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LECTURE PRESENTATION

Development Management (PDM 3471)


SESSION 1
Introduction
LECTURERS’ INFORMATION
Phanuel Kaapama
Lecturer: Politics, Governance and Development Studies
Department of Politics and Administrative Sciences
University of Namibia
Office No: X026
Tel No: 264 61-2063125
Fax No: 264 61-2063914
E-mail: pkaapama@unam.na
pmkaapama@hotmail.com
LEARNING OUTCOMES FOR THIS
MODULE
 Upon completion the students should in a position of:

 Have attained a comprehensive grasp of intellectual history of


Development Management as a distinct academic discipline.

 Demonstrate an understanding and being able to contextualize the


various developmental and organisational theories, as well as their
respective implications for the contemporary problems of
development, both locally, nationally and globally.

 Engaging in informed debates on matters relating to development


theories and practices.
MODULE DESCRIPTION
 Fundamental Questions:

 What is Development?

 What is Development Management, and how is it related to other


fields of social science?

 How do we measure Development? (Indicators of Development)

 What is the nature of the complex challenges that confronts


development practitioners and scholars, in their respective causes
of promoting development?
MODULE DESCRIPTION, CONTINUES
 Development Theories, Concepts, Approaches and Measurements
 Modernization Schools of Thoughts
 Dependency School of Thought
 Participatory/People Centred Approaches to Development :
 Community Development,
 Basic Needs,

 Social Learning and Empowerment Strategies

 Economic Neo Liberalism


 Post Modernism
 Sustainable Development
MODULE DESCRIPTION, CONTINUES

• The Development Impasse:


• Africa’s so – called Lost Decade
• Where to for Development Theory and Practice?
CLASS TIMETABLE

 Tuesday: 17h30 - 19h30

 Thursday: 19h30 - 21h30



RECOMMENDED TEXT (LITERATURE)
 Seers Dudley, 1979, ‘The Meaning of Development: With A Postscript’, in Lehmann D.
(ed.), Development Theory: Four Critical Studies, London: Frank Cass & Co., pp. 9 –
29

 Sekhri Sofiane, 2009, ‘Dependency Approach: Chances of Survival in the 21st Century’,
African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, Vol. 3 (5), pp. 242 –
252

 Matunhu J., 2011, ‘A Critque of Modernization and Dependency Theories in Africa:


Critical Assessment’, African Journal of History and Culture, Vol. 3 (5), pp. 65 – 72

 Sachs Jeffrey D., , Twentieth – Century Political Economy: A Brief History of Global
Capitalism, Oxford Review of Economic Policy, Vol. 15 (4), pp. 90 – 101

 Kurer Oskar, 1996, ‘The Political Foundations of Economic Development Policies’


Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 32 (5), pp. 645 – 668
RECOMMENDED TEXT (LITERATURE), CONTINUES
 Bracking Sarah, 2003, ‘Regulating Capital in Accumulation: Negotiating the Imperial
Frontier’ Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 30 (95), pp. 11 – 32

 Nino Helena Perez and Phillipe Le Billion, 2014, ‘Foreign Aid, Resource Rents and State
Fragility in Mozabique and Angola’, The ANNALS of the American Acdemy of Political
and Social Science, Vol. 656, pp. 79 – 96

 Hamdouch Abdelillah and Zuindeau Bertrand, 2010, ‘Sustainable Development, 20 Years


On: Methodo;ogical Innovations, Practices and Open Issues’, Journal of Environmental
Planning and Management, Vol. 53 (4), pp. 427 – 438

 United Nations Economic and Social Council , 2003, Report of the Committee of Experts
on Public Administration on the Mainstreaming Poverty Reduction Strategies Within
the Millenium Development Goals and the Role of Public Administration, April 7 – 11,
New York

 Cheru Fantu, 2006, ‘Bulding and Supporting PRSP’s in Africa: What Has Worked Well So
Far? What Needs Changing?’ Third World Quarterly, Vol. 27 (2), pp. 355 – 376
RECOMMENDED TEXT (LITERATURE), CONTINUES

 Carr
Edward R.M., 2008, ‘Rethinking Poverty Alleviation: A Poverties
Approach’, Development in Practice, Vol. 18 (6), pp. 726 – 734

 Fukuda– Parr Sakiko, 2011, ‘Theory and Policy in International Development:


Human Development and Capability Approach and the Millennium
Development Goals’, International Studies Review, Vol. 13, pp. 122 – 132

 United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2007, Trends in Human
Development and Human Poverty in Namibia: Background Paper to the
Namibia Human Development Report, Windhoek: UNDP – Namibia

 Jacques
Pater, Thomas Rebecca, Foster Daniel, McCann Jennifer and Tunno
Matthew, 2003, ‘Wal – Mart or World – Mart? A Teaching Case Study’, Review
of Radical Political Economics, Vol. 35 (4), pp. 513 – 533
RECOMMENDED TEXT (LITERATURE),
CONTINUES
 Aina Tade Akin, 1993, ‘Development Theory and Africa’s Lost Decade:
Critical Reflections on Africa’s Crisis and Current Trends in
Development Thinking and Practice’, in Von Troil M. (ed.) Changing
Paradigms in Development: South, East and West, Uppsala: The
Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, pp. 11 – 25

 Yansane Aguibou Y., 1996, ‘The Development of Development Thinking


in Africa: The Theory Revisited, in Yansane A.Y. (ed.), Development
Strategies in Africa: Current Economic, Sociopolitical and
Institutional Trends and Issues, Westport: Greenwood Press, pp. 3 – 62

 Le Pere Garth and Ikome Francis, 2009, ‘Challenges and Prospects for
Economic Development in Africa’ Asia – Pacific Review, Vol. 16 (2),
pp. 89 – 114
STUDENTS’ CONSULTATIONS

 Mondays 15h30 – 17h20


 Tuesdays 14h30 – 16h30
PROVISIONAL TESTS & ASSIGNMENT
DATES

 Test 1: April 23, 2015


 Assignment Due Date: April 30, 2015
WHAT DOES THE CONCEPT
DEVELOPMENT ENTAIL?
Dudley Seers – Sarah White –
Almost synonymous
to improvement,
Gained prominence in
the 19th century as a
Stressed the counterpoint of
relativistic nature of progress, to ameliorate
the normative the perceived chaos that
judgment of such
progress caused.
improvement, as well
as the indicators and
benchmarks used in A transformative
ascertaining whether it process comprises of
has taken place or not. three critical dimensions
SARAH WHITE’S 3 CRITICAL DIMENSIONS OF
DEVELOPMENT:

 Its materiality – in terms of the following means for the


extension and greater integration of markets and state
structures, the extraction of raw materials, the expansion
of science and technology, environmental degradation,
the movement of populations and the transformation of
the means and relations of production :

 Mounting the construction of physical infrastructural


projects.

 Constitution of bureaucracies, corporations, businesses and


non – governmental organizations.
WHITE’S 3 CRITICAL DIMENSIONS
OF DEVELOPMENT, CONTINUES
 Its techniques of transformations –
 The development plan has come to be regarded as the central symbol and
tool. The conceit that this apparatus is merely technical has become a
powerful constituting myth of development. Having a development plan and
planning commission became a kind of signature for newly independent ex –
colonial states.

 The planning procedures hinge on the processes of inscription which do not


simply describe the world, but also selectively highlight some aspects and
exclude others.

