V V . . .

THE TEMPLE
OF THE IMMORTALS
EXPLORING THE REPRESENTATIVE MONUMENTS
IN THE NORTHWESTERN PERIPHERY
OF THE ODRYSIAN KINGDOM,
LATE 5TH MID 4TH CENTURY BC

Ivan Hristov

V V. . .

THE TEMPLE
OF
THE IMMORTALS
EXPLORING THE REPRESENTATIVE
MONUMENTS
IN THE NORTHWESTERN PERIPHERY
OF THE ODRYSIAN KINGDOM,
LATE 5TH MID 4TH CENTURY BC
IVAN HRISTOV
3

.
....................................................................... 7

. ,
( 12 ).

.............................................................................16
. ..................................................................... 62
V.
.............................................................................................101
V. ................................................................113
V. . ........................................133
V. ..........................................................................................145
V. , , ...............................161
. ...........................................................................................163
. ......................................................................
. (- ) ...................................
. , , ................186

.
.



1.1. (
) , . . . 70 ,
39% .

. 1. .
1. Air-view of Sredna Gora Mopuntain.
7

 . , ,
1000 . . (. 1).
- , .
,
(, , ) (521 ..).
.
, , .
, . , , , . .

. , V . . . ( )
.
, ,

(, ., 2002).
( ,
, )
. . , V .
-

, , (), 1589 . (., 2008).
1634 .
,
8

9
. 2.
2. Sredna Gora Mopuntain

10
. 2.

 Toponiz (. ) Caludris
( ).
1680 .
(Mons Temen Argentaro),
(. 2 2 ).
1.2. ,
,
, . , . - ,
,
. . . .
1925 . (, . 1925, 57).

. (, ., 1934).
,
, ,
.

1949 . .
.
- . ,
(
) . (
1975 1977 . , ., 1979) . .
(2000 2002 . , ., 2002; Kitov, G.,
2001 2002, 5 60).
- .
(, . 2001, 20 28; , ., 2004; , ., 2005), - . . , (?)
(, ., , ., , ., , ., , ., 2007, 161 164; , ., , ., ,
11

., , ., 2007, 164 167; , ., , ., 2009, 240 243;

, ., , ., 2009, 195 198).
2005 . . (, ., 2006).

(, . 2007, 72 74; , ., 2008, 222 225).
, , , , .
,
- ,
V V . . .
, ,
. , , .
, ,
, .
( 80 % ), .
1.3. ,
. , .
,
, ,
V . . .
.
,
12


VV . . .
.
, , , , ,
. ,
, . , , . .
, ,
,
. . , . . (, ., 1997, 251).

V . . ., -
, .
, , . ,
.
, ,
, ,
- .
, , , .

(, ., 1999.....).
,
(Thuc., II,
13

10, 1). 170/169 . . .

, (Tit, Liv., XLIII, 18).

26 . . . (Tac.
Annal. 4 51, 9).
- . ,
(, 1958: 352 353).
, - I . . . e. pee ca 335 . . .
(Arrian. Anab., I, 1), V 211 . . .
181 . . .,
(Tit, Liv., XXVI, 25 26)
(, ., 2003, 171 179).
, , .
, , .
1. 4. ,
, - , .....
1999 . - . - . 5 . (, ., 2001, 20 36). . . , . .
,
20 (, ., 1925, 57).
. .
14

 , . ,
- . .
- .
. ,
, 2000 . ,
. 4
,
, , .
, .
2008 2009 .
: . . (,
., , ., , ., 2008).
. - , :
1. . . . .
2. . .
3. 2009 . 30 . ,
, .
.
2009 .
, . (),
15

.
.
.
.
, .
. . - (, ., 1993,
39 80).
, 2008 .
. . .
. ,

, , .

16

.
,
( 12
).


2.1. V . . , . . (Hdt. VIII, 115).
,
429 . . . (Thuc., I, 19, 1). ,
, , ,
, , (Thuc. I, 19, 1).

(, ., , ., 1983:116).

, (Thuc., I, 96, 1).
V . .
.
,
, , , II
339 . . . (, .,
1975:12).
. III 335 . . .
,
(, ., 1995:34).
17

 , ,
() (Arr. Anob., 300 301). ,
,
(, ., 1997,
272).
IV . . .
, . , 310 . . . ,
- (, ., 1997,
267). , II III ,
V (, ., 1997, 271).
, , V 183 . . .

(Pollib., ...........).
2.2. , ,
I . . .
,
. V
. (), III
. . . . , ()

(, ., 1959, 112).
,
. , .
18

 . . . ,
V . . . . ,
(, ., 2004, . 20).
. , ,
. ,
. , ,
, .
1999 . . , .
,
341 . . .
(Bosnakov, K., 1999, 319 sgg.).
, (Demosth.
8. 44), ( )
352 . . .
. , ()
,
. . () (, ., 2006, 176 177).
. .
, , , ,
, - .
, ,
,
. , , , ,
.
2.3.
.
19

 - ,
. .
. , ,
-
. (Tomaschek, W. 1980, 73 74). - (, , . . )
,
, . ( ,
., 1983, ......)
,
.
. , ,
. , , . . - . ,
, - (, .,
1974, 119 192).
V . . .? ,
, , , , .
. ,
, . , . , . ,

VV . . . (, ., 1994, 145 148). .
. ,
. , , , .
, , (, , , . 1990, 3, 7).
20

2.4.

