Ayub's Pakistan

THE END OF THE BEGINNING

AYUB, GOVERNANCE AND
DEPOLITICIZATION
 Democracy was not suited to the “genius of the people”.
 His distrust to the political class

 He blamed unruly politicians for Pakistan’s illness

 8 October 1958 he delivered withering attack on the politicians ,claiming

that they had waged a ceaseless and bitter war against eachother
regardless of the ill effects on the country.

 His views about the rural dwellers were “Patriotic and good people” and
“tolerant and patient and can rise to great heights when well led”.
Basic Democratic Scheme
 On the first anniversary of the coup, reintroduced 19th century colonial ideas of
political tutelage.
 1) through indirect elections
 2) official nomination of representatives

 The government could nominated up to one/third of the members.

 85% discussions at union council meeting were initiated by governmental
officials.

 80,000 basic democrats collectively formed the electoral college which

affirmed ayub as president in the January 1960 ballot.

 After 1962 constitution,BD were also the electorate for the National and
Provincial assemblies.
Civil Service of Pakistan under Ayub
Ayub relyed more on the civil services of
Pakistan.
Martial Law Regulation 61 to purge it from
“corruption”
CSP as commissioner and deputy commissioner
in BDS
Control over the funds under Rural Works
Programme
Altaf Gohar, Akhtar Hussain as key advisors to
Ayub
Political System Under Ayub
Political Parties were banned
When Ayub began civilianization of his rule, the
indirect elections to the newly constituted
National and Provincial Assemblies in 1962 were
held on party less bases
Entrenched the power of local land holders
1962 Political Parties Act legalized the Party
organization
Muslim League emerged as pro-regime
party………..just like PML(Q) under General
Musharraf.
Ayub became its President in December 1963.
Freedom of expression and individual
political activities under Ayub
 Public Offices Disqualification Order (PODO)introduced
in March 1959
 Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO)introduced
in August 1959

 Person found guilty were automatically disqualified from

membership of any elective body until after December
1966
 Around 400 political leaders were disqualified under
these orders.
 These acts helped Ayub in logevity of his government.
Censorship:
Public Safety Ordinance
Press and Publication Ordinance 1963 “to make
the press confirm to recognized principles of
journalism and patriotism” later was repealed in
1988.
Independent National Trust established in 1964
…turned “Pakistan Times” into government
mouthpieces. Later was dismantled in 1996.
Altaf Gohar as Central Information Secretary
was the virtual “Editor-in-Chief” of over 1,5000
publications.
Centre-Province Relations (East Pakistan)
 Ayub favoured a centralized state…so did not modified One Unit Scheme.
 Rather 1962 constitution gave some powers to provinces too but in actual
they were strictly monitored.
 The Biggest Challenge was the de-emphasizing of the distinctiveness of
Bengal.
 1959 report of the Commission on National Education recoreded: “urdu
and Bengali should brought nearer to each other by inceasing the
common element in their vocabularies and by putting such common
elements to extensive use.”

 Introduction of Romon Script of Pakistani languages received protest

 Aggitation of changing street signs in urdu in Dhaka.

