Archiatri and the Medical Profession in Antiquity Author(s): Vivian Nutton Source: Papers of the British School at Rome,

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ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IN ANTIQUITY

(PlatesXXXI-XXXII) was everin classicalantiquity publichealthservice, a How farthere and organised and classicalscholars, debatedby bothdoctors forby thestate,has been often paid Greecetheamount evidence of For and results.1 fifth fourth withconflicting century but therecan be no doubt thatin to available is insufficient permit any certainty, in citiesoffered the Hellenistic individual specialprivileges orderto securethe age was Butwhether in whatwayssucha system and of residence a qualified physician.2 and stillmoreinto oftheRoman empire, different overintothevery carried society whichhave neverbeen satisfactorily are thatoflate antiquity, questions answered, De mediis of and the authority the Roman part of Pohl's dissertation graecorum - indeed, has never been seriously its increasing challenged age, publicis, despite its haveonlyhighlighted contrast highlevelofaccuracy, studies somemorerecent by of However,the discovery three and, forits time,comprehensiveness.3 judgement to an affords opportunity re-examine from of new inscriptions archiatri Aphrodisias to in of the institution public doctors the Roman empireand thereby throwlight ever scholars whichhas troubled a professional archiatros/archiater, designation, upon of to settle position itsGreekaccent.4 the sinceHerodianthegrammarian attempted in the By surveying evidenceaccordingto the varied societies whichthe archiatri - the courts,the Easterncities,the West and Rome in late antiquity, practised and Egypt a much clearerpictureof the Constantinople Roman and Byzantine or anachronistic of public doctorscan be obtained withoutintroducing spread to extraneousattitudesand institutions provide a single uniformpattern of development.

de debate can be tracedback at least to R. Mead, Dissertatio nummis irThe Smyrnaeis quibusdam from criticism violent honorem Middleton, inmedicorum Conyers London,1724,whichprovoked percussis,
Romanos De medicorum conditione, Cambridge, 1727. Cambridge, 1726, and Defensio, degentium apudveteres Rev. Arch. n.s. xxxix (1880) 99-110, and A. Vercoutre, 'La mdecine grecque1, publique dans Vantiquit

moved to France,withR. Briau,Uarchitrie the romaine, Paris, 1877, In the last century argument

medias of Berlin,1905 publicis, 231-46, 309-21, 348-62; the Berlindissertation R. Pohl,De graecorum = to thisperiodofcontroversy an end. (hereafter Pohl), brought and and London, 1968, 131-45. ; Cohn-Haft) A. R. Hands, Charities SocialAid in Greece Rome, of medicineRome, in Greek 3T. C. Allbutt, London, 1921,443-74, is a mereparaphrase Pohl; A. G. Hist.J. (1952) 235-53,is an anachronin Greece',Camb. Woodhead,'The statehealthservice ancient
(= 2M. I. Rostovzeff, The Social and Economic of History theHellenisticWorld,Oxford, iy41, lU8-y4 Greece, Northampton, Mass., 1956 ( = of SEHHW); L. Cohn-Haft, The publicphysicians Ancient

und in der istic political tract forthe times; M. E. Pfeffer, Einrichtungen sozialen Sicherung dergriechischen

accuratenorcomprehensive, is 1969(= Pfeffer), neither romischen Antike, Berlin, despiteappearances. 4Herodiangramm.I 229, placingit on the last syllable.

192 I.

VIVIAN NUTTON NEW INSCRIPTIONS FROM APHRODISIAS*

at m. 1. On a marblestatuebase, broken thetop: 0-46-0-43 x 0-83 x 0-32: 0-035m. Plate XXXla. letters Ztoc] [TitosO(3ios tv (3epiccvos 'Aa
KCC KT)TriOV TT)V

'Yyeiccv ovv tois k |3ci>|jiois Tcov tco 6COV vOrjKe 8fmcoKocOcbs Ttos OX(3ios p ZTCc(3epavos XiorrpsTTe cos o TtaTTipaToO
7T6CTX6TO

and the fullformpxicnposttXecos The combination the Flavian nomen of a this between and 250 a.d., possibly, 100 198f suggests datefor inscription ) (below,p. ifletter are between150 and 200 a.d. Otherexamples similar of forms to be trusted, munificence doctorstowardstheirpatrondeitiescome fromRome (a statue by IG BCHX carvedbya famous of sculptor, XIV 967) ; Oenoanda (a shrine Asclepius, shrine and precinct, Robert, L. Etudes Paris 1937, Anatoliennes, (1886) 216); Nysa (a and doctor,erected 256) ; while Heracleitusof Rhodiapolis,poet, philosopher statuesand a templeto Asclepiusand Hygieia at his own expense,and lavished on money splendid gamesin honourofAsclepius(IGR III 732-3). 2. Inv. No. 66.102: on a marble aboveand totheright: 0-39m. x slab,broken 0-16 x 0-105: letters withdeep serifs: tracesof a relief above. Plate 0-015-0-025, XXXI. 'EXmsNeiko[u Ap(r|Acc) OA(a(3a) 'Avr(cova) <p crei Etcckou 5 MpKo[v Ap(f)iov)? *Attoc)vio\; 'Av6p[. . . . y' tou ttttikv tv <i)e[cxuTffs apxtocTpv jiveias ccvSp \ap\v are and the cognomen, Triple nomina rare at Aphrodisias, Italicus,is there recorded of Silius Italicus (MAMA onlyon an inscription the poet and governor, VIII 411): a M. Aur. Apollonios mentioned MAMA VIII 586, but secure is on identification himwiththisdoctoror witha member hisfamily impossible. of of is His equestrian rank(cf.MAMA VIII 468, 516, 518) is noteworthy,6 showsthe and
6I am grateful Professor T. Erim and MissJ. M. Reynoldsforpermission publishthese to K. to and and Dr. T. Sheoard fortheiradvice and criticism. inscriptions, to Dr. D. T. Crawford The use of hippikos indicatethat he was a horsedoctorwould be withoutparallel,forthe to iatros CIG 4716 was eliminated the revision A. Reinach,BSAA xiv (1912) 140. of of hippikos by

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

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in have: cf.nos. 48 and 82, wealthwhichcivicphysicians the Easterncitiesmight in nos. of of and forexamples civicdoctors socialstanding their community, 23, 25, 47 and 59.7 It wouldbe unwiseto speculateon thesubjectofthe grave 28, 32, 34, is and of but indication the wealthof thisarchiatros his relief, itspresence a further is the forms inscription to be this the To judge from namesand from letter family. half dated to thefirst ofthethird century. incised tabellaansataon a withina roughly 3. Inv. No. 65.418: inscribed Plate to 0*015-025. marbleblock,broken theright:0-27m. x 0-41 x 0-15: letters XXXIItf. Xpua[a? <pou [p Xiorrpo[0 the of If therestoration lines2 and 3 is correct, space availableforsupplement of on at the most, in line 1 is oftwoletters and, depending the extent the curveof be of onlyone. Thus, unless the letter(s)restored, the sigmaand the size of may followed based on a nominative are by supplements peculiarspellings admitted, mustbe rejectedon groundsof such as the attractive 'An^iou, Xpualjn >Att]9ou it fits Of excessive length. possiblenames,Xpucr[a]<piou best,although is not otherin is if morethan one letter to be restored wise foundat Aphrodisias.8 However, can be extendedalmostat will: but the line 2, the line lengthand supplements not that on this late epitaph brevity, suggests roughcarvingof the inscription eloquence,was required.9

AS II. ARCHIATROS A ROYAL DOCTOR

to is attested The earliest meaningof archiatrosthatof a personalphysician a the has discussion concentrated and modern identifying courtwhere upon ruler,10 used, Pohl, following the titlewas first Reinach, argued that it was among the a thisstillremains possiblehypobut than in Egypt,11 although Seleucids,rather is theevidencein itsfavour farlesscogentthanit seemedto Pohl. Crateros, thesis, whomhe had assumedto be doctorto Antiochus thearchiatros, III, was shownto and of havelivedin thereign Antiochus eighty later;12 onlytherestoration IX, years

XIII 605). 486-7 (L. Robert,Hellenica, 119f;XIII 170f); MAMA VIII 605 (Hellenica IV, on or of a a 10For misreading whichinvented civicarchiatros thefourth thirdcentury Calymnos, see no. 96 ofAppendix3. col. Dictionnaire s.v. medicus, 1690: Pohl, 25-8. 11S.Reinach,in Daremberg-Saglio, 3, FGH II B 260, fr.32, 20. at date was established IDelos 1547; cf.Porphyry, 12No.73: thecorrect

chrtiennes d'Asie Mineure,Brussels, 1922, 272; MAMA VIII H. Grgoire, Receuildes inscriptions grecques

in enumerated Appendix3. 'Numbersrefer the inscriptions to 8L. Zgusta,Kleinasiatische Personennamen, Prague, 1964,533, n.1648. are: CIG 2846 (MAMA VIII 552); CIG 2847; of from 9Otherinscriptions doctors Aphrodisias

194

VIVIAN NUTTON

in of the ofa battered III, inscription honourofApollophanes, doctor Antiochus to read .... .... Cnrep px]iocTpou[toO](3aaiecos'Attoao9Cxvou | | [toO at b.c.13 revealsthetitlein the Seleucidkingdom theend ofthethird century to was based first the absenceofthe Pohl's objection an Egyptian origin upon of word fromall but Byzantine papyriand secondly upon the existence possible iatros for basilikos and epi toniatron. Tatas, But titles a royalphysician, alternative was as had seen long before, a local nomeofficial, the like basilikos iatros, Letronne was and Pohlhimself doubtedwhether ton iatron basilikos Chrysermus epi grammateus,1* for seemedto be restricted functions at of to a personal doctor thePtolemies, histitles of Ptolemaic Gortemann's doctors shows Alexandria.15 Nevertheless, analysis royal in the not century,16 although factthat onlyiatroi, archiatroi,theearlyand mid-third of and reducestheweight this muchofthe evidenceis unofficial non-documentary In was published whichindicated from silence.17 1912a papyrus beyond argument in in An resident doubt an archiatros PtolemaicEgypt.18 archiatros, Athenagoras, the in ordered mummy-dressers priests the and of Alexandria thefirst b.c., century mummiwhichhe wishedto save from Fayum to releasethe body of an assistant of the Whateverthe precisedutiesof Athenagoras,19 strength Pohl's first faction. and it became possibleto consider the was weakenedalmostto nothing, objection a title of wr chief current wordas a Greek version theEgyptian sinw, doctor, through

13No.54, either 197-6 b.c.; Apollophanes' is 216-3 or, lesslikely, politicalinfluence knownalso from Arch. is conPolyb. V 56.1; 58, 3, and, possibly, Anzeig.1905, 11. The restoration considered the there are vincing J. and L. Robert,Bull. Ep. (1971) n.600: tojudge from editor's by description, no decorations worddividers(e.g. at the end ofline 4), and, althoughno information givenon or is the exactletter in Connoisseurs spacing,a wide-spaced Crrrp iorrpoO line 2 wouldseemunlikely. [toO] ofcontinuity a tabletrecording 'physician chief, H. Sigerist, in maycare to speculateon an Assyrian 14P. Torin. 2.25; UPZ 162; J. Letronne, 1828. Denied by S. Reinach,BCH vii (1883) 361; I JS but see SEHHW 1093: P. M. Fraser.Ptolemaic Alexandria. Oxford1972. TI 549. 15Pohl : T. Homolle,BCH iii (1879) 470,datingChrysermus thethird 28 to b.c. century ; theright date,c. 150-125,was arguedat Melos 1525.See also SEHHW 1091,Fraser,I 373, who leavesit open he whether was an archiatros, chargeof all the medical services Egypt,or responsible the in of for doctorsat Alexandria,in the Museum or in the Palace, or performed of any combination these possibleduties. 16C. Gortemann, 'Mdecins de cour dans l'Egyptedu III e siecle avantJ.C, Chron. xxxii Eg. (1957) 332, n.2. 17 literary If evidencealone was to be considered, first the occurrence archiatros of would be in in Erotian,c. 60 a.d. The readingpxirjTps the Mss of Aristeas182,accepted by Reinach,BCH vii in in (1883) 361 and Thackeray, H. B. Swete,Old TestamentGreek, Cambridge1900,550, was rightly on rejected, theparallelevidenceofJosephus, 12.94,by Letronne, 1828,105,and othereditors AJ JS of Aristeas, of including Thackerayin his 1902 edition,in favour pYeSorrpos. 18No.2: cf.C. C. Edgar, 'The stolistae the Labyrinth', of Arch.f. Pap. xiii (1938) 76-7. ProsopoPtolemaica no. 16571,dates him to 68-7 or 39-8 b.c. graphia VI, 19Note Pharaonictitleof'chief thedoctors theplace oftruth'(thenecropolis) the of of underthe New Empire,F. Jonckheere, mdecins VEgypte Les de Brussels 1958,98. pharaonique,
A history medicine, Oxford 1951, I, 433. of

