MALAYSIAN SOCIO POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN THE A MALAYSIAN JOURNEY BY REHMAN RASHID

In the writing of Rehman Rashids A Malaysian Journey, there are mentions of political struggles in the Malaysian government from the period of 1969 to 1987 which affected the society that led to a racial riot. These political struggles were experienced by the writer himself and written in his travel writing, Rashid also mentioned that the political struggle affected the condition of Malaysian from a racial riot to a silence of the whole nation. According to the Oxford dictionary of Politics, political science is a study of social science which concerned with the state, government and politics. A sub definition under the subject also stated that socio political is the study of state, government and political policy that intervene with the condition of society. In another word, socio political is a discipline which concerns the states politic condition with taking count the effect toward the people. Casey Blanton stated in her book Travel Writing: The Self and The World the definition of travel writing is a form of nonfiction in which the narrators encounter with foreign places serve as the dominant subject (Routledge, 2002). Although Rashid is a Malaysian, he felt alienated in Malaysia and at a certain point he considered himself exiled from the country: During the years of exile, my thoughts of Malaysia were memories of night (Rashid, 1). In the early of Rehmans life, he was sent to the Malay Collenge in Kuala Kangsar. He felt alienated because of his ancestries (being mixed Malay with Indian), I wasnt the only one mocked by the juvenile racists among us; this may have been the Malay College, but this was also Malaysia, and more than a few of us betrayed on our faces the Chinese or Indian elements of our ancestries (Rashid, 81).

The first part of Malaysia political struggle is the 13th May 1969 racial riot which led to a bloody clash between the Malays and Chinese. During this period, Rashid was in his second year in the Malay College. Our second year at the Malay College was the Malaysia election year of 1969. Did we know? Of course. Did we care? Enough to decorate our lockers and classrooms with the political bunting of our choice (Rashid, 85). The racial riot of 1969 happened after the Malaysian General Election 1969, where the governing party known as The Alliance lost the two thirds parliamentary majority that had granted it the clout to amend the Federal Constitution without the support of the Opposition (Rashid, 86). These Malay and Chinese tensions, held in check to that point by British authorities and the ruling alliance led by United Malay National Organization (UMNO) erupted into open conflict on the streets of Kuala Lumpur. These race riots stemmed from economic inequalities between the ethnic Malays and Chinese that originated from British colonial immigration and labor policies, and Chinese participation in the communist movement. Significantly, the riots highlighted the limitations of the alliance government for maintaining inter-racial harmony.

The political struggle of 1969 did not affect the governing party solely but it also affected to social conditions of the people, both ethnics (Malay and Chinese) have their own reason for revolting against the state. Both reasons contradict with each other but at the same time intervene which made the result of election into a bloody riot. The Malays have their reason for not satisfying with UMNO, the Malays are getting backward since Malaya was granted independence. The Malays may have been assured of their pre-eminence in government and a clear majority in the population, but what did such platitudes mean when they held only 2% of the nations wealth (Rashid, 86). Rashid also stated in his book that most of the economic structure was held by the Chinese, the Chinese being among the richest in the country. Although the reason for the Chinese to revolt is not clear, Theirs was,

moreover, a closed system; still the familial and clan based operations they had been in the beginning (Rashid, 87). The Chinese have known for their clan based territory and struggle, even in the early year of their migration to the Malay land or Tanah Melayu. This can be traced back to the Pangkor treaty of 1874 which lead the Perak Sultanate to sign a treaty with the British colonizer to end the war between two Chinese clans. The same happened during the struggle of 1969 which basically involve two Chinese political parties: the Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) and the Democratic Action Party (DAP). The MCA was the hardest hit of all, losing half of its twenty seven seats; most of them to the Democratic Action Party, the principal Chinese Opposition, which went from one seat to thirteen (Rashid, 87).

The government response was a little too late, two days after the general election the DAP demonstrated their victory. According to Rashid, the demonstration consisted of Chinese trouble makers. Parading their victory around the Malay areas and shouted Go back up the rivers and plant corn! and Kuala Lumpur belongs to the Chinese! (Rashid, 87). Tension was high before all of this happened and a clash between the Malays and Chinese could not be avoided, the clash occurred in a Malay area known as Kampung Baru. The government response was swift, although the damage cannot be contained but a state of emergency was declared. The parliament was disbanded and the National Operations Council (NOC) led by Tun Abdul Razak took over the governance of Malaysia. The NOC consisted of the Alliance political parties principal leaders, the chief officers of the Armed Forces and Police.