(,
., 1992). . ,

(,
., 1994: 73 74).
(. 2 ).
, ,


. 2.



.
2b. Coin hoard of satyr and menade stateri discovered
in the region of Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mountain.
.
,
, II (, ., 1996: 69 73).

21


, .
.
,
- ,
. , . ,
,
. ,
. ,

. (, ., 2004)
, ,
V . . ., (Yoroukuva, 1979, p.125).
, . ,
,

V . . .

, .
, .
. (, . 2004).
,
. 66 53
. . . , . (,
., 1990, 81; , ., 1996, 255)

22

(407 386 . . .), (359 351 . . .) (351 340 .

. .) (, ., 1989, 3 4; , ., 1994, 44 59; Topalov, .,
1994, 51 63; , ., 2006, 95). (. 3)
, . . ,
(, ., 2006, 120).
V . . .
. . ,
.

, .

,
,
, , ,
,
. 3. M
( )
3. Coin of King Amatokos
.
(National Museum of History)

. (, ., 1994,
88 109).
, . ,
,
(?).
,
. 3. M

( )
.
3a. Coin of Teres II
(National Museum of History)
23


. .
. , , (), (, .,
2004).
,
, . . . (. 4).

(). ,
. ,
().



. 4. A
.
.

4. Decorative attachment for horse-trappings
.
from Peychova Mound.
(. 5).

V . . .
.
-

. 5. .
( 25
5. Headstall from Peychova Mound.
24

). ,
, . .
. ,
,

(. 6).
-
, 1999 .
, , (, .,
. ., 2000, 633 650). ,
, (.
6).
V . . .
20
. , , , (. 7).
( 2007 .)
( 8,5 )
. . 6.

( , , 2000)
6a. Iron double-headed axe labrys from
the region of Pyasuchnik Reservoir
(after Mutafov, Koychev, 2000)
. 6.
.
6. Iron double-headed axe - labrys.

25

6 b.
.
6 b. Iron double-headed axe
labrys from the region of Starosel


................. , . .



. (. 6)

.
(, .,
. 7.
2005, 104).

.(
)
, 7. Ceramic pitcher handles bearing repre -
sentation of a labrys (Kozi Gramadi Peak)

. . VV . . .
(,
., 1990, 111).


. , ,
. .
. . .
() .
2. 5. 2005 2009 . ,
26


. , ( ),
. , ,
, , o- .

- .
.
.
. ,
. . .

. .
( )
,
(, ., 2005).

. 40 . . 50 . - . ,
, 2 10 .
,
(, ., 1934; , ., 1983, 3 5; , .,
2002, 496 500; , . 1993, 89 90).
, , - (100 . )
(, .,
2005). (. . )
.
.
, , . . (, ., . , 2000, 633 645).
27

 . ,
. , 60 4600 .
,
.
, 250 ,
, , , .
, .
V 40- V . . . (
). , , , , ,
. , .
, , , , ;
, -.
- 341 . . .
(,
., 2006, 79).
, , ,
, .

.
, , ,
. .
, . .
.
. , 20 ..
28

. .
: ; ; ; (.
12). ,
34
.
, , , .
V.
30 . .
. ; . ;
;
. .
,
, . , , .
(. 10 11). -
, 3 .
.. .
, .
, , .
.
. .

(, ., 1959; Christaaller, W., 1962; Toubert, P., 1973:205; , .,
1974:113; , ., 1996:46 48).
,
29

 .
, ,
, (, ., 1979:16).

- ,
,
,
, .
V.
, . 15 . : -

. 8. . .
8. Krasnovo
30

. 9. . .
9. Krasnovo

;
(1214 . .);
(1444 . .) (1216 ..);
.
V. .

, (735 . .). 25 . . 50 .
. . (. 8 9).
V. .

31

 . , .
.
. , . .
. (735 . .). , ,
. . . -
,
.
V. .
. .
. ; ,
(1572 . .).
. .
-
.
300 , 40
. (, ., 1979, 1). . ( !)
. ,
. . . (, ., 1979, 20).
;
;
(, ., 1979, 1 26; , ., 2008, 295 296).
. .
. .
. 10 .
. -

32


.
,
. . , ; . ; . (, ., 2004, 121 134).
,
,
, , .
V . . .

. 10. .
10. Kaleto Peak view from the south.
33

 , -
,
. . . . ,
,

(, ., . , . ., 1994, 86).
2.6. ,
,
. . .
, ,
.
/ / / ,
- /,
, , .