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

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outthePharaonic the could Alternatively, wordarchiatros have beencoined period.20 in the secondcentury without reference any previous, to (or borrowed) Egyptian, and for for institution, in thatcase Pohl'spreference a Syrianorigin thewordwould still valid.Butitshouldalso be remembered we haveno non-literary be that evidence and the forthe medical organisation the Macedonian and Attalid courts,21 of Seleucidtheory, remains although possible, unproven. to That the titlewas not confined Syria and Egyptis clear froma Delian and of archiatros, secretary friend inscription 102/1in honourof Papias of Amisus, to the personal but when it was first of Mithridates applied Eupator (no. 74), Neither Artorius is of Asclepiades22 physician theRomanemperor hardtodetermine. and is called archiatros, Ti. Claudius norAntonius who attended Musa,23 Augustus, It Germanici'.24is of courselikelythat mostof the Melitois styled simply'medicus as med. doctors recorded Aug.or its Greekequivalentattendedthe epigraphically but to ratherthan the emperor,25 it is difficult believe that Ti. familia imperial of from of the ClaudiusMenecrates,26 founder a medicalsect,therecipient honours the had of notablecitiesand iatros theemperors, notat somepointtreated emperor of Anotherinscription the Julio-Claudian period, which describesTi. himself. as a ClaudiusAug. lib. Tyrannus,27 nativeofMagnesiaad Maeandrum, 'approved for the divinejudgementof the emperors his skillin medicineand his moral by themthat excellence' by suggests thiscircumlocation he had servedthe emperors to had selvesand thatthesimplewordarchiatros not thenreturned fashion. in on It reappears two ofa seriesof Coan inscriptions honourof C. Stertinius its whether adoptionis owed to Xenophon, and his family,28 although Xenophon tastes29 or evento theextravabothhad antiquarian to theemperor Claudius for
20Jonckheere, cit., 96-7; wr sinwoccurs alone or in such phrasesas 'chiefof the palace op. of doctors'(98) and 'chiefofthe doctors Upper and Lower Egypt' (98, c. 590 b.c. and earlier). V one 21SincePolybius, 56.1, calls Apollophanes, Seleucid archiatros, the merelyiatros, cannot XXX 2 thattheAttaliddoctorStratius(cf.Livyxlv, 19) was notofficially concludefrom designated H. IG II2 4116, Webs 1589,CIG 3285 (IGR IV 1444), whichPohl, 34, following Diitschke, Bildwerke Leipzig 1880,238, thought forgery. a Antike IV, 23P.Hermann,Ath.Mitt,lxxv (1960) 141; cf.ILS 8594, and F. Della Corte,Pompeiana, Naples 1950,91, but veryspeculative. Rome 1962,382; lxvii(1939) 24-5; A. Degrassi, Scritti di Antichit, Vari 24G. Jacopi,Boll.Comm. he may be the authormentioned Galen in xiii,843. by 25E.g.CIL VI 8897-8904; IG XIV 1330. of withMenecrates Sosandra, XIV 1759; paceCagnat,IGR IV 1359,he cannotbe identified 26/G see 7Pxxii (1976) 93-96. 27O. Kern, Inschriften Magnesia, von Berlin1900, 113. A similarcareer may be positedforTi. = ClaudiusEpagathusofSidyma,IGR III 578-9 (from cckktictctos Benndorf) TAM II. 1.178-9, iorrpos of Claudius. 28R. Herzog, 'Nikias und Xenophon von Kos', HZ cxxv (1922) 230, claimed that twenty have been were known,but of the Claudian series,begun c. 53, only the following inscriptions und ICos 84-91, R. Herzog, Koische Leipzig 1899, 21-3, A. Maiuri, Forschungen Funde, published: at and library theAsclepieion, of 29Itwas Xenophonwho paid forthereconstruction theshrine Herzog,HZ cxxv (1922) 242; he rebuiltpartof the walls of Naples, Pliny,NH xxix,7, and he has solid evidence,as the movingspiritof the antiquarianrevivalat Velia, without been conjectured, PP G. PuglieseCarratelli, 1965,27.
Nuova Silloge Epieraphicadi Rodi e Cos, Florence 1925, 476-8.

archiatros.

196

VIVIAN NUTTON

cannot be decided for certain.30 one On of gant hero-worship the Coan demos is inscribed thewordcpiovpcovoc overan erased<piOKocu8iov, inscription 68A) (no. whichmightsuggest that Xenophonwas first called archiatros duringthe reignof on was working the stonewhennewsof Claudius5 and thatthe cutter Claudius,31 death (and of Xenophon'spart in it) reached him. But since thereis no other of damnatio memoriae Claudius or of an updating exampleon Cos of the deliberate is it of Xenophon'stitle,and since the otherinscription later,32 is possiblethat until was was not called archiatros the reignof Nero and thatthe cutter Xenophon with form theepithets to him.In of led intoerror familiarity theearlier applied by his medicus Rome,ofcourse,Xenophonwas styled Augusti'** new titleis foundonly and on Greekinscriptions, was notimmediately and adoptedby hiscontemporaries for and doctorof successors imperialdoctors, Ser. SulpiciusHecataeus,friend as on from iatros an inscription Cnidos.34 thenovelty But Galba, is termed caughton, use it and forby the end ofthesecondcentury was in common on inscriptions35 in circumlocutions as Hatroi such medicaltextsto denotea royalphysician, although authors.36 first Its ofthepalace' are foundin morestylish appearancein a medical which dedicated Andromachus archiatros is to is the text in Erotian's medicalglossary, the of also employed word of Nero.37 writer the Neronianage, Aretaeus, Another in a discussion intestinal he declared that it was wrongforan on when, pains, it to muchrelief might Since archiatrosinducedeath,however to bring thesufferer.38 itis aboveall royaldoctors whosecharges must be assisted die,thecombination to not of a Neroniandate, a royal physicianand an acute stomachor intestinal pain that Aretaeusis here scoringa hit offXenophon,the promptsthe hypothesis archiatros accomplicein the murder Claudius.39 and of Aretaeusand Erotian are Greek technicalwriters: is not until the third it an thatarchiatros becomes acceptedpartofthenon-medical writer's vocabucentury

in medicine Rome, London 1921,457, ascribedit to the 'more 32; T. C. Allbutt,Greek 30Pohl, EasternCoans'. 31No.68A; Pohl, p. 32, dated it to the reignof Nero; an earlierinscription fromCalymnos, BCH v (1881) 472 = SIG* 806, calls him simply KAou8ou Icrrps TiBepou Kccaapos. 32No.68B; cf.Herzog,HZ cxxv (1922) 236, n.l and 240f. VI 33C7L 8905 (ILS 1841). 34C.T. Newton, AGIBM, Oxford1892,799; cf.CIL VI 8895 (Domitianimedicus).The damaged fromBlaundus of the Neronian doctor,ServiliusDamocrates,C. Cichorius,Ramisene inscription as Studien, or Leipzig 1922,432-3 (AE 1923,32; SEG 2, 667), can be restored eitheriatros archiatros. 35Nos.20, 27, 40, 41. Galen xiv, 2, cf.233; Magnus,Galen xiv.261 Demetrius, Galen xiv, 4, 261f: 36Andromachus, ; forothervariants,cf. xiv.625; althoughGalen treatedemperors fromM. Aureliusto Septimius but Severus,he nevercalls himself archiatros, is so designatedin mediaeval Mss., e.g. Ms. Merton 219, 36v.; Wellcome284, Wellcome801A, 3r. for 37Erotian, 29 Klein; paceKlein, p. XII, arguing theson,the Galenic evidenceis strongly p. in favourof the father, K. Strecker, see 'Zu Erotian',Hermes xxvi (1891) 262-307; A. A. Niketas,
**Ve morb.ac. 11 b,l = CMG 11 133, 11; for the date, see F. Kudlien, 'Untersuchungen zu Aretaios', AAWM 1963, 11, 1151-85. 9lacitus, Ann. 12.67; most commentators on Aretaeus, e.g. Petit, Wiggon, have assumed that the word means 'civic doctor'- but as will be shown, this is an unlikely meaning for c. 60 a.d.
'EpEVvoci 6TTtcov -rniycovtoO Ae^KOv toO 'EpcoTiccvou, Athens 1971, 2-6.

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until286, Its is archiater,not foundexcepton inscriptions lary.40 Latin equivalent, that he was to be Aureliusarchiater when Diocletian and Maximian informed restored the property to seized fromhim in his unavoidable absence with the and the archiatri whomthe law freed from comitatus.*1 Aureiius Both the emperor's members the on of common dutiesofcounts and senators thatwereimposed retired but it is not always clear that such administration42 imperialphysicians, were or to as archiatri appear in the codes are alwaysdoctors the emperor to the cityof and a Rome. In particular law addressedbyJulianin 362 to archiatri confirming to to themhas been interpreted refer civicphysicians, traditionally given privileges in whencethelaw was issued,43 withgreater either Constantinople, or, plausibility, all from on the empire, the evidenceof a letter Julianfreeing doctors throughout knewthat thisletterhad been put into Libanius certainly from civic liturgies.44 of on Philo,to serveas a decurin for, effect, commenting thecompulsion a doctor, at Rhosus,he writes, 723, 'If the Rhosiansdo notknowthatPhilo is a doctor, Ep. : him theyare to cease molesting now thattheyhave been informediftheyalready is Philo himself weak,thelaw is strong.' knew, though and Gothofredus' is connected obvious, are That thelaw and theletter closely and the in translation substance some that observation thelaw reproduced faithfully to But the law is directed cannotbe denied.45 of features the letter ofthe stylistic theletter all to shouldbe imperial as Belowrightly doctors; noted,46 who, archiatri, who arguedthatthe was proposed Ensslin, to One solution thisdilemma doctors. by was the of civic physicians, archiatri, whichhad applied to a restricted law, group can But to in popular estimation coverall doctors.47 Julian'sletter now extended have as itsopeningsentences as dismissed a misunderstanding, be especially hardly to a general and, ifit is necessary believein twoseparateenactments, applicability, to it is easierto assumethatonlytheone relating imperial formedici archiatri,** and of thecompilers theTheodosianCode. But twoconsiderawas includedby doctors is value. The first that historical thatthelaw as it standsis ofdoubtful tions suggest to been extended Constantine all had from muera sinceimmunity by publica already
40Herodian Christ. gramm.I 229, and especially Origen,PG 12.1021,1369; 13.472,1831; Griech. No. 4. 12.1.92,are relatively Schriftst. earlyexamples:cf.also the liturgical papyrus, reliance can be placed on a fourth to scholium Juvenal 7.35.2; little 41CJ century theearliest) (at For x, 221 callingthe first doctor,Themisonof Laodicea, archiater. an unwiseattemptto century the invent wordin Lucretius, CR, n.s. xxvi (1976) 180. see in i2CT 13.3.2.The date is givenin theMss. as 326, but Mommsen a noteon CT 2.9.1 (followed it for of set at PLRE I s.v. Rufinus) out theevidence assigning c. 354: bothrankand remuneration the fit archiatri the 350s morethan the 320s. in was on 43C7~13.3.4. This interpretation put forward J. Gothofredus his commentary the by TheodosianCode, ed. Lyon 1665,V, p. 30- but the place ofissueofa law indicates onlywherethe was at any one time,not the area wherethe law was to apply,see also below p. 211. emperor the it the 75b. Although headingcalls it a nomos, is easierto distinguish two as 'law' and 44/>. 'letter'. 46K. H. Below,Der Arztimrmischen Munich 1953,45. Recht, Klio xviii (1922) und 47W. Ensslin,'Kaiser Julians Gesetzgebungswerk Reichsverwaltung', 104-99 (148). 48 in CT 13.3.8 and 10 (in a peculiarsituation, below,p. 208f). see As
= V 45Gothofredus, 30 : e.g. kata tontou dikaioulogismon ratioaequitatis.

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for medici^it was a minorprivilege the courtarchiatri comparedwiththe special immunities themby CT 13.3.2 and 14-16; the secondis thatin the bodyof given the law thereis no mention theidentity the 'vos' to whomthe law is to refer. of of Giventhecloseness phrasing of letter between and law, it is bestto assumethatthe oftheTheodosiancode curtailed opening the of rhetoric theletter, which compilers the 'vos' as doctorsin general,and themselves identified added the head 'ad whichthereby reflects fifth a archiatros', usage of the word,not a fourth, century of and whichleavesopen thequestion thearchiatri whomtheprivileges to apply. in the law codes archiater denotesan imperialor a Roman physician, Usually whilecivicdoctors addressed medici. a law of427 about thefreedom are as But from doctors minornatureofthe privilege.50 the last But generally, giventhe relatively of sentence thatlaw, whichconfirms intactall thebenefits to archiatri given serving litterarum liber and of in thepalace as counts thefirst secondgradeand to magistri alium the to its appearsto restrict application a smallgroup.Although scope ofthe preat the end are onlyfora few,and the amble is wide, the specific given provisions this of Code, CJ 12.40.8,certainly interpreted law to refer compilers theJustinianic
nostri Romae,the two groups alone termedarchiatri palatii necnonurbis only to archiatri of and magistri litterarum billeting {molestia may apply to all civic hospitalis) archiatri

in forcertain thelaw codes. denoted are archiatri increasingly the the Butfrom mid-fourth century, imperial of of titles in the codes by long and resounding - a reflection theproliferation nonin of the two groups and also of the growing archiatri possibly divergence imperial
aulaefiorente archiatri sacri status and legal privileges.Archiatri intra regalis penetralia qui

for doctors.51 cannotbe mistaken merecity militantes intra and archiatri palatium palatii) and glorious of 'the wisest archiatrosthedivinepalace', was offargreater Stephanus, and wealthand statusthan Aur. Gaius archi[eiatros] his wife, Augustearcheiatrina, from remote a village.52 Phrygian III. ARCHIATROS AS A CIVIC PHYSICIAN IN THE GREEK EAST

cannotbe disputed, a of indicates civicphysician somesort That archiatros frequently that in such instancesit standsfor the longerform and it is generally agreed and wereinstituted whattheir of 'archiatrosthecity'.But whensuchcivicphysicians to were has been farmoredifficult determine. the dutiesand privileges Although to evidenceso farknownshowsthatthe use of archiatros describea civicphysician is unlikely pre-date a.d., possibly to 50 even 140 a.d., thiscannotofitself disprove
i9CT 13.3.3 (333); cf. 13.3.1. Gothofredus' thatGonstantius had reducedtheseimsuggestion munities mistakes to earlierprivileges deliberate for imperialfailure confirm curtailment. &0CT13.3.18,interpreted Below,Der Arzt,46, to refer by onlyto royaldoctors;by Pfeffer, 87, to n.32, to refer all civic doctors. 51CT 13.3.12 (379); 3.14 (387) and 19 (428); 3.16 (414), cf. Sozomen2.3B; in literary circles iatros was alwaysacceptablefora courtdoctor,e.g. Himerius,Or. 33 (34) on Arcadius,countand
de Paris 1964, 177. Firatli, Les stles funraires Byzance Grco-Romaine,

iatros.

52Rev. n.s. 1909, 104, on a neon at Biblique, ergon Hebron; MAMA VII 566, cf. L. Robert,N.