 The conception of development is far from being a neutral value free


processes, but both embody a particular ideological understanding of the way
the world should be, as well as actively constituting the world in their own
image
WHITE’S 3 CRITICAL DIMENSIONS OF
DEVELOPMENT, CONTINUES
 Its cultural construction as a
mode of knowing or a set of
regimes for the production of
knowledge – as the concept of
development essentially rest on
notions of differences between:

 Here and there,

 Now and then,

 Us and them,

 Developed and developing


THE DEVELOPED – DEVELOPING WORLDS
DICHOTOMY
 Martin Bulmer – the notion of developing countries is commonly
loosely used to refer to:
 All countries in Latin America, Africa and Asia with the exception of
Japan, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.
 With economies in which agriculture is the dominant activity,
 Have low per capita income, nutritional standards, literacy and
productivity.
 Health, water and social service provisions and transport and
communication facilities tend to be poor by comparison with industrial
countries of the developed world.
 Have high birth and death rates, short life expectancy, and a marked
incidence of ill-health, malnutrition and disease
THE DEVELOPED – DEVELOPING
WORLDS DICHOTOMY
 Although countries that are characterized as developing may have
many social and economic characteristics in common, this
simplistic characterization conceals a very wide variation within
this group of countries.

 Sarah White - the developing world “…is a residual category,


apparently geographical, but in practice a catch – all term,
comprising societies which are highly spatial and cultural diverse,
whose unity lies in being not the West. This unity is not simply
inert, however, but animated by common policy focus: the
constitution of these societies as a development problem
Development Theories, Paradigms,
Concepts, Approaches and
Measurements
DEVELOPMENT THEORIES AND PARADIGMS

 Described by Rein and Schön as the matrixes of intellectual


commitments within which intersecting and crisscrossing lines of
development scholarship proceeds.
The Modernization Schools of
Thoughts

SESSION 2
LEADING PROPONENTS:

 Came to the fore in the Post WWII era, propagated by


the following scholars
 Walter. W.Rostow – an American Economic Historian
 Smelser N.J. – an American Sociologist
 Daniel Lerner
WALTER. W. ROSTOW (1916 – 2003)

 Served as a major adviser on national


security affairs under the Kennedy
and Johnson administrations.

 Was a staunch anti - communist, and a


believer in the efficacy of capitalism
and free enterprises.

 Played a prominent for his role in the


shaping of US foreign policy in
Southeast Asia during the 1960s.
EVOLUTIONIST INCLINATIONS
 Modeled on the basis of the 19th century’s classical
theoretical notions and systematic studies on
evolutionary development processes.
 E.g. Charles Darwin, Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim –
emphasized the naturality and inevitability of change.
Hence the construction of their theoretical expositions
as a series of socio – structural type:
 From feudalism through capitalism to communism
NON MARXIST DISPOSITION
 Encapsulate a variety of
perspectives applied by Non-
Marxist in the North in dealing with:
 the questions of how the economic
and social structures of Asian, African
and Latin American colonies and ex-
colonies mainly could be awakened
from their traditional stupors.

 Rostow’s piece - The Stages of


Economic Development: A Non-
Communist Manifesto, published in
1960.
DIFFUSIONIST CHARACTER
 Believed that the processes of socioeconomic development follows
the same pattern, and that all societies could be distinguished from
one another only in that they occupied different positions on the
evolutionary scale.

 The assumption there can be a real transmission of cultural traits


from one region/community to another - “do as we did and your
problems would be overcome”
INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
THE MARSHALL PLAN & THE
POLITICS OF THE COLD WAR:
 WWII left European economies on the verge of
bankruptcy, due to the destruction of factories by
heavy bombing
 The Communist parties in Western Europe were
gaining popularity and it seemed likely that the
people would elect them if living conditions didn't
improve soon.
 This alarmed the Americans, who were desperate to
guard their sphere of influence against the increasing
threat of communism.
 In June 1947, the U.S. Secretary of State, George C.
Marshall (a war veteran) announced at Harvard
University, Massachusetts, that the USA would
provide economic aid and equipment to help the
economies of Europe recover and rebuild themselves
MARSHALL PLAN FOR EUROPEAN
RECONSTRUCTION
George C. Marshall
 American Marshall Plan for European
Reconstruction contribution to the
unprecedented post WWII
socioeconomic recovery in Europe.
 Saw the transfer of US$ 13 billions in
aid from US to 17 Western and
Southern European countries from
1948 – 1951.
 Austria,Belgium, Denmark, France,
Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway,
Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey,
the United Kingdom, and western
Germany.
DEVELOPMENT AID & THE LEGACY OF
MARSHALL PLAN
 The concept of Development Aid refers to the international flow
of capital, goods and/or services from developed countries, for the
benefit of the recipient developing countries.

 The most common type of foreign aid is official development


assistance (ODA), which is assistance given to promote
development and to combat poverty.

 It is used as a vehicle for the diffusion of modern value through


education and technology transfer to the elite in the
underdeveloped world as a way for the deliberate manipulation of
the recipient countries’ political and economic structures.
CONSIDERATION FOR GIVING
DEVELOPMENT AID

 Humanitarian – provide relieve from suffering caused by natural


or man-made disasters such as famine, disease, and destructive
wars. This type of assistance is presumed to be provided with little
or no self-interest by the donor country.

 Economic – to promote economic growth, diversification and


development.

 Political - to help establish or strengthen political institutions as


part of efforts for the promotion of smooth transitions to democracy
and capitalism.
 Funding for elections monitoring, judicial reforms, assistance to activities
of human rights organizations and labour groups.
SOURCES OF DEVELOPMENT AID
 Bilateral aid – comes from one country to another.

 Multilateral aid - channeled through international


organizations, e.g. International Monetary Fund (IMF),
the World Bank, and the United Nations Children’s Fund
(UNICEF)

 Non – state aid –


 NGO’s
 INGO’s
BILATERAL DONOR COUNTRIES:
 Traditionally the vast majority of  In recent years other
ODA used to come from the providers of significant
nearly two dozen countries that assistance came to include:
constitute the Organization for  Brazil,
Economic Cooperation and  China,
Development’s (OECD’s),  India,
Development Assistance  Kuwait,
Committee (DAC). These include:  Qatar,
 Western European countries,  Saudi Arabia,
 The US,  South Korea,
 Canada,
 Taiwan,
 Japan,
 Turkey, and
 Australia, and
 The United Arab Emirates
 New Zealand
DONOR COUNTRIES & AFRICA’S GEOGRAPHIC
SIZE
MULTILATERAL DONORS: THE UN SYSTEM
 In the 1970s the international community, through the United
Nations, set 0.7 percent of a country’s gross national income
(GNI) as the benchmark for foreign aid.

 Only a small number of countries (Denmark, Luxembourg, the


Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden) reached that mark.

 The United States and Japan have been the world’s two largest
donors, however their levels of foreign aid have fallen
significantly short of the UN’s goal.
MULTILATERAL DONORS: BRETTON WOODS FINANCIAL &
TRADING REGIMES

 Plays a major role in the:


 Allocation of international funds,
 Setting the requirements/qualifications for the receipt of aid,
 Assessment of the impact of foreign aid,

 Foreign aid flow is being deliberately exploited as a tool for the


promotion of the capitalist agenda of market-oriented economic
reforms, such as lowering trade barriers and privatization.
DEVELOPMENT AID AS SELF – SERVING
BENEVOLENCE
 Donor countries often provide foreign aid:
 To achieve a country’s diplomatic goals and recognition, to garner support for its positions
in international organizations, or to increase diplomatic access to foreign officials. It can be
a tool to foster political alliances and strategic advantages. To promote a country’s exports
by requiring the recipient country to use the aid to purchase the donor country’s goods,
technologies and services.