, .
- .
. . . (, ., 1987, 4 18). . , ,
. , (, ., 1994, 104 110).
- ,
, .
,
, ,
( ),
1000 . . .
2.7. ,
34

 . . ,
. (. ), ,

, . . .
, , .
, ,
. . .
. .
, .
. (, ., 1934, 1 7; ,
, . , 110 147).
2.8 300 . .
1500 . .
- 400 700 . .,
. . (600 1000 ).
, . ,
(, ., 1998, 51).
-
.
, . ,
,
. ,

,
. , -
35


( , ., 1998, 57 59).
.
342/341 . . . (, . 1922, 215).
, .
,
- (. , ., 1992,
31-. 8; 83 . 20; 92. . 21).

.
(, ., .

. 11. . , . .
11. Layout of the stronghold in the locality of Kaleto, the village of Starosel.
36

, 1983:103). -
-
.
- , -
.
2008 2009.,
,
,
, .
. ( ?). ,
,
, , : ( , ) (,
). . .
. . .
,
( . . .). , ,
, , , .
. - ,
, . . ,
4 . . ,
,
6 , . 400 . .
, ,
37

 , 1, 40, 0, 60 . .
. ,
, . ,
.
, . ( ) ,
.

. 12. . .
12. View of the stronghold near the village of Mutenitsa.
38

2.8. , , ,
. . . .
(tyrsis) . , II
(). ,
( - ), , - teihos horion.
.

.
23 ,
. - . ,
, .
, ,

. ,
, . , , , ,
, . , ,
.
( ). (, ., 2009).

. 2005 .
(, . 2006).
. .
. ,
. , , . .
.
,
39

. - .
.
(.13).
, , 4, 5 .
, .
, 3 , . , .

. 13. B .
13. Kozi Gramadi Peak.
40

 (?). .
1, 60 . 1 .
.
.
, , 4 .
3 , . ,
.
.
-

. 13. .
13a. Layout of the tyrsis of Kozi Gramadi.
41

 , . - :
, , , . ,
( I (383/382 . . .
360/359 . . .), .
, ,
. ,
, (Athenaei, XII, 531 632).
, . , ,
, , .

,
1, 50 . .
(. 13 ).
,

.
. , .
8,3012,50 (103, 75 2).
0,57 .
0,90 (. 14).
, 1, 68 . ,
.
, (. 15).
42

. 14.


.
14. Palace building in
the tyrsis at the foot of
Kozi Gramadi Peak.

. 15. B .
15. Palace entrance.

, , ,
.
,
, .
. .
,
, .
43

 (, ),
. 1, 10/1, 40 ,
0, 44 0, 30 . 0, 16 ,
(. 16).

, 1, 96 . 4 . . , .
, .
(0, 10 )
. 0, 40

. 16. B

.
16. The inner court space
in the palace building.

, II
, .
, , - AN ( ), .
in sito .
40
V . . .
44

 8, 20
,
.
, 1, 04 .
,
.
.

, . 17. .
17. Second level of the palace building.

.
4, 26
, 1, 90 .

3, 13
1 .
. ,
,
. (. 17)
. 17. .

17a. Detail of the entrance decoration.
. ,
.
: ( , ) (,
45

 ). . .
. .

, .

; .
(4
5 ). , , .
hestiatorion . . .

. .
,
. .
(. , ., 2002,
18 26).
,

. ,
, , .
,
( ), , ,
hestiatorion, -
(, ., 2006; Christov, Iv., 2008, 213 220).

,
.
, .
(. 17).
46


.
,
. (Busing Kolbe., 1978, 82).
.
- . . . ,
.
. :
1.
, .
2.
.
,

V . . .,
( ),
. ,
, . ,
15 (, ., 2006,).
-
.

31 . . . ( )

(, ., 2007, 55 56 .) ( )
,
.
47

 ,
. . , - . ( ).
.
. (1361 ) . ,

. 18
18.. P
P

..
1188. R
Rema
Re
main
inss of a w
wal
alll on K
Koz
ozii
Grra
G
amad
am
adii Pe
Peak
ak..

. 199.

.
199. Bu
Buil
ildi
ding
ng ffou
ound
ndam
amen
en
nts
on K
Koz
ozii Gr
Gram
amad
adii Pe
Pea
ak.

48

, , . ,
,
. .
, . .
2005 . ( ), 10 . ,
. . , ,

, (. 18 19).
(V
V . . .)

. 19. .
19a. Layout of the site on Kozi Gramadi Peak.
49

 , , . V
V . . .
. -
. , , . , ,
, . . . , . . .,

. V .

,
(. 19 ).
. , ,
. ,
, ,
.




. -
.


.
,
. 19. .
19b. Masonry from the southern wall of the tyrsis.
50

 , -
, -

. 19. .
V . . . ..

10 4 . .
, ,
.

V . . . ,
. . .
.
.

