. But before they could close withthe shield wall, the English unleashed a barrage of missiles that stalled the Normans in their tracks. All sorts of ‘weapons were cast atthe oncoming foe—lances and javelins streaked down, and throwing axes somersauited through the air It was said that even stones tied to sticks pelted down on the [Norman infantry, the ltr possibly weapons from the poorer members of the English fyrd Norman soldiers crumpled to the ground clotching the missiles that impaled them, and rear ranks had to stumble over the inert or writhing bodies of fallen comrades. The infantey atack was failing, so Wiliam sent in his mounted knights for support. The mailed Norman knights spurred ther horses forward, some holding their lances overarm and others in a couched fashion. Onward they galloped, the thunderous tattoo of failing hooves mix: ing with the clash of arms and the screams of the wounded ‘The knights reached the shield wall, bur a hedgchog” of English spears prevented the knights from coming too close. The shield wall would part in spots, just enough for English xemen to step out and engage the knights. The fighting was sheer butchery. Swinging English axes came down with free, biting deeply with a sickening thud into legs, thighs, chests— ‘whatever part of the body was exposed. The axemen knew thir business, and Norman aems ‘were lopped off ata single stoke in a spray of crimson. Norman horses, oo, were vulnerable, and the axemen killed or crippled as many mounts as they could ‘The Normans had never fought such foes, but the English axemen had never engaged mounted knights ether, The knights were also skilled soldiers; a well-placed sword-stroke could decapitate a man, the headless trunk gouting streams of arterial blood before co: Iapsingin the mire. The contest raged for along time, bat finally the tide seemed ro rum against William's army. The Bretons on the Norman left broke, and most historians fee tis hea: long ceteat was real, not a rus. Scenting vie tory, che English right began to pursue the le ing Bretons, who by this time were literally bogging down in marshy sol Panic can be infectious, and before long the restof Wiliam’s army was showing signs ofthe “contagion.” The Norman center and right began to waver; the knights who were still fighting a the shield wall rnd til and began togodown the slopes. The Normans were now in serious disorder, and some of them were gen uinely panistriken, Iwas time for Harold to order a general advance while the Normans were sil off balance. An all-out atack might rout William and cinch a decisive victory. The English would be running dowahil, and even had the advantage of momentum, Why didn’t Harold order a counterattack? Some historians speculate—and tha’ al tean be, speculation—that Harold's army’ was just {00 big to be effectively commanded on foot Harold was on foot at his command post and possibly out of rouch with what was going on inthe flanks. Other historians have opined that Harold was gripped witha terrible fatlism that Cctober day, passively waiting for God to determine his fate. By contrast William took an active role inthe bale, commanding, exhort- [dy ing, and galloping to threatened points “The Normans were so confused a rumor ci cated that William himself had been san. This was a rumor that had t be nipped inthe bud at ‘once, o all was lost. William was more than just a battlefield commander; he was the Duke of Normandy and the heart ofthe Norman cause His death would be a calamity of epic propor tions, since the Normans would find themselves leaderlessand trapped in enemy country. William rode up to his milling soldiers and raised his helmet enough for his features to be clearly seen. “Look at me well!” William shouted, his rasping voice heard over the din of battle, “Iam stil alive, and by the grace of God ill yet prove victor” By acting swiftly Wiliam scotched the rumor and restored order 0 his wavering army. vulnerable moment had passed, and Harold lost his best chance for vic- tory: In fact, the Normans turned the tables and cutoff the soldiers from the English righ, the Intersil absoched in chasing the hapless Bre~ tons, These English were dangerously exposed, too far from the main shield wall fr their com rades to come to their aid, The Normans sur- rounded them and hacked them to pieces. ‘There was now ll inthe battle atime when both sides rested and regrouped. The bated was a place of carnage, a slaughterhouse where blood dlaubed bodies and severed limbs ly scat tered about nd the grass was trampled and matted with gore. Here and there a wounded soldier probably tried to craw! to safety if he could, but the state of medieval