 To enhance their own security – by assisting friendly governments from falling under
undesired influences. Thus it can be withheld to punish states that seemed too close to the
opposing side. In extreme case foreign aid can become payment for the right to establish or
use military bases on foreign soil.

 Theway that foreign aid programs have operated charge that foreign aid has been
dominated by corporate interests.

 Spreading its language, culture, or religion.


CHALLENGES FOR DEVELOPMENT
AID
 Although significant development occurred in
much of Asia and Latin America during the
second half of the 20th century, many countries in
Africa remained severely underdeveloped despite
receiving relatively large amounts of foreign aid
for long periods. Hence it is being criticized as
ineffective and wasteful

 Critics of the IMF allege that the required


structural adjustments are too politically difficult
and too rigorous and that the debts incurred
through concessional loans help to create poverty,
as capital that could have been invested instead
was channeled into debt repayment.

 The World Bank have come under criticism for


being insensitive to local needs and more often
approving projects that did more harm than good
AID AS CHARITY VS. AID AS
SOLIDARITY
Eduardo Hughes Galeano (1940 –
2015) a Uruguayan journalist,
writer and novelist
LINEAR TRANSITION FROM
TRADITION TO MODERNITY
 Replacement of negatively
connoted mechanical solidarity
of traditional irrational order of
kinship ties with positively
connoted organic solidarity of
the rational, impersonal and
contractual relations of modern
society.

 Lerner’s publication titled : ‘The


Passing of Traditional Society
ROSTOW’S LINEAR MODEL OF STAGES OF
DEVELOPMENT
 Putforth the following five successive stages for the transformation
of TW countries from their traditional stupor to the ages of mass
consumption.

 Traditional society stage

 Precondition for takeoff stage

 Take-off stage

 The drive to maturity stage

 Age of high mass consumption


ROSTOW MODEL
ROSENSTEIN-RODAN’S BIG PUSH FOR
BALANCE DEVELOPMENT
 Paul Narcyz Rosenstein-Rodan
(1902–1985) was an Austrian
economists of Polish-Jewish origin

 The was based on research on


Eastern European economies
released in 1943.
ROSENSTEIN-RODAN’S BIG PUSH FOR
BALANCE DEVELOPMENT
 Emphasis on the vitality of massive investments in social overhead
capital, such as road, power transmissiona and distribution
infrastructure etc.

 The stimulation of economic growth through accumulation of capital


and heavy industrialization.

 World Bank (WB) in the 1950’s and 60’s urged developing countries
to invest in:
 Large massive Industrial estates to facilitate trade and industrial production.

 Mechanization of agriculture, as way of raising rural/agricultural


productivity, and for the transfer of free hands (unemployed/labour) from
agriculture to industry.
THE TARGETED INTERVENTION PROGRAMME FOR
EMPLOYMENT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH (TIPEEG)
 Is an ambitious job creation programme seeking to create short-term jobs by
focusing on selected economic sectors and public works; as well as putting in
place the required infrastructures necessary for economic growth in the
future.

 It targeted to create 104 000 jobs over its three – year lifespan, to address
Namibia's high unemployment rate, which at that time was estimated at 51
percent.

 From its launch in April 2011 to March 2013, the total number of jobs
created through the programme stood at 64, 928.

 The programme was allocated N$14,7 billion over the three – year rolling
budget.
TOTAL TIPEEG INVESTMENT REQUIREMENTS
(2011 - 2014) IN MILLION N$
6,000 5,528
5,000
4,000 3,603
3,080
3,000
2,000 1,799

1,000 649
0
re rt n m k s
tl u p o t io ris or
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u a ns ni
ta ou W
ag
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& Pu
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in
us
Ho
KUZNET’ INVERTED U HYPOTHESIS
 Developed by Simon Smith Kuznets (1901 –
1985) – a Russian – American economist and
1971 Nobel Prize in Economics winner.

 He advanced a hypothesis in the 1950s and '60s


that as economies of developing countries starts
to grow income inequalities would increase,
this would however eventually level off in the
long-run, to achieve equitable economic
growth.

 Advocated for the naturalization of inequalities


in the initial phases of development, as a
normal occurrence that would be overcome
with the savings from the initial investment, to
attain both economic growth and balanced
development in the long-run.
 Economic Growth Point and
Trickle Down (Ripple) Effect
Development Strategies
 Based on the assumption that
large –scale investment creates
economic growth points within a
country, from which prosperity
would gradually spread to
adjacent area, until the entire
country is fully developed.

 What TW countries required


setting the ball rolling was the
mere injection of large doses of
investment funds and foreign aid
SCHEMATIC DEPICTION

High
National
Output

Economic
Savings
Growth

Large – scale Additional


Investments investments
FAILURE OF ECONOMIC GROWTH
POINT:

 Urbanization  Urban Poverty


STATE-CENTRIC PROCLIVITY
 Perceived development as complex
processes of interaction between
social change and economic
development, and mediated by
politics. Hence the emphasis on the
talismanic role of state.

 Influenced by the work of John


Maynard Keynes (1883 – 1946) a
British economist, in particular ideas
of state intervention both for
economic growth and welfare.
CRITICISM OF THE MODERNIZATION SCHOOL OF
THOUGHT
 Its theoretical outlook became contaminated by the bi-polar politics of the cold war,
by engendering the fear for intellectual isolation particularly among Western
Scholars.

 The structural difficulties in developing countries were seen to be internal, hence


neglecting the implications of the exploitative colonial relations with the
industrialized Western nations.

 Projecting the development of the TW based on the idealized and simplified


European processes and experience, was deemed highly illogical and inconsiderate
of the fact that similar economic circumstances were lacking in the TW.

 Treatment of TW countries as though they were homogenous, by ignoring or


overlooking the enormous difference between them.

 Inadequate savings not only made the servicing of the loans taken to facilitate the big
push, but also hampered the repair the dilapidated infrastructure.
…CRITICISM, CONTINUES
 The affluent classes were less inclined to save but preferred to spend on
imported luxuries.

 The extraction of agricultural surpluses to oil the wheels of industrialization,


the reduced investment in agriculture, hence negatively impacting on the
sustenance of adequate agricultural output levels because. The end result was
the driving of peasants off the land and into the cities in each of a better
livelihood

 The failure of wealth to trickle down, forced the poor on the fringes to simply
flocked to the poles of prosperity (massive urbanization), were the gab between
the rich and the poor widened.

 From the 1970’s onward poverty became more rampant, suggesting that the
exaggerated economic growth which was equated for overall development,
failed to deliver the anticipated trickle-down effect.
THE DEPENDENCY SCHOOL OF
THOUGHT
ORIGIN & RATIONAL
 Emanated from developed countries (the center) predominantly
were rooted in developing countries (the periphery).
 Aimed at the expansion of the original parameters of
mainstream development theory, based on an incorporation of a
historically orientated framework and ethical tradition of the
general development theory founded by Hegel and Marx.
 Engaged in major critiques of the Modernization theories,
especially in the context of Latin America – which compared to
the rest of the developing world enjoyed longer periods of self-
rule, but failed to derived significant benefit.
MEANING OF THE CONCEPT
DEPENDENCY

 Refers to a conditioning relationship in which the economies


of developing countries are conditioned by expansions and/or
contractions experienced by the economies of developed
industrialized country(ies).

 Meaning the economies of developed countries can expand


through self-impulsion while those of developing countries
can only expand as reflection of the expansion of their
dominant counterparts.
MEANING OF THE CONCEPT
UNDERDEVELOPMENT
 Denotes the situation in which the centre States employ their
technical and industrial edge to dominate, exploit and distort
peripheral regions of the work economic system.

