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WORLD POLITICS
AN INTRODUCTION TO INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
• Globalization involves:
• A stretching of social, political, and economic activities across political frontiers.
• A growing magnitude of interconnectedness in almost every sphere of social existence.
• An accelerating pace of global interactions and processes associated with a deepening
enmeshment of the local and the global.
• In the first wave, the age of discovery (1450-1850), globalization was decisively
shaped by European expansion and conquest.
• The second wave (1850-1945) evidenced a major expansion in the spread and
entrenchment of European empires.
• The international Convention on the Elimination of Child Labor was the product
of a complex politics involving public and private actors from trade unions,
industrial associations, humanitarian groups, governments, and legal experts.
• The main three elements of the Westphalian order - sovereignty, state authority
and territoriality - are affected by the consequences of globalization. Sovereignty
is increasingly shared among national, regional and global actors; state authority
is diminished by new types of transnational problems and consequently, a strict
principle of territoriality cannot be maintained.
PART 1
• Ancient China, India, Rome, and both Christian and Islamic medieval civilization
bear evidence of international society.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• Both exploration and colonization of the New World and The Protestant
Reformation contributed to the emergence of international society.
• The exploration of the New World led to an interest in a political entity's relations
beyond its borders, while the Protestant Reformation implicitly strengthened the
principle of sovereign equality by challenging Catholicism's claim to supreme
authority.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• The international society has endured for years in spite of interstate war. New
challenges involve civil conflict, environmental strain, American hyperpower,
and changing forms of political community and identity; all of these challenge the
assumption of sovereign equality upon which international society is founded.
Interstate war is not a challenge to international society posed directly by
globalization.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• Organized Hypocrisy, the title of a 1999 book by Stephen Krasner, suggests that
sovereignty is a norm honored more in the breach than in the observance, and
cautions against assuming that all states will always honor the precepts of
international society.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• The American (1776) and French (1789) Revolutions brought new states and the
concept of nationalism to the forefront of inter-state relations, and led to the
creation of the Concert of Europe after the Napoleonic Wars.
CHAPTER 2: THE RISE OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL ORDER
• International society is distinguished from the above three ways of ordering the
world system by the principle of sovereign equality.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Historian A.J.P. Taylor argued that Hitler was no different from other German
political leaders.
• In Origins of the Second World War, A.J.P. Taylor argued that Hitler was no
different from the German political leaders who had preceded him. Fritz Fischer
argued in Germany’s Aims in the First World War that the war was caused by the
international political needs of an autocratic elite.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The increase in German power post-unification was seen as the central security
problem that the Versailles settlement failed to solve. Although nationalism and
economic crisis were both important issues, the structural explanation focuses on
the effects of Germany's rise.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The First World War led to the dissolution of the Russian empire.
• Along with the German, Austro-Hungarian, and Ottoman Empires, the Russian
empire ended with the First World War.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Decolonization varied across regions and former imperial powers, and was also
partially determined by factors in the area undergoing decolonization as well as
the level of involvement of the new superpowers.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The Warsaw Pact was the Eastern bloc's answer to NATO and gained impetus
after the 1954 rearmament of West Germany.
• The North Atlantic Treaty Alliance (NATO) was the United States' military
commitment to its European allies. Signed in 1949, it was followed in 1955 by
the Warsaw Pact, which was largely prompted by the rearmament of the Federal
Republic of Germany.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• Détente with the USSR and rapprochement with China were both efforts by the
United States to achieve more cooperative relations with Communist states in the
1970's. The same can be said of West Germany's Ostpolitik.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The 'second cold war‘ followed the election of Ronal Reagan and described a
confrontational period in the late 1980s.
• After the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1980, relations between the
superpowers entered a more conflictual phase, which has since been dubbed the
"second cold war".
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The USSR, the US, and Britain (in order) were the first three states to achieve
nuclear capability.
• The United States dropped the first atomic bomb in 1945; the USSR tested in
1949, and the British followed with a test off the Australian coast in 1952.
CHAPTER 3: INTERNATIONAL HISTORY, 1900-1999
• The Sinatra doctrine was a catchphrase for foreign policy under Gorbachev.
• Nuclear weapons crises during the cold war included the following:
• Cuba (1962)
• Able Archer (1983)
• The Arab Israeli War (1979)
• In addition to the Berlin Crisis of 1961, these crises all ran a significant risk of
escalation to nuclear war, though how close the superpowers came to war is still
debated today.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• The 'unipolar moment' is the position in which the United States finds itself after
the end of the cold war. Although scholars debate whether multipolarity or
another international system is emerging, most believe that the US is still a global
hegemon.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• There is no clear consensus on the causes of the cold war; all three explanations
have been advanced.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Globalization, though its precise meaning was contested, became the key
discourse of governments in the post-cold war world.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Very few people predicted US primacy, but it has become a defining feature of
the post-Cold-War world and as such is debated hotly inside and outside the
United States. 9/11 gave direction to a formerly drifting US foreign policy.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Europe:
• Has struggled to reconcile deepening integration with fragmentation, such as
that in the former Yugoslavia.
• Is debating the extent and depth of a "European foreign and security policy"
but remains uncertain of their future.
• Emphasizes international institutions.
• Although Europe benefited immensely from the end of the cold war, it continues
to struggle with deepening integration and civil conflict on its borders, the extent
to which it should pursue a collective foreign policy, and the role of international
institutions.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Challenges facing East Asia include North Korea's nuclear program and
outstanding territorial disputes.
• The North Korean nuclear program, territorial disputes between many of the
major powers, and the "rise of China" are examples of challenges facing East
Asia today.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Regions around the world, from Europe to Africa, have had to incorporate China
into their foreign policy considerations as China has become more and more of an
international and economic player. However, realist theory predicts that the rise
of China is likely to provoke international conflict.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• Inequality:
• Creates new challenges in terms of domestic social stability, migration, and
political violence.
• Has become more important as globalization empowers sub-state actors.
• Has caused scholars to reconsider the helpfulness of the term "Third World".
• Although inequality has always been present, the end of the cold war led scholars
to reconsider the utility of the term "Third World" to characterize poor and still-
developing areas. It has led to new challenges posed by the empowerment of sub-
state actors, fluctuations in domestic social stability, increased migration, and
possible political violence against the West.
CHAPTER 4: FROM THE END OF THE COLD WAR TO A NEW
GLOBAL ORDER
• After 9/11 American foreign policy took a sharp turn: military interventions in
both Iraq and Afghanistan were based on the premise that deterrence and the
balance of power were inadequate mechanisms by which to confront the threat
posed by transnational Islamic terrorism.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• What is "unipolarity"?
