The Decolonization of

Ghana and the

Influence of
Kwame Nkrumah 
 Introduction 
It is evident that Ghana became the first state in sub-Saharan Africa to gain political
independence from European colonial rule in 1957.Arguably, Ghana’s decolonization
did not involve military confrontation especially when compared with African
countries such as Algeria and South Africa. Also, Kwame Nkrumah one of the
Ghana’s nationalists was a Pan-Africanist of the left wing. All these factors among
others had attracted a lot of currency towards the study of the decolonization process
of Ghana. Hence, this paper is set to examine Ghana's decolonization process.
 ✔ The History of Ancient Ghana

Presentations    
✔ Precolonial Ghana

main points  ✔ Gold coast/Slave Trade in Ghana  

✔   The Factors for the Decolonization of Ghana 

✔  The History of Kwame Nkrumah

  
✔ United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) 

✔ The formation of the cpp

  
✔ The Aftermath of independence Impact and Challenges
 The History
of Ancient Ghana
Ancient Ghana (4th 13th century): Ancient Ghana derived power and wealth from gold and the
introduction of the camel during the Trans-Saharan trade increased the quantity of goods that were
transported. Majority of the knowledge of Ghana comes from the Arab writers. Al-Hamdani, for
example, describes Ghana as having the richest gold mines on earth. These mines were situated at
Bambuk, on the upper Senegal river. The Soninke people also sold slaves, salt and copper in exchange
for textiles, beads and finished goods. They built their capital city, Kumbi Saleh, right on the edge of the
Sahara and the city quickly became the most dynamic and important southern terminus of the Saharan
trade routes. Kumbi Saleh became the focus of all trade, with a systematic form of taxation. Later on
Audaghust became another commercial center. The wealth of ancient Ghana is mythically explained in
the tale of Bida, the black snake. This snake demanded an annual sacrifice in return for guaranteeing
prosperity in the Kingdom, therefore each year a virgin was offered up for sacrifice, until one year, the
fiancé (Mamadou Sarolle) of the intended victim rescued her. Feeling cheated of his sacrifice, Bida took
his revenge on the region, a terrible drought took a hold of Ghana and gold mining began to decline. 
There is evidence found by archaeologists that confirms elements of the story, showing that until
the 12th Century, sheep, cows and even goats were abundant in the region.​The route taken by
traders of the Maghreb to Ghana started in North Africa in Tahert, coming
down through Sjilmasa in Southern Morocco. From there the trail went south and inland,
running parallel with the coast, then round to the south-east through Awdaghust and ending up
in Kumbi Saleh - the royal town of Ancient Ghana. Inevitably the traders brought Islam with
them.​ The Islamic community at Kumbi Saleh remained a separate community quite a distance
away from the King's palace. It had its own mosques and schools, but the King retained
traditional beliefs. He drew on the bookkeeping and literary skills of Muslim scholars to help run
the administration of the territory. The state of Takrur to the west had already adopted Islam as
its official religion and established closer trading ties with North Africa.​ There were numerous
reasons for the decline of Ghana.
​
The King lost his trading monopoly, at the same time drought began and had a long-term
effect on the land and its ability to sustain cattle and cultivation. Within the Arab tradition,
there is the knowledge that the Almoravid Muslims came from North Africa and invaded
Ghana. Other interpretations are that the Almoravid influence was gradual and did
not involve any form of military takeover.  In the 11th and 12th Century, new gold fields began
to be mined at Bure (modern Guinea) out of commercial Ghana and new trade routes were
opening up further east. Ghana then became the target of attacks by the Sosso
ruler, Sumanguru. From this conflict in 1235 came the Malinke people under a new dynamic
ruler, Sundiata Keita and soon became eclipsed by the Mali Empire of Sundiata.​
Precolonial Ghana
By the end of the 16th Century, most ethnic groups constituting the modern Ghanaian population had
settled in their present locations. Archaeological remains found in the coastal zone indicate that the
area has been inhabited since the early Bronze Age (ca. 4000 B.C.), but these societies, based on
fishing in the extensive lagoons and rivers, left few traces. Archaeological work also suggests that
central Ghana north of the forest zone was inhabited as early as 3,000 to 4,000 years ago. Oral
history and other sources suggest that the ancestors of some of Ghana's residents entered this area at
least as early as the tenth century A.D. and that migration from the north and east continued
thereafter. These migrations resulted in part from the formation and disintegration of a series of
large states in the western Sudan (the region north of modern Ghana drained by the Niger River).
Prominent among these Sudanic states was the Soninke Kingdom of Ancient Ghana. Strictly
speaking, Ghana was the title of the King, but the Arabs, who left records of the Kingdom, applied
the term to the King, the capital, and the state. 
The 9th Century Arab writer, Al Yaqubi, described ancient Ghana as one of the three most organized
states in the region (the others being Gao and Kanem in the central Sudan). Its rulers were renowned
for their wealth in gold, the opulence of their courts, and their warrior-hunting skills. They were also
masters of the trade in gold, which drew North African merchants to the western Sudan. The military
achievements of these and later western Sudanic rulers and their control over the region's gold mines
constituted the nexus of their historical relations with merchants and rulers of North Africa and the
Mediterranean. Ghana succumbed to attacks by its Neighbours in the eleventh century, but its name
and reputation endured. In 1957 when the leaders of the former British colony of the Gold Coast
sought an appropriate name for their newly independent state, the first black African nation to gain
its independence from colonial rule they named their new country after ancient Ghana. The choice
was more than merely symbolic because modern Ghana, like its namesake, was equally famed for its
wealth and trade in gold.​
Although none of the states of the western Sudan controlled territories in the area that is modern
Ghana, several small Kingdoms that later developed in the north of the country were ruled by
nobles believed to have emigrated from that region. The trans-Saharan trade that contributed to
the expansion of Kingdoms in the western Sudan also led to the development of contacts with
regions in northern modern Ghana and in the forest to the south. By 13 th Century, for example,
the town of Jenné in the empire of Mali had established commercial connections with the ethnic
groups in the savannah woodland areas of the northern two-thirds of the Volta Basin in modern
Ghana. Jenné was also the headquarters of the Dyula, Muslim traders who dealt with the
ancestors of the Akan-speaking peoples who occupy most of the southern half of the country. The
growth of trade stimulated the development of early Akan states located on the trade route to the
goldfields in the forest zone of the south. 
The forest itself was thinly populated, but Akan speaking peoples began to move into it toward
the end of the 15th Century with the arrival of crops from Southeast Asia and the New World
that could be adapted to forest conditions. These new crops included sorghum, bananas, and