medicine was such that many wounds were invariably fata. Sweatdrenched and exhausted, men om both sides probably rested cleaned bloody weapons, or swallowed a few mouthfuls of bread to assuage their hunger. Accounts vary but the battle was renewed aroune midday. Once again the Norman knights charged the English line, a tidal wave of ste), chain mal, and horseflesh thaverashed against the shield wall dam, foam- ing and eddying but unable to make a breech The battle raged on, and William decided to resort toa nse de guerre, or trick of war, t0and some Norman knights ma aged to reach the king and dis: patch him before any’ of his fl lowers could come t his aid. The ‘Normans hacked Harold to pieces, his body so mutilated it later proved dfficul o identify Harold's agony was over, and with his passing the English caus itself was in its death throes. The battered English army disinte grated, and the left standin rally, Even Harold's brothers, Leofwine and Gyrth, who had were fev to attempt a final rrobably commanded troops on rere nt ania pee ee oe Pe Ce overcome the stubborn English. This ime, the Normans would purposely’ retreat, hoping the English would be fooled enough to break ranks and come down the ridge. When the Bretons had retreated, their panic had been real. Now, however, this retreat would be the bait for a well-laid trap ert en he Sees Unfortunately for the English, the ruse ‘worked not once but twice in succession. Nor aman kaghts would fight furiously atthe shield wal, then break of the attack in seeming fright or discouragement. English soldiers would rise to the bait and give chase—only to find that their quarry was not as pani-stricken as they had supposed. By the ime they discovered their error, they would be cut off from the main Eng- lish body and slaughtered in decal. The shield wal stil existed, but was being rapidly dec mated by the Norman ruses. I's even possible thatthe wall was shrinking and was thinner in some places than it had been in the morning William of Normandy was a good soldier witha superb sense of timing, and he knew the line was weakening. To hasten its col lapse he ordered his bown ‘more—but told them to shoot high in the air so their missiles would take an arching fight Such a trajectory would not only get behind the shield wall it would expose more English ro Norman arrows. Ir was done ashe ordered, and cloud afer cloud of feathered shaks came dawn ‘om che English in an unnatural ea, Scores fll dead or wounded with each lethal discharge Night was falling, and as wight approached Harold was struck in the eye with an arrow. The king was wounded bur not mortally, and some ‘accounts say he pulled the shaft ou of his socket ‘and fought on. Half blinded and face covered with blood, Harold musthave been in agony and not able to defend himself well Iris said thatthe shield wall was breaking up around this time, n forward once struck. Some sources say he removed the arrow the flanks, were numbered among, the slain Fleeing English survivors sear: BIPM tered, including some who took refuge ina forest behind the ba tlefield cross ridge. But there was sill Fighting spirit in the defeated soldiers; some of the fugitives turned on their Norman porsuers ina nearby ravine and killed them. Because of this mishap the Normans eherefter called the ravine “Malfosse,” or “evil ditch.” Bat a last paroxysm of fighting around Mal fosse could not He had nos only won a bat William’s great vietory. he had gained a kingdom, William was a hard, cruel man but not entirely devoid of finer feelings. Harold's rutilated, dismembered corpse was identified by his mistress, ceverently gathered together. and placed in a purple cloth the color symbolic of royalty. He was given a decent burial in a gravesite near the sea, In William'seyes Harold had broken a sacred oath, but perhaps the Nor ‘man remembered they had once been friends. ‘William was crowned King of England at Westminster Abbey on Christmas Day, 1066, Hastings, however, did not end the fighting Northern Engl were sporadic revolts that William crushed with acteristic brutality nd had tobe pacified, and there The Conquest changed the course of English history. Continental customs such as the fv refrmly established, Most importa the Norman vietory at Hast land into the medieval European “mainstream, Nok sidered brought Ei ger would the island kingdom be com marginal appendage of Scandinavia. ‘As for William, the stain of illegitimacy —if there ever was one—was washed away by the holy il of kingly power and majesty. On Octo ber 14, 1066, William the Bastard won a new name, a title that stil resonates over the cen tures, Now he was Wiliam the Congueror. m