• Unipolarity denotes the period of time after the post-cold war era, in which the US emerged
as the sole superpower. It describes the unrivalled extent and many dimensions of US power.
• Unipolartiy refers to the dense set of trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific relations and alliance
systems.
• Unipolarity was marked by Western-dominated institutions and multilateral organizations
originally created in the wake of the Second World War.
• Unipolarity denotes the period of time after the post-cold war era, in which the
US emerged as the sole superpower. It was manifest in the dense set of trans-
Atlantic and trans-Pacific relations and alliance systems, established, in the main,
through U.S. initiative. Contemporarily, there has been much debate as to whether
or not unipolarity persists or whether we have now entered a period of
multipolarity.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• Soft power is getting others to agree with you without using coercive force.
• Soft power is distinguished from hard, coercive power. In contrast to the former,
soft power refers to the power of attraction, of getting others to emulate your own
society and its values.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• It has been suggested that if a nation wants truly to join non-developing countries
as a full and accepted peer; it needs to forego the special privileges that came
with its old status as a somehow subordinate power. This will likely be a test of
the resolve of such an ambition, as short-term pain must be weighed against less
tangible longer-term legitimacy and peer recognition.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• The notion is that a set of preferences how to maximize global welfare was
gradually turned into a "standardized" package of policy recommendations
adopted and promoted by influential Washingtonites and others. The influence of
these policy shapers meant that the resulting "policy recipes" were in turn pushed
by international - but Washington-based - institutions such as the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Critics have argued that this in fact meant
the forced adoption of neo-liberal ideas by countries in need of assistance (and
thus less able to resist any reciprocal demands).
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• Concert diplomacy is nothing new, but a resurgence of the idea that great powers
need to collaborate to organize norms of international interaction, and thus the
very order of international society. Organizations such as the G20 provide venues
for recurring talks about such issues, and the realization that more than just a
handful of states (compare the veto-wielding powers in the UN Security Council)
are in fact required to partake in these processes.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• No reform(s) have been implemented during the tenure of General Kofi Annan as
Secretary despite of making it a priority to reform the United Nations, including the
Security Council.
• The structure of the UN Security Council is based on the political realities of the late
1940s. Reform and modernization of its governance system have been identified by
numerous actors, including Annan and Ban Ki-Moon, as crucial to reflect a changing
world, and so keep the organization relevant. Suggestions have included the
expansion of the number of permanent members, the expansion of the number of
non-permanent members or both. Because change requires the agreement of at least
two-thirds of UN members and all the five veto-wielding powers, it has so far proved
impossible to reach a consensus. Problems are compounded by conflicting demands
by hitherto "excluded" (i.e. non-permanent members) states.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• The BASIC is a group of developing countries (Brazil, South Africa, India and
China) that have in some cases acted in unison to strengthen their negotiation
position vis-a-vis traditionally strong parties such as the United States.
• Evidence that the United States has primarily been a status quo power includes
the statement is fundamentally flawed: the United States has primarily been a
revisionist power.
• The United States has often tried actively to promote values and modes of
governance that it subscribes to, with the implicit or explicit aim to mold other
nations in its own image. Such activism also has an indirect component where
guiding norms are embedded in international organizations which will then in
turn promote them elsewhere in the world - sometimes to the chagrin of regimes
that do not naturally endorse such values. In this sense, the US is not so much
interested in the sustenance of the contemporary mode of conduct across the
world, as it is in global reformism.
CHAPTER 5: RISING POWERS & THE EMERGING GLOBAL ORDER
• The "liberal global order“ is a 1990s assumption that liberal values, as defined
and promoted by the United States, were "winning", leading to a more tranquil
world.
• In the 1990s, there was a sense that the United States would be - for the
foreseeable future - be threatened by any competing powers, and that the Western
order was working. Weaker states would have to submit, and the liberal order
would gradually expand. The predominance of this view in part obscured
competing claims, and third world dissatisfaction with the envisaged global order.
The rise of emerging powers, and their growing influence in world affairs have
further undermined the idea that a global liberal order is achievable.
PART 2
• States are rational actors. Interests are ordered according to their contribution to
the state's survival in an anarchic environment. As such, self-interest, for realists,
is conceived to be predominantly materialistic in nature.
CHAPTER 6: REALISM
• The 'security dilemma' describes the irresolvable uncertainty whether the other's
military preparation is for defensive or offensive purposes. States don't trust each
other, hence military preparations will be matched by a balance of power of
neighboring states naturally, from a neo-realist point of view, or under the impact
of state leaders as in classical realism.
CHAPTER 6: REALISM
• What is the "ethic of responsibility" and how does it relate to world politics?
• It marks the limits of ethics in international relations; this results in decision-
makers weighing up consequences and sometimes expecting positive
outcomes of amoral actions.
• The "ethic of responsibility" implies that there are certain limits in which ethics
can be allowed within international politics. State leaders have responsibility for
achieving their states' survival and interests, and this might be done by amoral
actions.
CHAPTER 6: REALISM
• "Liberal states do not go to war with one another". The main realist critique of this statement are:
• Realists claim that periods of peace are just a preparation for future wars.
• Offensive realists argue that states continuously strive for more powerful positions within the
international structure, which often includes fighting wars.
• Rather than emphasizing ideational reasons for why democratic states do not engage in war
with one another, realists would stress that states choose not to for their own material self-
interests
• For realists, the main pursuit of states is their survival. This they achieve through relative power
gains, marked by material assets. This includes both their relative power positions in the
international system compared to other states (which often necessitates going to war according to
offensive realists) and the maintenance of their economic stability. If these power gains are more
readily achieved through peace then this, rather than ideational factors, is why states do not go to
war with one another.
CHAPTER 6: REALISM
• “Survival“:
• It is the supreme national interest to which all political leaders must adhere.
• The primary objective of all states.
• A precondition for attaining civil society and therefore all other (moral) goals.
• The state of war is the conditions when there is no actual conflict but a permanent
underlying tension among states that could become a "real" war at any time.
• Realists assume that due to a lack of central authority the international system is
at a state of war at any time; that means, even if there is no actual conflict, states
always have to be aware of the constant threat of aggression or war.
CHAPTER 6: REALISM
• The following are reasons to think that the 21st century will be a realist century:
• Despite the European Union, Europe continues to be as divided by national interests as
ever.
• Human rights assumptions are increasingly seen as a Western agenda backed by
economic dollars and military divisions.
• Humanitarian interventions are increasingly viewed as a means for powerful states to
secure their own self-interests, veiled behind a liberal discourse.