cassava. By the beginning of the 16th Century, European sources noted the existence of the gold
rich states of Akan and Twifu in the Ofin River Valley. Also in the same period, some of the
Mande who had stimulated the development of states in what is now northern Nigeria (the Hausa
states and those of the Lake Chad area), moved south-westward and imposed themselves
on many of the indigenous peoples of the northern half of modern Ghana and of Burkina Faso
(Burkina, formerly Upper Volta), founding the states of Dagomba and Mamprusi. The Mande
also influenced the rise of the Gonja state.​
It seems clear from oral traditions as well as from archaeological evidence that the Mole-Dagbane
states of Mamprusi, Dagomba, and Gonja, as well as the Mossi states of Yatenga and Wagadugu,
were among the earliest Kingdoms to emerge in modern Ghana, being well established by the
close of the 16th Century. The Mossi and Gonja rulers came to speak the languages of the people
they dominated. In general, however, members of the ruling class retained their traditions, and
even today some of them can recite accounts of their northern origins. Although the rulers
themselves were not usually Muslims, they either brought with them or welcomed Muslims as
scribes and medicine men, and Muslims also played a significant role in the trade that linked
southern with northern Ghana. As a result of their presence, Islam substantially influenced the
north. Muslim influence, spread by the activities of merchants and clerics, has been recorded even
among the Asante to the south. 
Although most Ghanaians retained their traditional beliefs, the Muslims brought with them
certain skills, including writing, and introduced certain beliefs and practices that became part of
the culture of the peoples among whom they settled In the broad belt of rugged country between
the northern boundaries of the Muslim-influenced states of Gonja, Mamprusi, and Dagomba and
the southernmost outposts of the Mossi Kingdoms, lived a number of peoples who were not
incorporated into these entities. Among these peoples were the Sisala, Kasena, Kusase,
and Talensi, agriculturalists closely related to the Mossi. Rather than
establishing centralized states themselves, they lived in so-called segmented societies, bound
together by kinship ties and ruled by the heads of their clans. Trade between the Akan states to
the south and the Mossi Kingdoms to the north flowed through their homelands, subjecting them
to Islamic influence and to the depredations of these more powerful neighbors.​
Of the components that would later make up Ghana, the state of Asante was to have the most
cohesive history and would exercise the greatest influence. The Asante are members of the Twi-
speaking branch of the Akan people. The groups that came to constitute the core of the Asante
confederacy moved north to settle in the vicinity of Lake Bosumtwe. Before the mid-
17th Century, the Asante began an expansion under a series of militant leaders that led to the
domination of surrounding peoples and to the formation of the most powerful of the states of
the central forest zone. Under Chief Oti Akenten a series of successful military operations
against neighboring Akan states brought a larger surrounding territory into alliance with
Asante. At the end of the 17th Century, Osei Tutu became Asantehene (King of Asante). Under
Osei Tutu's rule, the confederacy of Asante states was transformed into an empire with its
capital at Kumasi. 
Political and military consolidation ensued, resulting in firmly established centralized authority .
Osei Tutu was strongly influenced by the high priest, Anokye, who, tradition asserts, caused a stoo
of gold to descend from the sky to seal the union of Asante states. Stools already functioned as
traditional symbols of chieftainship, but the Golden Stool of Asante represented the united spirit o
all the allied states and established a dual allegiance that superimposed the confederacy over the
individual component states. The Golden Stool remains a respected national symbol of the
traditional past and figures extensively in Asante ritual.​
Osei Tutu permitted newly conquered territories that joined the confederation to retain their
own customs and Chiefs, who were given seats on the Asante state council. Osei Tutu's gesture
made the process relatively easy and non-disruptive, because most of the earlier conquests
had subjugated other Akan peoples. Within the Asante portions of the confederacy, each
minor state continued to exercise internal self-rule, and its Chief jealously guarded the state's
prerogatives against encroachment by the central authority. A strong unity developed,
however, as the various communities subordinated their individual interests to central
authority in matters of national concern. By the mid-18th Century, Asante was a highly
organized state. The wars of expansion that brought the northern states of Mamprusi,
Dagomba, and Gonja under Asante influence were won during the reign of Asantehene Opoku
Ware I successor to Osei Tutu. 
By the 1820s, successive rulers had extended Asante boundaries southward. Although the
northern expansions linked Asante with trade networks across the desert and in Hausaland to
the east, movements into the south brought the Asante into contact, sometimes antagonistic, with
the coastal Fante, Ga-Adangbe, and Ewe people, as well as with the various European merchants
whose fortresses dotted the Gold Coast​
Gold coast/Slave Trade in
Ghana
When the first Europeans arrived in the late fifteenth century, many inhabitants of the Gold
Coast area were striving to consolidate their newly acquired territories and to settle into a secure
and permanent environment. Several immigrant groups had yet to establish firm ascendancy over
earlier occupants of their territories, and considerable displacement and secondary migrations
were in progress. Ivor Wilks, a leading historian of Ghana, observed that Akan purchases of
slaves from Portuguese traders operating from the Congo region augmented the labor needed for
the state formation that was characteristic of this period. Unlike the Akan groups of the interior,
the major coastal groups, such as the Fante, Ewe, and Ga, were for the most part settled in their
homelands. The Portuguese were the first to arrive. By 1471, under the patronage of Prince
Henry the Navigator, they had reached the area that was to become known as the Gold Coast
because Europeans knew the area as the source of gold that reached Muslim North Africa by way
of trade routes across the Sahara.
The initial Portuguese interest in trading for gold, ivory, and pepper so increased that in 1482 the
Portuguese built their first permanent trading post on the western coast of present-day
Ghana. This fortress, Elmina Castle, constructed to protect Portuguese trade from
European competitors and hostile Africans, still stands.​With the opening of European plantations
in the New World during the 1500s, which suddenly expanded the demand for slaves in the
Americas, trade in slaves soon overshadowed gold as the principal export of the area. Indeed, the
west coast of Africa became the principal source of slaves for the New World. The seemingly
insatiable market and the substantial profits to be gained from the slave trade attracted
adventurers from all over Europe. Much of the conflict that arose among European groups on the
coast and among competing African kingdoms was the result of rivalry for control of this trade.
The Portuguese position on the Gold Coast remained secure for almost a century. During that
time, Lisbon leased the right to establish trading posts to individuals or companies that sought to