 Aggitation on the ban of the 100th anniversary of RABINDERNATH TAGORE

and broadcasting of his poetry.
Centre-Province Relations (Mohajirs)
Muhajirs were being pushed a side in the favlor
of Punjabies.
The rapid development of economy in 1960s
had no share for muhajirs.
Shhift of Fedral from Karachi to the new city of
Islamabad in the deep Punjab.
Mohajir resentment developed and focus on a
new ethnic political identity.
 this challenged the stated they constracted
Muhjirs along with sindhies and bengalies,they
have no influence in the powerful bureaucracy
and army.
Centre-Province Relations (Sindh)
 Sind political elite became alienated by Ayub Regime
 EBDO PODO disqualified G.M.Syed (leading Sindh
nationalist figue) and put him in 8 yr imprisionment.
1)he wrote columns in his news
paper(Qurbani) in 1946 about the fear of subordination of
Sindh in Punjab in future.
2) he wrote books in prison including on
poetry of Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai
 Sindhi resentment on the allocation of land made
available through the construction of the Ghulam
Muhammad Barrage near Hyderabad to Punjabi army
and bureaucrates.
Centre-Province Relations (Sindh)
 The annual rates of economic growth of over
5% was concentrated in the hands of Gujrati
speaking Khojas and Punjabi business men from
Chiniot. There was not a single sindhi native
among that 22 rich families of Pakistan which
control 66% of industrial assets, 79% of insurance
funds,80% of bank assets.
due to Ayub’s private sector-led development
strategy alienated sindhis
Sindhi speaking zulfiqar ali Bhutto coordinated
the protests with studests,workers and lawyers
against it
Sindhi Language Controversy
 Introduction of urdu instead of sindhi in educational
institutes was another big controversy.
 1959 a report on national language suggested that urdu
should be introduced in schools instead of sindhi.
 Sindhi radio broadcasts were reduced
 Sindhi writer were discouraged
 30 sindhi mediam scools were closed down.
 1965 Hyderabad Municipal Corporation made urdu its
working language which made the condition worst.
 Sindhi-mohajir tension inceased when at Sindh university
,sindhi studnets protesters were arrested by urdu
speaking commissioner for hyd division,Masroor Ali Khan.
Centre-Province Relations (Bengal)
 Ayub era increased the alination of Bengali Political elite
than before.
 Molana BhAHni, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Hamidul Huq
Choqdhary fell foul of the EBDO restrictions.
 In basic demoractic elections only one in two of those
elgible cast their vote.
 Ayub became virtual prisoner in president\s house at
Dhaka due to pretests by the Bengali students on the
arrest of Suharwardy on 30 January 1962

 71yr old Fatimah Jinnah was greeted by tremendour

crowd in Dhaka and Chittagong who was challenger in
the 1965 presidential elections. Ayub won the polls but
he lost the people on east Pakistan.
Awami league’s six point programme
 The six point movement was a movement in East Pakistan, spearheaded by Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, which called for greater autonomy for East Pakistan.The movement's
main agenda was to realize the six demands put forward by a coalition of Bengali
nationalist political parties in 1966, to end the perceived exploitation of East Pakistan by
the West Pakistani rulers. It is considered a milestone on the road to Bangladesh's
independence
 The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in the true sense on the
basis of the Lahore Resolution and for a parliamentary form of government based on
the supremacy of a directly elected legislature on the basis of universal adult franchise.
 The Federal Government shall deal with only two subjects; Defense and Foreign Affairs.
All residuary subjects will be vested in the federating states.
 There should be either two separate, freely convertible currencies for the two Wings, or
one currency with two separate reserve banks to prevent inter-Wing flight of capital.
 The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units.
The Federal Government will receive a share to meet its financial obligations.
 Economic disparities between the two Wings shall disappear through a series of
economic, fiscal, and legal reforms.
 A militia or paramilitary force must be created in East Pakistan, which at present has no
defense of it own.
Centre-Province Relations (Bengal)

Power of Ayub’s Pakistan lay with the army and

bureaucracy. And Bengali were under-
represented in both.
Bengali were representing 5% of Army Officer
Corps and 30% of elite cadre of the CSP.