• Reasons for thinking of the 21st century as a realist century are, among others, given by the
continuous prevalence of national interests within an often idealized Europe, as well as the
ambivalence of the West in sanctioning human rights violations - as for example in China or
Russia, where economic interests seem to prevail. Further, this century has been marked by a
prominence in humanitarian interventions. These, however, are increasingly viewed as a
means for powerful states to secure their own self-interests, veiled behind a liberal discourse.
CHAPTER 7: LIBERALISM
• The First Article, "The Civil Constitution of Every State Shall be Republican,"
implies that the consent of the citizens is required whether war is declared; the
Second Article, "The Rights of Nations shall be based on a Federation of Free
States," means that a general agreement between nations should secure world
peace; the Third Article, "Cosmopolitan Right shall be limited to Conditions of
Universal Hospitality," contains the idea of a universal right of humanity.
CHAPTER 7: LIBERALISM
• Whereas for example the United States and the Soviet Union were not among the
founding members of the League of Nations, the UN membership was near
universal from the beginning and gave the Great Powers the right to veto
decisions against their interests, thus deterring them from opting out of the
organization at any time.
CHAPTER 7: LIBERALISM
• Radical Liberals argue that hegemonic institutional order has fallen prey to the
neo-liberal consensus which minimizes the role of the public sector in providing
welfare and elevates the market.
• In this vein, global civil society networks must contribute vitally to the
monitoring of progress in democratization, the rule of law and the establishment
and compliance to international institutions. They can serve as transmission belts
between individuals, states and the global level and hence provide legitimacy and
transparency.
CHAPTER 7: LIBERALISM
• Collective Security means that each state in a system accepts that security for one
is security for all and agrees to join in a collective response to aggression.
• Collective security implies that an attack on one state within this system is treated
as an attack on all of the member states. Thus, the right to defend is extended to
the whole collective security organization in place and hence magnifies the
deterrence to outsiders and security to insiders.
CHAPTER 7: LIBERALISM
• "Harmony of Interests" is the idea that the natural order between peoples has been
corrupted by undemocratic state leaders and outdated policies such as the balance
of power. Without these distortions there would be no 'real' conflict between
people.
• 19th century liberals, such as Richard Cobden, assumed that there are certain
universal values shared between peoples, hence, in a natural order, there would be
no conflict (but also no need for cooperation). In this perspective, peace is a
natural condition and must not be constructed.
CHAPTER 7: LIBERALISM
• The theory of "Democratic Peace," simply said, maintains that liberal polities do
not go to war with each other, but are likely to pick fights with authoritarian
states; hence democratization is a major theme of all liberal internationalist
thinkers from Kant to modern day liberals.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• Materialist conception of history:
• Processes of historical change are a reflection of the economic development
of a society.
• Processes of economic change are based in history.
• Processes of historical change are based in class war.
• For Marx, economic developments of a society are the motor of historical change.
Hence, historical processes can only be understood within the context of the
socio-economic advances of and within a society.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• The relationship between base and superstructure is the change in the economic
base of a society that leads to the change in superstructure.
• Wallerstein's world system theory rests on two pillars: world systems as the
dominant form of social organizations and the core-periphery distinction (plus a
semi-periphery) in each of those systems. Historically, he claims, we could
observe two types of systems: world-empires and world-economies. We currently
live in a capitalist world-economy.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• Antonio Gramsci's view of power is a mixture of coercion and consent.
• Gramsci adopts the Machiavellian view of power as "half beat, half man"
implying that power not only comes from coercion and dominance but also from
achieving consent and the establishment of a "common sense" that most parts of
society can identify with.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• Gramsci shifted the focus of Marxist analysis through the consent for a particular
social and political system that was produced and reproduced through the
operation of hegemony.
• Gramsci's notion of hegemony explains how the moral, political, and cultural
values of the (economically) dominant group become dispersed and accepted
throughout society; hence, it explains within a Marxist framework how
susceptible a society is to change and transformation.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• According to critical theorists, "emancipation“ is a reconciliation with nature.
• Emancipation means different things to different people. For the first generation
of critical theorists, it was conceived of in terms of a reconciliation with nature.
This emerged out of the aftermath of the second world war and the perception
that humanity's domination over nature paved the way for domination of other
human beings.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• According to Robert Cox, critical theory attempts to challenge the prevailing
order by seeking out social processes that could lead to emancipatory change.
• The Frankfurt school differed from other Marxists in that they have not been
much interested in the further development of the analysis of the economic base
of society, but instead concentrated on questions relating to culture and
bureaucracy.
CHAPTER 8: MARXIST THEORIES OF INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
• Justin Rosenberg argues:
• That Realism is ahistorical in its account of international relations.
• That the theory of anarchy is contained within Marx's analysis of capitalism
(anarchy is a key feature of capitalist production).
• Historical change in world politics can be understood as a reflection of
transformations in the prevailing relations of production.
• Carpenter argues that gender is encoded within the parameters of the immunity
norm. Therefore certain categories of the population are assumed to be 'innocent'
because of their gender, regardless of context.
CHAPTER 9: SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM
• The end of the cold war, which triggered the prominence of non-traditional
security issues, transnationalism, and human rights are background factors that
sponsor the rise of constructivism?
• The sudden end of the cold war supported the "constructivist turn" as mainstream
theories were struggling and unsuccessful in explaining it. This opened up the
way for thinking in alternative terms, e.g. about the role of ideas in transforming
the organization of world politics.
CHAPTER 9: SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM
• As the neo-neo debate focused on material interests and took those interests as
exogenously given, constructivism promised to offer new insights e.g. into norms
and identities that actually shape these interests in the first place.
CHAPTER 9: SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM
• Diffusion of social institutions has various causes: it can occur from coercion,
such as during colonialism; it can occur from strategic competition, e.g. if a
rival's weapons are superior; it can occur from formal and informal pressures to
adapt, or it can occur through persuasion by experts, especially during times of
uncertainty. Core concepts related to diffusion are socialization and
institutionalization
CHAPTER 9: SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISM
• Realist Scholar Stephen Walt argues that post-structuralism is first and foremost a
critical theory. Focusing on language and discourse as reality-constitutive, post-
structuralism is more concerned with the question how particular narratives determine
the legitimate parameters of what constitutes politics and political subjectivities. Thus,
it refutes the notion that international politics is premised on a material world 'out
there,' arguing instead how we construct this world by rendering it meaningful. Some,
therefore argue that, as it currently exists, post-structuralism is unable to comprehend
world politics and security studies or offer any practical solutions or predictions on
CHAPTER 10: POST-STRUCTURALISM
• When considering the question 'who is allowed to speak and with what kind of
identity, authority and knowledge?' post-structuralists hold that:
• As a consequence of how world politics has been theorized by conventional
approaches such as Realism, non-State groups such as NGOs cannot gain a
voice in international relations.