align themselves with the local chiefs and to exchange trade goods both for rights to conduct
commerce and for slaves whom the chiefs could provide. During the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, adventurers--first Dutch, and later English, Danish, and Swedish-- were granted
licenses by their governments to trade overseas. On the Gold Coast, these European competitors
built fortified trading stations and challenged the Portuguese. Sometimes they were also drawn
into conflicts with local inhabitants as Europeans developed commercial alliances with local chiefs.
The principal early struggle was between the Dutch and the Portuguese. With the loss of Elmina in
1642 to the Dutch, the Portuguese left the Gold Coast permanently. The next 150 years saw
kaleidoscopic change and uncertainty, marked by local conflicts and diplomatic maneuvers, during
which various European powers struggled to establish or to maintain a position of dominance in the
profitable trade of the Gold Coast littoral. Forts were built, abandoned, attacked, captured, sold,
and exchanged, and many sites were selected at one time or another for fortified positions by
contending European nations. Both the Dutch and the British formed companies to advance their
African ventures and to protect their coastal establishments. The Dutch West India Company
operated throughout most of the eighteenth century. The British African Company of Merchants,
founded in 1750, was the successor to several earlier organizations of this type. These enterprises
built and manned new installations as the companies pursued their trading activities and defended
their respective jurisdictions with varying degrees of government backing.  
There were short-lived ventures by the Swedes and the Prussians. The Danes remained until 1850,
when they withdrew from the Gold Coast. The British gained possession of all Dutch coastal forts
by the last quarter of the nineteenth century, thus making them the dominant European power
on the Gold Coast. During the heyday of early European competition, slavery was an accepted
social institution, and the slave trade overshadowed all other commercial activities on the West
African coast. To be sure, slavery and slave trading were already firmly entrenched in many
African societies before their contact with Europe. In most situations, men as well as women
captured in local warfare became slaves. In general, however, slaves in African communities were
often treated as junior members of the society with specific rights, and many were ultimately
absorbed into their masters' families as full members. Given traditional methods of agricultural
production in Africa, slavery in Africa was quite different from that which existed in the
commercial plantation environments of the New World. 
Although there is no doubt that local rulers in West Africa engaged in slaving and received
certain advantages from it, some scholars have challenged the premise that traditional chiefs in
the vicinity of the Gold Coast engaged in wars of expansion for the sole purpose of acquiring
slaves for the export market. In the case of Asante, for example, rulers of that kingdom
are known to have supplied slaves to both Muslim traders in the north and to Europeans on the
coast. Even so, the Asante waged war for purposes other than simply to secure slaves. They also
fought to pacify territories that in theory were under Asante control, to exact tribute payments
from subordinate kingdoms, and to secure access to trade routes--particularly those that
connected the interior with the coast.​It is important to mention, however, that the supply of
slaves to the Gold Coast was entirely in African hands.
Although powerful traditional chiefs, such as the rulers of Asante, Fante, and Ahanta, were
known to have engaged in the slave trade, individual African merchants such as John Kabes, John
Konny, Thomas Ewusi, and a broker known only as Noi commanded large bands of armed men,
many of them slaves, and engaged in various forms of commercial activities with the Europeans
on the coast. The volume of the slave trade in West Africa grew rapidly from its inception around
1500 to its peak in the eighteenth century. Philip Curtin, a leading authority on the African slave
trade, estimates that roughly 6.3 million slaves were shipped from West Africa to North America
and South America, about 4.5 million of that number between 1701 and 1810. Perhaps 5,000 a
year were shipped from the Gold Coast alone. The demographic impact of the slave trade on West
Africa was probably substantially greater than the number actually enslaved because a significant
number of Africans perished during slaving raids or while in captivity awaiting transshipment. 
All nations with an interest in West Africa participated in the slave trade. Relations between the
Europeans and the local populations were often strained, and distrust led to frequent clashes.
Disease caused high losses among the Europeans engaged in the slave trade, but the profits
realized from the trade continued to attract them.​The growth of anti-slavery sentiment among
Europeans made slow progress against vested African and European interests that were reaping
profits from the traffic. Although individual clergymen condemned the slave trade as early as the
seventeenth century, major Christian denominations did little to further early efforts at abolition.
The Quakers, however, publicly declared themselves against slavery as early as 1727. Later in the
century, the Danes stopped trading in slaves; Sweden and the Netherlands soon followed.
The importation of slaves into the United States was outlawed in 1807. In the same year, Britain used
its naval power and its diplomatic muscle to outlaw trade in slaves by its citizens and to begin a
campaign to stop the international trade in slaves. These efforts, however, were not successful until
the 1860s because of the continued demand for plantation labor in the New World. Because it took
decades to end the trade in slaves, some historians doubt that the humanitarian impulse inspired the
abolitionist movement. According to historian Walter Rodney, for example, Europe abolished the
trans-Atlantic slave trade only because its profitability was undermined by the Industrial Revolution.
Rodney argues that mass unemployment caused by the new industrial machinery, the need for new
raw materials, and European competition for markets for finished goods are the real factors that
brought an end to the trade in human cargo and the beginning of competition for colonial territories
in Africa. Other scholars, however, disagree with Rodney, arguing that humanitarian concerns as
well as social and economic factors were instrumental in ending the African slave trade.
The Factors for the Decolonization
of Ghana
 What is decolonization
 Decolonization is about indigenous people's cultural, phycological, and economic freedom
to achieve their sovereignty. In other words, the right or ability of indigenous people to
practice self-determination over their land, cultural, political, and economic
system.  Decolonization was a gradual and peaceful process for some British colonies largely
settled by expatriates but could be pretty violent for others where native rebellions were
fueled by nationalism. After world war 2, European countries lacked the wealth and political
support necessary to suppress faraway revolts. They also faced opposition from the
new world superpowers, the united states and the soviet union, both of which were against
the practice of colonialization.​​
What are the Factors for the Decolonization of
Ghana
  