The lack of expert advice from the Bengali civil

servants was also there.
Ayub tried to involve Sheikh Mujeeb ur Rahman
in Agartala Conspiracy case backfired badly.
Centre-Province Relations (Bengal)
 Huge economic growth rate between East and West Pakistan.
 Majority of private firms which provided the economic motor for the
growth in west Pakistan, their owners, on climate , cultural and
infrastructure grounds, were reluctant to set up in East.
 They had receive huge share from Pakistan Industrial Development
Bank ,Pakistan Industrial and credit and Investment Corporation.
 Ayub stepped up public sector investments but they were not very
fruitful.
 Separate Industrial Development Coperations and Water and
Power Development Authorities for East and West Pakistan were
made.
 This huge economic difference in creased inter-wing disparities.
 Fauji Foundation’s Rice,Flour and Jute Mills in East Pakistan were
reinvesting the profit in walfare projects in the main Punjab
recruitment areas. This fueled claims of the “punjabization” of
Pakistan
 The role of Islam
 Ayub didn’t toy with Islam to legitimize any act as some politicians did earlier.
 His core purpose was MODERINIZATION OF PAKISTAN.
 His modernization was present in economic development, land reform and in is
Islam too.
 In 1962 constitution significantly dropped the title “Islamic” from the Republic of
Pakistan title.
 Another significant change was the rewording of the repugnant clause, this
dropped the earlier direct reference to the Quran and Sunnah and merely stated
that no law should be enacted which was repugnant to Islam. Thereby
encouraging the modernist concept of ijtihad.
 Ayub sought to introduce “secular” influence into the functioning of marriage and
inheritance through the Muslim family law ordinance.
 He attempted to introduce state management of the endowed properties
attached to mosques and shrines, through the West Pakistan Auqaf Properties
Ordinance.
Ayub’s modern approach to Islam
 Ayub’s modernization Islam approach was due to,
1) His education at Aligarh
2) He was course part of “British generation of army officers” ,that’s why he had
different approach towards Islam unlike Zia’s era.
3) Zia’s modern Islam was practical and based on common sense. Rather than
theological interpretation
4) It was summed up in the sentiment, “it is a great injustice to both life and religion to
impose on 20th centaury man the condition that he must go back several centuries in
order to prove his bona fides as a true Muslim.”
5) According to ayub Mullahs were no better than politicians he so detested, in that
they were covetous of “wealth and power and did not stop short of any mischief.”
6) Yet rather than emerging as latter-day Attaturk ,ayub was soon forced to backtrack
in the face of resistance from Islamism groups.
7) He turned to the traditionalist Islam of Sufi shrines and was supported by Pir Dewal
Shrif and many of the prominent sajjada nashins.
8) By the end of his regime, the role of lslam in Pakistan’s public life was as unresolved as
it had ever been.
Ulema,s role

 Ulema were unhappy with the 1962 constitution

 Ulema were unhappy with the Islamic advisory council and its roll in government
too as it was established by ayub to help National Assembly in framing laws based
on Islamic concepts.
 Ulemas forced to retreat on the name of the country. 1st constitutional amendment
1963 changed country’s name to ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF PAKISTAN.
 After the political parties act legalize political organization, JI , Molana Maudidi
fired off volleys of criticism at the anti.islamc features of ayub regime.
 Before that 50 ulemah from the two wings met and condemn the Muslim family law
ordinance.
 The central council of JI which met in Lahore in 1962 passed series of resolutions
against 1) official advisory council of Islamic ideology, 2)the Muslim family law 3)the
Pakistan art council 4) the girl guides 4)the blue birds, 5)the constructions of
cinemas , 6)import of books against Islam.
Muslim Family Laws Ordinance and
Mullahs.
Mullah passed resolutions against Muslim family
law ordinance and submit a petition in national
assembly to repeal it.
Auyb gave constitutional cover to MFLO and
protect it from judicial scrutiny,
Later it was protected in 1973 constitution
however it become TOTEM of for women’s rights
and bete noire for islamists.
The rise of Mullah-Military complex
1)ayub turned to Islam as ethnic and class
divisions threatened his regime
2) he started emphasizing that Pakistan was
both a Muslim territorial homeland and fortress
of Islam in which army played a guardianship
role
3) by working with religiously motivated irregular
forces to advance Pakistan's strategic
objectives in Kashmir
4) he bound Islam, Pakistan identity and the
army together in a common defense against
“Indian aggression”
Role of islamist groups by 1950s politics
 They became street power by 1950 to challenge even
authoritarian regimes. Ayub and other rulers were fight
shy of a conflict with these groups rather they appease
them.
 This era saw the willingness of islamist groups to ally with
the political opposition in the name o advancing
democracy
 JI joined National Democratic Front which suhrwardy
launched on oct 1962. though the other allies were not
on same ideological page.
 JI revealed its greatest flexibility while standing behind
Fatima Jinnah at the time of 1965 presidential contest.
The rise of milbus under ayub
 Ayesha siddiqa conceptualized the involvement of army
in Pakistan’s business and industrial life with “Milbus”.
 She saw Indonesia and turkey another example of it
 According to her it is a technique by army to become a
pressure group with tis own agenda and motives for
intervention in the political process.
 Ayub ‘s era was the colonization of the Pakistan society
and polity by providing grants of lands for ex servicemen
in the newly irrigated areas of west Punjab and Sindh.
 In 1954 with the formation Fauji Foundation larger scale
of commercial activities started
 Later in the start of 21th century, Fauji Foundation
numbered among the largest business conglomerates in
Pakistan.
The rise of milbus under ayub
 Throughout the Ayub ‘s era, it was exempt from taxation
during its formative phase.
 The army’s expanding role in the economy of Pakistan
was facilitated by
 1) martial law
 2) by the importance ayub gave to private sector led
economic growth. And this strategy was encouraged by
US UK and Germany and they provided huge
development aid.