• David Campbell in Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the
Politics of Identity draws a distinction between 'foreign policy,' which is all those
discursive practices that constitute something as 'foreign' in relation to the Self
and 'Foreign Policy,' which is the policies undertaken by States in the
international arena.
CHAPTER 10: POST-STRUCTURALISM
• The concept of negritude linked black people across Africa, the Caribbean and the
USA around a set of humanist values that were supposedly held by blacks all over
the world.
• Franz Fanon wrote some of the most crucial post-colonial texts including Black
Skin, White Masks (1952) and The Wretched of the Earth (1961).
CHAPTER 11: POST-COLONIALISM
• Graeme Turner argues that novels are of specific value to post-colonial studies.
The rationale that he offers for this argument is that because stories and novels
are generated by culture they therefore produce meanings and significances that
are indicative of that culture.
• Graeme Turner argues that because human stories and novels are generated by
culture they produce meanings and significances that are indicative of that
culture. This is significant for post-colonial studies as it allows recognition that
political knowledge emerges out of the every-day lived experience of people, and
thus allows for a study of low politics and subaltern politics.
CHAPTER 11: POST-COLONIALISM
• Postcolonial scholar Homi Bhaba argue that colonial discourse was ambivalent
about the colonized because portrayal of the colonized errs towards either a
passive and conquerable subject or an irrational, untamed barbarian. This means
that the colonial subject becomes consistently stereotyped.
• Homi Bhaba argues that portrayal of the colonised errs towards either a passive
and conquerable subject or an irrational, untamed barbarian. This means that the
colonial subject becomes consistently stereotyped and colonial discourse was
ambivalent about the stereotyped, which acts as an apparatus of surveillance and
power that constructs a homogenous knowable other.
CHAPTER 11: POST-COLONIALISM
• 'Postcolonialism' - spelled without the hyphen - is used to suggest that the entire
world is now in the post-colonial era.
• Some scholars use the phrase 'postcolonial' rather than 'post-colonial' to express
the idea that the entire world is now in the post-colonial era. This strand of
thought is thus indebted to the idea that colonialism and postcolonialism are
relations of power (long Foucauldian lines) that penetrate all personal political
and social relations.
CHAPTER 11: POST-COLONIALISM
• Criticisms levelled at the study of post colonialism include, but are not limited to,
that the field focuses so heavily on identity and language that it ignores the urgent
question of whether those in the global south can eat, leaving this problem up to
Western agencies to sort out.
CHAPTER 11: POST-COLONIALISM
• In his renowned work Orientalism Edward Said argues that 'the orient' as portrayed in
Western novels, media and artwork is lost in the past, prone to despotic rule and plagued
by 'odd' cultural traditions.
• DissemiNations occur when people with hybrid identities and cultures become
diasporic, travelling physically from South to North to live.
• Feminism is part of constitutive theory, which argues that the world is intrinsic to
and affected by theories of it.
CHAPTER 12: FEMINISM
• Barbara Smith wrote 'Feminism is the political theory and practice that struggles
to free all women‘.
• When using protectionist measures, states try to "shield" their internal production,
and hence domestic business and employment, from international competition.
CHAPTER 12: FEMINISM
• Realism remains premised on the notion that states are the main actors in IR and
that the international structure of anarchy determines their behaviour in similar
manners. Thus, they take little account of social processes that occur within or
among states, which they regard to be 'black boxes'.
CHAPTER 12: FEMINISM
• The International Women's Year Conference of 1975, was held in Mexico City,
Mexico.
• This is the starting point for Cynthia Enloe's infamous book Bananas Beaches and
Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics, in which she highlights
the feminist concern that women's experience was largely neglected from IR
theorizing. This statement also led to the important concept that 'the personal is
international', which crucially opened up the parameters of IR theorizing more
generally.
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• Jus ad bellum and jus in bello regulate the ethics of going to war and conduct
during war, respectively. They can be distinguished from holy war, or jihad.
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• All three of the above theoretical frameworks are frameworks for ethical
considerations in International Relations.
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• The statement "We should recognise humanity wherever it occurs, and give its
fundamental ingredients, reason and moral capacity, our first allegiance"
(Nussbaum) is an example of cosmopolitanism.
• These three principles form part of just war theory about the origins of war, in
addition to several other factors.
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• Singer and Pogge argue that the wealthier countries in the world have a positive
duty to ameliorate the poverty of the poorer countries.
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• These precepts of Western traditions of moral and political theory form some of
the core bases for questions of international ethics today.
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• As globalization has challenged the idea of the state, some thinkers and statesmen have been
willing to consider cosmopolitan ethics based on the idea of a universal human community.
Critics, have however argued that while we live in a globalized world where people are
increasingly interconnected this has provided a space for the encounter of difference. The
stance that such authors would take is thus premised on the idea that ethical conduct in the
international must be premised on notions of difference and equality. Universalism, they fear
leads to a practice where differences must be assimilated to a universal norm for rights to be
protected. This critique is particularly vocal among feminist and postcolonial authors of
international relations. In this sense, both #b and #c can be correct, depending on the ethical
stance adopted (cosmopolitanism in case of the former; communitarianism in case of the
CHAPTER 13: INTERNATIONAL ETHICS
• Pogge emphasizes the causal relationship between wealth and poverty that
provokes both positive and negative duties to assist others. Beitz and Moellendorf
suggest that Rawls' theory of justice, which is not one of global distributive
justice, is the framework under which global justice should be considered.
PART 3
• This definition was propagated by English school theorist Hedley Bull in 1977.
CHAPTER 14: WAR AND WORLD POLITICS
• Charles Tilly examined the effect of war as a force both requiring and creating
large-scale political organization in Europe during the era 1000-2000 A.D.
CHAPTER 14: WAR AND WORLD POLITICS
• ‘War's character has changed, though its nature has not’ is a major theme of this
chapter.
• As the title of the chapter indicates, the form, or character, of war has changed to
reflect modern conditions, but the nature of warfare, as organized violence
between political units, remains unchanged.
CHAPTER 14: WAR AND WORLD POLITICS
• 'Total war‘ means that a state or other political entity is fighting for its existence.
• A total war occurs when a state or other political entity is fighting for its
existence. In the Second World War, the Allies demanded unconditional surrender
from Nazi Germany. The war ended Adolf Hitler's regime, the Third Reich. Note
that a war can be limited for one participant, and total for another.
CHAPTER 15: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• Uncertainty implies that states can never be sure of the intentions of their
neighbors and therefore they must always be on their guard. Concepts closely
linked to realist understandings of uncertainty are the security dilemma and arms
race.
CHAPTER 15: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• The realist pessimist position is based upon the assumptions about the way the
international system works:
• The international system is anarchic.