 Underdevelopment is not a historical stage through which the


presently developed countries passed, but is in large part the
historical product of past and continuing economic and other
relations between the satellite underdeveloped countries on the
one hand and their developed counterparts on the other.
THEORIES OF THE DEPENDENCY SCHOOL OF
THOUGHT
 There are a number of related strands of such theories:
 Structuralist
(Reformist) Dependency Theories
 Neo Marxist (Radical) Dependency Theories
 Modes on Production Theories
 World Systems Theory

 Crosses many disciplinary boundaries, and encompasses many


different and complex ideological positions and level of
analysis.
Structuralist (Reformist)
Dependency Theories
LEADING PROPONENTS
 Raul Prebisch (1901 – 1986) – an Argentinean economist who
in the 1950’s worked for the UN-ECLA, also later served as as
the founding secretary-general of UNCTAD.
 Celso Monteiro Furtado (1920 – 2004) – Brazilian economist.

 Walter Rodney (1942 –1980) – a Guyanese historian and


political figure who authored the book – How Europe
Underdeveloped Africa, published in 1972.
 Fernando Henrique Cardoso – a sociologist who after retiring
from the academia served as the President of Brazil until 2002.
 Osvaldo Sunkel – Chilean economist.

 Immanuel Wallerstein – an American sociologist.


ROLE PLAYED BY RAUL PREBISCH & UN-
ECLA

 Became the hotbed for


the development of
structuralist thinking.
 Prebisch led the work on
the development of
comprehensive Latin
American
historiographies and the
structuralist analysis of
Latin America and the
Caribbean economies.
MAJOR THRUST AND PERIOD OF
DOMINANCE

 SDTwas the first original body of development theory to


emanate from the TW.

 Emergedin the 1940’s played a critical role in the 1960’s in a


number of developing countries until the late 1980’s.

 Pointed to the structural differentiation of the global capitalist


system, the asymmetries in the distribution of benefits from trade
and foreign investment, as the bases for concluding that the world
trade system perpetuated a structure of underdevelopment, rather
than acting as a solvent of problems embattling the weak
economies of developing countries
MAJOR THRUSTS, CONTINUES
 Developed as critique to neoclassical economic analysis, such as
Keynesian theories, which according to the structuralists were
intended for mature capitalistic condition of the industrialized
countries, thus they were deemed to have limited utility to the
conditions of developing countries.

 Cristobal Kay - “Keynesian and neoclassical theoretical equipment were


removed from the realities of the TW, as it reflected the doctrine of
developed countries in response to earlier events…E.g. In many TW
money was not the universal means of exchange and financial institutions
hardly existed, a large proportion of the rural population were subsistence
peasant farmers, infrastructure was limited, education and literacy poor…
This would therefore mean that capital and labour markets, as well as the
price mechanisms worked differently in these countries compared with
their equivalents in industrialized nations”
MAJOR THRUSTS, CONTINUES
 Major decisions that affects socioeconomic progress within the
less developed countries are made by individual and
institutions outside those countries:
 Commodity prices,
 Investment patterns,
 Monetary relationships, etc.

 Therefore the bulk of the policies prescribed to the TW by


modernization and other development theorists and
practitioners of the time at best delayed development, whilst at
worst continually reproduced dependency and
underdevelopment.
MAJOR THRUSTS, CONTINUES
 Strainedimposed by the foreign ownerships and domination
of the productive sectors of developing countries’ economies.
 Interms of the availability of scarce foreign exchange.
 Capital flights through the processes of:
 unequal exchange and terms of trade
 Extraction of economic surpluses

 Blatant economic plunder;

 Repatriation of profits;

 Monopoly rent (royalties payment) for the utilization of the centre’s

technologies;
 trade and tariff policies that denied the periphery control over their

internal markets or the access to those of the centre


PROPOSED DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES
 Reforming the asymmetrical international capitalist system
through hard bargaining and pragmatic negotiations.
 Import-Substitution Industrialization Strategies as key and
foremost measures for the restructuring of the productive
apparatus.
 Proposed joint-venture agreements between national
government and MNC to implement the strategies that expand
and diversifying exports, reform the traditional agrarian
structure and redirect the industrialization process through the
development of capital goods sectors and production for export.
IMPORT-SUBSTITUTION INDUSTRIALIZATION
STRATEGIES
Neo Marxist (Radical)
Dependency Theories
LEADING PROPONENTS
 Andre Gunter Frank
(1929 - 2005) – A
German American
economic historian and
sociologist.
 Theotonio Dos Santos –
Brazilian economist
SHAMIR AMIN (1931 –)
 An Egyptian Marxian economist,
currently living in Dakar, Senegal.
 Has written more than 30 books
including:
 Imperialism & Unequal
Development,
 Specters of Capitalism: A Critique of
Current Intellectual Fashions,
 Obsolescent Capitalism:
Contemporary Politics, and
 Global Disorder and The Liberal
Virus.
THE NEO – MARXIST DIMENSIONS:
 Referred to as neo-Marxist because: although embracing a strong
Marxist framework for the analysis of the relationship of
dependence, it however remained critical of both the orthodox
Marxism and SDT.

 Rejection of the orthodox Marxist notion relating to the progressive


role of capitalism, especially in the context of dependent countries.

 Saw capitalism as a process of creative destruction, whose destructive


effect are more severe in the peripheral countries than they were in the
central capitalist countries.
CRITIQUE OF STRUCTURALIST
(REFORMIST) DEPENDENCY
THEORIES
 Characterized SDT as a bourgeois reformist approach on ground
of its over-emphasis on the external causes of underdevelopment
at the expense of the equally critical internal dualisms, e.g. rich
becoming richer while the poor becomes poorer.
 Peripheral capitalism is an initiative of the consumption patterns
of the center countries, therefore, underdevelopment is rooted in a
specific connection between the internal process of exploitation
and the external process dependence, thus should the state of
external dependence increase then the intensity of internal
exploitation also escalate.
 Observed that the inflow of foreign investment give rise to a much
greater cash outflow by way of interest and profit payments by the
periphery to the metropolis world.
ALLEGED FAILURE OF IMPORT SUBSTITUTING
INDUSTRIALIZATION STRATEGIES
 This motivated development of MDT, which it blamed
for:
 Further perpetuating external dependence, which raised the
vulnerability of the developing countries to fluctuations in
foreign exchange.
 Having rendered the ability of these countries to industrialize
more remote and unsustainable.
 Making it increasingly difficult for these countries to pay for
essential spare parts, raw materials imported from outside.
THE MODERNIZED POLITICAL AND
ECONOMIC ELITES:
 Were branded as being lumpen bourgeoisies serving their own
and foreign interest, and not the needs of the people.

 This national bourgeoisie and the middle class were seen as


having been transformed into private transnational technocracy.

 These effectively eliminated the national entrepreneurial class,


to the detriment of a self-sustained process of national
development.
PROPOSED DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES
 A socialist revolution and not a new populist alliance
seeking to reform the international economic system can
resolve the problems of dependence and
underdevelopment in the TW.

 Economic de-linking of the developing countries from


their developed counterpart.
WORLD SYSTEMS THEORY
OLIVER CROMWELL COX (1901 –1974)
 He as a Trinidadian-American sociologist.

 Acclaimed as a founder of the World System


theory in the 1940’s, when he sketched out the
parameters which explained capitalism as a
world – wide socio – cultural system of
resource exploitation, racial subjugation and
international stratification.