 
  
1) Colonial Situation in 4) The Role Played by the African
Africa and Colonial elites  
Exploitation of Resources.     
  
5)  The Impact of World War 2 and
2) Economic Development.   the Emergence of the United Gold
   Coast Convention   
       
3) The Role Played Pan     6)  Radicalism & Convention
Africanism.  People’s Party
Colonial situation in Ghana and Exploitation of Resources .
Colonialism was tyrannical, exploitative, and oppressive and denied the racial equality of black
and white; it was paternalistic and deprived colonial subjects of their inalienable right to manage
their affairs. The dictatorial nature of the British was shown by the fact that in many of the areas
they took, the barrel of a gun was used for the completion of that task. Africans hated oppressive
institutions such as armies, police, and prisons; many African leaders were detained without trial,
for example, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and Walter Sisulu .peasants turbulence and rebellion had been
constant on the colonial --scene. Most of the African natives were not satisfied with the
exploitation of the economy done by the British. Most of the cash crops, such as coffee and cocoa,
were sold at a lower price in the hands of an expatriate. Moreover, the bulk of mining profit went
to European shareholders instead of being used to develop their countries; this gave Ghana
economic grievances to react against the colonial power. 
 Economic development
Most of the West African societies were economically powerful​compared with other
black African countries by the end of the WW II. It had a long history  of protest this
was due to the good number of educated elites of teacher, lawyers ,business men
who provide later on provide political leadership. Ghanaian was dissatisfied with the
colonial exploitation of their economy done by the British firm. The West African
countries were great producers of palm oil, cocoa in Ghana .therefore drastic fall of
cash crop price bitterly affect the farmers. Moreover the bulk of the mining profit
went to European shareholders instead of being used to develop the country, thus the
West African people had a powerful grievances against the colonial government
 The Role Played Pan Africanism.
World War II created an atmosphere in which colonialism could not continue to exist in its old form,
while it made the revival of the attack on it in the colonies more or less inevitable. One of the factors in
this renewed attack was the Pan-African Congress held in Britain in Manchester in 1945. Kwame
Nkrumah of Ghana played an instrument role in these conferences. For the first time the delegates of
Pan-Africanism did not demand just a reform of the colonial system, but rather complete independence.
‘If the western world is still determined to rule mankind by force,’ stated one of the resolutions,
‘then Africans, as a last resort, may have to appeal to force in the effort to achieve freedom even if force
destroys them and the world.’ Another resolution ‘Declaration of the colonial workers, farmers and
intellectuals’ called on all of them to unite and form an effective organization to fight against imperialist
exploitation and for independence. This resolution recommended the use of such methods as strikes and
boycotts, positive actions and other non-violent strategies.
 The Role Played African Elites 
The role played by the African elites such as Kwame Nkrumah and Nnamdi Azikiwe. In 1945 a
genuine African nationalist movement were introduced. South of the Sahara mass parties were
first come from west were most people were educated. In gold coast, the main post war nationalist
parties were united example gold coast convection UGCC, The voice both of the western
education urban elite and some chiefs. In 1949 Kwame Nkrumah a young man returned from
his education in America. Such political organization as did exist demanded changes by  fighting
against injustice, discrimination of the colonial government, colonial exploitation and the
national independence for their countries
 The Impact of World War 2 and the Emergence of
the United Gold Coast convention
Demands on the colonial government intensified after World War II (1939-1945). In 1946 Governor Alan
Burns responded by announcing radical constitutional changes that made it possible for a majority African
Legislative Council to be elected. Executive power was to remain in the hands of the governor, to whom the
legislative council reported. Even so, the 1946 constitution provided the people of the Gold Coast with a
higher degree of political power than anywhere else in colonial Africa. The changes also showed nationalist
leaders that their voices were being heard. Regardless of their shortcomings, concerted efforts to resist
colonialism in Ghana were considerably effective in the sense that the attention of the colonial administrators
was grabbed to the imperatives of the grievances of the people. Thus, World War II greatly contributed to
the increase in demand for reforms and outright independence. It is evident that the war burst the bubble. A
scholar indeed argues that Hitler’s enforcement of the superiority of the Aryan race in Europe and the world
at large helped in accentuating the quest for freedom all over the world . 
Significantly, in West Africa particularly after World War II, there was increased evolution of
concerted political activities and growth of political parties. Founded in 1947, the United Gold Coast
Convention (UGCC) was the first nationwide political party in Ghana to call for self-government. Its
leading members included the respected lawyer Joseph B. Danquah and the American-educated
socialist Kwame Nkrumah. The aim of the UGCC was encapsulated as “self-government within the
shortest possible time. "The UGCC drew support from educated Ghanaians, most of whom were either
urban professionals or traditional chiefs. Economic dissatisfaction among the Gold Coast’s Africans,
especially those who had served in World War II, resulted in nationwide rioting in 1948. The colonial
administration accused the nationalist leaders of inciting the disturbances and arrested Nkrumah and
several others. This only served to make Nkrumah a more popular figure and fueled the call for self-
rule. 
No doubt, many imperatives, and grievances aided the popularity and currency of the UGCC.
These include (a) the order by the British colonial administrators that the farmers cut down
cocoa trees that were certified as diseased. This bred disaffection among the Gold Coast farmers
whose major economic activities were cocoa farming (b) the high price of imported consumer
goods, against which a boycott was organized in 1948 (c) the fact that the ex-servicemen became
unemployed after their return from WWII. This provoked a protest march against the
government in 1948. Thus, the UGCC was considered by the people as a strong party to
galvanize the concerted efforts of the pained people of the Gold Coast in leading the struggle
against imperialism, colonialism, tyranny, and foreign absurdity. Consequently, rioting, looting,
and destruction became widespread in the colony and the colonial government blamed the
UGCC for all the disturbances. Hence, Dr J.B. Danquah and five others were arrested and
jailed. 
 Radicalism & Convention People’s Party
Viewing Danquah and other UGCC leaders as too conservative in their efforts to win independence,
Nkrumah split with the UGCC later in 1949 and formed his own Convention People’s Party (CPP).
Other leaders of CPP were K.A. Gbademah and Kojo Botso. The first objective the party pursued
towards the realization of the ultimate goal of “self-government now” was coined POSITIVE
ACTION. Hence, this was a non-violent form of resistance characterized by general strikes, boycotts,
and demonstrations. Nkrumah’s watchword was “Independence Now”—an uncompromising policy
that appealed to many. The CPP drew populist support from rural and working-class Ghanaians,
further distancing it from the more elite UGCC. In 1950 Nkrumah announced his “Positive Action”
campaign, which consisted of a boycott of foreign business, noncooperation with the government, and
a general workers’ strike. Public services were disrupted, and when rioting occurred Nkrumah and
some CPP leaders were again arrested and imprisoned for sedition.
 Click to add text