• States that are claiming sovereignty will inevitably develop offensive military
capabilities to defend themselves and extend their power.
• States will want to maintain their independence and sovereignty and therefore
survival will be the driving force influencing their behavior.
• The realist pessimist view stems from Hobbes, Machiavelli, and Rousseau
viewing the international system as a brutal arena in which states seek to further
their own security at the expense of those around them. Waltz and Mearsheimer
also take this stance.
CHAPTER 15: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• “Institutionalized cooperation“:
• Cooperation through international institutions as an approach to international
security.
• Cooperation through institutions to creating mature anarchy
• The term "institutionalized cooperation" points out the role institutions play in
enhancing security. Cooperation through international institutions can develop
into more durable and stable security systems and thus opens up the opportunity
to achieve greater overall international security.
CHAPTER 15: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• Democratic peace theory argues that internal norms and institutions of liberal
democracy do make a difference in international politics. The balance-of-power
mechanism thus is not a general feature of inter-state relations; the actual
behavior of a state in the system is a function of its regime type.
CHAPTER 15: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• Walter Lippmann offered this as his definition of national security. It is only one
of several notions of the concept of 'security'.
CHAPTER 15: INTERNATIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY
• Increased trade barriers and devalued currencies resulted from the Great
Depression.
• While each of the countries involved in the Great Depression believed that by
increasing trade barriers and devaluating currencies it could manage to keep its
economy afloat, the Great Depression demonstrated that this did not work.
CHAPTER 16: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The main role of the IMF is to ensure a stable exchange rate regime and provide
emergency assistance to countries facing crises in balance of payments.
• The IMF was created to promote international monetary cooperation and resolve
the inter-war problems of the Great Depression. The main goal of IMF is to
achieve stable exchange rates and one of its main tools is the provision of
emergency assistance to countries facing serious payment challenges.
CHAPTER 16: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• What we now call the World Bank started as the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development and has since become the world's largest source
of development assistance, providing nearly $16 billion in loans annually.
CHAPTER 16: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• When using protectionist measures, states try to "shield" their internal production,
and hence domestic business and employment, from international competition.
CHAPTER 16: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The term "structural adjustment" is usually used when referring to the IMF's
policy towards indebted countries. Structural adjustments mean immediate
measures to reduce inflation and, more broadly, mean the correction of the role of
the government in the economy.
CHAPTER 16: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• Dependency Theory refers to economic activity in the richer countries that often
leads to serious economic problems in the poorer countries.
• Dependency Theory is part of the Marxist tradition in IPE and has traditionally
focused on Latin America to explain how underdevelopment and poverty is
caused by economic, social and political structures in the core countries and the
type of exchange this is generating.
CHAPTER 16: GLOBAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
• The constructivist approach pays attention to how states and other actors
construct their preferences, highlighting the role of identities, beliefs, tradition
and values.
• Much feminist theory is based on the idea of emancipation - the belief in the
capacity of knowledge to drive positive normative change - specifically related to
the improvement of women's lives worldwide.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The protection myth is a popular assumption that men fight wars to protect the
vulnerable, including women and children, and has been used to justify national
security efforts. However, changing roles of women as both the objects of
violence in warfare and in terms of increased participation as combatants has
prompted some revision of this myth.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The idea of the gender-sensitive lens came from the feminist theorists: Peterson
and Runyan.
• Various "lenses" help us focus our attention and formulate questions with regard
to world politics. A gender-specific lens, as proposed by Peterson and Runyan,
helps us see how gender structures world politics.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• In addition to many other areas of world politics, gender shapes the three named
above by defining roles and framing debates.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• Intersectionality describes:
• Overlapping global structures of inequality
• A concept developed by feminists to analyze how sex and gender play out in
the everyday lives of women across the globe
• The intertwining of economic and social status of women
• Although all of these developments have positively influenced women around the
world, different theorists would have different views of the extent of this
'progress'. For example, postcolonial feminists would argue for diversifying the
focus of gender scholarship to include more women outside the West.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• Globalization has created new opportunities as well as challenges for women, but
most feminists would agree that the gender structure of world politics remains
fundamentally unequal and that continuing advocacy for change is needed.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• The feminized labor refers to less desirable or secure work, which has come to be
associated with specific 'female' qualities.
• Feminized labor refers to less desirable or secure work, which has come to be
associated with specific 'female' qualities. This is often accompanied with lesser
liberties and freedoms and higher violations of human rights at the work place.
CHAPTER 17: GENDER IN WORLD POLITICS
• “Double burden“:
• It refers to the disproportionate share of housework done by women.
• It dates to the 17th century.
• It is rooted in gendered conceptions of the distinction between public and
private life.
• The "double burden' arose in the 17th century and refers to the situation in which
women were restricted to low-paying production or service industries and also
responsible for significant amounts of unpaid domestic labor.
CHAPTER 18: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• 'White privilege‘ refers to the social advantages that accrue to white persons
• The legal concept of 'white privilege' refers to the social advantages that accrue to
white persons due to their transparent and fundamentally unquestioned
competence and humanity. It is examined by 'whiteness studies', where scholars
now seek to explain how the (often unspoken) privileges enjoyed by white
persons depend upon (often violent) processes of exclusion. Answers a. and c.
refer to the concept of 'whiteness'. While this is, of course, related to notions of
'white privilege' it does not define it directly.
CHAPTER 18: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• The cultural calculus of racism describes the racial ordering of children of mixed
race.
• The cultural calculus came out of the theological debate over indigenous peoples.
It was used to adjudicate the cultural competencies of a group whose heritage lay
outside of the 'old' Biblical world, and the degree to which these competencies -
the ability to reason especially - allowed them to enjoy basic protections as
human beings.
CHAPTER 18: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• A 'Mulatto' described the cross between white and negro in the official color
hierarchies of the French Caribbean colony of St. Dominque.
CHAPTER 18: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• Karl Marx argues that capitalism was premised on the 'turning of Africa into a
warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins‘.
• It was Karl Marx who argued that capitalism was premised on the 'turning of
Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins'. Indeed, this is
related to his more fundamental claim that capitalist economic development for
some/in some places requires the exploitation of others/other places.
CHAPTER 18: RACE IN WORLD POLITICS
• 'New Racism‘:
• Denotes the claim that 'ethnic minorities' migrating to Europe culturally lack the institutional
and moral sophistication to integrate into advanced liberal-democratic societies.
• Is fundamental to development and security policies in the era of the Global War On Terror.
• Is present in the arguments of 'liberal peace' proponents, who claim that societies of the
Global South can only avoid poverty and conflict by adopting Western systems of
governance.