 Was noted for his early Marxist viewpoint


critique of capitalism and race in the trilogy of
volumes:
 Foundations of Capitalism (1959),
 Capitalism and American Leadership (1962),
 Capitalism as a System (1964),
IMMANUEL WALLERSTEIN
 An American sociologist, historical
social scientist, and world-systems
analyst, arguably best known for his
development of the general approach
in sociology which led to the
emergence of his World-System
Theory

 His first volume on world-system


theory, was The Modern World
System, which was written in 1974.
WORLD SYSTEMS THEORY
 Wallerstein rejected the notion
of a "Third World", claiming
that there is only one world
connected by a world - wide
complex network of economic
exchange relationships — in
which the "dichotomy of capital
and labor" and the endless
"accumulation of capital" by
competing agents (historically
including, but not limited, to
nation-states) account for
frictions.
CRITIQUE OF THE
DEPENDENCY SCHOOL OF
THOUGHT
DEPENDENCY: AN ALL INCLUSIVE
THEORY?
 Tended to put forth , as well as critiques of particular aspects
of orthodox theories from the center.

 Was not presented in a systematic and comprehensive manner.

 Did not set out to construct an all-inclusive theory.


OVERSTATED ALTERNATIVE
DEVELOPMENTAL PATHS
 Obscured by the highly-flavoured state orientated conception
of development.

 Failure to visualize that very few developing countries lacked


institutional capability required to lead the national
development process along the anticipated alternative
development path: such as in terms of:
 Bureaucracy,
 Localcapitalist classes
 Labour movement.
CLASS REDUCTIONISM:
 Neglected other important socio – cultural and phenomena and
hence failing to articulate how the anticipated alternative
development approaches would have impacted and/or
influenced by such phenomenon, e.g.

 Gender,

 Ethnicity, etc.
DEPENDENCY SCHOOL OF THOUGHT
PROVEN WRONG?
 Since the late 1980’s questions started to arise as to whether
the dependency prophesies regarding stagnated and blocked
industrialization, have been quashed by the economic
expansion and structural transformation achieved by some
peripheral economies.

 Especially those that anchored the exportation of raw material


and intensive manufacturing production to export oriented
industrialization strategies,
 E.g. South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore.
BAYART’S DIAMETRICALLY
OPPOSED APPROACH
JEAN FRANCIOS BAYART
 A French political scientist who
specializes in comparative
historical sociology of the state.
He authored several books on
sub-Saharan Africa and the
historicity of the policy:
 The Criminalization of the State in
Africa
 The State in Africa: The Politics of
the Belly
 The Illusion of Cultural Identity
EXTRAVERSION HYPOTHESIS
 Characterized dependency is a process, matrix of action, rather
than a structure, as conceived in various dependency theoretical
perspectives.
 The extraversion Hypothesis - entails a paradigm of the self –
preservation strategies – as deliberate recourses for the
mobilization and capture of resources generated from uneven and
asymmetrical relationships of dependency, and therefore
functions as a historical matrix of inequality, political
centralization and social struggle.
THE CASE OF AFRICA:
 Alluded to Africa’s tendency to export its various factors of
production in raw form, whether in terms of the:
 Working capacity which is exported as emigration,
 Agricultural or mineral resources which it export in either formal or informal
systems,
 Capital which it expatriate in the form of flight capital and, more rarely
perhaps as debt repayment.
 Blamed the colonial and post colonial political and economic elites for
having rendered themselves active players in the long processes that
reduced the continent to its current state of dependency.
 For this group not only manage this unequal relationship with the
international economic system, but has also remained too eager to
derive from such relationships the resources necessary for their
domestic overlordship.
PARTICIPATORY/PEOPLE
CENTRED APPROACHES TO
DEVELOPMENT
LEADING PROPONENTS:
 Dudley Seers’ – in an article published in 1979 under the title: ‘The
Meaning of Development’ that became a Development Studies’
classic.

 Paulo Freire – ‘the Pedagogy of the Oppressed’ based on his


experience of the literacy training work he did among the peasants
in Brazil.

 Amartya Sen in 1999 published a book titled ‘Development as


Freedom’, which was a culmination of his observations of situations
of famine, the East Asian preconditions for economic success and
the enhanced freedoms and opportunities afforded to citizens in
numerous liberal democratic societies.
LEADING PROPONENTS, CONTINUES

 The ILO through its work titled “Employment Growth and Basic
Needs: A One World Problem.

 Between 1971-1976, the US Congress allocated US$40 million


to the Inter-American for experimental 305 projects addressing
basic, needs of the poor in Latin America and the Caribbean.

 These became “social indicators movement” through their


efforts to devise non economic factors in the enhancement of the
quality of life – such as education, health, housing, social
mobility, land tenure patterns
HISTORY OF DEVELOPMENT THEORY
 Premised on abstract theories of the structural processes of
development, leading to the implementation across large and often
diverse population of modernization, industrialization,
revolutionization, liberalization and adjustment programmes of action.

 Based on the assumption that people behave in common ways


regardless of location, and ignoring the particularities of in situ
institutions.

 Their scale and insensitivities to place has tended to benefit some,


whilst marginalizing many others, whilst also aggravating of numerous
other challenges, such as:
 Environmental damages, socioeconomic inequality, bureaucratization of
development administration etc.
SOME EXAMPLES:
 Keynesian welfare economics with its orientation state intervention for the
promotion of economic growth and social welfare.

 Classical school of management thought with its perception of organizations as


closed systems, and emphasis on:
 Weberian bureaucratic models of scientific manager and ideal-type of bureaucratic form of
organization. Such that bureaucratic management became the principal instrumentality for
achieving the goal of development
 Elitist bias – placed greater emphasis on the role of an enlightened minority in processes of
socioeconomic transformation.

 Modernization’s theories’ notion of big government as the beneficent instrument for


achieving economic expansion and an increasingly just society.

 Dependency school of thought – was predominantly rooted in developing countries


(the periphery), in particular in the desire to overcome the legacy of the colonial era.
Hence the numerous attempts for the localisation (indigenouzation) of the state,
through the greater centralization of political and economic power
IMPLICATIONS: TOP – DOWN DEVELOPMENT
PLANNING
 Inspired by the notion of “verticality” – which refers to the central
and pervasive idea of the state as an institution somehow above civil
society, community and family.

 Inherently top – down state planning became efforts for the


manipulation of development from above.

 Top – down planning centralism and capital-intensive


industrialization and investment programmes was met with limited
success.

 Little attention was thus paid to the direct measures for poverty
alleviation.
DUDLEY SEERS’S
SEMINAL ARTICLE

‘The Meaning of Development: With A Postscript’, in Lehmann D.


(ed.), Development Theory: Four Critical Studies, London: Frank
Cass & Co., (1979), pp. 9 – 29
 British economist (1920 -
1983) worked for:

 Various UN agencies

 Oxford university

 Institutefor Development
Studies @ University of
Sussex, as Director 1962 -
1972
Historical
Experience As a Sources for Value
Judgment:

 Following in the footsteps of other countries, by aiming at


their present state as the goalpost for one’s own development.

 Yet
few of the rich/developed countries appears to the outside
world as really desirable model worth emulating.

 Besidesit is by no means obvious or even likely that one


would be able to trace the histories of these countries, leave
alone being able to replicate their experiences.
Politics
and Government As a Sources for Value
Judgment:

Through its system of economic planning, that seem to


have “… necessarily a rather short – term view, in some
cases discounting the future at a very high rate” (pp. 10).