The History of Kwame

The Early History of
Kwame Nkrumah
Kwame Nkrumah was born in about 1909 in Nkroful, Gold Coast. Although his mother, whose name was
Nyanibah, later stated his year of birth was 1912, Nkrumah wrote that he was born on 18 September 1909, a
Saturday. By the naming customs of the Akan people, he was given the name Kwame, the name given to males
born on a Saturday. During his years as a student in the United States, though, he was known as Francis Nwia
Kofi Nkrumah – Kofi is the name given to males born on Friday. The name of his father is not known; most
accounts say he was a goldsmith. According to Ebenezer Obiri Addo in his study of the future president, the name
“Nkrumah”, a name traditionally given to a ninth child, indicates that Kwame likely held that place in the house
of his father, who had several wives. Kwame was the only child of his mother Nkroful was a small village, in the
far southwest of the Gold Coast, close to the frontier with the French colony of the Ivory Coast. His father did not
live with the family, but worked in Half Assini before his death while Kwame was a boy. Kwame Nkrumah was
raised by his mother and his extended family, who lived together in traditional fashion, with more distant
relatives often visiting. He lived a carefree childhood, spent in the village, in the bush, and on the nearby sea.
Nkrumah’s mother sent him to the elementary school run by a Catholic mission at Half Assini,
where he proved an adept student. He progressed through the ten-year elementary programmed
in eight years. By about 1925 he was a student-teacher in the school, and had been baptised into
the faith. While at the school, he was noticed by the Reverend Alec Garden Fraser, principal of the
Government Training College (soon to become Achimota School) in the Gold Coast’s
capital, Accra. Fraser arranged for Nkrumah to train as a teacher at his school. Here, Columbia-
educated deputy headmaster Kwegyir Aggrey exposed him to the ideas of Marcus Garvey and W.
E. B. Du Bois. Aggrey, Fraser, and others at Achimota taught that there should be close co-
operation between the races in governing the Gold Coast, but Nkrumah, echoing Garvey, soon
came to believe that only when the black race governed itself could there be harmony between the
races
After graduating from Achimota in 1930, Nkrumah was given a teaching post at the Catholic primary
school in Elmina, and after a year there, was made headmaster of the school at Axim. In Axim, he
started to get involved in politics and founded the Nzima Literary Society. In 1933, he was appointed a
teacher at the Catholic seminary at Amissa. Although the life there was strict, he liked it, and
considered becoming a Jesuit. Instead, he decided to further his education. Nkrumah had heard
journalist and future Nigerian president Nnamdi Azikiwe speak while a student at Achimota; the two
men met and Azikiwe’s influence increased Nkrumah’s interest in black nationalism. The young
teacher decided to further his education. Azikiwe had attended Lincoln College, a historically black
college in Chester County, Pennsylvania, west of Philadelphia, and he advised Nkrumah to enroll
there. Nkrumah, who had failed the entrance examination for London University, gained funds for the
trip and his education from relatives. He travelled by way of Britain, where he learned, to his outrage,
of Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia, one of the few independent African nations. He arrived in the United
States, in October 1935
Time spent in the
United States
According to historian John Henrik Clarke in his article on Nkrumah’s American sojourn, “the
influence of the ten years that he spent in the United States would have a lingering effect on the rest of
his life.” Nkrumah had sought entry to Lincoln some time before he began his studies there; on 1
March 1935, he had sent the school a letter noting that his application had been pending for more than
a year. When he arrived in New York in October 1935, he travelled to Pennsylvania, where he enrolled
despite lacking the funds for the full semester. However, he soon won a scholarship that provided for his
tuition at Lincoln. Nevertheless, he remained short on money through his time in the United States. To
make ends meet, he worked in menial jobs, including as a dishwasher. On Sundays, he visited black
Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia and in New York. Nkrumah completed a Bachelor of Arts degree
in economics and sociology in 1939. Lincoln then appointed him an assistant lecturer in philosophy, and
he began to receive invitations to be a guest preacher in Presbyterian churches in Philadelphia and New
York. In 1939, Nkrumah enrolled at Lincoln’s seminary and at the Ivy League University of
Pennsylvania in Philadelphia.
 He gained a Bachelor of Theology degree from Lincoln in 1942, the top student in the course. He earned from
Penn the following year a Master of Arts degree in philosophy and a Master of Science in education.[ While at
Penn, Nkrumah worked with the linguist William Everett Welmer's, providing the spoken material that formed
the basis of the first descriptive grammar of his native Fante dialect of the Akan language. Nkrumah spent his
summers in Harlem, a center of black life and thought. He found housing and employment in New York City with
difficulty and involved himself in the community. He spent many evenings listening to and arguing with street
orators, and according to Clarke, These evenings were a vital part of Kwame Nkrumah’s American education. He
was going to a university—the university of the Harlem Streets. This was no ordinary time and these street
speakers were no ordinary men …. The streets of Harlem were open forums, presided over [by] master speakers
like Arthur Reed and his protege Ira Kemp. The young Carlos Cook, founder of the Garvey oriented African
Pioneer Movement was on the scene, also bringing a nightly message to his street followers. Occasionally
Suji Abdul Hamid, a champion of Harlem labor, held a night rally and demanded more jobs for blacks in their
own community .This is part of the drama on the Harlem streets as the student, Kwame Nkrumah walked and
watched.
Nkrumah was an activist student, organizing a group of expatriate African students in Pennsylvania