.
4.
( V . . . ,
., 2010) (. 19)
-

- . (51

 ) ,
.
-. ,
. . ,
.
-
, .
,
. ., 10 . . , . (, ., 2007, 72 74).
,
. 15 .
.

, - .
, . .
,
. 2,90 3 =
, ,
- .
. , ,
. .
. , , .
25 11 . (. 20 21).
6
3 .
,
, . ,
52

. 20
20..

..
2200. Ru
Ruin
inss fr
from
om tthe
he ttyr
yrsi
siss in
tth
he lo
loca
cali
lity
ty ooff Sm
Smil
ilov
ove.
e.

. 21
.
21..

.
.
211. Th
Thee en
entr
trran
ance
ce of th
the
he ty
tyrs
rsis
rs
is..
iis

53

 ,
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. 2 3. . 3 - .
. ,
. ,
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20 25 ,

. ,
. (, . . ., 2010 )
.
.
.
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, . , , ,
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. (, ., 2008, 222 225),
,
. V . . .

V . . . . . .
2005 .
(, ., , ., , ., , ., , ., 2007, 161 164; , ., ,
., 2009, 240 243.; , ., 2009).
, . . 500
54

. 22. . ( . )
22. Plan of the Thracian settlement near the village of Krustevich (after M. Madzharov).

. . 10
. . .
, (. 22).
( ),
, , . , -
,
. , , - ,
. - 360 . . .
V . . .
(. 23 24).
55

. 23-24 .
( . )
23-24 Building fundaments from the Thracian settlement near
the village of Krustevich (after M. Madzharov).

56


, 1 .
. (. 25). .
, , .
,
. V . . .
.

. 25. . , .
( . ).
25. Plan of the Thracian sanctuary in the locality of Sekiz Harman, village of Krustevich
(after M. Madzharov)
57

 (, ., , ., , ., , ., 2007, 164 167; , ., , ., 2009, 195 198).

58

. ().
,
. ,
, .
.
,
( 2009).
, .
. . (,
., 2004).
, . .
.
, , V . . .
. , .
(Arist.
Polit.7.11.1330 b) . . , , ,
,
(, ., 2002,
12 15). , ,
,
.
//,
59

 , /. , /. (,
., . 2002, 9 17).
4 . .
900 . . ,
.
- 88
24 . , , 2 3 .
- / /
, /?/. 8,4 .
. ,
.
-
.
,
. , ,
,
.
V . . .,
.
( ,
) .
, . , , - , - ,
.
. , V
V . . .
.
60

 . . , . . , , , ,
(, ., 1995:182 206). , , (,
., 1999). ,
,
.
-,

.
2.9.

.
,
,
,
, .
, ,
,
, , .
, (Macr. Sat., I, 38).
-
: , (, ),
, . (, ., 1994: 92), , ,
, , , .
, , . , ,
.
61

 , .
,
, - , . , ,
,
, .
,
.
,
, , , .
() , -
(Brikhe, C., 1979: 41 45). ,
.
.
( ;
. ; ). .
, , .
,
.
,
, , (Macr. Sat., I, 18). .
r (
oroV) = jooV = , . () (, ., 1991: 35).
,
62

 .
, , .
, .
- , , (, .,
1991: 23 30), -

(. ,
., 1991 . .).

. 26. .
26. Aerophotograph of Chetinyova Mound.
63

 ,
, , , ,
() - .
.
(, ., 1996:199).

. 27
277-27
27.
7
.

..

2727
7-277a Pe
Peyc
eycho
y hova
yc
hova
ho
va
aM
Mou
ound.
ound
nd
d.

64

.

3.1. . 3 . (. 26).



.
, -

. 28
28.. .

,
,

(
(

- .

))
2288. Th
Thee lo
loca
cali
lity
ty ooff U
Uyo
yovv Ka
Kamu
muk
k,, th
thee la
land
ndss of tthe
he
vviill
llag
agee of S
Sta
taro
rose
sell (p
(pho
hoto
togr
grap
aph
h fr
from
om tthe
he a
arc
rchi
hive
ve
of Dr. G
of
G.. Ki
Kito
tov)
v)

. 299.
.

.
299. Th
Thee ro
rock
ck ssan
anct
ctua
uarry
in tthe
he lloc
ocal
alit
ity
y of U
Uyo
yoov
Kamu
Ka
mukkk.

65

. 30
.
30..

..

.
30.. Ma
30
Mark
rkov
ov K
Kam
amuk
uk iin
n th
thee no
nort
rtth
of tthe
he vvil
illa
lage
ge ooff Pa
Pani
nich
cher
errii.

, 5 (?)
,

.

.
- . ,
,
. .
, .
, .
, (. 27).
-,
-
, .
- , .
, ,
. . . .
. , 5
66

 , . ,
(. 28). , .
. , (. 29).


. . .
( ).
. () - .
, , . ,

,

(.
30).