The 1969 race riots demonstrated that a coalition government alone was insufficient to maintain inter community harmony. One major response to these riots was the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1970. The NEP was designed to create national unity by attacking major

sources of inter community tensions. First, the NEP aimed to eradicate poverty regardless of race. Second, the NEP aimed to eliminate the linkages between race and economic function. This second aspect essentially provided the Malays with an affirmative action program that mandated quotas for Malays in education and hiring because they were economically worst off as a group. The overall strategy was to eliminate many of the barriers between ethnic groups thus promoting greater unity (Voll, 205). The first aim of NEP was to eradicate poverty regardless of the race, Rashid in his book stated that the government did change its economic policy the New Economic Policy would seek to attain for the Malays and other indigenous races of Malaysia a 30% share of their nations corporate asset. Non Malays would be entitled to 40% and foreign interests 30% (Rashid, 97). The NEP basically removed the Malays notion before 1969 (acquiring 2% of the nations asset) and making it to 30%. The second aim of the NEP was the elimination of the British Policy to divide and work, since the time of British colonization each races have been divided and sent into a certain places. For example, most of the Malays were sent to the rural areas to work as farmer and fisherman, while the Chinese stayed in the city as entrepreneurs and the Indians were sent to the estate as laborer. The British system of divide and work are still seen even after the independence, and this led to the regretful 1969. In short the NEP second aim was to eradicate identification of race with economic function. In short, to hell with these stereotypes of Malay farmer, Chinese Merchant, and Indian laborer (Rashid, 97).

Although the overall strategy of the NEP to eradicate the barriers between ethnic groups and promoting unity. There are certain part of the NEP that create a gap between the races, because one of the reason for NEP establishment to guarantee the special rights of Malays. There were new rules: forbidden, even in the parliament, was any and all discussion of Malay rights and privileges, the position of the monarchy and all matters thought likely to

incite communal passions (Rashid, 97). In the Malaysia Constitution article 153 stated that the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong (King of Malaysia) responsible for safeguarding the special rights of Malays and the indigenous races of Sabah and Sarawak, the special rights consist of quotas for civil service, public scholarship and public education (Constitution of Malaysia, article 153). The NEP also introduced the term of Bumiputras and non-Bumiputras, Rashid depicted these terms were racial and provide inequality toward the multiracial country. Consider the Sarawakian tribesman who had not been a Malaysian until 1963- he was a Bumiputra now, a Son of Malaysian Soil Then consider the Chinese and Indian whose ancestors had arrived here a century or more ago, or even the Baba, descended from the Chinese settlers who arrived at the time of Melaka Sultanate some five centuries ago- they were now, to be polite, non-Bumiputras (Rashid, 98). The term of Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra discriminate the races of Malaysia into two larger groups, Rashid being the Malaysian experienced the result of the NEP saw this as a racial issue when he further his study abroad. The Malaysian students who went abroad divided themselves into two groups, the Bumiputra and the nonBumiputra. Rashid stated that, the division would probably be the effect of NEP went the encouragement of tertiary education for Bumiputra increased and the number of places for the non-Bumiputra decreased. Rashid also mentioned the socio economic phenomenon as a result of NEP, most of the Bumiputra were on scholarship for studying abroad while most of the non-Bumiputra were self funded (Rashid, 114). To summarize, the 1969 tragedy have a great impact toward the socio political in Malaysia which led to a big gap of racial dispute and socio economic. The result of the event led to the NEP which seem one sided and have benefit the Malays and Bumiputra rather than the whole nation, the increase the Malays nations asset from 2% to 30% and the special right of Bumiputra. This has left out the non-Bumiputra to a state of depression, which they have to accept what have been given to them without any questioning: in a country which practice democracy seems rather like an autocracy.

The NEP working its way out through the racial recession somehow managed to cover the racial dispute between students abroad in the 1980s, although students were not labeling themselves Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra they have changed the dimension of division from racial into political party. Rashid depicted a comparison between the times he was a student in the seventies and the eighties, In the seventies, as I have described, these had been polarized between Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra. Now they had evolved into outright political groups. The Malays had their UMNO club, the Indians their MIC club, the Chinese their MCA Club (Rashid, 222). Rashid questioned that the time where young Malaysian can associate with each other without the easement of political party was yet to come.