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thehypothesis Pohl and Woodheadthatthearchiatroi merely Hellenistic were the of assaulton this name.53 vehement doctors' underanother Since Cohn-Haft's 'public the it to viewwas neverfully worked in print, was left Belowto provide neatest out in favourof a change in both institution and title in the reign of argument whichcall Antoninus Yet thereare in bothinterpretations Pius.54 manyproblems a evidencebefore choice of and epigraphic forconsideration all the legal, literary can be made between twotheories. the from a of The demosioi iatroi the Hellenistic are knownalmostexclusively age b.c. to the second at that seriesof inscriptions runsfrom least the fourth century over the purposeof such a.d., and, althoughdebate has raged vigorously century A be is thesystem clear.55 publicdoctormight an institution, generaloutlineof the thecouncil,or inreturn in a city, hiredor sentforby someagency elected, usually he forsome serviceto the community mightbe voted a gold crown,a statue,an such as proxenia, and other privileges his decree proclaiming merits, honorary from receive He might to and ateleia theright ownland. payment promanteia, proedria, thismight has plausibly as thecityand a publicsalary, argued, although Cohn-Haft fee. without The doctor to withit therequirement treatall citizens notbring gained wheremuch dependedupon of public recognition his abilities and, in a society more patients56and the city a residentphysicianof presumed reputation, competence. to continued be givenwellintotheRoman periodwithout That suchprivileges that: states changeis beyonddispute.Lucan57 apparent kcc koc ai koc Tiuskcc Tois torrpols Srujocra irAeis Trpoe6pias rreXeas TrpovotAas SiSaai,' wheredoctors thatin his day manytownsprovided whileGalen remarks surgeries ofa curator on and the attend sick;58 Ulpian in histreatise theduties reipublicae might allows salariesgiven by decree of the town council if theyhave been given ob can A . artem . . velob medicname similarcontinuity also be positedon liberalem ends in the second epigraphicevidence,for Cohn-Haft'slist of public doctors of begin to appear. Yet century, at the timewhen inscriptions civic archiatroi just

42, 53Pohl, 45; Woodhead,CHJ x (1952) 241-2. 69-72; Below,Der Arzt,34-8. 54Cohn-Haft, and the methodof 55Seethe listgivenby Cohn-Haft, 76-91, whose account of the privileges list I appointment follow;additionsto Cohn-Haft's are: Bull. Ep. (1955) 123; (1958) 263 and 336; and della Atene Archeolog. n.s.xxxi-ii(1969-70) 375,n.3. Corrections ampli(1971) 479; Annuario Scuola to fications thelistare: to no. 10,Bull.Ep. (1958) 263 and (1973) 320; to no. 24, Bull.Ep. (1960) 187; to no. 50, Bull.Ep. (1956) 189 and (1958) 336 withICos 37, n.54; to no. 58, BCH xciv (1970) 680-2. Baltimore 56L. Edelstein, Ancient Medicine. 1967,75-85. 180. "Lucian, Abdicatus that a surgery was attacksthe supposition 58GalenxviiiB,678; Cohn-Haft, n.18, rightly 48, to always provided(and Galen refers 'many'), but Pliny,NH xxix 6, showsthat the practice goes b.c. back at least to the thirdcentury 59 and was by expenditure a Dig. 50.4.9.2. The curator expectedto curtailfrivolous unnecessary council: cf.ib. 13.1.

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60 are not only four honorary decrees for archiatroi known, all for fellow-citizens, and in only two are the medical qualities of the honorand pre-eminent. foreigners, was Aur. Lucianus, a member of a familyof archiatroi, honoured forhis morals and his skill by the council and people of Philadelphia (No. 53), and the council and people of Cibyra Minor praised Aurelius Varianus Pantauchus, the most distinguished Asclepiadean doctor (No. 19). The brevity of both these inscriptions contrasts with the fulsomenessof Hellenistic decrees, and only on Lesbos can a although the great list of magissimilarlylengthydecree be found foran archiatros, tracies and priesthoodswhich this man held suggeststhat the emphasis fallsless on his medicine than on his public services (No. 59). A similar argumentcan explain the honours given by the gerousia Lampsacus to Cyrus,son of Apollonius,archiatros of and citizen (No. 60), who had, among many other benefits, provided oil at his own and given a thousand Attic drachmas. This change from the transient expense of public doctors of the Hellenistic age to the citizen archiatroi the Roman period reflects the increasing stabilityof many medical familiesin the East.61 In a small town, once a doctor had taken up residence and handed his art down to his descendants, there was littleincentive,or clientele,fora competitor,and the familyitself would participate in the duties expected of any wealthymember of the community. to fromthe positive attractionsoffered civic physiAt the same time there is a shift cians- proxeny, citizenship,proedriaetc.- to the negative one of immunityfrom local taxation and liturgies.62 is this that Below stressedin his carefulstudyof the It status of the doctor in the Roman empire, linkingthe growthof archiatroi to legal the development of the legal privileges given to physicians by the emperors.63 In a.d. 75 Vespasian granted them exemption from taxation and from billeting, as well as the rightto formcollegia,6* an edict of Hadrian confirmed and theirexisting honours and immunities:65 evai yw^jtvaaiapxicov rreXeis ypyccs 91A0CJ90US prjTopasypaunorriKos iorrpos kcc |t)T6Kpveivpir|T6 Tnora|jiicov amovas Aaicovas yopavouicov lepcoovvcov \xryve ocutos ockovtccs eisaXXrjv \it\ts TrpeafJeeiv sis orporreav KccTccAyEcrdai Trripecriav 6vikt)v Tiva &XKr\v f| vayKccec70cci. of Probably also by this edict doctors were freedfromthe muera personalia curaand tutela.66 These privilegesofimmunity were available to all doctorsof moral standing,
60OnCohn-Haft's criteria statuesand otherpublicacknowledgments shouldincludealso of one

61 well as Lucianusand his As from notealso families archiatroi Ephesus o at family Philadelphia, (No. 47), Heraclea (No. 43), Thyatira(No. 57). fromtaxes as one of the reasonswhy some 62Galen,v, 751, includeslegallygivenimmunity becomedoctors. Der thatthespreadofarchiatroi 63Below, Arzt,22-40; Pohl, 22, had alreadyacknowledged was influenced the edictof Pius. by 64R.Herzog,SDAW 1935,967-1019; FIRA I 73; cf.C. A. Forbes,'The educationand training ofslaves', TAPA lxxxvi(1955) 348-9. "Dig. 27.1.6.8; cf.50.4.18.30. Dig. 27.1.6.1; InsL 1.25.15; Frag. Vat. 149.

Alexander, a fourthcentnrv for evpn lateralHnrtnr from F.nhecns 7(1 AT viiw HQ^Q\ 3^9

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

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it to although was stillpresumably to the towncouncilor the governor declare up who was a doctorand, if necessary, to advertise greaterprivileges attracta yet suitablephysician. of The letter Antoninus the councilof Asia marksa distinct to changein the towardsmedicineand attitudeof the centralgovernment generous previously rhetors and grammarians educationby restricting numberof doctors, the eligible to three forimmunity.67 Small townscould grantexemption up to fivedoctors, to seven,fourand conventus and threegrammarians; largerones, capitals, sophists to the four;and thelargest, metropoleis, ten,fiveand fiverespectively. Beyondthis of number even the greatest citiescould go. As Below saw, the purposeof this not is not letter financial, philanthropic:68 in darfihr Zweck darin erblickt Keinesfalls werden,dass der Herrscher der fr von Medizinern eine Mindestzahl Sorge um das Wohl der Bevlkerung Hilfe rztliche damitTag und Nacht den Einwohnern jede Stadtvorschreibt, steht. zur Verfiigung was immunities clearly of The lavishgenerosity Hadrian in granting havinga on citizens whomtheburden and Asiancities on those of on bad effect thefinances the ofliturgies fell, agreeswellwithPius' knownpolicy increasingly and thisrestriction was Whenthisdecision ofthecities.69 to attention theeconomic ofcareful problems a date in theearly140sis attractive,70 for made cannotbe known certain, although and thosewithimmunity those now on thereare two classesof doctors, but from without. the includedwithin numerus with the Can we thenidentify archiatroi thedoctors the the titlefollow establishment ? ofcivically approvedphysicians And, ifso, does the or as ofthe numerus system, Brunnthought,71 was it alreadyin use before time secondand third from Pius ofAntoninus ? Despitetheabsenceoftheword century therecan be no doubt that it can denotesuch a legal textsabout civic doctors, for for doctor, thereis no otheradequate explanation the markedincreasein the fromthe late second centuryonwards,and also because numberof archiatroi their mention from archiatroi Lesbosand Sidyma(Nos. 59, 20) specifically immunity. who is honNot thatarchiatros Calestrius, everywhere: immediately replacediatros is oured by the counciland people of Choma and adjudged to have immunity, who ofRhodiapolis, and iatros,12 theparagonofthe medicalart,Heracleitus styled

hence no need to assume,with and grammarians, hekateran hoipaideuontes (i.e. both sophists paideian
cf. Mommsen, ad loc, a lacuna) ; iatroi,rhetores, grammatikoi, G. W. Bowersock, GreekSophistsin the

67 hoi grammatikoi; therapeuontes, Dig. 27.1.6.2-4: observe the stylisticvariation of iatroi,sophistai,

Oxford1969, 12-3, 33-4. Roman empire, Der 68Below, Arzt,35. xvi embassies Historia (19b7) 47-OJ. Pius and provincial 69W.Williams,'Antoninus , and SocialAid, London 1968, 140, that it dates from161 is very 70Hands'suggestion, Charity unlikely. Berlin1928, 111. der 71W.v. Brunn, KurzeGeschichte Chirureie* "JRSW (1967) 41.

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freeof charge and also was exemptfromliturgies, merely providedhis services as referred himself iatros.13 to of But evenifthearchiatroi thelate secondcentury to be identified the are with this within numerus, doesnotexcludethepossibility before the that Pius' edict doctors who were in receiptof salariesand the the wordindicatedthosecivic physicians noted by Lucian and Galen. A securely dated inscription an of otherprivileges of or wouldresolve controversy for the archiatros thefirst earlysecondcentury once suchinscription datesfrom (No. 75), recourse 192 mustbe all, but sincetheearliest as I shall show,it is probablethatin some had to morefallible criteria. Although, in firm on are evidence areas,especially Cos, civicarchiatroi found thefirst century, thatfollows intendedto is forsuch an earlydatingis lacking,and the discussion of so and difficulties thevarioushypotheses farpropounded. indicatethelimits in The question was apparently on settled Boeckh hiscommentary CIG 2987, by of because of the mention an archiatros' whichhe assignedto the earlyprincipate it of administration an oca 'Avtcovicvt. as Le Bas argued,74 is notcertain that But, to thetriumvir rather thanto one oftheotherAntonii who thisproperty belonged to is to made benefactions Ephesus,and, even ifit did, its administration unlikely to and theJulio-Claudians. the have been confined the age ofAugustus However, of laterdiscovery anotherinscription bearingthe same date, m pxicJKirrrroxou to and A. ol (DocOotov 'EpiiTTTTOv referring a decisionof oi vecttoioi Trepi Octiviov rules out Boeckh'stheory,75 for kccIM. Ap. 'AX^ocvSpov definitely qnoapoccrrov 176 to nomen praenomen Faustusis known have beenactivein 160/ and Alexander's and in are veryrare beforethe 160s. Thus the inscription honourof AttalusPriscus, at untilthe 160sand Sia yvousmay not have been erected the earliest dcpXiorrps be someyearslater,and although words8t yvous the may implythathisfather, was also an archiatros, attest continuity theinstitution the of without Asclepiades, they thatofthetitle.77 confirming Of thefourcriteria thatcan be used to date theinscriptions archiatroi, of letter and historical archaeologicalcontext,the first or is forms, nomenclature, style the mosthazardous.Of the inscriptions have seen,onlythe bilingual I notoriously from Puteoli (No. 84 + Plate XXXII6), withits deeplycut serifs and inscription finelettering, looksearly,but even if the styleof its verseepigramis takeninto a account,it would be rashto attempt moreprecisedatingthan 75-200 a.d. Nomenclature also help to identify and from may earlyarchiatroi, two doctors Cos can forthat reason be assignedan early date. Cos[seini]usor Cos[souti]us
IGRRIII 733 {JAM II.2.910), III 732; J. H. Oliver,'The EmpressPlotinaand the sacred xxiv (1975) 127, assignshim to the Trajanic period,but his arguments Thymelicsynod',Historia are unconvincing, cannot exclude a date anywhere the first and in halfof the second century, cf. also Bull. Ep. (1969) 551. 74P.Le Bas, Voyage III, archologique Paris 1870, 161. inEphesos ... 75Forschungen IV.3, Vienna 1951,282, n.27: is oi Trepi an elegantway of referring to Faustusand Alexander?cf. L-S-T s.v. ireoC 2. but are understandable the context stable medical in of "They are only here used of doctors, families.A similarcaveat against anachronism can be enteredwhen treating such familiesof of archiatroi the Statuii (nos. 41, 42) and Charmidai(no. 44). as
SIG* 867.

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to Bassus,who died aged twenty-one (No. 69), is unlikely have been an imperial or or the head of a medicalcollegium school,and mustthushave been a physician or hintsat a date in the first early howeverrestored, civic physician:his nomen, C. Another Coan archiatros, IuliusProtoctetus 70), couldhave secondcentury.78 (No. for from Caesar or Augustus practising been a doctorwho had received citizenship of in Rome,butit is moreprobablethathe was a descendant a man who had been or A case other reasons.79 stronger againsta first earlysecond it granted by themfor at archiatros Bostra(No. 15), date can be made forClaudiusAndromachus, century the in forthatcitywas notincorporated the empirebefore timeofTrajan and did on The combination untiltheend ofthesecondcentury. notenjoygreatprosperity and of a Flavian nomen of the from a new inscription (above, p. 192) Aphrodisias that after a.d., suggests Ti. FlaviusStaberianus never found 250 form thetitle, of fuller to itwouldbe unwise datehimmuchbefore couldalso be an early archiatros, although before Pius' edict,withthe threearchiatroi 150 a.d. Names,then,suggest possibly and thanthatfrom Cos from distinctly evidence Aphrodisias, it maybe that stronger about the use had brought Stertinius theexampleofthe returned there Xenophon of ofthattitlefortheleadingdoctors theisland. can for morehelpful, although are earlyelements Stylistic judgement scarcely - the and of of in inscriptions civicarchiatroi longform thetitle, be isolated verbosity than pre-250a.d. Howof mention immunity none can be dated moreprecisely manner(althoughthismay be deliberate decreein the Hellenistic ever,a fulsome thathe is Bresusof Lesbos,suggests an immune in archiatros, archaising) honourof he whosepriest was and ifthe OeiTcrros archiatroi*0 ocuTOKpnrcop amongtheearliest has arguedthat terminus quern. have a secure we couldbe identified, would Rouge post an and that,apartfrom isolatedinstance is used 661TCCTOS onlyofa living emperor could But Hadrian.81 hissecondcontention before it underAugustus, doesnotoccur weakenedby Pius' is whilehis first somewhat be the resultof epigraphic chance, nou. Tronrip Thus reference, 27.1.6.8.,to thedeceased Hadrian as deiTcrros Dig. to it is tempting place his and date remainuncertain, Bresus'emperor although no of in activity the reigns Hadrian and Pius, and certainly laterthan c. 180 a.d. and defined datable in was discovered a clearly whoseinscription One archiatros from Ostia (No. 91), but controis context C. MarciusDem[ ] archaeological for He has versy ragedoverbothhis date and his medicalposition. was responsible Sacra to Iulia Pr[ocla],T. Munatius on an erecting inscription a tombon theIsola the Pr[oclus]and Munatia E[lpis], and within tombwas founda femalestatueof Trajanic or Hadrianic origin.For thisreason Meiggs and Degrassi undoubtedly was arguedthatthe inscription cut at the same time,probablyto the orderof the

is are bothnomina foundon Cos, but Cosseinius it 194, 78Pfeffer, assigns to the secondcentury: The spacingsgivenby ICos are not accurate enoughto permita decisionbetween morefrequent. seem morelikely. Cos[sini]us,Cos[souti]usand Cos[suti]us,althoughthe longerforms Cos[seini]us, list. from Pfeffer's Note also ICos 409 {IGRR IV 1108) + GVI 1566,which shows a 79Omitted on civiciatros Cos c. 50 a.d. forms datingis vague and confusing. for 80No.59; Pa ton'sappeal to letter RPh. xliii (1969) 83-92. Ayovcrros', Roug, ' OeiTOTOs 81J.