Where some government may themselves be the main


obstacle to development, where would one to obtain the
yardstick by which government objectives are to be
judged?
Level of Poverty
Direct link between per capita income of the country and
the incidences of poverty.

Poverty can be eliminated much more rapidly if any


given rate of economic growth is accompanied by
declining concentration of income.
Level of Unemployment
 Without employment one may become chronically dependent
on another person’s productive capacity, which would be
incompatible with self – respect for a non – senile adult (pp.
11)
Level of Inequality
 Alluded to the internal contradiction in the development
process that has sustained the failure to fully appreciate
the damaging consequences of inequality.
 Inequality – Growth Nexus

 Pointed to a well – know classical postulation, stating that


inequality generates savings and incentives, and thus promote
economic growth and employment.

 This may be partly explained on the basis of the presumed high


consumption standards of an unequal society.

 This view is obviously of limited validity, as in most highly


unequal societies, personal savings often flow:
 abroad or
 go into luxury goods and services with a high foreign exchange content,
 into various other investment projects of low or zero priority for
development (pp. 18).
 The Compatibility of Inequality, Economic Growth and
Employment

Will the rate of production be able to rise rapidly and


consistently if a proportion of the labor force is so badly
nourished for full manual and mental work?

Can government sustain the cooperation of the population


in ways that may be necessary for the attainment of the
goals of economic growth, if there is visible evidence of
the transmission of great wealth by some from generation
to generation, while other see their children’s children
doomed indefinitely in the vicious cycle of poverty? (pp.
19)
 “The social barriers and inhibitions of an unequal society
distort the personalities of those with high income no less than
of those who are poor. As trivial difference of accent,
language, dress, custom etc. acquire absurd importance and
contempt is engendered for those who lack social graces…
Since race [ethnicity] is usually highly correlated with income,
economic inequality lies at the heart of racial [ethnic]
tensions. More seriously inequality of income is associated
with other inequalities, especially in education and political
power, which reinforce it” (11 – 12).
 Critic of National Income as an Appropriate Measure of
Development:

 The strong intellectual attraction to national income as measures on the basis of


GDP/GNP as more convenient single aggregative measurements for development.

 This tendency looked in his view as an avoidance of the fundamental problems of
development (pp. 9 – 10).

 These can be attributed to the fact that by 1950 the industrialized world
had managed to alleviate their 19th century socioeconomic challenges

 Economists in particular turned their attention to innovation of


professional techniques of economic comparative analysis, and national
income seemed to them as ideal for comparing growth rates of countries
during different periods, or for constructing an international league tables
 Is National Income an objective and quantifiable value –
free measure of development?

 How adequately would National Income based measures be


able to measure demand when its distribution is unequal?

 How objective would the measurement of demand be when it


is partially determined by salesmanship, or when tastes are to
some extent imported?
 Resolving Social and Political Challenges

 Questioned the supposition that rapid increases in national income would


sooner or later lead to the resolution of social crises and political upheavals.
As such crises of these natures may equally emerge in countries with rapidly
rising per capita incomes inasmuch as those with stagnant economies.

 Growth may not only fail to resolve social and political difficulties, certain
types of growth may actually exacerbate and/or generate anew political and
social problems of various scopes and scales (pp. 9).
 Relating National Income and Other Indicators of Development:

 In spite the fact that National Income may be an inappropriate indicator of


development, this in his view should not suggest that it is a totally
meaningless concept.

 Fiscal system could bring about development much faster, if the increased
national income is availed for transfer payments to the poor (pp. 12).

 Fast growth rate implies a greater saving capacity which could foreshadow
true development in the future.

 Economic growth may be a necessary condition for poverty reduction, but


on its own it may not be considered a sufficient condition for development.
 The Increasing Importance of Social Challenges:

 Predicted that as the importance of the social problems spread,


statistical offices will be forced to balance the weight accorded
to national income estimation, through the preparation of
appropriate social indicators.

 Acknowledged that this was bound to be a mammoth task in


view of the conceptual problems that may confront the setting
of appropriate assessment standards (pp. 15 – 16).

 For example of unemployment that had proven to be


notoriously difficult to define in non – industrialized countries,
given for instance the disguised rural under – employment
attributed to seasonal variations in activities.
 Criticism of Seers Prognosis

 Made a number of propositions that suggest that at the time of


writing this piece Seers has made limited movement away from
the a rather economic reductionist view of development of that
time:

 The political and environmental aims of development may not be


immediate priorities, but may have to be given greater attention
later.

 The problem of inequality should be defined more from the narrow


prisms of economics, hence freedom from repressive sexual codes,
may at a later stage be mainstreamed into the primary aim of
development (pp. 12).
THE BASIC NEEDS
APPROACHES
KEY OBJECTIVES
 Drawing attention to non-subsistence needs as deemed requisite to
the enjoyment of basic needs, these includes the satisfaction of the
needs for nutrition, portable water, sanitation, health care, education,
shelters etc

 Ensuring that the processes of economic development become more


inclined towards meeting the needs of the population at large.

 Ensuring that all human beings accorded opportunities to live full


lives.

 Securing access to minimum levels of consumption of certain goods


and services.
KEY OBJECTIVES, CONTINUES
 Advocating for provisioning of a reasonable level of
subsistence to all. Hence subsistence was seen as having
precedence over fairness – meaning that individual choices
could conceivably be subordinated to a greater good to society
at large.

 In view the debilitating effect of malnutrition and poor health


affect productivity, the BNA policies therefore emphasized
investment in human capital as both a requirement and basis
for a dynamic and self-sustaining growth.
MEASURING DEVELOPMENT
 Became current in mid 1970’s.

 Attaches fundamental importance to poverty eradication within a short


period as one of the main objectives of development, rather then the
propagating of relative standard, such as equity:
 Inthat such relative standards may not necessarily improve the living
conditions of the absolutely poor households.

 Economic measures (such as GNP per capita) not meaningfully contributing


towards the direct improvement of the lives of the poor households in terms of
jobs, income distribution and, food security and basic alleviation of critical
poverty.

 Under conditions of limited resources the leveling of income inequalities may


worsen the condition of the very poor, because the equitable distribution could
potentially provide an income below objective minimum standard
KEY ASSUMPTIONS:

 The problem of development was not only the degree of capitalization but
also the relationship and significance that any increase in the GDP will
have on the poor.

 Economic development presupposes a focus much broader than growth


alone, as it may entails various other issues as well, such as:
 Effective factor use,

 Economic diversification through the fostering of both vertical and horizontal


linkages between and across economic activities and sectors

 The stimulation of the effective demand of the poor as an avenue for the
broadening and rationalization of the investment and employment bases. Since the
consumption of locally produced goods by the poor who are the majority in many
developing countries is a necessary base for economic growth.
KEY ASSUMPTIONS, CONTINUES
 High employment levels were seen as a necessary condition and a
major means for achieving growth in output; as well as for
providing the poor with the wherewithal to obtain such goods and
services.

 Equalization of powers among all members of society was seen as a


necessary step towards the allowing of greater control over
government by the poor, hence affording them sufficient
participation in the public sphere was promoted.
PROPOSED DEVELOPMENT
STRATEGIES:
 Pragmatic poverty alleviation agenda which include:
 Economic growth,
 Productive employment,
 Public service provision and income and food transfer
policies;
 Land reform, agricultural extension services,
 Pricing and tax policy reforms.
 Projects for the construction of schools, clinics and hospitals
CRITICISM AND SHORTCOMINGS:
 For those who saw economic growth and basic needs satisfaction as
mutually exclusive the provision of basic needs became a source of major
trade-off dilemma between consumption and investment.