The sentiment of 13th May 1969, the emergency and the NEP have widen the gap between the Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra, it seems the NEP aim was one sided and it is toward the Bumiputra. Nonetheless, Malaysian had started to recognize the new National Front (Barisan Nasional [BN] which replaced the failed Alliance) as body of governing to maintain hegemony in a multiracial country. Rashid stated that the National Front won 103 seats out of 114, gaining the 61% of the popular vote and manage to outcast the parliamentary Oppositions (Rashid, 173). Although the National Front won the 1982 general elections, the political struggle continued into a new dimension which includes the internal and external of the governing parties. The internal struggle did not occurred just in UMNO but also mentioned by Rashid in MCA, most of the internal struggle concerned with the presidency of the certain political party but at the same time had affected the society. Rashid depicted the struggle between three individuals figure in the party portrait the struggle of power, Mahathir Mohammad being the current Prime Minister of that time had removed two of his younger minister that can be considered as his successor (Rashid, 202)

The first removal was Tengku Razaleigh, the Minister of Finance. The society would see the removal of Tengku Razaleigh as an act from Mahathir after he lost the seat for Deputy Presidency of UMNO and an extension to the Deputy Prime Minister, Tengku Razaleigh had lost to Musa Hitam. There are other reasons why Mahathir removed Tengku Razaleigh from the seat of the finance ministry and replaced him with Daim Zainuddin. As Rashid stated, Daim Zainuddin was a self made millionaire, owning 40% of the Malayan United Banking Corporation (UMBC) and more importantly he was not a politician (Rashid, 202). It seems Mahathir wanted to remove his political successor for the sake of his Prime Ministership, another factor that support the theory is the removal of his own Deputy Prime Minister. Musa Hitam was not removed by Mahathir but he rather quit because of the tension. After the resignation of Musa Hitam, Mahathir elected Ghafar Baba as his Deputy Prime Minister. Mahathirs choice of his new Deputy only emphasized the elimination of his successor generation. Ghafar Baba was even older than Mahathir, and not in robust health. He was, however, a competent administrator whose political ambitions had long since been fulfilled. So Ghafar was no threat to Mahathir (Rashid, 207). As Rashids statement dictate, Mahathirs removal of his two promising successor would later be an internal conflict between the Mahathir and Tengku Razaleigh which led into dividing the party into two and a bigger effect that demeaned the Judiciary system.

Tengku Razaleighs removal from the ministry seat made him challenged Mahathir for the party leadership in April 1987. Tengku Razaleigh had lost again but this time to Mahathir with just forty three votes, In the weeks running up to the assembly, UMNO had fissured into what pundits were referring to as Team A and Team B. By those forty three votes, Team

A had won (Rashid, 221). Later on these Team A and Team B were known as New UMNO led by Mahathir and Spirit of 46 led by Tengku Razaleigh, Tengku Razaleigh tried to bring the notions of UMNO ideal founding. In 1988, unsatisfied Tengku Razaleigh turned into the Judiciary for irregularities in the party. Rashid stated that the judge Justice Harun Hashim did found irregularities in the partys branches during the 1987 assembly and UMNO had to be deregistered (Rashid, 240). Mahathir criticize the Judiciary for interfering had led the Lord President of the Supreme Court to write to King for a royal intercession against the depredations of the Executive. The intervene of the King had led for the suspension of the Lord President and five other judges for judicial misconduct, the Judiciary that has been supposed to be free from political elements have been demeaned.

The Chinese political struggle scenario in the 1980s was a little bit different from the Malay political situation, the struggle is the same: that is for the presidency of the party. Rashid depicted the Chinese political struggle to be in the early years of Mahathir leadership. Where there is struggle between two different types of individual, Neo Yee Pan and Tan Koon Swan. Rashid stated that Neo was a traditional type of Chinese, the one who risen up through the ranks of politician from the bottom while Tan was a 45 years old millionaire businessman (Rashid, 203). The issue was the same, irregularities in party but the Chinese were associated with money laundering. Before Tan challenged Neo, Neo succeed his predecessor Lee San Choon. Neo criticized the exponent of money politics, but Tan managed to get evidence of Lee corrupting some party official to get elected as the partys president. Tan being the youngest MCA president and being depicted as the new generations of Malaysian Chinese for his battle against dirty deeds, but Tan leadership did not last long when his company in Singapore bankrupted and he was charged with criminal breach of trust

and stock market manipulation. The MCA who had won most of their seats back in the 1982 general elections with getting the trust of the Chinese society was in the brink of disarray.

The causes for political struggle happened in the 1987 were somehow similar with the 1969 racial riot. After almost two decades the NEP had managed to maintain hegemony between races, the same racial issued risen up but during the 1987 the governing government managed to take swift action. Rashid stated there were several causes to invoke the political struggle in 1987, the social reformist criticizing on the Malaysian constitution under the National Fronts parliamentary majority, the interference of Judiciary in the Executive, the erosion of the authority of the Monarchy, the Chinese criticize the decision of Education Minister Anwar Ibrahim in the Chinese education systems, and the whole nation was criticizing on the RM3 billion highway contract to a company related to UMNO (Rashid, 224225). The condition of the state at that time was at shambles, the people had lost faith in the governing system. This led to what is known today as the Operation Lalang.