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On archiatros husbandofMunatia.82 theother hand,H. Hommelin a very complicahim the ted seriesof hypotheses83 to identify withDemetrius, doctorof preferred who died in theearly170s,84 to date inscription tombto and MarcusAurelius, and Marcius as the 160s,consequent the greatplague. He explainedthe nomen upon of that it was formedfromthe praenomen the emperor,and further suggested Marcia Demetrias, who was the mistress Commodus.But of Demetrius' daughter, is the of none of thesecontentions in any way certain although identification C. and withMarcia's father attracMarciusDem [ withGalen's Demetrius is ] that drawnfrom nomen, verydoubtful the are tive and some of them,especially and, takenas a whole,Hommelfailsto explainsatisfactorily a statue indeed, why ofthe 120sshouldbe placed in a tombofthe 160s. a before edict the The archaeological evidencethusfavours date forDemetrius of Pius,but can we be surethathe was a civicrather thanan imperial ? physician civic doctorsare knownin the West (below, IV), it would be a little Although if of to examples, not theearliest, a civicarchiatros surprising findone oftheearliest that closeto Rome and notin Greeceor Asia Minor.Bloch'ssuggestion Demetrius of instance archiatros ofa was a civicdoctorbecausethereis no otherWestern used for of courtdoctorand because 'it would be againstall etiquette a physician the not to mentionhis position,especiallyonce he discloseshis profession' emperor whenit is notedthatthisis a Greekinscription becomeslessconvincing and, as we have seen,the wordhad been used foran imperialdoctorforseventy yearsor so, in and thatif in the 120sthe word signified the Westonlyan imperial physician, it simultaneously and indicatedhis profession his employer.85 Meiggs'assumption for thatDemetrius was a courtdoctoris moreplausible,86 the linksbetween Rome and Ostia were strong doctorsat Ostia brought : unusualcases of dislocations for in to Galen to inspect Rome,87 and thereis no objection believing thatan imperial in intoan Ostian family. could indeed He or physician Rome came from married be Galen'sDemetrius he livedto hislateseventies beyond, this if or but identification is by no meansassuredor evennecessary Meiggs'hypothesis.88 for The evidencefordatingcivic archiatroi supports thus Below's contention that the greatmajority comefrom Pius' edict,and thatthe titledenotesa doctor after includedwithin numerus thoseexempted the of from It liturgies. is possiblethatthe wordoccursbefore 140sin a fewareas,principally Cos, whenit wouldindithe on cate a doctorwho received and certainprivileges, even a salary,from city.The a factthatthereare generations archiatroi of recorded secondcentury on inscriptions from used Ephesusand Heracleas (Nos. 47, 42) showsthatevenifthetitlewas first
82R.Meiggs,Roman Ostia,ed. 2, Oxford1973,233-4, 562-4; A. Degrassi.'Epigraphica1\ MAL xxxvii(1965) 202. 1963, 139-65; H. Bloch,Gnomon 83H. Hommel, 'Euripidesin Ostia', Epigraphica (1957) 109-64; 'Das Datum der Munatier xix in Grabsttte PortusTraiani und die Hederae distinguentes', ZPE v (1970) 293-303. 84Galenxiv, 4. 85H. Bloch,Gnomon xxxvii(1965) 202: contrast Galen xiv. 261. 8 "Roman Ostia,ed. 2, 563-4. 87Galen xviiiA,348. 88Demetrius have been archiater but may of portus (Ostiensis), the evidenceforthe existence such a postis tenuousin the extreme, below,p. 2 17f. see

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in the 160s fordoctors there withtax-immunity, was assumedto be somedegreeof and before thatofarchiatroi after the of between institution publicdoctors continuity Pius' edict. of o intotheworkings thesystem archiatroi. givea partialinsight Legal sources the was the The choiceof doctorwithin numerus made by the towncouncilwithin from governor's influence the and limits laid downby theemperors, was to be free from would-be this and interference,89 seeking applicants although wouldnotprevent wereeligibleforinclusion and hisassistance. suchas ear-doctors dentists Specialists howevermuch help and exorcisms, of but not practitioners incantations, prayers was of But to an invalid.90 membership the numerus not for have given theymight and deprivehim of it if he reviewa doctor'simmunity life; a citycould always seemedto despisehis task.91 in enabled a doctorto gain immunity thefirst But whatqualifications place? contests fromEphesus recording JosefKeil believedthat a seriesof inscriptions which a in between doctors fourspecialities represented sortof finalexamination, ifthefiscal had to be retaken t on theevidence Rufinus of regularly pxiorrps 6' of But wereto be retained.92 the law codes knownothing this,and Paul privileges in not to referred victories thecontests, out Wolters rightly pointed thatthenumeral and in suchmeetings, certainly civicappointments.93 participation torepeated True, of demanded a civic one wouldbe a guidetoperitia artis, oftherequirements victory, of end membership the but failurewould not automatically doctorby Ulpian,94 attendance a at or friend patient, from A numerus.recommendation a distinguished cure or tradition a successful famousmedicalcentresuch as Alexandria,95 family a and a wouldall helptoestablish doctor's and, competence,96 conversely,spectacular a and to poverty from figure could reducea doctorfrom failure plenty unexpected to ofauthority one offun.97 had is Nowhere there dutyto any evidencethatcivicarchiatroi as partoftheir demandforthemto have the without although attendand treatpoor citizens fee, Valentinto attention theneedsofthepoor.98 free wellinvolve morum might probitas to remember serve of to ian's instruction the new archiatri Rome thattheyshould muchearlierin the that a thehumblemaymakeexplicit sentiment alreadyexisted to but even here thereis no reference any compulsory mindsof civic electors, and to his conscience That could be leftto the doctor'sown of remission fees.99
of the *9Dig.50.9.1; 27.1.6.4, emphasising necessity a decreeof the council. n Dig. 50.13.1.3; cf. G. Baader, 'Spezialrzte in der Sptantike',Med. Hist.Journal (1957) 231-8. 91Dig.27.1.6.4 and 6; 50.4.11.3; Below,Der Arzt,42-4: thereis no need to posit an annual of reviewofthe competence a civic doctor. aus 2'rzteinschriften Ephesos',JOAI viii (1905) 125-38. t 6", 93<>ApxtocTPs JOAI ix (1908) 295. 50.9.1. *Dit>. vii and 4Ammianus Alexandria',Clio med. (1972) 165-76. 96V.Nutton, CJ 10.53.1; cf.CIL XI 3007 (ILS 2542). 97JiWlxi(1971)54-5. *Dig.50.9.1.
"Infra, p. 209.

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that the towncouncilwho appointedhim would requirean adequate awareness if himwitha salaryand other from him,especially theyhad provided performance to Galen, 5.751, practised medicine from love a Some doctors, benefits. according thatcould be made,from desire honour a for for but ofhumanity, others themoney thatcould be obtained,and it is clear from and forthe immunity this and glory, who Not thatitwas notonlythephilanthropic weremadearchiatroi. all hiscolleagues and aboutfeesand suitable cities sharedGalen's scruples treatments,100 in thelarger In where could flourish.101 a smallprovincial and charlatans town, everyone quacks an to kneweveryone else,publicopinionwould be at leastas effective incentive a as of doctor'smoralprobity any law fromRome, and the unwritten assumptions to inducement treatthe poorercitizens for councilsmay have been a greater city thanany legal obligation.102 nothing betweenthe Hellenistic and publicdoctors and How fartherewas continuity can is to for theRoman archiatroidifficult say. Bothinstitutions be seenas providing a of : bothoffered sort financial incentive and of theresidence a competent physician without to and a moralimperative treatall citizens, layingdown a leveloffees;103 and The the mannerof appointment the reasonsforit would be broadlysimilar. and statusto tax-immunity, of the from privileges citizenship changein emphasis of activities archiatroi within to the reference thenon-medical and themorefrequent and legal sources, it also but be explainedby the bias of the epigraphic polismay of the growingstability the medical profession mirrors duringthe principate. whoserootswent but also medicalfamilies Wander thereundoubtedly arzte were,104 a facile Cohn-Haft's and totalidentification backseveral against generations. polemic : was outlines similar, are ofthe two institutions timely, exaggeratedtheir although reveal not so much changesin the attitudes comof and theirdifferences may in general.The archiatroi within doctorsas developments towards munities society of but to inventthe titlesof are in many ways the successors the demosioi iatroi, and to explaintheworkings a Hellenistic demosios archiater and of archiatros popularis,100 of threeor evensix centuries institution thedecisions a Roman emperor lateris by in detailthantheevidence to assumea fargreater warrants. continuity

100The fiction that moneypaid fora cure was a gift, not a fee,may have enabled even the to was cf. unscrupulous claim that his treatment free, Below,Der Arzt,57-98; D. Daube, JRS xlv Iura x (1959) 24-66; J. A. Crook,Law and (1955) 179-80; K. Visky,'La qualificadella medicina5, London 1967,205. lifeofRome, 622-5. 101xiv, 102A. Hands, Charities, R. 136-41. 103The doctors themselves seemto have regulated leveloffeesat Ephesus,ifthe restorations the ofJOAIxxx (1937) B 200, are accepted. Ed. Eusebius,H. E. V.1.49; Galen xiv, 171; Augustine, 159.3; GVI 766. 104E.g. 31 RE the evidenceI can findforthe 105Pfeffer,; paceWellmann, 2, 465, s.v. archiatros, earliest termarchiatri is discussion CT 13.3.8,Lyon 1665,V p. 30, and of populares as a titleforGothofredus' has no warrant from was any ancienttext.It is of coursepossiblethatarchiater popularis the titleof civic physicians RenaissanceItaly, and that Gothofredus in adopted it as an intelligible heading, but thereis no evidenceforits use in antiquity.

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IV. THE WEST

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in of The search an equivalent for institution theWestto thepublicdoctors theEast is made verydifficult the lack of evidence,and by the absence of the word by save forChristian Africa of archiater theinscriptions ail the Western from provinces in are but the factthatarchiatri recorded at least six Italian townsbefore (No. 1), not thatthe difference the fourth may be one of terminology, of century suggests other of The substance.106 hiring publicdoctors Marseilles Provencal by (and possibly but M. Ulpius Sporus(?), who towns)107 may be ascribed to Greek influence, there must after a Ferentum received salaryfrom service,108 have practised military obtainedin the also implythatthenumerus texts as a publicphysician. system Legal is to at medicorumBeneventum morelikely have been a the West,although collegium Civic to thosewithinthe numerus.109 social club of all doctorsthan confined only in bothcases doctors have also been positedforCorduba and Nemausus, although abbreviation.110 of theevidence dependson theexpansion an epigraphic V. ROME

but the be system dated exactly, Only at Rome can the adoptionof the numerus hazardousto use evidence theremakesit extremely of anomalousposition doctors that forcivic doctorselsewhere. fromRome to amplify Accordingto Suetonius, to Roman citizenship all foreign it was JuliusCaesar who first granted Jul. 42, to in thatAugustus, gratitude Antonius and in doctors resident Rome,111 Dio records then himofa dreaddisease,gave to all hisfellow Musa for practitioners and curing was of What the effect theseinducements is taxes.112 from forever freedom public to can few : toquestion very doctors be shown havegainedcitizenship coming by open in themselves order has to Rome,113 by and, as Momigliano suggested,114 registering to themselves some degree weresubmitting doctors to obtaincitizenship, peregrine wouldhave to be made. of for ofofficial control, someassertion medicalcompetence the extended thatAugustus' likelihood is little there throughout generosity Certainly even of doubtedthe truth Dio's information as and strongly empire,115 Gummerus mosttaxation, werefreefrom the As applied to Rome.116 Roman citizens doctors

106Nos. 80-82, 84, 92-3. 107Strabo 4.1.5, 181C. service. XI 108C7L 3007 (ILS 2542) ; No. 79 (Edessa) may also have seen earliermilitary IX 109C/L 1618 (ILS 6507), possibly Trajanic; cf. also CIL V 6970 and XIII 5079 (ILS 7786). the could signify doctor'stownoforigin. ll0CIL II 2348, XII 3342: the abbreviation had hired NH fashion, 111Pliny, xxix,6, showsthatin 219 b.c. the Romans,in trueHellenistic the doctorfrom Peloponnese. a distinguished 112Dio53.30, cf.Suetonius, Aug.59. IG candidateis C. IuliusEpianactisf.Mnesicleides, XII 5. 199 (ci. XII . 11Ib) most 113The likely Paros. from
^Secondo Contributo studiclassici,Rome 1960, 396. agli

22-30. Der 115Below, Arzt, 7. im Der 116H.Gummerus, rztestand rmischen Helsinki,1932 (= Gummerus), Reiche,