 BNA was feared for it “could interfere with development…by sucking up


capital needed elsewhere. Cuba, Tanzania and Sri Lanka were cited, as
instances were consumption constrained the ability of the economy to
grow.

 May be effective as a micro-level approach, or as a guiding principle for


policy making, but:
 At a macro-level it does not provide the means for development agenda setting,
 Neither does it provide the means for coordinating the diverse groups demanding
development,
 Nor does it predict the kind of society that will emerge for the process of basic
needs satisfaction.
COMMUNITY BASED
DEVELOPMENT PLANNING
ROBERT CHAMBERS
HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
PARADIGM
THE MEANING & THRUST OF HUMAN
DEVELOPMENT
 Human development defined as a process of empowering the
people to lead fuller and more creative lives in accordance with
their own needs and interests, by enlarging the scope of the
choices available to them (UNDP,1990).
 Has in the past been applied to the analysis of various factors
that causes affliction to the capabilities of people to live fuller
and more creative lives, such as:
 Illiteracy,
 Lack of health care services,
 Unemployment,
 Conflict and violence etc.
PRIMARY FOCUS
 The acknowledgement of the fact that the real wealth of
nations are the variety of valuable assets that human
beings are endowed with, these include the following:
 Human assets, such as skills and good health;
 Natural assets, such as land;
 Physical assets, such as access to the networks of roads and
telecommunication;
 Financial assets, such as savings and access to credit;
 Social assets, such as networks of contacts and reciprocal
obligations that can be called on in time of need, and political
influence over resources;
 Psychological resources, such as emotional security, personal
dignity, self respect etc
AMARTYA SEN’S INSPIRATION OF THE
HUMAN DEVELOPMENT PARADIGM
 Winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize in
Economics.

 Currently the Thomas W. Lamont


University Professor and Professor
of Economics and Philosophy at
Harvard University.

 Referred to as the Mother Teresa of


the economic discipline, and his
books have been translated into
more than thirty languages.
SEN’S PROGNOSIS OF DEVELOPMENT
 Advocated for a developmental theoretical framework that
privileges the agency of the beneficiaries, rather than grand theories
on how people are likely to behave.

 Characterized development as not so much something that can be


done to others, but instead as something that people do for
themselves, as they see fit, provided they are given:
 Sufficient economic opportunities,
 Political liberties,
 Social powers, and
 The enabling conditions of good health, basic education and the
encouragement and cultivation of initiatives.
DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM
 Deemed freedoms as a crucial instrumental element in the enabling of people to take
initiatives through which they will be able to pursue outcomes that are valuable to
them. These include the following interconnected, and mutually supplementary and
reinforcing sets of freedoms:

 Political freedoms – e.g. freedom of speech, freedom of the media, civil liberties and
the freedom to vote.

 Social opportunities – e.g. the opportunity of access to education and health care, and
to participate in social life.

 Transparency guarantees – e.g. the procedures to ensure openness and


accountability in transaction to militate against corruption and other inappropriate
dealings.

 Protective security – e.g. arrangement as typically associated with social security to


protect people from misery and disaster.
TWO ADDITIONAL SETS OF FREEDOMS:
 Freedom from direct violence – including both the actual and
threats of physical injuries.

 The equitable allocation of all the above six freedoms within


and between people in both the current as well as future
generations.

 In the case of natural resources extraction such equity guarantees


would entail that the transactions thereof would be based on the
choice of buyers as well as reasoned calculations, rather than being
compelled by extreme poverty and/or threats of violence into the
allowing such resources to be plundered.
UNDP’S HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORTING
SYSTEM (HDR)
 Based on the conceptual bases of the Human
Development paradigm.
 Human Development Report (HDR) has become
renowned for its 'human development index,' a ranking
of 177 countries on the basis of their performance on
health and education, in addition to per capita income.
MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT
DECLARATION AND GOALS
ORIGIN & THRUST
 Were adopted by 189 UN
members states in the year 2000
the United National General
Assembly as part of the UN
Millennium Declaration.

 Encompasses time-bound
developmental goals and
objectives for the first 20 years
of the twenty-first century,

 Comprised of 8 goals, which are


linked to 18 targets and 48
indicators.
NAMIBIA’S ROLE IN THE MILLENNIUM
SUMMIT
Sam Nujoma – co – chaired the
Summit), together with Tarja Theo-Ben Gurirab chaired the fifty-
Halonen, the President of Finland fourth session of the UN General
Assembly
GOALS 1:ERADICATING EXTREME
HUNGER AND POVERTY
 By half the proportion of people living on less than a dollar a day
from 27.9 percent of all people in low and middle income
economies to 14.0 percent.

 If projected growth remains on track then 363 million more


people will avert extreme poverty.

 While poverty would not have been eradicated, but could push
closer to the day when all the world‘s people have at least the
bare minimum to eat and cloth themselves.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #1
Targets for 2015 Achievement as at 2008

Percentage of Poor 19 28
Household

Percentage of Severely Poor 3.5 4


Household

Unemployment rate 33.3 37


(percentage)

Proportion of 18 24
undernourished and stunted
Children
GOAL 2: ACHIEVING UNIVERSAL
PRIMARY EDUCATION
 By ensuring that all boys and girls complete a full course
of primary schooling.
 At the time of the Millennium Development Declaration
in 2000, 104 million school-age children were still not in
school,
 57 percent of these happened to be girls and 94 percent were
in developing countries - mostly in South Asia and Sub-
Saharan Africa.
 Therefore, they were deprived of choices, opportunities and
voice for people, which increased their vulnerability to the
twin burdens of poverty and diseases.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #2
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008

Net primary school 99.1 92.3 but declining


enrolment (percentage)

Survival rate to grade 8 80.2 81


(percentage)
Survival rate to grade 5 99.2 94
(percentage)
Youth literacy rate 100 93

Internet usage   4.8


(percentage)
Cellular phone subscription   49
(percentage)
GOAL 3: PROMOTING GENDER
EQUALITY
 Based on the recognition of the fact that Women have an
enormous impact on the well-being of their families and
societies - yet their potential is not realized because of
discriminatory social norms, incentives, and legal
institutions.
 Therefore, this MDG will strive for the elimination of
gender disparity in primary and secondary education
preferably by 2005, and at all levels by 2015
NAMIBIA & MDGS #3
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008
Ratio of female to every 100 100 98
males in primary education
Ratio of female to every 100 100 117
males in secondary
education
Ratio of female to every 100 100 88
males in tertiary education
Ratio of female literacy to 100 103
every 100 males in
Proportion of women 50 47
employed in the non –
agricultural sector
Proportion of women 50 28
political representation in
parliament
GOAL 4: REDUCING CHILD
MORTALITY
 By two – thirds among children under five.
 In developing countries, one child in 10 dies before its
fifth birthday, compared with 1 in 143 in high-income
countries.
 More than 10 million children die each year in the
developing world, the vast majority from causes
preventable through a combination of good care,
nutrition, and medical treatment.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #4
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008
Infant mortality rate 38 49
per 1 000 live birth
Under - five 45 69
mortality rate per 1
000 live birth
Percentage of one 85 83.5
year olds
immunized against
measles
GOAL 5: IMPROVING MATERNAL
HEALTH
 By three – quarters
 Worldwide, more than 50 million women suffer from
poor reproductive health and serious pregnancy-related
illness and disability.
 Every year more than 500,000 women die from
complications of pregnancy and childbirth, mostly in
Asia, but the risk of dying is highest in Africa.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #5
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008