and building it into the African Students Association of America and Canada, becoming its president.
Some members felt that the group should aspire for each colony to gain independence on its own;
Nkrumah urged a Pan-African strategy. Nkrumah played a major role in the Pan-African conference
held in New York in 1944, which urged the United States, at the end of the Second World War, to help
ensure Africa became developed and free. His old teacher, Aggrey, had died in 1929 in the United
States, and in 1942, Nkrumah led traditional prayers for Aggrey at the gravesite. This led to a break
between him and Lincoln, though after he rose to prominence in the Gold Coast, he returned in 1951
to accept an honorary degree. Nevertheless, Nkrumah’s doctoral thesis remained uncompleted. He
had adopted the forename Francis while at the Amissa seminary; in 1945 he took the name Kwame
Nkrumah.
An influential 20th-century advocate of Pan-Africanism, he was a founding member of
the Organization of African Unity and was the winner of the Lenin Peace Prize in 1962.Nkrumah read
books about politics and divinity, and tutored students in philosophy. In 1943 Nkrumah
met Trinidadian Marxist C.L.R. James, Russian expatriate Raya Dunayevskaya, and Chinese-
American Grace Lee Boggs, all of whom were members of an American-
based Trotskyist intellectual cohort. Nkrumah later credited James with teaching him “how an
underground movement worked”. Federal Bureau of Investigation files on Nkrumah, kept from
January to May 1945, identify him as a possible communist.[ Nkrumah was determined to go to
London, wanting to continue his education there now that the Second World War had ended. James, in
a 1945 letter introducing Nkrumah to Trinidad-born George Padmore in London, wrote: “this young
man is coming to you. He is not very bright, but nevertheless do what you can for him because he’s
determined to throw Europeans out of Africa.”
United Gold Coast Convention 
The 1946 Gold Coast constitution gave Africans a majority on the Legislative Council for the first
time. Seen as a major step towards self-government, the new arrangement prompted the colony’s
first true political party, founded in August 1947, the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC). The
UGCC sought self-government as quickly as possible. Since the leading members were all successful
professionals, they needed to pay someone to run the party, and their choice fell on Nkrumah at the
suggestion of Ako Adjei. Nkrumah hesitated, realizing the UGCC was controlled by conservative
interests, but decided that the new post gave him huge political opportunities, and accepted. After
being questioned by British officials about his communist affiliations, Nkrumah boarded the
MV Accra at Liverpool in November 1947 for the voyage home.]After brief stops in Sierra
Leone, Liberia, and the Ivory Coast, he arrived in the Gold Coast, and after a brief stay and reunion
with his mother in Tarkwa, began work at the party’s headquarters in Salt pond on 29 December
1947. Nkrumah quickly submitted plans for branches of the UGCC to be established colony-wide,
and for strikes if necessary to gain political ends. 
This activist stance divided the party’s governing committee, which was led by J.B. Danquah. Nkrumah
embarked on a tour to gain donations for the UGCC and establish new branches. ​Although the Gold Coast
was politically more advanced than Britain’s other West Africa colonies, there was considerable discontent.
Postwar inflation had caused public anger at high prices, leading to a boycott of the small stores run by
Arabs which began in January 1948. The cocoa bean farmers were upset because trees exhibiting swollen-
shoot disease, but still capable of yielding a crop, were being destroyed by the colonial authorities. There
were about 63,000 ex-servicemen in the Gold Coast, many of whom had trouble obtaining employment, and
felt the colonial government was doing nothing to address their grievances. Nkrumah and Danquah
addressed a meeting of the Ex-Servicemen’s Union in Accra on 20 February 1948, which was in preparation
for a march to present a petition to the governor. When that demonstration took place on 28 February, there
was gunfire from the British, prompting the 1948 Accra Riots, which spread throughout the country.
[ According to Nkrumah’s biographer, David Birmingham, “West Africa’s erstwhile “model colony”
witnessed a riot and business premises were looted. The African Revolution had begun.”
The government assumed that the UGCC was responsible for the unrest, and arrested six leaders,
including Nkrumah and Danquah. The Big Six were incarcerated together in Kumasi, increasing
the rift between Nkrumah and the others, who blamed him for the riots and their detention. After
the British learned that there were plots to storm the prison, the six were separated, with Nkrumah
sent to Lawra. They were freed in April 1948. Many students and teachers had demonstrated for
their release, and been suspended; Nkrumah, using his own funds, began the Ghana National
College. This, among other activities, led UGCC committee members to accuse him of acting in the
party’s name without authority. Fearing he would harm them more outside the party than within,
they agreed to make him honorary treasurer. Nkrumah’s popularity, already large, was increased
with his founding of the Accra Evening News, which was not a party organ but was owned by
Nkrumah and others. 
He also founded the Committee on Youth Organization (CYO) as a youth wing for the UGCC. It
soon broke away and adopted the motto “Self-Government Now”. The CYO united students, ex-
servicemen, and market women. Nkrumah recounted in his autobiography that he knew that a
break with the UGCC was inevitable, and wanted the masses behind him when the conflict
occurred. Nkrumah's appeals for “Free-Dom” appealed to the great numbers of underemployed
youths who had come from the farms and villages to the towns. “Old hymn tunes were adapted to
new songs of liberations which welcomed traveling orators, and especially Nkrumah himself, to
mass rallies across the Gold Coast.​
The Formation of the CPP
Beginning in April 1949, there was considerable pressure on Nkrumah from his supporters to leave
the UGCC and form his own party. On 12 June 1949, he announced the formation of the Convention