• The "New Stream" critique of Liberalism (also termed "Critical Legal Studies")
challenges the inherent Liberalism of modern international legal thought. The
three given propositions all refer to the claim that traditional legal theory is
somewhere stuck between "apology" (a rationalization of the status quo) and
"utopia" (a naive image that international law can civilize the world of states).
CHAPTER 19: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• "Jus ad bellum“ refers to laws of war governing when it is legal to use force or
wage war.
• The legal concept of "jus ad bellum" refers to those laws that determine when it is
legally permitted to use force or wage war. For instance, Chapter 7 of the UN
Charter restricts the legitimate use of force to international peace enforcement
actions authorized by the Security Council and individual and collective self-
defense.
CHAPTER 19: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• Ways that the nature and scope of international society have been conditioned by
international legal instruments:
• They have defined the nature of legitimate statehood.
• They have clarified the bounds of rightful state action, international and
domestic.
• Legal positivism:
• The idea that legal rules have legitimacy from their logical and practical
derivation from a fundamental "grundnorm".
• The idea that authority of legal rules comes from their status as the commands
of a sovereign authority.
• Legal positivism has dominated international legal theory in the 20th century. It
assumes the authority of the law lies in the legal rules themselves and thus can be
derived from either their status as commands of a sovereign authority or from
their derivation from a fundamental "grundnorm".
CHAPTER 19: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• The neo-liberal approach emphasizes the domestic origin of state preferences as,
in turn, international law. Hence, its principal limitation is that it neglects the role
international law can play in constituting the domestic realm.
CHAPTER 19: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• The New Haven School is one attempt to move beyond legal positivism in
international legal theory. It is a "policy-oriented" approach that assumes that the
authority of international law rests upon an empirically derived normative
philosophy of human justice.
CHAPTER 19: INTERNATIONAL LAW
• The "New Stream" critique of liberalism (also termed "Critical Legal Studies")
challenges the inherent liberalism of modern international legal thought. The
three given propositions all refer to the claim that traditional legal theory is
somewhere stuck between "apology" (a rationalization of the status quo) and
"utopia" (a naive image that international law can civilize the world of states).
CHAPTER 20: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• The first modern IO was the Central Commission for the Navigation of the Rhine
• The first modern IO, the Central Commission for the Navigation of the Rhine,
was established in 1815 to facilitate states' riparian relations (between land and
water).
CHAPTER 20: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• Many of the first modern IOs in the 19th century were 'apolitical' technical
organizations created to devise solutions to the differing standards among states,
known as Public International Unions (PIU).
CHAPTER 20: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was established
in 1951.
• In 1951 states created the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) to aid states in meeting their obligations under the Refugee
Convention. This is an example of the relevance of moral authority for the
establishment of IO's.
CHAPTER 20: INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN
WORLD POLITICS
• 'Collective action' means that States can benefit from international cooperation.
• Collective action is a term most commonly associated with liberalism and neo-
liberalism. It denotes the idea that states can benefit from international
cooperation, in the context of the anarchic international system.
CHAPTER 21: THE UNITED NATIONS
• These five permanent members (France, Russia, USA, Britain and China) were
seen as the major powers when the UN was founded in 1945. They were granted
veto rights on the view that if big powers were not given a privileged position the
UN would not work.
CHAPTER 21: THE UNITED NATIONS
• The current members of the Trusteeship Council are the permanent members of
the Security Council.
• The Trusteeship Council, which completed its work in 1994 with Palau attaining
independence, consists of the five permanent members of the Security Council.
CHAPTER 21: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Main ways in which the UN became involved in maintaining peace and security
in the mid-1990s:
• By resisting aggression between states and attempting to resolve disputes
within states,
• By focusing on conditions within states, including economic, social, and
political conditions.
• Even though the UN has been more ready to intervene within states, state
sovereignty and non-intervention remain important. Actions within the territory
of another without a clear UN authorization such as the US-led action against Iraq
in 2003 could illustrate the danger of relaxing the principle of non-intervention.
CHAPTER 21: THE UNITED NATIONS
• The concept of "human security" represents one attempt to broaden the traditional
concept of security by including social, political, economic and environmental
threats to the security of people.
CHAPTER 21: THE UNITED NATIONS
• Changes in the nature of international politics and sovereign states and the rise of
new threats and challenges have to be reflected in changes and adaptation within
the UN system in order to improve the capacity of the UN of providing solutions
to those problems.
CHAPTER 22: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• Transnational actors refers to any civil society actor from one country that has
relations with any actor from another country or an international organization.
• The term "transnational actors" is very broad and entails any actor involved in
international relations that are society-based rather than state-based.
CHAPTER 22: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• "Nongovernmental organizations“:
• Can be initiated by states.
• Can be initiated by individuals.
• Is an umbrella term applied to a broad range of organizations that differ in
size, scope, motives, and functions.
• Partnerships of the kind that Oxfam maintains with the British department store
Mark and Spencer is an example of Public-Private Partnership.
• Partnerships of the kind that Oxfam maintains with the British department store
Mark and Spencer is an example of a public-private partnership. These are
governance arrangements intended for mutual benefit and to ensure adherence to
agreed rules.
CHAPTER 22: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• The term 'transnational NGO' make reference to the fact that national NGOs
increasingly mobilize at the international level.
• Transnational NGOs (TNGOs) has become a popular term to take account of the
fact that national NGOs increasingly mobilize at the international level. This
means that there is wider cooperation among TNGOs and other civil society
actors, whose interests TNGOs claim to represent.
CHAPTER 22: NGOS IN WORLD POLITICS
• Policy domain refers to a set of political questions that are seen as being related.
• Regionalism is, alongside globalization, one of the major trends in global politics.
It refers to the cooperation and integration on a regional (meaning continental)
scale.
CHAPTER 23: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• European Court of Justice refers to the EU's highest court, ruling in disputed
matters of EU law between member states.
• The IGCs set the future direction of the European Union by negotiating the
further development and changes of the legal framework within which the EU
institutions operate. They are considered as the "great bargains" in the evolution
of the EU.
CHAPTER 23: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• The Single European Act is the result of efforts to accomplish the project of the
"Single Market". It removed all non-trade barriers by establishing a general
freedom of movement for goods, people, services and capital throughout the EU.
CHAPTER 23: REGIONALISM IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
• From this perspective, the EU reflects global trends prevailing in the current
international economy. Trade barriers have been replaced by an open, internal
market, which in turn enhances not only economic but also social and cultural
exchange. These effects however have not entirely trickled to the level of
PART 4
International Issues
CHAPTER 24: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
• The tragedy of the commons is based on inherent conflict between individual and
collective interest and rationality in the use of property that is held in common; it
is mitigated by a high carrying capacity of the good in question and, in non-IR
models, is often solved through privatization and nationalization. However, this
solution is not always feasible for global political commons.