. 31-32

.
31-32 Crepida of the eastern
part of Chetinyova Mound

67


. ( ), . . .
, , , ,
, , . -, ,
,
.
. , .
(, ., 2007, 20 61). (, ,
.) V . . .
,
, -

. 33. .
33. Crepida in the northwestern part of Chetinyova Mound.
68

 V . . . (, ., 2007, 60).
- ( -, ), .
.
26, 2 . 79 . , , .
4 (. 31).
( , ) 2
3,5 (. 32). ,
2, 5 ,
, . , .
,
. (. 33).

, .
, 56000
. 241,
, , 4 .

. ,
.
.
.
, , ,
, , .
,
, a
(, ., 1995:
34). , , 69

 ,
, , .
o , (, ., 1990: 58 76).
, , ,
.
.
, , ,
, .
. ,
, , , . . , . (

. 34. .
34. Wine-house in the northwestern part of Chetinyova Mound
70

 ), ,
, .
, (, ., 1955:190 . .).
,
, , (, ., 1990,
171 172).
, ,
, .
. , , .
, ,
, ,
,
(, ., 1995, 28 29).
,
, .
3.2. .
. 2000 .
. , (, ). (. 34)
,
.
, .
. , ,
. 2400 , - , .
,
71

 , . 70 %
.
. ( )
, . ,

. ,
, , .

.
,
2 . , .
,
, ,
,

- . -
, . 35.
.
.
35. Fragment of a ceramic vessel

- ,
of strainer type.
,
( ). ,
.
. , . ,
, (, ., 2002, 169 173).
72

 ,
.
.
2008 . (.35).
, - ,
.
, . . , . . ,
, , ,
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172

THE TEMPLE OF THE IMMORTALS:

EXPLORING THE REPRESENTATIVE MONUMENTS
IN THE NORTHWESTERN PERIPHERY OF THE ODRYSIAN KINGDOM, LATE 5TH MID 4TH CENTURY BC

Ivan Hristov
Summary
The aim of this book is to focus attention on history, semantics and sense
of the Thracian culture of the large Thracian temple in Chetinyova Mound
near the village of Starosel, Hisarya Region. It was assumed at the beginning
that the under-mound construction in Chetinyova Mound had actually been a
temple where rituals connected with the divine status of the Thracian rulers
of the 4th century BC. Thus, the place was called The Temple of the Immortals.
An analysis of the settlement development along the southern slopes
of Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mt., as well as some considerations concerning
the historical destiny of the population in the northwestern periphery of the
Odrysian Kingdom during the period 5th 4th centuries BC, had to be included in the text as this site cannot be considered separately from the rest of
the Thracian culture monuments.
The term periphery replaced one other term frontier currently used in
the historical geography. Unlike the situation during the Roman Age, when
the frontiers of the provinces inhabited by Thracians were accurately marked
by means of epigraphic monuments, it is hard to indicate the exact state
boundary lines in the lands controlled by the Odrysian kings. This was due to
the fact that during their almost throughout course of state development, the
Odrysians were bordering territories controlled by kindred Thracian tribes.
There were no epigraphic monuments to mark boundary lines, and the socalled periphery embraced a exible zone that always depended on the dynamics of the traveling of the actual Odrysian ruler, who traveled across the
controlled territories and stopped at his key points called tyrsis-es.
The term representative monument was introduced to denote all undermound constructions temples, tombs or built graves no matter of their
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purpose. The well-preserved constructions of the newly found tyrsis-es and

trading centers, as well as of some Thracian strongholds and sanctuaries,
were also added to the group of the representative monuments.
The area along the upper course of Hebros River and the surrounding
mountains had been an interaction zone of interest between Bessi, Odrysians and Macedonians during the second half of the rst millennium BC.
The monuments in this region mark very accurately the borders between the
mountain and the atland. Thus, the latest hypothesis is based on the idea that
the locations of the emporia (the trading centers) in most cases mark the stages and the causes for the descending of the highland Thracians towards the
atland to trade. These were built near important crossroads of trade routs,
and most of all, along the indicated bordering line between the atland and
the mountain, or, according to some authors in the periphery zone between
the single tribes. It was proved that namely the newly found tyrsis-es and
emporia mark the northwestern frontier of the Odrysian Kingdom. Equally
clear is the bordering line between the Odrysians and the Bessi in the Rhodopes. This border is distinct thanks to the concentration of the so-called cult
ceramics of the Tsepina Type, used by the population of the Rhodopes during
the 4th 3rd centuries BC.
The imitations of Silenus and Nymph stateri that were found recently in
the Pazardzhik Region along with coins of the Odrysian rulers after the 5th
century BC, are an indication that the stateri were minted under the control
of the rst Odrysian kings. Bronze coins of the Silenus and Nymph Type are
also to be found in the region in synchronous circulation with the coins of
Metokos, Amatokos and Teres II. The imitative coinage pointed out had reason in the inner lands of Thrace due to the remoteness of the original core of
the Odrysian Kingdom in respect to the Greek cities, as well as to the necessity of exchange means. Thus, the latter need was satised by Thracian coins
of their own. It is supposed that the Silenus and Nymph coin issues were
struck in silver from ores from the region of the Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mt.
The hundreds of expensive silver adornments that were found in the mound
burials were probably also made of the same silver. It may be presumed in
the light of this analysis that the mint of this coinage, or at least some of the
dies for their striking, are soon to be discovered.
The relatively abundant archaeological objects bearing representation of
a double-headed axe labrys are among the evidence which proves that
this territory had belonged to the Odrysians.
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The double-headed axe representation of is present on the averse of