People’s Party (CPP), with the word “convention” chosen, according to Nkrumah, “to carry the
masses with us”. There were attempts to heal the breach with the UGCC; at one July meeting, it was
agreed to reinstate Nkrumah as secretary and disband the CPP. But Nkrumah’s supporters would not
have it, and persuaded him to refuse the offer and remain at their head. The CPP adopted the
red cockerel as its symbol—a familiar icon for local ethnic groups, and a symbol of leadership,
alertness, and masculinity. Party symbols and colors (red, white, and green) appeared on clothing,
flags, vehicles, and houses. CPP operatives drove red-white-and-green vans across the country, playing
music and rallying public support for the party and especially for Nkrumah. These efforts were wildly
successful, especially because previous political efforts in the Gold Coast had focused exclusively on
the urban intelligentsia.
The British convened a selected commission of middle-class Africans, including all of the Big Six
except Nkrumah, to draft a new constitution that would give Ghana more self-government.
Nkrumah saw, even before the commission reported, that its recommendations would fall short of
full dominion status, and began to organize a Positive Action campaign. Nkrumah demanded
a constituent assembly to write a constitution. When the governor, Charles Arden-Clarke, would
not commit to this, Nkrumah called for Positive Action, with the unions beginning a general
strike to begin on 8 January 1950. The strike quickly led to violence, and Nkrumah and other CPP
leaders were arrested on 22 January, and the Evening News was banned. Nkrumah was sentenced
to a total of three years in prison, and he was incarcerated with common criminals in Accra’s Fort
James.
Nkrumah’s assistant, Komla Agbeli Gbedemah, ran the CPP in his absence; the imprisoned leader
was able to influence events through smuggled notes written on toilet paper. The British prepared
for an election for the Gold Coast under their new constitution, and Nkrumah insisted that the
CPP contest all seats. The situation had become calmer once Nkrumah was arrested, and the CPP
and the British worked together to prepare electoral rolls. Nkrumah stood, from prison, for a
directly-elected Accra seat. Gbedemah worked to set up a nationwide campaign organisation,
using vans with loudspeakers to blare the party’s message. The UGCC failed to set up a
nationwide structure, and proved unable to take advantage of the fact that many of its opponents
were in prison.
In the February 1951 legislative election, the first general election to be held under universal
franchise in colonial Africa, the CPP was elected in a landslide. The CPP secured 34 of the 38
seats contested on a party basis, with Nkrumah elected for his Accra constituency. The UGCC
won three seats, and one was taken by an independent. Arden-Clarke saw that the only
alternative to Nkrumah’s freedom was the end of the constitutional experiment. Nkrumah was
released from prison on 12 February, receiving a rapturous reception from his followers. The
following day, Arden-Clarke sent for him and asked him to form a government.
The Aftermath of independence Impact
and Challenges
The three colors of the flag (red, green, and black) and the black star in the middle are all
symbolic of the pan-Africanist movement. This was a key theme in the early history of Ghana's
independence. Much was expected and hoped for from Ghana at independence but like all
new countries during the Cold War, Ghana faced immense challenges. Ghana's first President,
Kwame Nkrumah, was ousted nine years after independence. For the next 25 years, Ghana was
typically governed by military rulers with varying economic impacts. The country returned to
democratic rule in 1992 and has built a reputation as a stable, liberal economy.
Pan-African
Optimism
Ghana’s independence from Britain in 1957 was widely celebrated in the African diaspora.
African-Americans, including Martin Luther King Jr and Malcolm X, visited Ghana, and many
Africans still struggling for their own independence looked on it as a beacon of the future to come.
Within Ghana, people believed they would finally benefit from the wealth generated by the
country's cocoa farming and gold mining industries. Much was also expected of Kwame
Nkrumah, the charismatic first President of Ghana. He was an experienced politician. He had led
the Convention People's Party during the push for independence and served as Prime Minister of
the colony from 1954 to 1956 as Britain eased toward independence. He was also an ardent pan-
Africanist and helped found the Organization of African Unity.
Nkrumah's Sing
Party State
Initially, Nkrumah rode a wave of support in Ghana and the world. Ghana, however, faced all
the daunting challenges of independence that would soon be felt across Africa. Among these
issues was its economic dependence on the West. Nkrumah tried to free Ghana from this
dependence by building the Akosombo Dam on the Volta River, but the project put Ghana
deeply in debt and created intense opposition. His party worried the project would increase
Ghana's dependence rather than lessen it. The project also forced the relocation of some 80,000
people. Nkrumah raised taxes, including on cocoa farmers, to help pay for the dam. This
exacerbated tensions between him and the influential farmers. Like many new African states,
Ghana also suffered from regional factionalism. Nkrumah saw the wealthy farmers, who were
regionally concentrated, as a threat to social unity. In 1964, faced with growing resentment and
afraid of internal opposition, Nkrumah pushed a constitutional amendment that made Ghana a
one-party state and made himself the life president. 
1966 Coup
As opposition grew, people also complained that Nkrumah was spending too much time building
networks and connections abroad and too little time paying attention to his own people's needs.
On February 24, 1966, a group of officers led a coup to overthrow Nkrumah while Kwame
Nkrumah was in China. He found refuge in Guinea, where fellow pan-Africanist​ Ahmed Sekou
Toure made him honorary co-President. The military-police National Liberation Council that
took over after the coup promised elections. After a constitution was drafted for the Second
Republic, elections were held in 1969.
Famous Personalities
 A Quote