The vernacular Chinese education controversy concerned about the decision of Education Minister Anwar Ibrahim made to employ some 100 senior assistants and principals to vernacular Chinese school and they were not Mandarin educated. Politicians from the MCA, the DAP, GERAKAN and major Chinese-based parties joined the protests and on October 11, 1987, the Dong Jiao Zong (Chinese educationists) held a 2000 strong gathering at the Hainanese Association Building, beside the Thian Hou Temple in Kuala Lumpur, which evoked racially provocative speeches from the Chinese politicians present. The meeting resolved to call a three-day boycott in Chinese schools if the government did not settle the appointments issue. Rashid depicted the issue on the Chinese vernacular education was absurd

and just a reason to commute racial dispute. Those teachers who had been promoted were all Chinese, all fluent Mandarin speakers, but that wasnt enough: they had not gone to Mandarin school as children. This was seen by Chinese educationists as at best a display of disrespect on the part of the Malay leadership (Rashid, 226). To protest the highway contract, Oppositions politicians rallied protestors from the Chinese suburbs of Kuala Lumpur. The incident happened in the Cheras toll plaza where most of the Chinese youth rallied there picketed the clerk at the ticket booths that were most Malays. Rashid stated that the cause of the Chinese revolt was because of the NEP, the Chinese were always considered as a secondary status under the NEP. Their political representative could not do anything as they were rendered powerless (Rashid, 228). Political parties used the society as a medium for them to get justification or rights for their races. In exchange, UMNO used the Malays to response toward the Chinese revolt. Rashid mentioned the response of the Malays were rash and racial Banners were drawn, lurid with the kris, the wave bladed dagger that was the symbol of UMNO and of the Malay warrior, atop slogans calling for Chinese blood (Rashid, 229). The stage was set for a mirror response from the Malays, led by UMNO Youth. A mass rally of 10,000 was held in Kuala Lumpur and, by then, UMNO politicians had begun to condemn MCA leaders for their collusion with the Dong Jiao Zong and the opposition DAP. Amidst calls from both sides for the resignations of MCA Deputy President and Labour Minister Lee Kim Sai and UMNO Education Minister Anwar Ibrahim.

Mahathir being the Prime Minister and the Minister of Home Affairs, invoke the Internal Security Act (ISA) which once again Malaysian saw one of the biggest arrest since the year 1969. The event was called Operation Lalang which occurred on 27 October 1987 by the Malaysian Police Force to crack down Opposition leaders and social activist, three newspapers were revoked of their publishing license: The Star, Sin Chiew Jit Poh and Watan.

Rashid depicted the banning of the newspapers because of their liberty in giving the news to the society. The leading Malaysian English language daily, The Star, was closed down for a few months. In the weeks prior to Operation Lalang, The Star had continuously provided transparent news coverage about the Opposition's point of view. This constituted treason as far as the government was concerned, and they were shut down under Malaysia's repressive sedition laws. but you see what The Star did?...All the pictures on the front page-all nonMalays. We arrested Malays tooThey made it look racial (Rashid, 235). Rashid argued with the reason of the detainees being non racial, he said that the only detainees are most from the Opposition political party and the leaders of the rally in Kampung Baru was not detained. Once again, political struggle occurred even in the form racial.

To conclude, political is always relate with society. Rehman Rashid depicted his view of the socio political struggle in Malaysia as a Malaysian not Malay. Rashid did mention about the advantage of the ISA where the detainees found a mutual understanding during their detention period. He also stated that the state of Malaysia politic mature identity (Rashid, 257258). Malaysia although have undergone many political struggle, the society always worked out the differences. As the year passes, Malaysia grew bigger in economical, political and social which soon most of the generations have forgotten the political struggle of 1969 and 1987.

REFERENCES

Khoo, Boo Teik. "Beyond Mahathir: Malaysian Politics and Its Discontent." (2003): 27-40. Malaysia Constitution of 1963. Kuala Lumpur, 1990. Oxford Political Dictionary. Rashid, Rehman. A Malaysian Journey. Petaling Jaya, 1993.

AHMAD AZFAR BIN ABDUL HAMID GS30295

MALAYSIAN SOCIO POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN THE A MALAYSIAN JOURNEY BY REHMAN RASHID