the coins of the Odrysian rulers Amatokos I (407 386 BC), Amatokos II
(359 351 BC) and Teres (351 340 BC).
Apart from the coins, the labrys is also present as a symbol on various
functional objects that were found near the village of Domlyan, in Peychova
Tumulus (near Starosel), near the village of Rozovets (Breznik Region) and
in the area of Kozi Gramadi Peak.
One of the features of the territory considered is the spread and use of
the Greek writing.
As a matter of fact, the Upper Thracian Lowland is the territory where
the majority of tomb inscriptions and grafti in Greek were found. This fact
may be explained with the extremely close political and economic contacts
of the Odrysian aristocracy with the Greek poleis. Greek was introduced in
the period between the 5th 4th centuries BC namely as a language for political contacts.
It becomes obvious in the light both of the terrain surveys and of the archaeological excavations that the territory studied on the southern slopes of
Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mt. had been divided into nine micro-regions, each
having its own economic features and a specic settlement system. It is also
obvious that the micro-regions in question had been differentiated by the relief. The concentrations of settlements, necropoleis, strongholds discovered
and the more important archaeological nds indicate their differentiation.
All nine micro-regions show concentration of archaeological monuments
in the zone between 300m and 1500m above sea-level the maximum height
of Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mt. Richest is the zone between 400m and 700m
above sea-level, which correspondents to the so-called low-mountainous belt
(600 m 1000 m below sea-level). This belt corresponds to the zones that
were called by F. Braudel propped lands, which are actually the common
ground of the mountain and the atland. These were the steadiest bands of
stable and ourishing life throughout Thracian history.
A rather problematic zone existed in the south of the one mentioned
above, in the direction towards the Maritsa lowland. It was problematic from
the point of view not only of the possibilities of defense but also of the factors of nature. It could be said that if the marked micro-regions were differentiated in a mountainous zone with springing waters, the atland in the
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south of Starosel should have served for a long chronological time period as
a collector for these waters. It is presumed that in the past the waters around
Hebros River and its tributes maintained dangerous humidity levels. The latter, along with the still waters in ponds and along river beds, led to outbreaks
of malaria. In the past as well as in quite recent times, to conquer the atlands of Thracia between the Rhodope Mountain and Sredna Gora Mountain
meant to overcome the problem with the infected water and to stie malaria.
As a matter of fact, according to G. Katsarov, Philip II of Macedon caught
malaria namely in this region during his long stay in 342/341 BC.
One other peculiarity of the territory studied is the marking of the periphery of the Odrysian Kingdom by means of situated tyrsis-es.
Two are the discovered tyrsis-es in the explored part of Sredna Gora Mt.
The rst one, situated at the southeastern foot of Kozi Gramadi Peak, was
discovered and partially studied by a team of the national Museum of History
in 2005. The second one was discovered by Daniela Agre in the Smilovene
Locality, on a difcult to access hill between the towns of Koprivshtitsa and
Strelcha. A third site in the lands of the village of Krustevich that was studied
by Mitko Madzharov and dened as a trading place, maybe considered as an
indication for the existence of a third tyrsis in the region.
All three constructions described in this book had been in use for a short
period of time during the rst half of the 4th century BC.
The overall picture of the situation of the settlement micro-regions and
of the signicant Odrysian monuments located in them once again illustrates
the role of the mountain in the historical development of Pre-Roman Thrace.
This role is also demonstrated by the fact that one of the centers of statelife of the Odrysians during the rst half of the 4th century BC was situated
namely in the considered mountainous region.
Apart of the purely economic and political borders (periphery), one other
frontier that was very important for the ancient Thracians is discernible in the
explored territory.
In the religious notions of the ancient population the region situated
along the southern slopes of Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mt had been a border
between the territory they ruled of full value rule and the territory controlled
by their gods.