CHAPTER 24: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
• “Precautionary principle“:
• It is German in origin.
• It advocates for a higher standard for environmental action.
• It has become increasingly popular.
• Used to demonstrate the load placed upon the Earth's carrying capacity by
individuals or nations, an ecological footprint estimates the area of productive
land or aquasystem required to sustain a population at its specified standard of
living.
CHAPTER 24: ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES
• The regime under which the production and trading of CFCs and other ozone
depleting substances would be progressively phased out is called the Montreal
Protocol.
• The IGCC began in 1988 and focuses on the consequences and causes of climate
change, which it concluded in February 2007 is undeniably taking place.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• The realists suggested that the State has a monopoly on the legitimate use of
physical force.
• Realists suggest that the political violence used by terrorist groups is illegitimate
on the basis that states alone have a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical
force.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Expansion of air travel, wider news coverage and broad common political and
ideological interests allow terrorism to grow from a local and regional
phenomenon into an international threat.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• The message of Osama bin Laden combined a number of disparate elements such
as the restoration of the former greatness of Islam, the defense of oppressed
Muslims and the defeat of the theological enemies of Muslims, the requirement
of absolute religious piety and a rejection of secular materialism.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Global Capitalism was the target of the symbolic attacks against the World Trade
Centre in 1993 and 2001.
• Video footage has been used to record the preparations or results of attacks and
helps to "inspire" potential recruits, but is also suitable to reach the widest
audience possible through global news outlets.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Added mobility and the reduced size and increased power of personal electronics
gives terrorists the capability to coordinate the activities of dispersed cells and
increased volumes of air travel and goods create control problems. Although one
of the main contemporary worries with regards to refugees is that terrorists are
able to transfer national borders more easily under this demise, increase legal
immigration should not complicated the search for terrorists and terrorist cells.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Hollywood blockbuster films has provided inspiration for terrorist attacks by bin
Laden and Islamic Fundamentalists.
• Arguments over semantics and definitions has stalled action in the UN directed
towards terrorism.
• A rules-based attempt to fight terrorism within the framework of the UN has been
unsuccessful mainly because various debates in the General Assembly could not
resolve arguments over semantics and definitions.
CHAPTER 25: TERRORISM AND GLOBALIZATION
• Globalization and a growing gap between the rich and poor might cause more
people to fight against suppression. Further, terrorism might become more
attractive if it actually reaches its goal through a collapse of their adversary after
an attack.
CHAPTER 26: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• With his arguments, Sagan tries to counter the argument that the gradual spread of
nuclear weapons to additional states might be a good thing as nuclear deterrence
is the only way to maintain stability in conflict situations. Sagan argues that the
risk of deterrence failures is too big, especially in military-run and weak civilian
governments.
CHAPTER 26: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• How are the motivations for having nuclear weapons best described?
• Strategic deterrence, political and prestige benefits.
• The strategic motivation focuses on the role that nuclear weapons play as war-
fighting and war-winning weapons or the deterrence of other nuclear weapons-
capable states. The political and prestige motivation refers to the conviction that
nuclear weapons are the most modern form of weaponry.
CHAPTER 26: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• "Atoms for Peace“ refers to the the title of an Eisenhower speech which
culminated on the creation of the IAEA.
• The Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (or Tlateloco
Treaty) was one of the first measures to prevent the nuclearization of a specific
geographical area. It was opened for signature in 1967.
CHAPTER 26: PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS
OF MASS DESTRUCTION
• Which states are NOT signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)?
• Israel
• Pakistan
• India
• The treaty has 189 State Parties, which is the largest number of any arms control
agreement. However, India, Israel and Pakistan have not signed the NPT. It
remains questionable, how, if at all, these states can be brought into the Treaty.
North Korea announced its withdrawal in 2003, and further announced that it had
conducted an underground nuclear explosion in 2006 and 2009. As of October,
2016, North Korea has conducted five announced nuclear tests between 9 October
2016 to 9 September 2016.
CHAPTER 27: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Nationalism takes the nation as its fundamental political unit and the basis for
people's political identity and loyalty; the latter of which results in the demand for
self-determination, usually in the form of an autonomous state.
CHAPTER 27: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Primordialism refers to the theory which determines that nations are primary
groups constituted by descent and/or culture, accompanied by the idea that
nationalism arises from a prior sense of national identity.
• Primordialism suggests that nations are constituted by descent and culture, and
that this national identity creates nationalism. Ethnic nationalism is a specific
type of nationalism, which claims that the nation is based on common factors
many of which stem from common descent.
CHAPTER 27: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Perennialism refers to the historical claim which argues that there have been
cases of nations and even nationalism before the modern period.
• British nationalism:
• It has been attributed to Christianity, parliamentary institutions, and free trade.
• It was resisted by colonial areas.
• It can be characterized as state-strengthening, civic, and elite.
• In the 20th century, the following is a way in which war altered nationalism:
• By giving rise to a fascist variant.
• By giving voice to the demands for self-determination.
• German nationalism:
• Competed between ethnic nationalism and a liberal constitutional form.
• Became increasingly state-strengthening over time.
• Was facilitated by industrialization.
• Those entities "that claim to be national (however defined), [that] are not
challenged by powerful state-opposing nationalist movements, and [which] are
recognized internationally" are called Nation-states
• Nation-states, which are both states and nations, derive their claim to legitimacy
in part from the representation of the national identity and interest of the
community over which the state rules.
CHAPTER 27: NATIONALISM, NATIONAL SELF-DETERMINATION
• Globalization and the cold war's end, in tandem, fragmented some states along
ethnic national lines and prompted discussion of order based on supra-national
political community.
CHAPTER 28: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• The Great Transformation is the name of the famous book published just before
the end of the Second World War, by Karl Polanyi.
• Just before the end of the Second World War, intellectual Karl Polanyi published
The Great Transformation, on the economic causes of the European embrace of
fascism in the 1930s. This distinguished between two generic models of the
market economy: 'embedded' and 'disembedded' markets.
CHAPTER 28: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• Countries that had their own East India Companies by the eighteenth century.
• Britain.
• The Netherlands, Denmark and Portugal.
• France and Sweden.
• Britain, the Netherlands, Denmark, Portugal, France and Sweden all had their
own East India companies that allowed them to operate the trading route centred
on modern-day India.
CHAPTER 28: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• When the housing market boom first began to unravel globally in 2007, banks
discovered their over-exposure to 'Toxic assets' of mortgage-backed securities
• 'The Quad' at the World Trade Organization (WTO) refers to the decision-making
structure within the WTO.