Maternal mortality rate per 337 449


100 000 live birth
Percentage of births attends 95 81
by trained health personnel
Percentage of contraceptive 56.6 47
prevalence rate
Percentage of adolescent 13 15
birth rate
Antenatal care coverage 80 70
Percentage of family with 6 7
unmet family planning needs
GOAL 6: COMBATING HIV/AIDS,
MALARIA AND OTHER DISEASES
 By halting and beginning to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS, as
well as reversing the incidence of malaria and other major diseases.
 HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria are among the world''s biggest
killers, and all have their greatest impact on poor countries and poor
people.
 The economic burden of epidemics such as tuberculosis, malaria, and
HIV/AIDS on families and communities is enormous.
 Estimates suggest that tuberculosis costs the average patient three or four months of
lost earnings, which can represent up to 30 percent of annual household income;
 Malaria slows economic growth in Africa by about 1.3 percent a year;
 When the prevalence of HIV/AIDS reaches 8 percent the cost in growth is estimated
at about 1 percent a year.
 Effective prevention and treatment programs will save lives, reduce
poverty, and help economies develop.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #6
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008
HIV prevalence percentage 8 5.1
among the 15 – 19 years age
group
HIV prevalence percentage 12 14
among the 20 – 24 years age
group
Prevalence of tuberculosis <300 765
per 100 000
Malaria prevalence per 1 000   48
Proportion of population 75 66
with advanced HIV infection
with access to ARV
Tuberculosis cases treated 85 76
successfully
GOAL 7: ENSURING ENVIRONMENTAL
SUSTAINABILITY
By integrating the principles of sustainable development into country
policies and programmes. Based on the recognition that the environment
provides goods and services that sustain human development so we must
ensure that development sustains the environment.
Reversing loss of environmental resources;
Reducing by half the proportion of people without sustainable access to
safe drinking water;
Achieving significant improvement in lives of at least 100 million
slum dwellers, by 2020.
Improved water and sanitation reduce child mortality, and better drainage
reduces malaria. It also reduces the risk of disaster from floods.
Managing and protecting the environment thus contribute to reaching the
other Millennium Development Goals.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #7
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008
Area of protected Land 20 18
(percentage)
Access of urban 100 97 but declining
households to safe
drinking water
(percentage)
Access of rural households 87 80
to safe drinking water
(percentage)
Access of urban 98 58 but declining
households to basic
sanitation (percentage)
Access of urban 65 14
households to basic
sanitation (percentage)
GOAL 8: DEVELOPING A GLOBAL
PARTNERSHIP FOR DEVELOPMENT
 Stressesthat the goals and the processes of their
implementations must be localized in order to ensure that
they evolve from the international arena and become
nationally led and driven. Developing countries may in this
regard have to:
Adopt appropriate national development strategies,
Create and/or reinforce good governance structures,

 Foster a positive environment for economic growth and helping


the private sector flourish.
 Recognizes the fact that more aid on it's own will not be
enough and that the real engines for making poverty
history will be developing countries themselves.
NAMIBIA & MDGS #8
Targets for 2015 Achievements as at 2008

Per capita 90 88
official
development
assistance
(US$)
MANAGING DEVELOPMENT
DATA
 Dudley Seers:

 Development data provide the basis for development planning


targets, by specifying necessary dimensions of the structure of
society that are being aimed at.

 The importance of permanent sampling organizations


established to collect the necessary development data in a
professional, systematic and regular manner.
 Reliability of National Income Data

 To estimate or use national income would imply a judgment about what


economic activities to include and/or exclude, e.g. what would be
construed as final products.

 Data series could be more misleading than sets of random numbers, such
that the published national income had little if any relevance to economic
reality (pp. 15).

 It may be argued that the data on poverty, unemployment and inequality


may be much scrappier, however this would not so much be the result of
basic differences in estimation possibilities as of attitude to development.

 The type of data that is collected would reflect the priorities of the
government statistics office and/or advice received from various UN
agencies.
 The Need for Supplementary Sources of Information:

 The underlying challenges for coping with the consequences of


different standards of definition, coverage, reporting and
interpretation of the various activities relevant to the sphere of
development would require supplementary sources of information
(pp. 17).

 In depth Household Surveys – which may be used to source other


necessary cross classification by region, race, income, gender etc.
This can prove significant as it may better:
 Clarify the various conceptual issues in the local context
 Guide the construction of relevant indicators.
 Provide insight into all relevant issues as opposed to focusing on income
alone, e.g. access to public health.
MDG’S IN THE NAMIBIAN
CONTEXT
MONITORING MDG’S IN THE NATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK
 The first 2006 MDG Report recapitulated human development and poverty
reduction as the overall development goals of the country.

 The National Population Censuses conducted in 1991, 2001and 2011.


 Provide a comprehensive dataset based on the enumeration of each and every individual
resident in Namibia at a particular point in time.

 The Namibia Household Income and Expenditure Surveys (NHIES) conducted


in 1993/4 and 2003/4
 Take the form of sampled surveys for collecting data on a sample of households and
individuals and then gross these up to provide a representative national picture of the
living conditions of people in Namibian
 Focus on the actual patterns of consumption and income, as well as a range of other
social and economic indicators, such household incomes and infrequent expenditure,
based on recordings household expenditure and receipts over 13 cycles of 4 weeks each.
CHALLENGES ENCOUNTERED WITH
NHIES
 Systematic under reporting of incomes, especially at the lower
end of the income distribution.

 Sebastian Levine observed that poverty level is highly sensitive


to the choice of welfare measure:
 Severe poverty affect 20.2 per cent of the population, whereas poverty
affect 37.8 per cent when using household consumption expenditure as
the welfare measure
 However when using household income as the welfare measure, severe
poverty rises to 51.3 per cent and all poverty to 59.1 per cent.
 .
MDG’S MONITORING TOOLS, CONTINUES
 The Namibia Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) – conducted in
2006 measures the nutritional status of children

 The Namibia Labour Force Survey (NLFS) were conducted at a four


interval, in 1997, then 2000, 2004 and 2008.
 These were executed on the basis of the methodological principle like the
(NHIES) by grossing up the data collected from a sample of households and
individuals, to provide a representative national picture.

 Poverty Monitoring Strategy was adopted in 2004 to help build


accountability in terms of realization of targets and achievement of
goals.
 Primarily to monitor progress made in poverty reduction in order to continually
inform key agents involved in the process and encourage a two – way flow of
information between beneficiaries, services providers and policy makers.
MDG’S MONITORING TOOLS,
CONTINUES
 Poverty Bulletins were produced in September 2005 and
November 2006, with the view sharing poverty related
information with all relevant stakeholders nationally and
globally.
MDG’S MONITORING TOOLS, CONTINUES
 Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPA’s) are qualitative poverty
assessment and monitoring exercises executed between 2003 and
2006.

 To primarily afford the poor and grassroots level communities


opportunities to articulate their perceptions of poverty, as well as to
identify the potential causes. It add to the legitimacy of Poverty
Reduction Strategies by fostering a greater and clearer understanding of

 The processes by which people fall into and/or get out of poverty;
 The complex coping and survival strategies adopted by the poor;

 The perceived quantities and qualities of service delivery and social inclusion of

the poor;
 The major priorities as perceived by the poor to bring about positive changes
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
POST MODERNISM
THE METAMORPHOSIS AND
CURRENT INFLUENCES OF THE
MODERNIZATION THINKING
Session Three
Economic Neo Liberalism
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL
GLOBALIZATION

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