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The temple in Chetinyova Mound held a central position in the territory

of full value rule. The mound itself had been erected in the Ushite Locality,
three kilometers in northwest of the village of Starosel. The name of the locality (Ushite [Bg] = the ears [En]) came from the past, when two mounds
Chetinyova and Peychova were towering above the surrounding terrain.
The largest mound in the lands of the village of Starosel Chetinyova
was piled on a small rocky massif that had also dominated in Ushite Locality. Rocks were standing originally in the south of Chetinyova Mound but
they were later intentionally covered with earth. There are serious indications
that lead to a suggestion that the rock massifs in Ushite Locality had once
been sanctuaries that had preceded for one or several centuries the piling of
the mound embankments.
The embankment of Chetinyova Mound is almost 26.2m high and 79m
in diameter. Its periphery was marked by a vast crepida made of well-cut
stone blocks that were additionally joined in certain points with iron clamps
tted in lead. The thickness of the crepida stone blocks and inner ll of
crushed stones in sandy earth in the southern part is from 2 to 3.5m. It was
proved that the thickness of the crepida in the northwest had been up to 2.5m,
and its inner side had been made of small stones bind by earth only. The
crepida here had been low compared to the height in its southern part. This
may be explained with the existence in the north of rock massifs that enter
deeply into the embankment of the mound. The natural rock massif helped
to hold the pile of earth. The terrain is steep from south-southeast and this
made it necessary to build a higher wall, made of the well-cut stone blocks
mentioned above. The mound itself was walled by a stone crepida of 5 6000
cut stone blocks. The crepida is 241m long and its height reaches 4m in some
areas.
Three levels are clearly discernible in the piling of the mound embankment even today.
The piling of the mound embankment was done on a rocky massif that
stands in the northwest of the center of the monument. Thanks to the exploring in 2008 2009 and of the digging of the two galleries that reached to
the center of the embankment, it became possible to record some important
observations.
Interesting pilings of stones were recorded in the digging process. They
had probably been parts of inner crepidae in the mound embankment.
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The stone inner circles or crepidae had both functional and symbolic
signicance. Although Chetinyova Mound would be the rst one to reveal
partially at that inner, invisible, circle constructions, it is possible to
say that they symbolize the sun, just like the visible crepida. As a matter
of fact, the cosmos had been represented graphically by the ancient communities by means of a circle, and the horizontal projection of the mound is
nothing different than a circle.
Four tuff stone breads are of greatest interest among the objects found
in 2009 in the inner part of the mound. They present the consequent evidence
that the embankment was made by human hands.
The breads were found at a depth of 29m from the end of the mound
and in three meters from the dome of the temple. The breads are averagely 34cm in diameter and were found at one and the same level, immediately above a burned layer. Samples for C 14 dating were taken. The stone
breads were undoubtedly placed in a pyre during the building of the mound
embankment.
Three important points should be pointed out in this situation. Firstly, all
four breads were deposited on one and the same level, just below the ideal
center of the mound. Secondly, the pyre (the burned layer) was even and we
may also say that it had been leveled. Thirdly, melted parts from an elongated
lead object were found among the coals of the burned layer under one of the
stone breads. We cannot dene the shape of this object due to deformations
by the high temperature, but it may also have had cult features, i.e. it may
have been an offering too. However, the most important problem is connected with the questions how to interpret the situation and to what deity of
the Thracian pantheon were the cached offerings.
So, in our case we have a pyre (hearth) below the exact center of the
mound and the offerings are in the shape of bread. Thus, they should have
been presented to goddess Hestia. In this case Hestia legalized the building
of the mound.
A big architectural construction a temple of dimensions that dene it
as the largest one discovered so far in the lands of the Thracians was built
in the southeastern part of Chetinyova Mound synchronously to the piling of
the mound embankment.