 Mullah didn’t object the economic growth strategies of

ayub so they dint interfere in this Milbus rise
 Business class could hardly complain because both were
 FF became heavily involved in Industrial units in tobacco, sugar and
textile industries. It had a textile factory in Jhelum, a sugar mill at
Tando Mohammad Khan in Sindh, Khyber Tobacco Company in
Mardan.
 It was also active with its establishments in Dhaka and Chittagong.
 Army involved itself in infrastructural actitivies. Frountier Works
Organization of the 805 km Karakorum Highway linking Pakistan and
China.
 The Frontier Works Organization established in 1966 has grown to be
the largest contractor for road construction in Pakistan, it collected
toll on all of the country’s motorway.
 FF involved in welfare projects on several areas. Constructing
schools, hospitals for the use of military personnel.
 Till 21th centaury there were 90 schools and colleges with 40,000
extolled students ,11 hospitals and 23 medical centers,
Rewarding servicemen with lands
raised military agricultural class
 Ayub regime saw the policy of rewarding servicemen with
agricultural land. This was acreage brought into production in Sindh
through the construction of Kotri, Guddu and Ghulam Muhammad
dams,
 It was apox. Between 300,000 and 1 million acers.
 Senior generals including Ayub (247 acres), Muhammad Musa (250
acers) and Umrao Khan (247 acers)/
 Even lieutenants to majors were assured to allocations of up to 100
acers/
 This increased the military agricultural class.
 This made connection between army and feudal elite ….can be
used as martial law B team.
Induction of army officers into bureaucracy
 Ayub initiated this policy. Later it was expanded by zia and
musharaff
 It wasn’t a reward system but it was based on army ‘s self
perception that it was the most effective state institution.
 This practice continued later.
 In Nawaz Sharif's 2nd govt. the army was deployed in 1998 Census to
root out Ghost Schools among 56,000 government funded primary
schools.
 1959 end, 53 army officers held civilian admistrative positions.
 Lt. general azam khan was the most influential of all.
 He was minister for Rehabilitation, he relieved Karachi’s serious
refugee housing situation by pushing through six month period the
new korangi housing development of some 15000 dwelling . He late
serve as governor of east Pakistan.
Result of army’s involvement in public
sector

 This involvement later brought corruption .

 It encourage nepotism
 Hassan Askari Rizi stated it as “Authoritarian Clientlism”
 As army was not required to undergo the process of
“accountability” that was imposed on civilians.
 Worst example was the involvement of ayub ‘s own
family in corruption.
 After his sons Akhtar and gohar retired from army.
Ayesha saddiqa stated