“Those who want to reap the benefits of

this great nation must bear the fatigue of
supporting it..”
~ Thomas Paine
This Presentation is Prepared by

Jean-malik Edwards
 About
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Capital : viverra sit amet diam vestibulum imperdiet. Suspendisse consectetur
Largest City : sem ac purus commodo pharetra. Nulla neque mauris, interdum ac
pulvinar at, molestie vitae tellus. Etiam laoreet diam in justo
Population : consectetur finibus.
 About
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diam lacinia vitae. Quisque tincidunt est vel porta pellentesque.
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Capital : viverra sit amet diam vestibulum imperdiet. Suspendisse consectetur
Largest City : sem ac purus commodo pharetra. Nulla neque mauris, interdum ac
pulvinar at, molestie vitae tellus. Etiam laoreet diam in justo
Population : consectetur finibus.
 About
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Largest City : sem ac purus commodo pharetra. Nulla neque mauris, interdum ac
pulvinar at, molestie vitae tellus. Etiam laoreet diam in justo
Population : consectetur finibus.
Marie Curie Louis Pasteur Alfred Nobel

Famous Personalities
Geography
and climate
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Map
 Science and
technology
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 Demographics
HEALTH
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EDUCATION
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RELIGION
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 Add Text
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 A picture is worth a thousand words
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SPORTS
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Culture
MUSIC
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ARTS
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Sports
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Military
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Place
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