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werethoseofan empireand in no way compulsory and Rome's publicmagistracies in is mustrelate If anything Dio's statement to be saved,theimmunity liturgies.117 or to the demandsof privatelaw, to curaand tutela,11* to thoseof an immigrant's the homecity;but it may be thatDio is anachronistically of transferring situation and Caracalla confirmed Severus hisownday backto theearlyprincipate. Certainly in and of both all sophists teachers Romein theenjoyment their exemptions in Rome was probably to thedoctors and in their hometowns, and a similar given privilege in The withwhomtheyare so often associated thelegal texts.119 factthatimmunity is within Rome itself alwaysassumedto be generally availableto all doctors suggests was thereunnecessary, of that a numerus clausus immunecivic physicians strongly elsewhere restricted a select to since all doctorsalready enjoyedthereprivileges of few.120 Confirmation thismay be foundin the late appearanceof civicarchiatri and generally the fifth of on Roman inscriptions, of themChristian all century.121 law There is thusno reasonto doubtthatit was notuntilValentinian's of368 neither was the thatthe system elsewhere enactedat Rome,122 although prevailing contained therein reasonsthatlay behinditsadoptionnorthe detailedinstructions of need be equally universal, giventhe anomalousposition Rome and its citizens. and the of In additionto thealreadyexisting archiatri the Guild ofAthletes private of one Vestal Virgins, therewerecreatedarchiatri, foreach of the regions the city, who formed collegium certain a with beyondthoseofthemedici. privileges are archiatri unusual. of and thedutiesoftheregional Boththemanner election were selectedis not specified, How the first members the collegium of although of the but to it probably was left the discretion Rufinus, cityprefect, the choiceof a successor a deceasedarchiaterprescribed theemperor's is to It by regulation.123 is to be made, not through influence the overmighty thefavour a judge, or of of the but by thefaithful circumspect of of and decision all themembers thecollegium, and thename ofthesuccessful for candidateis to be submitted theemperor's approval. for whether all gave rise to anotherimperialdecisionof 370,124 it was uncertain had to votein favour a candidateor merely members in theelection, of participate and whether victorwas to be promoted the place in the orderof seniority the to The archiater. emperor decidedthatno candidatecould be occupiedby theprevious electedunlesshe had the votesof seven archiatri majority) votingin orderof (a the doctorwas not to take a place immediately seniority: successful among the seniors wouldattainit by thegradualworkings promotion. theory, but of In therethe once was fore, archiatri, the collegium set up, werenot to be subjecteven to the Roman senate,but onlyto the overriding of and thisconauthority the emperor;
117J/Wlxi (1971) 61-3. 27.1.8.9; 27.9.5.12; Inst.1.25.15. 116Dig. 27.1.6.11; cf.also Inst.1.25.15. 119Dig. if all now 120Also, CT 13.3.1 (321/4)is right, doctors and everywhere received immunity salaries. 121Nos. of 85-90; Pohl, 42, believedin the existence medici liei at Rome in the earlythird pub evidence. a.d., but without century specific 122CT13.3.8. For the textualproblems, Appendix2. see 123CT13.3.8. 124CT13.3.9; Gothofredus, 37-8: misunderstood Pfeffer, n.73. V 92. by

It may have been the ambiguity of 'horum omnium delectu' which fidelicircumspectoque

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the whichleft choiceofcivicarchiatri trasts withthestandard elsewhere, procedure in thehandsofcitycouncillors.125 was This independence theRoman archiatri notas greatas theory of suggested. Rei. In 384 Symmachus, cityprefect, wroteto theemperor, 27, about an ambithe on tious whohad claimedthesecondplace inthecollege thegrounds doctor, Johnv.p., to and thatithad beenspecifically thathe had beenan imperial doctor promised him of its evenbefore deathofEpictetus, holder.At a meeting thecollegeconvened the not to influential before the doctors, daring reacha definite judgeSymmachus, most he which wouldhave had thathe couldbe giventheplace in theorder ment, thought but ifhispalace service had beentakenintoaccount, manyothers arguedthatthere who had passed from had been severalexamplesof doctors palace to civic service was The theorderofseniority. situation further without by complicated disturbing could be adof to by any document whichhis length service John'srefusal submit for determined, he claimedthathispapershad all beenstolen judgedand hisposition and to in a burglary hishouse.It is interesting see Symmachus thedoctors at hedge to all alikeunwilling compromise and shuffle aroundthisapparently decision, simple action that mightsnub an emperor's theirstatusand privileges precipitate by Two or threeyears his father's for or favourite showtoo littlerespect regulations. and ruleswereconfirmed theorder : latertheemperor gave hisdecision theoriginal reasserted.126 ofseniority from annonaria of The members Valentinian's collegewere to receivecommoda serviceto the poor before an honourable the cityand in return theywereto put sani somepayment, to 6quae squalidservitude therich.They wereallowedto receive for as a reward their or retainer127 as either a regular completed pro offeruntobsequiis\ future ill vastsumsoffered the dangerously fortheir by cures,but not the possibly not was If recovery. payment tobe made,itwas to be on thebasisofresults, promises, on and it was in no way bindingon a patient.There is no formal compulsion an Valentinian's free to archiater givehisservices to thepoor,butthestrong languageof thatthiswas expectedof him. What had been leftunsaid in earlier law suggests at exercised leastin theory and thesupervision was made moreexplicit, decrees by But constraints. it wouldbe unand imposeeffective prefect collegemight emperor, in select was wiseto supposethatpubliccharity theprimeintention creating groups of a for of civic doctors, as well as the silenceof pre-fourth sources, letter century of encouraged century, Julianimpliesthatthiswas a development the mid-fourth that thanphilanthropy.128 of for reasons staterather Juliannotedwithsomeacerbity to actsoftheJewsand theimpiousGalilaeansextended all members thecharitable lacked assistance of society, pagans included,whilethe poorerpagans apparently to The owncommunity. law ofValentinian their evenfrom relating Rome mayhave
125Above 200f. p. wereunderthepresidency Var.VI 19,thedoctors l26CT 13.3.13.UnderTheoderic, Cassiodorus, artis if and be thearbiter egregiae; the to who ofa comes archiatrorum, was authorised settlethedisputes of an the still may have had the right appointment. collegium existed, comes, imperialphysician, Enarr.in Psalmos Patr.gr. 51, 5b; Augustine, RR 127Varro, 1.16.4; Dig. 19.5.26.1; Chrysostom, 50.6. Ep. 22, 430D.

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the still in ideal of charity the very soughtto institutionalise further Christian of paganism.A closerinspection the law revealsanotherpossible of stronghold Patrocinium and reasonforitsintroduction. are words,129 praepotentium gratia emotive in a struggle powerand office for thearistocracy Rome. The of among appropriate first when consolidation,130 the reignwerea timeforcareful yearsofValentinian's and his dynasty notyetachievedand whentheurban was ofthe emperor security their traditional Far patrons. from plebshad to be weanedaway from beingan unthe law was part ofValentinian's act selfish of Christian for benevolence, struggle withtheirclients providing altertheirancestral an control relationship against by nativesourceof medicalaid, and emphasising again the greater benefits be to yet to thanto a consul. from adherence an emperor gained who failedto secureentry thecollegewereobviously to The Roman doctors in The archiatri aim forthe titleof oflosingtheirtraditional privileges. might danger moreprestigious,131 thehumblemedicus but orderor something countofthefirst set his not his status.In 370 or 371 these his sights on what concerned pocket, lower, in of wereconfirmed theirenjoyment theirimmunities,132 lesserdoctors it making of clear thatin Rome membership thecollegeadded to thestandard ofa privileges for The medici could of course doctorand was not a prerequisite theirenjoyment. for their and stillobtainannonae teaching art,a benefit granted Constantine conby even of firmed a succession emperors,133 as lateas 552,after Justinian's by reconquest What thebarbarianTheoderichad allowed,therestorer theRoman ofRome.134 of sincefor'iuvenes liberalibus studiis eruditi' flourish to once refuse, empirecould hardly the community and enhance the prestige the benevolent more would benefit of emperor. VI. CONSTANTINOPLE

an That Constantinople of to possessed identicalsystem medicalorganisation that ofRome has often been asserted,135 the evidenceforthisbelief farfrom is conyet is clusive.This uncertainty in part due to the factthatthe law codes,as we have are withRome thanwithConstantinople, to them, moreconcerned partly thescanty materialsurviving from Easterncapital,and partlyto the absence the epigraphic from East of sourcessuch as Symmachus the and Cassiodorus concerned withthe
129C.Moussy,Gratia sa famille, et Paris, 1966. F. aristocracies imperial and a.d. 130J. Matthews,Western court, 364-425, Oxford,1975,35-41. 131CT13.3.19 (428). 132CT13.310. 133CT13.4.2 (337) : both St. Thallulaeus and St. Pantalaonwereapprenticed archiatroi, to Acta Sanct. May, 27 July. 20 Nov. 134Justinian, App.7.22. 135R.Brau,apud Daremberg-Saglio, Dictionnaire 1877,373; M. Wellmann, ii (1896) 465; RE I, d'unecapitale: etses Pohl, 25; G. Dagron, Naissance de 330 451, Paris, 1974, Constantinople institutions adds verylittle:p. 144, n.5, appears to identify civic archiatri imperialas evidencefora trend with He une des de whereby palais annexe partie affaires la ville'; and, p. 281, he acceptsthe validityof CT 13.3.4 as applyingto Constantinople alone.

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

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Lives of saints,episcopalsermons and elegantepidetailsof civic administration. of for are no substitute theletters a Roman cityprefect. grams in who It was Gothofredus first arguedfora similar collegiate system the two on He but his evidencevanishes inspection.136 acceptedthatCT 13.3.8,9 capitals, at to and 13 and theirreformulation CJ 10.53,9 and 10 weredirected specifically in but assumedthat theymerelyrepeatedforRome regulations Rome, already of on at existence Constantinople theevidence CT 13.3.4.But,as I havearguedabove, if and of this application itstitle, indeed p. 197f, law and letter Julianwas ofuniversal not to relates all civicdoctors, just thoseofthecapital.The it is nota lateraddition, where from factthatthelaw emanates Julianthenwas, cannotbe Constantinople, If of there. thecivicphysicians Constantinople used to provethatit tookeffect only it thatala position thoseof Rome,137 is strange as werein as unusually privileged in the codes,138 as are the Roman archiatri mentioned a distinct group though is nothing said ofthoseofConstantinople.139 from of of the To reconstruct medicalservices Constantinople fragments laws claimsof modern and the confident ofthe saintsis extremely and lives hazardous, FromPius' edictit is clear thatas a withsuspicion. shouldall be regarded scholars and it would have ten immune,and possibly salaried,doctors,140 verylarge city if to and annonae all doctors theywere engagedin Constantine immunity granted of of the art.141 their Caesarius, brother Gregory Nazianzus,on hisreturn teaching receivedpublic honours(as a doctor?) and became an imperial Alexandria from of freeof chargeto members the administration his providing services physician, d>v in the next century while James Psychrestus, apxnyrpos rf\s (tois evTsi),142 in hishonour thesenatein thebathsofZeuxippus.143 had by TTAecos a statuesetup whenJustinian fell thatthe practiceof medicine into disrepute records Procopius but and teachers,144 his charge salariesfordoctors of abolishedthe provision civic of the involvemerely restriction a universal appliesto the wholeempireand may None or financial of few to reorganisation. grant a select or somesort administrative of civic physicians Constantinople about of thisevidenceprovesanything beyond or numbers organisation. of and and existence remuneration, saysnothing their their The but are Later sources a littlemoreinformative equallyhard to interpret. as mTTiSeiTepos icrrpcov tcov a and iorrpcov LifeofSS. Cosmas Daminmentions Kc^ns he and in thecity,145 itis possible that,as in theRome ofTheoderic, was responsible
V 136CT13.3.4; 8; 9 and 13; Gothofredus, 30-1. 137 Above,p. 208f. in CJ 138Especially the reconstituted 12.40.8. has 139This not prevented and, 92, Pfeffer, fromrelatingCT 13.3.8 and y to Constantinople archiatroi. a Briau,positing collegeofseven following ttoitktus, Athens,1955, 17, thinks VI, pos 1MDig.27.1.6.2; Ph. Koukoules,Buccvtivcov koc was ended byJustinian. thissystem 141CT13.3.1; 13.4.2. Naz., Or. 7.8-10. 142Greg. 144 Anecdota abolished,thiswould conflict 143, 11; if the salariesforteachingwere completely Rome. with Justinian's policytowards und 145L.Deubner,Cosmas Damin,Leipzig 1907, 160.
143Malalas, Chron.360b; Chron.Pasch., Pair. gr. 92, 824A.

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of all That and supervising the doctors Constantinople.146 therewas forapproving is clear from Book the a medicalguildin the timeof Constantine Porphyrogenitus whether thiswas confined the palace148 to but it is uncertain or ofCeremonies,1*7 is of That thelatter morelikely suggested is includedall the doctors the city.149 by as a letter St. Theodoreof Studionwhichranksdoctors TTpcbTccpxoi, of pxiorrpo, But some sort of organisation.150 beyondthis the kccTeeuTccioi, licjoi implying to evidencefails,except for isolated references named imperialdoctorsand to and the archiatroi are veryprobably emperor's (who physicians),151 it wouldbe rash an thatcovers fivecenturies moreon such or to construct all-embracing hypothesis doubtful fragments. VII. EGYPT

and institutions, of In medicine, in so manyaspects itssociety as Egyptstands apart oftheempire, and cannoteasilybe made to conform the to from other the provinces evidencethatderivessolelyfrom generalpattern. Conversely, Egyptis applied to institutions at the riskof historical confusion error. similar and only non-Egyptian is withthe physicians Roman Egypt, they The temptation particularly of for great are perhapsknownin greater detailthan thoseof any otherprovince. The papyri of from revealtheir sources wealth, bothfeesand farming,152 theextent their and of and medicallearning,153 suchmedicalactivities are mentioned but as conliteracy firm the impression that theirorganisation and legal statusdiffered considerably in from thatofphysicians elsewhere theempire. the to does Although medicaltax, iatrikon, by Ptolemaiccleruchs doctors paid notseemto have lastedfarintotheRoman period,154 stillretained other they many A from and privileges. listofexemptions liturgies certain publictaxesat Philadelphia as includesphysicians well as registered invalidsand those over age, priests of oil producers, and craftsmen.155 immunity Such shrines, fullers, approved carpenters
Var. 146Cassiodorus, VI 19. 147Ed.A. Vogt, Paris 1935, I, 10; the emperoris greetedby to ionpeiov toTs eTneuxonevov

148As Les de V Paris 1949,49, argue,the iatreion Vogt and L. Brhier, institutions empire byzantin, is separatefromthe guilds,aucrrrmonra ttAccos, who greetthe emperorelsewhere 9), and ttjs (I, associatedwitho tt\s whomVoert believesattendedthe emoerorDersonallv. iraXaiaTpas, 149H. Magoulias, 'The livesof saintsas sourcesforthe history Byzantine J. of medicinein the sixthand seventh BZ centuries', lvii (1964) 128,oddlv citineBrhier his authoritv as 150Ep.II 162,Patr.gr. 99, 1907-9. lead Byzantine seals,Basle 1972,nn. 1575,2809. 162For II farming, PRylands 206a, PStrassb. 119, PAmherst PLond. 131.8; fees,PTebt. 112, 128, V. 3PLugd.Bat. XI. 1.11.24, PAlex. 34; on prescriptions, Gazza, 'Prescrizionimediche', xxxv (1955) 86-110; xxxvi(1956) 73-114. Aegyptus the of xxiv 154Despite arguments O. Nanetti,'To icnrpiKv', Aegyptus (1944) 119-25, the only evidenceforits survivalinto the Roman period,PAlex.Inv.263, 36, is verydubious,and no other the papyrusofRoman date records tax.
165PPhiL I 30. 151Vita Cyrietjohannis,Patr. gr. 87.3, 3453; VitaSampsonis, 115, 285; G. SS. ib. Zacos, A. Veglery,

SeOTTTOClS.