• Having over 150 members means that decision-making could be a huge potential
pitfall for the World Trade Organization. In order to balance representation and
efficiency four key groups actually participate in the final stages of decision-
making: the US, the EU, Brazil and India. These four are known as 'the quad.'
CHAPTER 28: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• The response to the crisis conditions of the 1970s is a turn against government
intervention in the economy.
• The 1970s was a decade of crisis for rich industrialized economies, such as the
USA. Following this crisis-era, governments responded by heavily reducing their
intervention into markets and adopting a far more 'laissez faire' approach. This
was most evident in the policies of, for example, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald
Reagan.
CHAPTER 28: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• By how much did the value of the currency of Thailand, South Korea, the
Philippines and Malaysia fall during the Asian financial crisis of 1997/1998?
• 30%.
• During the Asian Financial crisis of 1997/1998 Thailand, South Korea, the
Philippines and Malaysia saw the value of their currencies fall by 30% meaning
that people in these countries were able to buy approximately two-thirds of the
volume of goods at world prices after the crisis as they had been able to before.
CHAPTER 28: GLOBAL TRADE AND GLOBAL FINANCE
• Has inequality between 20% of the world's richest and 20% of the world's poorest
changed?
• It has been increasing.
• While in 1960, the income ratio of 20% of the global population in the richest
countries to 20% in the poorest was been 30:1, it had increased to 60:1 by 1990
and even further to 74:1 in 1997.
•
CHAPTER 29: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• The "nature-focused" account of hunger means that there is not enough food to go
around.
• Where as the orthodox view on poverty claims that it refers to a situation where
people do not have the money to satisfy their basic needs, alternative views
emphasize not simply money, but spiritual values, community ties, and
availability of common resources.
CHAPTER 29: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• In the 1970s, mainly developing countries proposed (without success) the NIEO
that should reform the existing order to be more user friendly for the producers of
primary commodities through such mechanisms as index-linking the prices of
primary products to the prices of manufactured goods.
CHAPTER 29: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• “Trickle down effect“ means that economic growth will eventually (and
automatically) bring benefits to the poor.
• The "trickle-down effect" describes the idea that overall economic growth would
automatically bring benefits for the poorer classes. However, despite impressive
rates of growth enjoyed by developing countries this success was not reflected in
their societies at large.
CHAPTER 29: POVERTY, HUNGER, AND DEVELOPMENT
• According to the 'freedom from fear' understanding, the core of human security is
embodied in:
• The UN Charter.
• The Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
• The Geneva Conventions.
• Human security, if defined as 'freedom from fear', could include measures such as
a ban on land-mines, formation of an International Criminal Court, human rights,
international humanitarian law, women and children in armed conflict, small arms
proliferation, child soldiers, and child labor.
CHAPTER 30: HUMAN SECURITY
• The critics of human security argue that by making the individual rather than the
state the referent object, the concept becomes so broad that it cannot be used
either for analysis or policy; that it creates expectations by victims of disaster and
violence that more aid will ensue than is actually forthcoming, and that we would
be better off to focus on analyzing the state and strengthening its role in service
provision.
CHAPTER 30: HUMAN SECURITY
• The quote above comes from the Swedish study by Inga Thorsson et al.
examining concerns over the so-called "guns versus butter" debate, or the
negative impact of defense spending on development aid.
CHAPTER 30: HUMAN SECURITY
• Scholars have variously argued that increased trade links decrease interstate
violence, that the end of colonialism and the cold war has created a zone of peace
(or the "end of history") and that peace operations and international institutions
have helped to foster stability.
CHAPTER 30: HUMAN SECURITY
• Politicide refers to the term that describes destroying groups because of their
political beliefs rather than their religion or identity?
• The Charter of the United Nations, signed in San Francisco on 26 June 1945,
identified promoting respect for human rights as one of the principal objectives of
the new organization. It also created a Commission on Human Rights, which
became the focal point of what we today call the global human rights regime.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• In the mid-1970s human rights began to emerge from its Cold War slumber as an
active concern of national foreign policies.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• At the very least transnational NGOs date back to the nineteenth century and anti-
slavery campaigners.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• The liberal position on rights is made up of two basic components. First, that
human beings possess the rights to life, liberty, the secure possession of property
and the freedom of speech, which are inalienable and unconditional. Second, that
the primary function of government is to protect these rights.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Greek, Christian and medieval Catholic theology are the origins of natural law
thinking.
• The idea of natural law implies that universal moral standards exist upon which
the rights that individuals have are based. Rights thus are not limited in
application to any particular legal system. Its origins can be traced to the classical
Greek and early Christians, but in its modern form it is based on medieval
Catholic theology.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Member countries of the Council of Europe, which is wider than the European
Union, are subject to the legal judgements of the very effective European Court of
Human Rights.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• On 10 December 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and most countries, therefore, celebrate
this day as Human Rights Day.
CHAPTER 31: HUMAN RIGHTS
• Realism tells us that states only pursue their national interest and legitimate
humanitarian intervention is thus ruled out, since states only judge according to
their interests. Another key realist argument is that such an exception to the ban
on the use of force in Art 2(4) UN Charter will lead to abuse.
CHAPTER 32: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• In contrast to pluralism, solidarism argues that states have a legal right and moral
duty to intervene in situations that offend minimum standards of humanity. States
can do so as they agree on universal standards of justice and morality that
legitimize practices of humanitarian intervention.
CHAPTER 32: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• Fernando Teson puts forward a liberal case for Iraq being a humanitarian
intervention?
• Among others, Fernando Teson takes a liberal stance in arguing that the Iraq war
was a humanitarian intervention.
CHAPTER 32: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
• Loud emergencies are the humanitarian crises that receive media attentions, like
genocide, ethnic cleansing and famine.
• Silent emergencies do not get media attention, like slow death from malnutrition
and poverty.
• What would warrant a "just cause" military intervention for human protection
purposes?
• There must be serious and irreparable harm occurring to human beings, or imminently likely
to occur.
• There must be a large scale loss of life, which is the product of deliberate state action, or state
neglect, or inability to act, or a failed state situation.
• There must be a large scale ethnic cleansing.
• The "just cause" threshold is one of the specific criteria set out by the report "The
Responsibility to Protect" by the International Commission on Intervention and
State Sovereignty. Military intervention is treated as an exceptional measure and
must be justified by serious or irreparable harm, defined as large-scale loss of life
or large scale "ethnic cleansing."
CHAPTER 32: HUMAN INTERVENTION IN WORLD POLITICS
Owens, P., Baylis, J., & Smith S. (2017). The Globalization of World Politics: An
Introduction to International Relations (7th ed). England: Oxford University Press.
GOD BLESS!!!