 “the military’s hegemonic control is noticeable in the case of Pakistan,

Indonesia and Turkey.”
The enduring rivalry with India
 Most scholars stated that 1965war ceasefire acceptance at
Tashkent declaration January 1966 was the starting point of Ayub’s
downfall.
 He went against the will of the people of Pakistan and the foreign
ministers.
 His foreign minister went against him and resigned in June 1966 to
emerge as the leader of growing opposition.
 In Tashkent Declaration Pakistan accepted the Ceasefire and the
pre-war status quo.
 It agitated the people of Pakistan.
 Sir Morris James from British High Commissioner stated “Ayub had
betrayed the nation and had inexcusably lost face to Indians.”
 Molana moududi joined the other opposition figures in a press
conference and accused ayub as “unpardonable weakness” in
purchasing peace at the cost of national honor and betraying the
just cause of Kashmir.
important points to understand after 1965 war
It created the sense of betrayal from US which
was the beginning of the chequered
relationship between two allies that persists
even today.
It marked the further stage in the Pakistan
state’s use of irregular Islamic forces. It helped
to pave the way for the link-up between
military and Jihadist groups. Which can be seen
in 80s and the in 21th century start.
Complex relationship with US and
turning to China in Ayub era
 Ayub regime was in good relationship with US.
 Had close ties of military and diplomatic level
 US was using Pakistan as wider cold war strategy.
 1961 president Kennedy stated Pakistan as “a friend of immediacy and
constancy,”
 The young foreign minister Z A Bhutto was advising ayub to tilt towards
china.
 Ayub felt let down by the U-2 spy crisis(1960) with Soviet Union and he was
reluctant to continue the long term relationship with US\
 1)The most significant turning point was sino-indian war 1962 ,enemy of an
enemy should be a friend,
 2)US and UK 120$ million of emergency military aid to India after sino-indian
war and defeat of India in it. Islamabad took it as threat to Pakistan than to
china.
 3)rann of kutch coastal border fight in April 1965.
Rise of anti Americanism among
Pakistani nation
Due to arm sales to India by US ignited
the protests by people in Pakistan
1) USIS library invasion in Karachi
2) stoning on army and government
vehicles in rwp.
3)along with fishman’s hotel
Growing anti US sentiment among the
junior ranks of the Pakistan army.
Kashmir issue during ayub era

Growing infiltration into Kashmir resulted in 17 day

indo-pak war
1)Zulfikar ali bhutoo involvement in operation
Gibraltar
2) motives for military irredentism involving Kashmir
which often broken down to strategic and self
interest factors.
3)the hoped for general uprising of the Kashmiri
Muslim population failed to materialize,
Operation Gibraltar
Pakistan thought it was the right time for attempt to capture Kashmir
being having an edge over India’s air and armor power.
Military assistance from US due to which India’s re-equipping
program was blooming, to stop
 that flow Pakistan started the war.
Misinterpreting Indian leadership due to Nehru’s death that
they would not absorb the offensive.
Disappearance of Holy-Relic on 27, Dec 1964 from Hazratbal Shrine.
International situation also favored Pakistan as they were having
alliances with US and China.
To present something to the nation after being defamed in the
rigged elections Ayyub khan launch it.
Planning and Operation
Planning of this operation started in start of 1965 and
approved in may 17,1965.
Commanded by Maj Gen Akhtar Hussain malik GOC 12th
Infantry division.
The plan was to send 8000 soldiers and volunteers from
AJ&K.
They were facilitated into the disputed region through
pooch, Uri, Tithwal, Kieran, rajuri and some other
regions of Jammu district
 Aims….
Major aim of the plan was to ignite a large scale
disturbance in IOK.
By attacking civilian, military and government targets
in IOK.
Intruders would mingle with locals for purpose to:
guide locals towards rebellion going for “armed
insurrection”
And obtain necessary support from locals
The gurella warfare plan was :
to destroy bridges
Stop enemy’s cooperation and communication
Attacking enemy’s installation and headquarters
 Result….
Lack of clear objective ( clumsy attempt)
Misinterpretation of Pakistani policy makers about the
rising of revolt in Kashmir
Lack of training experiences and expertise
Many Kashmiri indigenous didn’t supported the intruders
Absence of regular supply lines due to which they ran
out of the ammunition and left with no option either to
die or surrender in the wake of massive Indian onslaught.