PStrassb. 73, PRoss. Georg.V 4, PLond. 982. PRoss. Georg.V 60 (a. retainincr W^

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of seemsto have been available to all doctors.In a courtcase beforethe Prefect had been in 142-3, a native doctor,Psasnis,complainedthat a liturgy Egypt illegallyimposed on him by men whom he had treated; Valerius Eudaemon have caused themto revise treatment thathis inefficient remarked might cuttingly the that and told him to declarebefore strategos their view of his medicalabilities, There is no doctorand he would recoverhis immunity.156 he was a practising to reference theneedforPsasnisto belongto a particular groupamongthedoctors, Arsinoe listof the from On forhimto be in practice. a laterland tax register only land to doctors does not includeany of the surplusmarginal belonging properties of is whosecultivation imposedon the inhabitants Arsinoein general,and this mayhave been commonto all physicians.157 privilege and privilege of as there weregradations status in Egypt, elsewhere, But among and others medicine who thosewhopractised between and a distinction thedoctors, is impliedin the complaint in someway,dedokimasmenoi, werespecifically approved such of Prefect Egypt137-42.158 to ofM. ValeriusGemellus Heliodorus, Although Gemellushas been forcedforfouryearsto be are by impositions forbidden law, nome: he in for property two villagesin the Arsinoite responsible the confiscated shouldbe and asksthatall who practisemedicine thisduty from seeksexemption thosewho,likehim,werededokimasmenos. freed from liturgies, especially completely What thisword meanshas been muchdisputed.Zalateo believedthatit signified him whichentitled to practise,159 examination had passeda qualifying thata doctor are so qualified, but Gemellusclearlyimpliesthatnot all doctors and, as the case was was a practitioner considered thathe a ofPsasnis shows, man'sowndeclaration or good enoughfora governor strategos. denotes that It was N. Lewiswhorightly suggested 'dedokimasmenos' membership and withcertain ofa particular specialprivileges,160 it is tempting groupofdoctors on papyrifrom173 a.d. who appear to associatesuch menwiththe 'public iatroi\ about them comes largelyfromthe medical reports onwards.Our information a death or injury, procedure submitted public doctorscertifying which,in its by asksthe man or a relative In is formality,peculiarto Egypt.161 sucha case, thesick witha dossier on is provided who of to or governor strategos senda member hisstaff, to maketheexaminaof the and thepatient with services a publicdoctor(ordoctors)

of II, iwpOxy.40, with the readings D. L. Page apudH. C. Youtie, Scriptiunculae Amsterdam 1973,878-88. l57PCornell withthediscussion, 110; cf.also BGU 1897a,PMich.II 123,r IV 8-9; PMich. 20, p. II 223-5. ibid,xhv (1964) 52-7, 159G. xxxvii, 1957,32-40; he also assumed, Zalateo, 'Dokimasia',Aegyptus thatthe 'questionand answer'medicalpayriwerelearntas set booksforthisexamination. BASP ii (1965) 87-9 = Atti from of 160N. XICongr. pap., liturgy'; Lewis,'Exemption physicians Milan 1966,513-8. 161 am notconvinced Bowersock's Oxford1969, in Roman Greek 1 empire, sophists the argument, by 92, thatthe doctorwho appeared in courtto give evidenceat an Athenianmurdertrial,Philostr., VS 588, was an Athenianpublic physician.
15BPFay.106.

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There are rare exceptions this to certificate.162 tion and providethe appropriate in BGU 647, from Fayumin 130,C. MeniciusValerianus, the who has procedure: on a surgery Karanis,bothsigns report testifies oathto itsaccuracy, the and at while and off thesubscription theoaththattwoembalmers 476 breaks before POxy reaching in who examinedthe body are likelyto have made.163 Boswinkel, his studyof that theygained theirtitleas a resultof suggested Egyptianpublic physicians, of Pius5edict and thattheirdutiesincludedthe inspection all cases of death and But seriousinjury.164 it would appear that the change of titleoccurredat Oxyinfluence from late forany direct between170 and 173 a.d., rather Pius' rhynchus knownmedical The system may have existedmuch earlier:the first edict.165 too are found 96 POslo95, datesfrom a.d., and, as we have seen,dedokimasmenoi report, before then.BoswinkePs is c. 140 a.d., and are assumedto have existed hypothesis in the verylimitedsensethat Pius' edict may have formalised in acceptableonly such as appearslater of withspecial privileges, Egypta numerus approveddoctors are Demosioi iatroi recorded but certain. until at Hermopolis,166 eventhisis farfrom coexists withthat at of butfrom least338 thetitle thebeginning thefifth century,167 intodisuse, it ofarchiatros by theend ofthefifth and ;16S century seemsto have fallen archiatroi.169 liketherestoftheempire, called itspublicdoctors Egypt, to be A niceschemacan therefore constructed linkEgyptian and publicdoctors a in denotes court archiatroi: first, Ptolemaic at thewordarchiatros times, physician;170 a receives specialtitle 170a.d. whichis gradually from thepublicdoctor c. replaced, does not But thefourth thatofarchiatros. one piece ofevidence onwards, century by to easilyconform this pattern:POslo 53, a privateletterof the second century, him the to written Ammonius archiatros instructing to bringwithhim some and of and itsprovenance loavesand a box withfigs and rolls.171 context theletter The
itzpOslo95-6, with Eitrem'scommentary; Nanetti,'Ricerchesui medicie sulla medicina O. in nei papiri',Aegyptus 1941,301-14; H. Kupiszewski, xxi, 'Surveyorship thelaw ofGraeco-Roman certificate, JJP 1952,257-68; 1957-8,163.The mostrecently Egypt', published POxy.3195,is signed at in of by fourpublic doctors(the totalmembership thenumerus Oxyrhynchus 331 a.d.?). l63Ifthe readingis correct, assume that the scribeof Antinoe,Wessely, I Stud.Pal. I 8, who certifies that he saw a woman confined bed and unable to walk through to illnessor injuryand himself was actingon behalfof the doctorwithhim; but it is possiblethathis signsthe document, has ser. profession been misreadand thathe was in facta doctor,cf. B. R. Rees, Mnemosyne, iv, 15 (1962) 375. 'La l64E. Boswinkel, mdecineet les mdecins dans les papyrus grecs'; Eos xlviii(1956) 181-90. 2111 (135) and 2563 (170) refer 165POxy. simplyto iatroi; POxy.51 (173), PSI 455 (178) and

POxy 475 (182) add demosioi. 1G6PLips.42 (382 or 391) has v tco copiaijvcopiGiacoin a medical report, but the doctor's name was not read at this point in the badly damaged papyrus, although logically it should appear here. PCafro Preis. 1 = PCairo 10706, fourth century, records a 5r||jo]ciou lonrpoG tcov v tco cr[c|jaTi. . . .] tcov 8oki|covttjs aujjfjs Trecos ....]. l%1PRein. (392) is the latest dated demosios 92 iatros.PHarris 133 is dated, on no sound grounds, xxi by Nanetti, Aegyptus (1941) 311, to the end of the fifth century. 16*PLis.97.

l69Theinscription Proteris, 6, dates probablyfrom fifth of no. the otherarchiatroi are century; even later,nos. 7-13; no. 7 contrasts iatros and archiatros. 170Above, 194. p. 171Iam grateful Dr. M. H. Eliassenforchecking to and confirming me the openinglinesof for the papyrus.

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is offer guidanceto the meaningof archiatros no here,but Ammonius obviously him to be a public in resident Egypt,and Eitremin his commentary pronounced so to other doctor.But it is strange findthistitleofa civicphysician isolatedfrom for and theremay be otherpossibleexplanations its appearance.Amexamples, it monius could be an imperial doctorattachedto theMuseum172 (although would was thatarchiatros the titleof the doctor to be premature conclude,withEitrem, or who attendedMuseum members who presidedover it); he could be a civic in like at Alexandria one oftheEgyptian or which, conpoleis, Naucratis, physician who or to Greekinstitutions; he could be a nativeEgyptian trast thechora, enjoyed If abroad.173 Eitrem on homethe titlehe had gainedin service retained his return a was thatarchiatros usedto indicate civicphysician thenit must admitted be is right, On almostas soonin Egyptas in theotherEasternprovinces.174 theotherhand,if Africaand the of Egyptresembles any of myexplanations the anomalyis correct, term. of in itslate reception thistechnical Western provinces VIII bothroyaland civicphysicians, in have Archiatroi beenshown thispaperto comprise in and the shifts the meaningand the use of the word have been examinedand, for not dated.The edictofAntoninus wherepossible, Pius,although responsible the undoubtedas of creation civicphysicians a groupoverand abovethenormal doctor, of as the ly stimulated spreadof the titlearchiatros the designation a doctorwithin But its acceptancewas by no means as speedyin Africaas it was in the numerus. of the at to Asia Minor,and it is important separate, leastat first, functions archiatroi of forthecityarchiatri Rome, The fourth and by region. regulations century by date of to submitted the strategos an medicalreports formal on the one hand, and the are alike peculiarto theirregionand shouldnot be nome,on the other, Egyptian Even the used to illuminate dutiesof an Ephesianarchiatros. wherethereis a conof the as between public doctors the Hellenistic siderable age degreeofcontinuity, to it is essential realisethatdevelopments of and thecivicarchiatroitheRoman East, of identification the twoin every a within respect. maywell prevent precise society like is there no reasonto believethatan institution was itself notstatic; The society did not also respondin some way to change. and thatofcivicphysicians archiatroi indicateda doctorin a royal householdwas glossed, The word whichoriginally
id twelve centurieslater, with the simple 'archiatres estmedicus sapientissimus'.110

Vivian Nutton

172As withL. GelliusMaximus,see CQ n.s. xxi (1971) 262-72. Civ. at abroad are recorded GVI 766 (Tithoreia),1907 (Milan), Augustine, doctors 173Egyptian also at IG XIV 809 (but cf.GVI 435). Dei 22.8, and possibly no. of mIts appearancein a theological century, 4, showsonlythatitsauthor papyrus thethird was abreastof current metaphors. (Origenic?) theological fol. llbVind. 68, tenth-eleventh Lai. century, 1.

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ch. offers on The Life of Alexander made to Severus, 42, apparently unique information payments : in doctors the imperialhousehold

Mss. colloc. edd. : postfuerunt qui postomnes and the renowneduntrustworthinessthisparticular of Both textand meaningare uncertain, and validity thisstatement. of doubt on the truth castsfurther Life If thereadingofthe Mss. is kept,it mustmean thatone doctorwas paid a salaryand thatthere divided.The traditional were up to six otherswho receivedannonae emendation offers a variously betweentheone salarieddoctorand theothersix,but in neither contrast is similar version it obvious one doctoror seven (or even more) bore the titleof medicus D. whether palatinus. M. Magie in his : a Loeb translation, theywereall so qualified 'onlyone palace doctorreceived salary,while thought the 'Alexander all the others. . .', but Below restricted titleto one only:176 Severus als erster hat einen That the latterwas also Hermann Peter'sview is shownby his change of punctuation, puttinga on all as fullstop after'Fuerunt':177 thisinterpretation the seven doctorsreceiveannonae a solarium, but onlyone is called medicus palatinus. is None of these textsand interpretations freefromgrave objectionon factualor linguistic jsalariaare so divided the medicus grounds.Peter at least could explain why the annonae palatinus the a threeannonae, othersix two but medicus receives else,is a vague palatinus, titlefoundnowhere for whichwas standardin the late empirewhentheLifewas written. substitute archiater, (literary?) could have used thatwould have notedthistransitory What source,ifany, the biographer change to the is impossible say,and I suspectthat,ifPeter'stextis retained, use ofmedicus to palatinus mean at chiefdoctoris at besthistorical guesswork, worstinventive forgery. of But the objectionto thisinterpretation medicus is palatinus avoidable if the Mss. readingor of Here theadjectiveappliesto all theroyaldoctors Magie's translation thestandardtextis followed. and indicatestheirplace ofwork,nota gradein their But thenarise hierarchy. doubtand confusion made to them.In whatwaydoes a solarium overthepayments differ from ? annonaeWhyis theauthor, who knowsthedetailsofthecomposition theannonae, of of ? apparently ignorant thoseofthesolarium And was thisgrantof annonae recorded superseded the undated and equally dubious regulation by in ch. 44 whichgivessalariato all doctors?That benefaction has payments both salaria(to too in and architects) and in annonae students doctors,rhetors, grammarians, soothsayers, astrologers (to and forensic are orators),althoughthe annonae not divided as in ch. 42.178 Clearlythe biographer believesin a distinction betweenthe two typesof payment;but the system paymentin kind to of is courtofficials unlikely have existedbeforethe late thirdcentury,179 thus the distinction to and and betweensolarium annonae hardlyhave been knownin the timeof SeverusAlexanderbut is can the anachronistic construction the biographer. of The point of Magie's versionis therefore that of historically implausibleand anachronistic; Peter's the resultof ignoranceor fraud,while the interpretation Below, which combinesthe of
sechsweitere ausserdem medicus rzte durchannonaebesoldet\ palatinusgehabtund ihmein solariumgegeben,

omnesqui usque ad sexfuerunt sub eo unuspalatinus solariumaccepit,ceterique medicus binas aut ternas alias ita accipiebant ut mundassingulasconsequerentur, aliter.

Der 176Below, Arzt,44. 177Ed. Teubner,Leipzig 1884,280. 178 bestthisis a At pasticheofsuch laws as Frag. Vat.204 and CT 13.4.1-3,withthesurprising additionofmathematici, are usuallymentioned who onlyto be condemned. 179A. M. Jones,TheLaterRoman H. Oxford1964,396-8; III, 88-9. Empire,

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

217

divisionof payment, can be doubly improbabletitleforthe chiefphysicianwith the impossible and titlesgivento courtdoctors,this Far censured.180 frombeing valuable evidenceforprivileges of fiction thatmakesup thisLife.101 passageis no moreworthy credencethantherestoftheromantic

APPENDIX 2 VALENTINIAN'S LAW: CT 13.3.8

The unique Ms., V, reads:
urbissunttotidem vestalium constituantur archiatri. quotregionum syxtivirginum portus Exceptis

who to the in It was Gothofredus hisgreatcommentary first attempted resolve textualdifficulties to of and who,in default any known syxtus proposedthe convincing changeof'syxtV 'xysti'.182 portus version:183 This was acceptedby Mommsenand by Clyde Pharr,who producedthe following of should be appointedas thereare districts the city,exceptin the As manychiefphysicians to of districts the PortusXystusand in areas belonging the Vestal Virgins. for This makesgrammatical nonsense, thereis no regionof the citycalled sense,but historical thatof PortusXystusor the Vestal Virgins, and, even if therewas, it is hard to see whythesetwo of the o or be alone shouldeither excludedfrom services archiatri be in possession thembefore regions and is not should 368. In factthewordto be suppliedwithexceptis archiatris, regionibus,18* thesentence as of aside thearchiatri . . ., thereshouldbe appointedas manyarchiatri there be translated: Leaving are to mentioned the beginning supernumerary thoseof the at The are citydistricts. specialarchiatri to and districts, theyare not to be takenintoaccountwhencalculatingthenumberofdoctors enjoy of the titleand immunity archiatri. as do Butthetextualdifficulties notend here,for, Gothofredus noted,thereis no otherevidence is then and it is hard to see what the wordscould mean. Ifportus right, fora.portus (or xystus xysti), should be punctuated:exceptis the openingwords,as Pazzini suggested,185 Portus, Xysti,Virginum concernedwith the general would be a plausible titleforan official An Vestalium. archiater portus and stores merchandise, its of medicalsupervision theOstianharbour, warehouses, slaves,186 especially law to But evenhave heldthatpost.187 Valentinian's relates archiatri and C. MarciusDemetrius might neverrefers the quays and to in and practising Rome, and in the law codesportus itself resident by Ostiensis when the quayside installations warehouses ; 188 along the Tiber in Rome but to theportus If mentioned. therewas everan ofRome are includedin a harbourregulation, theyare specifically he archiater portus, workedat the Trajanic Basin at the mouthof the Tiber and could have no place drawnup forthe cityof Rome only. in a regulation

the from HistoriaAugusta5 London 1969,112,seesthis'titbit Roman Medicine, Scarborough, 180J. the noted of as 'givingtheimpression pay accordingto social rank'which'suggests class structuring for involves further the of for earlyempire.'This restatement Below'sposition errors, all thecourt yet has on and evidence imperial for wouldbe ofthesamesocial doctors rank, bearing the physicians little classstructure outsidethe court. HistoriaBonner Alexander unddie Mathematica, 1968-9, Straub,'Severus Augusta Colloquium 181J. Oxford1971, 146-62. and Bonn 1970,247-72, esp. 254-60; R. Syme,Emperors biography, ed. 182Gothofredus, Lyon, 1665,V 37-8. Roman also l8ZThe Theodosian Princeton, 1952,380; implicitly by A. H. M.Jones, TheLater Code, Oxford,1964,708. Empire, 184As Pohl, 25, n.l, had alreadyseen. 469 33-7 ; Galen XVII B 83 ; Rufus, Daremberg2 l*Dig. 1. 1. 1. 1; 2 1. 1. 10. 1; Claudian, In Eutrop. in Ruelle = F. Rosen thai, Theclassical heritage Islam,London 1975,204. 187 is Above,p. 204f,but thispossibilitv veryunlikely. off l88CT14.15.4; 15.1.12; marking urbs;cf.also CT 13.5.4 and 38; 14.4.9, 14.15.2; portus from 14.22 and 23.
185A.Pazzini, L'organizzazione sanitariain Roma imperiale, Rome, 1940, 12.

218

VIVIAN NUTTON

of is suggested Despite the authority Mommsen,more drasticsurgery required.Gothofredus but a xystV simplepalaeographicalchange,189 thistoo is open to seriousdoubts,for'porticus 'porticus or of thatcalls foran institution. is Gothotautological a description a place in a context xystV either in further orderto givesense: 'porticus* glosson theGreekword is a mustbe carried fredus' argument intothe textand was thenalteredby an emending scribewho was aware of whichintruded 'xystus9, to But thetautologous repetition. Louis Roberthas proposeda solution thiscruxwhichinvolves only for an to one stageofcorruption,190 read Hotius9 'portus9, easypalaeographical is change. Totus xystus of in whichhad itsheadquarters Rome at the Bathsof Trajan thusthe generalassociation athletes, fromThyatira,an and had archiereis, archigrammateus, as we know froman inscription an and, or of can Whether archiatros. portions, be left open, but on portus replacedtotius is the remains a gloss, standscondemnedas corrupt, and onlytwo groupsare recorded already as either hypothesis portus the servedprivate having archiatri, guild of athletesand the Vestal Virgins.Since these archiatri not the institutions, open to all citizens, theywere excludedby Valentinianfrom highly privileged
of collegium regional archiatri.

APPENDIX 3 ARCHIATRI RECORDED

No. Provenance 1 Furni 2 Date 4-5thcent.

ON INSCRIPTIONS, PAPYRI AND COINS

Civici Royal C R?

3 4 5 6

Publication Name CIL VIII 25811 Cottinus (/LCF606B, Gummerus 318) c. 100-50 b.c. E. Breccia,Bull. Soc. Fayum Athenagoras Alex, (1912) 194 xiv {SB 5216: Select Pap. 104), cf.Arch. Pap. xiii (1938) 76-7 at was resident Alexandria, above, p. 194. see Athenagoras POslo 53 2nd cent. Ammonius Egypt See above, p. 00. 3rd cent. Patr.Or. 18.3,430 A liturgical so Egypt papyrus Christ describing 338 Hermopolis PLips. 97 Porphyrius Akoris 5-6th cent. G. Lefebvre, BCH xxvii Proteris
(1903) 375 (Receuildes inscr. chrt. gr. d'Egypte,

C?

C C

7 8 9

572 Oxyrhynchus Fatherof Fl. Marcus iatros. 6th cent. Hermopolis Arsinoe? 6th cent.

135 and p. XXV) POxy 126

John Gollouthus Menas

C C C

III, 77 C. Wessely, Stud.Pal. VII, 1175

Paleogr. u. Papyruskunde

G. Wessely, Studien z.

V 189Gothofredus,22 ; followedby I Bloch,in T. Puschmann, Handbuch Geschichte Medizin, der der Jena, 1902,I 584. "fflL. Robert,Hellenka no. IX, Paris 1950,25-8, publishing 58.

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Fayum Aphrodito Aphrodito Egypt Hebron 6th cent. 570 6-7th cent. 6-7th cent. 6th cent. C. Wessely, Stud.Pal. X, 251, b.2 PCairoMasp. 67151 PCairoMasp. 67077 PLond.1032 F. M. Abel, Rev.Bibl., n.s. vi (1909) 104 John Euprepesand Phoebammon and son) (father Sophronius Menas Stephanus G C C C C R

219

ttocAoctou. toO pxiocTps Oeiou Bostra Mitt. 2-3rd cent. F. Brunnow, Rhosus 5th cent.?

17 18

Seleucia ad Calycadnum Olba

5thcent.? 3rd cent.?

n.38 {IGRR III 1333) R. Heberdey,A. Cyrillus D Wilhelm, AWW xliv (1896) 21, n.51 (J. MFO i (1906) Jalabert, 147: ISyriaIII 724) Theodorus MAMA III 22

Palaest. Verein1899, 83,

Claudius Andromachus C G

19 20

21

22 23 24

25

26

M. AureliusMenandrus C A. R. Heberdey, DAWW xliv Wilhelm, (1896) n.161 Ascribed Pfeffer, to Ephesus. 194, by C 3-4th cent. G. Bean, T. B. Mitford,Aur. Varianus GibyraMinor DA WW cii ( 1970) 65, Pantauchus n.38 and pl. 52 M. AureliusPtolemaeus R G. 2-3rd cent. O. Benndorf, Sidyma in koc Niemann,Reisen (+G?) 'ApiarS^os tgov Vienna 1884, nevos Te*nnT| Otto Lykien, koc 55 + fig.46 {IGRR III lepccrrcov ttjsmrrpiSos 599: TAM II. 1. 221) aAiTOupyTiaia M. AureliusPtolemaeus C TAM II. 1.224: N. 3rd cent. Sidyma XI Lewis Atti Cong. Pap. kcc 'ApicrroTTis 1965,515, n.2 of A relative no. 20 ? Claudius Epictetus C 2-3rd cent. CIG 4277 Xanthus C 170 MAMA VI 373 r. Aquilas (?) Synnada whosecoinshave thehead of of is The archiatrosan uncle by marriage a civicmagistrate on Faustinathe younger them. C 4-6th cent. MAMA VII 566 (cf.L. Aur. Gaius, dpx-and QesmeliZebir Les Auguste, Robert,N. Firatli, pxeinpTiva C steles aires Byzance funr de Paris grco-romaine, 1964, 177) G. CalpurniusCollega C W. M. Ramsay,CR Antiochin Pisidia 4th cent. Macedo xxxiii(1919) 2, n.l is medicalrelative ib., p. 5 (MAMA another doctorand philospher: A councillor, orator, VIII 404: GF7 692). C D. M. Robinson,TAPA Diogenianus Antiochin Pisidia 3rd cent. lvii (1926) 226n.52 (^G VI 571): W. M. Ramsay,JHS liii (1933) 318

220
27 Antiochin Pisidia c. 215

VIVIAN NUTTON
from T. Mommsen, Ramsay,Eph. Ep. v (1884) 579, n.1346: An J. R. S. Sterrett,
in journey epigraphical

L. GelliusMaximus

Asia Minor, Boston1888, 109: CIL III 6820, tobe as restored arch [iatro on the evidenceof three otherinscriptions: (i) W. M. Ramsay, JRS ii (1912) 96: D. M. Robinson TAPA Ivii (1926) 224, n.48 (ii) W. M. Calder,JRS ii (1912) 96, n.25 (iii) W. M. Ramsay, JAS xiv (1924)199, n.35:^G VI 563 A fulldiscussion the man and his career is given by me in: *L. Gellius Maximus, of and procurator,' n.s. xxi (1971) 262-72. physician CQ F. Imhoof-Blumer, 28 Harpasa 211-7 M. Aur. Euandrusp\ C ABAW xviii (1890) pxicrrps *ApTraar|vcov 671, n.435 identicalwithno. 29. Possibly 211-7 F. Imhoof-Blumer, 29 Geramos RSN M. Aur. Euandrus' C xiii (1905) 253 (93), n.5: SammlungH. von Aulock,n.2581 (L. Robert,Monnaies Paris 1967,57, grecques, n.7) 30 Ceramos 251 E. L. Hicks,JHS xi M. Aur. V(alens) G Polites (1890) 127 31 Alabanda 3-4th cent. P. Le Bas, W. H. Hermeros C Waddington,Voyage 1870,568 An Aur. Dionysius also mentioned. is Euromus 100-250 CIG 2714: P. Le Bas, W. H. Waddington,
arch. II 314-8 Voyage II archologique, Paris

32

Menecrates MenecratousC px- ttsttAecos

Citydoctorat Euromusor Mylasa, donorof fivecolumnsto theshrine. 33 Lagina 2-3rd cent. C. Picard,BCH xliv, C Menippus ( ?) 75, n.6 Honours paid to the daughter(or wife?) of Menippus: her brother mentioned is at BCHxi, 1887,27. 34 Lagina 2-3rd cent. C. T. Newton, C SulpiciusDemetrius 1863,II.2.96 Demetriuswas epimeleteof the mysteries and responsible honouring Ael. Aur. for P. Neon.
Halicarnassus,Cnidusand London Branchidae,

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

35 Alan Ky, Caria 3-4th cent. Fl. Eustatheius L. Robert,Etudes Paris Anatoliennes, 1937, 564 C

221

36 37 38 39 40

Husband of CI. FI. Ouaemias (?). 2-3rd cent. CIG 2847 Aphrodisias 2-3rd cent. Above,p. 192 no. 1 Aphrodisias Aphrodisias Aphrodisias Heraclea Ulpia 3rd cent. 3-5thcent. 114

M. AureliusMessuleius C T. Flavius Staberianus C

pX- TT6COS

41

42 43

44 45

M. [ ] Apollonius Above,p. 192 no. 2 y' C C Above,p. 193 no. 3 (?) Chrysaphius R J. R. S. Sterrett, Epigr. T. StatiliusGrito xiii: Journey W. H. Buckler, AI xxx (1936) JO B. 5-8: MAMA VI 91 and pl. 19: J. and L. Robert,La Carie,II, Paris, 1954, 167,n.49 Heraclea referring him are: to from Otherinscriptions (i) J. and L. Robert,La CarieII, 178,n.73 and pl. 33.3 (1852) 155 (Le Bas, Waddington1694): J. and L. (ii) W. Henzen, Ann.Inst.Con. Arch. Robert,La CarieII, 126 He is commemorated an Ephesian inscription, Keil, JOAI xxiii (1926) B. 263-4 on J. iii (SEG IV 521: La CarieII, 179). Cf. also L. Robert,Hellenica (1946) 5-8. c. 150-170 W. Henzen, Ann.Inst. T. Statilius Attalus Heraclea Ulpia C(?) R Con. Arch. (1852) 154 (Le Bas, Waddington 1695: La CarieII, 179, n.76) from Heraclea ofhim is: Another inscription MAMA VI 117 and pl. 21 {La CarieII, 179,n.77). for Pius and Marcus Aureliushe had variouscoinsstruck the neoiof Under Antoninus Heraclea, (Le Bas, Waddington1695: La Carie,II, 220), two typeswiththe inscription vois. 'HpocKEcbTcov F. E. Kind, RE 2 Reihe, III.2, 1929, 2186, interpreted pxton-ps thisto mean he was civicdoctorat Heraclea (whichis a priori , likely) but thelegendon theobverse thethirdtype,'HpccKecoTGovvois, thatthe genitive of suggests appliesto the makesa civic post before But tradition not neoi, to the archiatros. family goingto Rome veryprobable. MAMA VI 117 {La T. Statilius Artemidorus c. 120 C Heraclea Ulpia CarieII 179,n.77) A statueerectedc. 170 to him by his greatnephewAttalus(no. 41). C 2nd cent. (?) CIG 3953h: La Carie Heraclea Ulpia Pappias II 197, 115 and whichdescribesPappias as 'descendantof archiatroV as A fragmentary inscription ': the 'son of Papias the archiatros' correction Pappias adopted by Franz in CIG identifies of for but and Papias thearchiatros, thisis unnecessary, the phrase'descendant archiatroV was impliesthatPappias himself a doctor. 3rd cent. P. Paris,M. Holleaux, M. Aur. Gharmides C Heraclea Ulpia BCHix (1885) 337, n.20 {La CarieII, 170,n.57) C 3rd cent. P. Paris,M. Holleaux, ? son of M. Aur. Heraclea Ulpia BCHix (1885) 336, n.19 CharmidesMenander (La CarieII, 170,n.58) : J. R. S. Sterrett, Epigr. to on it evidence, be morespecific related, is impossible, thepresent obviously Although of about the connection nos. 44 and 45 (Cf. La CarieII, 225) : it remainspossiblethat
Journ.xvii

222

VIVIAN NUTTON

46 47

48

49 50 51

52 53

54 55 56

57

and stephanephoros archiatros, theyare the same man, since both are recordedas prytanis, cannotbe excluded. but otherrelationships 3-7th cent. A. E. Contoleon, REG Eucarpus Tralles C xii (1899) 382 On a lead seal. CIG 2987: Le Bas, AttalusAsclepiadou 160-200 C Ephesus 8i (above,p. 204) Waddington, Voyage pxtocrps arch. Ill 171 presumably yvous: C Asclepiadesalso c. 180-250 Aur. C Ephesus ForschungeninEphesoslH, Apolaustus hnriKOs 141,n.55 (L. Robert, (piocrpocoros Les gladiateurs dans Tfjs pxtcrrpos >E9ectcv I* orient Paris 1940, ttecos grec, 25-7) c. 250-400 in Ephesos Fl. MunatiusValerianusC Forschungen Ephesus IV 3, n.50 and pl. qMoapccoros pxionps LIX.5 AGIBM 677 (CiJ 745) Iulius 150-250 C Ephesus His tombis cared forby theJewsof Ephesus. c. 200 J. Keil, JOAI viii (1905) P. Aelius Menandrus C Ephesus C 128-32 (cf. P. Wolters, [. . e]inus C JOAI ix (1906) B 295) P. Aelius P. Vedius Rufinus C and possibly others in competing the medicalcontests 3rd cent. Le Bas, Waddington, Unknown C Smyrna Ill 1523 arch. Voyage The man servedas an agonothetes. 2-3rd cent. J. Keil, AAWW xci Aur. Lucianus L. C Philadelphia (1956) 225-6 (SEG PapinniiCorneliani XVII 527: Bull. Ep. f.ekirpoyvcov pxiccTps (1958) 437, n.7) Iulia Gordos 216-13 or P. Herrmann, AAWW Apollophanes Seleucia R of 197-6 b.c. cvii (1970) 93-8 {Bull. Ep. (1971) 600) 3rd cent. Aur. HieroclesP' C Saujilar J. Munro,JHS xvii (1897) 286, n.54 (IGRR IV 533) Coloe 3rd cent. A. Wagener,Inscriptions AureliusArtemidorus C recueillies AsieMineure, en Brussels 1861,20, n.3 + kcu pl. A.3 : Moucteov ii-iii BiPAio6t)kti (1876-8) 119,n.219:K. Buresch, AusLydien, Vienna 1898, 55 (IGRR IV 1383) ,. , He was also a hierophant. 150-300 son C Thyatira J. Keil, A. v. Hermophilus, of DA and C Premerstein, WW liv Moschianus, (1911) 39, n.70 (IGRR ? father, nephewand IV 1278: R. cousinofarchiatroi? Merkelbach, />ix (1972) 133) The relationships thosesuggested Merkelbach:the earlierrestoration are made him by uncle and greatuncleofarchiatroi. father, grandfather,

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

58 Thyatira Hiera, Lesbos 3rd cent. L. Robert,Hellenica ix (1950) 25 + pl. V.I and IX.3 Helis ( ?) pxtorrpos TOO CJ|i7T(XVTOS <TTOV G

223

59

IG XII.2.484 (IGRR BresusBresou IV 116) The holderof manypriesthoods civic offices and (above, p. 200) 125-175 c. 200 CIG 3643 {IGRR IV 182) CyrusApolloniou Lampsacus A benefactor thegerousia Lampsacus. of of Amaseia 3rd cent. F. Cumont,Studia Pontica III, 110a Aur. Philomousus

60 61 62

C C

Near Claudiopolis, c. 200 Bithynia

G de G. Perrot, Exploration AciliusTheodorus Paris 1862, la Bithynie, n.27 (G352: Mendel, BCH xxvii (1903) 317-8: IGRR III 77: GF/686) as whichKaibel interpreted a poetic in is His father described verseas orrpcov irpiiov, form archiatros. of Khavsa, Pontus 150-250 H. Grgoire, G. G. ]andrus J. Pontica apjxiocTpos Studia Anderson, III, 24: A. Wilhelm, JOAI xxvii (1932) B92-6: G. E. Bean, xvii Belleten (1955) 178 {SEG XIII 525) G. Zacos, A. Veglery, Leontius
Lead Seals, Byzantine

63

64

Constantinople Thessalonica

550-650

Basle 1972,2809

axoapios kocpx-

65

249

TTOAlTEa KOCtTqV KOlVCOVa

S. Pelekides, 'Aitttjv Tfs pxaas

AureliusIsidorus

Thessalonica1934,p. 63, n.19, pl. 28 (/GX 2.1.163) of and and archiatros, a relative marriage a Macedonarch. by High priest 66 Anticyra 3-4thcent. L. Lerat,F. Chamoux, Epictetus BCH lxxi-lxxii (1947-8) 74 C

GeCTCTOCOVtKTSi

67

C Chareas 2-4th cent. IG VII 2688 Thebes may indicate that 193, dates it to the second century:the addition of fipcos Pfeffer, Chareas was a pagan. C. Stertinius G. Dubois, BCH v c. 59 68A Cos Xenophon R (1881) 473: /Car345 {SIG* 368: IGRR IV 1086: /LS 1841 adn.: SIG* 804: wrongly assignedto Calymnosby Les H. G. Pflaum,
carrires procuratoriennes

Paris 1960,43) questres,

224
68B Cos c. 60 ( ?)

VIVIAN NUTTON
A. Maiuri, NuovaSilloge
Epigraphicadi Rodi e Cos,

69 70

Florence1925,475 Gf.also R. Herzog, "Nikias und Xenophon von Kos', HZ cxxv (1922) 230: and above, p. 196 Herzog, 224, n.l, and Pflaum,43, claim him as doctorto Tiberiuson the evidenceof to but BCHw (1881) 472 (from Calymnos), Tib. Claudius Caesar is morelikely represent the emperor Claudius. Cos ICos282 (IGRR IV 1067) Cos[seini?]usBassus C 100-200 Above, p. 202. R. Herzog,Koische C. Iulius Protoctetus C Cos 75-200 Leipzig 1899, 115 (IGRR IV 1066) CIG 2482 {IG XII.3.259) EugnomonEugnomonosC 150-250 Anaphe A dedicationto Apollo withveryornatelettering. BSA lix Eutyches C Chios 2-3rd cent. W. G. Forrest, (1964) 35, n.28 + pl. 3 From his commemoration an Ephesian Forrestsuggeststhat he may have been by of of archiatrostheMuseumofEphesus,butthepresence manyEphesianson Chios,ib. 32, makesthishypothesis unnecessary. Craterus Antioch of Delos R 129-117 b.c. T. Homolle,BCH iv (1880) 218 (OGIS 256: Melos 1547) For the date, see IDelos 1547. Delos S. Reinach,BCH vii 102-1 b.c. R Papias ofAmisus (1883) 57-61 (OGIS 374: IDelos 1573) Troezen IG IV 782 192 C Agasikleidas
tt)S TTecos pxionrps und Forschungen Funde,

71 72

73

74 75 76 77

Hermione 2-3rd cent. IG IV 723 Leontidas C Cletor IG V 2.385 100-250 C Eutychus Veryornatelettering. 78 Sparta 2-3rd cent. CIG 1407: IG V.I. 623 Unknown C A decreeof the councilfound(set up ?) in the templeof Apollo and callingthe doctor 'saviourofthe city' (afteran outbreak plague?). of 79 Edessa 100-250 H. Danov, Ann.Bibl. C Asclepiades Mus. Plovdiv (1931-4) 91-5; S. Velkov,Bull. (1934) 457-9; H. Danov, JOAI xxx (1937) B83-7 {AE 1937,99): GIB 150 The relief, showing military equipment, may indicatethathe had once been a military a like Bull. Ep. (1934) 227. doctor,possibly volunteer the Thespian doctorPhilistus, Venusia 3-4th cent. CIL IX 6213 (Gummerus Faustinus Fl. C 204; C/J600) He was also a gerousiarch. Aeclanum 150-250 CIG 5877; IG XIV 689 C. SalviusAtticianus C (IGRR I 461 : ttoXecos pxiorrps Gummerus 228) On the marblebase ofa votiveoffering Asclepius. to
Inst. Arch.Bulg. viii

80 81

ARCHIATRI AND THE MEDICAL PROFESSION

82 C CIL IX 1655 (ILS 6496: L. Staius Rut(ilius) Gummerus Manilius 193) He called himself Romanas archiater Benev. whencommemorating achievements the of eques his son as praetor Cerialis JVdS 1913, 311 (AE 1914, 164; Gummerus (cf. 231), a similar in set and mother honourof theirgrandson) he was also : inscription up by his father for CIL responsible anotherBeneventan inscription, IX 1971. C 4-5th cent. CIL IX 1381 {ILCV 606: Stefanus Noia Gummerus 206) Inscr. l-2nd cent. T. Mommsen, Puteoli Q,. Passen[ius Beneventum 231 677: IG XIV 852: CIL X 2858: Gummerus 210) by century, (Plate XXXII6): assignedby Kaibel to the first lettering Very elegant to archiat puteolanus]) the second. Gummerus [er (restoring G Aulus Vedius 4-5th cent. CIJ I, p. 535, n.5*: Rome IGUR 850 Collega (?) Found in a catacombon the Via Appia. C 4-5th cent. CIL VI 9562 (ILCV 605: Timotheus Rome Capparoni,/ titoli
Regn. Nap, 3322 {EG

225

83 84

85 86

87 88 89 90 91

Rome Rome Rome Rome Portus

541-565 4-5th cent. 4-6th cent. 4-5th cent. 115-140

London 1913,220, Roma, n.1: Gummerus 64) C CIL VI 9563 (/CF606: ]aratus filius ILS 7798: Capparoni, 220, n.4: Gummerus 65) C CIL VI 9564 (ILCV 606 S[ adn. : Capparoni 220, n.2: Gummerus 66) C CIL VI 9565 (ILCV 606 Unknown adn. : Capparoni 220, 67 n.3: Gummerus C Unknown Romae Inscr. urbis chr. 5412 G. Calza, La necropoli C. Marcius Dem[etrius? R?
delportodi Roma,

dei sepolcrali medici di cristiani dellecatacombe

Rome 1940,373-6 (H. BlochAJAxlviii(1944) 218): H. Thylander,

du Inscriptions Port

Lund 1952, 158, d'Ostie, pl. XLVI.2: cf.G. RPA xxi Becatti, (1945-6) 126-31: H.
Hommel, Epigraphicaxix Meiggs, Roman Ostia,

(1957) 109-64: R.

Oxford1960 (ed. 2, 1973), 563-4: A. Degrassi,Mem.Ac. Lincei(1963) 139-66 (H. Bloch,Gnomon xxxvii(1965) 202): H. Hommel,ZPE v (1970) 293-303

226
92 93 Concordia Pola 350-450 2-3rd cent.

VIVIAN NUTTON
CIL V 8741 (ILS 7797: FI. Aristo /LCF606A: Gummerus 285) CIL V 87 (Gummerus A. AtiusCaius Italiae 260) : Inscr. C C

X.I. 161

FORGERIES
No. Provenance 94 Pisaurum Publication Name A. Olivieri,Marmora C. TettiusGtesias Pisaurensia, Pesaro 1738,64 (Orelli,Inscr. lai. sel coll.,Zurich 1828,4017: CIL XI 821*: Pfeffer 196) lat. Orelli,Inscr. sel.coll.,Zurich 1828, M. Livius Eutychus
4226

Civic/ Royal C

95

Rome

MISREADINGS
No. Provenance 96 Calymnos Publication Name G. T. Newton,AGIBM 258 {SGDI Chatalas without archiatros, 3557) : revised, by 1944-5 M. Segre,Ann.scuola arch. Atene (1952), n.58 E. Petersen, v. Luschan,/few F. in Philologus Vienna Lykien, MilyasundKibyratis, 1889, 176 : revisedas a chiefhuntsman by G. E. Bean, DA WW civ (1971) 25, n.42 DUBIOUS No, Provenance 98 Ceramos Publication B. V. Head, Historia ed. that Numorum, 2, London 1911,remarked who signedthecoinsof Ceramos amongthe archonsor ex-archons morethanone is distinguished as His personally archiatros. reference forthisstatement to Imhoof-Blumer 29), who mentions is (no. only one coin. I think morelikely it thatHead misunderstood source his thanthathe knewofotherexamples, withthepossible of exception no. 28. Civici Royal C

97

Kapikaya, Lycia

PLATE XXXI

a Aphrodisias No. inscription, 1

b Aphrodisias No. inscription, 2

ARCHIATRI BY VIVIAN NUTTON

PLATE XXXII

No. a Aphrodisias inscription, 3

b PuteoliInscription 202) (p.

ARCHIATRI BY VIVIAN NUTTON