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The stone crepida that kept the mound embankment from slipping down
is interrupted in the southeast. The archaeologists discovered namely there
the foot of a stone ladder that led to a broad even platform in the open.
The faade of the temple itself followed the broad even platform bordered with high walls of carefully cut stone blocks. The former is anked by
two richly decorated columns.
The round temple chamber is 5.44m in diameter and its inner walls are
adorned by ten decorative semi-columns with Dorian capitals painted in blue
and red.
There is a decorative frieze above the semi-columns, followed by three
rows of blocks and the beginning of the dome.
Dr. Georgi Kitov, the man who studied Chetinyova Mound, originally
suggested the Orphic-doctrinal character of the site. The deceased doctrinal
ruler, son of the gods (of the Great Mother Goddess and her Son-Sun) reincarnated his immortality here in the temple. Prof. Valeria Fol offered one
more complicated hypothesis about the character of the cult building. She
supposed that apart from being loaded with the function to make immortal,
the temple had been a sacred place to perform not only initiation and mystery-doctrinal rituals, but also cosmological rites that depended on the solar
calendar. This was proved by the discovered bothroi (pits lled with ceramics and bones) around the mound, by the large sterna for water gathering in
the northwestern end of the crepida, by the various offerings that were deposited in the mound embankment and, particularly, by the existence of traces of
buildings around the mound.
Should we make a throughout analysis of the building of the temple,
we are to consider it as synchronous to the other big, and fortunately, studied, mound in the Ushite Locality Peychova Mound. If Chetinyova Mound
showed a magnicent sanctuary situated highest in the mound, the embankment of Peychova Mound was piled in the low down. The study of the
mound by Dr. Kitov made it possible to answer the question where the ruler
that had passed the ceremony of being made immortal in the round chamber
of Chetinyova Mound was buried after his death. The answer is hidden in the
rich nds in a small, sarcophagus-like tomb that was found in the east of the
ideal center of the mound. Parts of the segmented body of the deceased were
found in various depths. This ritual was known in ancient Thrace and is evidenced archaeologically in a series of tumuli. The personal belongings of the
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deceased were placed in the stone grave in question. They included various
silver attachments for horse-trappings, silver vessels (some of them silvergilt), a full set of armament, local and import ceramic vessels and jewelry.
One of the interesting symbols that are to be seen on the adorning attachments
for the horse-trappings is the labrys. The latter proves to a certain extent the
royal afliation of the deceased, who should have been a representative of
the Odrysian dynasty of the 4th century BC, when the doubleheaded axe the
labrys appeared as a dynastic mark on the coins of the Odrysian kings.
The status of the buried is also discernible by the rich armor including bronze greaves, Attic Type bronze helmet, an armor collar and a bronze
shield. The extremely luxurious metal and ceramic vessels also support the
hypothesis of the aristocratic status of the buried by an Orphic ritual warrior.
The gold seal-ring with the representation of a Thracian horseman stabbing
his defeated enemy presents the rulers insignia.
The briey listed nds from Peychova Mound give reason to Dr. Georgi
Kitov to suggest as early as at its discovery that the man buried by Orphic
ritual should have been a Thracian king.
Let us go back to Chetinyova Mound and its temple.
It should be mentioned here that the Thracians took care to hide the
temple after the dome had been intentionally destroyed in ancient times. They
blocked the corridor with a wall, piles of earth were added to the mound embankment and it was partitioned in a way to hide the traces of the ladder and
all the rest of the imposing architecture.
Thanks to the measurements taken, most stone blocks had survived, and
it was possible to calculate that the dome of the temple should have reached
5m in height. It had been in the shape of a beehive and terminated with a keystone that weighted about 1.7 tons.
With which one of the Odrysian rulers should we connect the discovered
Thracian residences and the temple in Chetinyova Mound?
The analysis of the samples from the pyre in the very heart of the
mound contributed to the elucidation of the question concerning the date
when the temple in Chetinyova Mound was built. According to the C-14
analysis performed at the laboratory of the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences
(Germany), the wood that had been burned in the pyre was not cut before
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358 350 BC. The upper chronological limit reaches the late 4th or the early
3rd century BC.
The date of the pyre in the mound may be approximately the date of the
building of the temple, as the embankment and the architecture were made at
the same time. The laboratory analysis was considered together with facts of
the particular historical situation in Thrace during the 4th century BC. In this
case Chetinyova Mound should not be considered isolated from the rest of
representative monuments in the region of Sterna Gora Mt.
The date of the C-14 analysis showed unambiguously that in seeking of
connection between certain ruler and Chetinyova Mound we should bear in
mind the reign of the Odrysian king Kotys I (385 BC? 359 BC).
It is known that after the death of Kotys I the Odrysian Kingdom was divided among three rulers: Kersebleptes (359 341 BC) who ruled in the zone
in the east of Hebros (pres. Maritsa) River, Amatokos/Amadokos II (359
351 BC) who controlled the lands between the rivers of Hebros and Nestos
(pres. Mesta) together with Teres II, and Berisades (359 357 BC) ruled the
lands between the rivers of Nestos and Strymon (pres. Strouma). Eventually
in the period between 356 and 341 BC Berisades was succeeded by his
sons led by Ketriporis.
Amatokos II and Teres II are the most probable connection between the
considered territory of Sredna Gora Mountain and the Odrysian dynasty after
the death of Kotys I.
The biographical data that will follow in the text shows that Amatokos
had had the fame and potential of a strong economic and political ruler. The
construction of the temple near the village of Starosel, as well as some other
representative buildings were probably started namely in Amatokos times
and were nished during the rule of his successor Teres II.
Who was Teres II?
The likeness between the coins of Amatokos and Teres the labrys mentioned several times in the text give reason to suggest that Teres II was
son of Amatokos II. There is a traditional disagreement concerning the place
where the coins of Teres II had been struck in Maroneia between 351 and
347 BC or somewhere in the inner Thrace. However, one archaeological nd
from the village of Branichevo, Shumen Region, unambiguously showed the
diplomatic skills of Teres. An inscription on a phiale discovered in the men181

tioned above village reads: Teres son of Amatokos. It is accepted that this
gift had been an act of political recognition and support by anonymous Getae
ruler from the present Northeastern Thrace.
When was conquered the massif of Sredna Gora, and when was destroyed
the residence of the Thracian rulers at the foot of Kozi Gramadi Peak?
A hypothesis emerged in the survey of the numismatic material that
was found during the excavations we already mentioned, namely that these
should have happened during one of the campaigns of Philip II in Thrace and
the eventual big battle in the region considered.
The more detailed survey of the events that led to the short conquering
of the Thracian lands in the south of Haemus by the Macedonians allows us
to hypothetically narrow the time period to 342 and 340 BC.
The Macedonian king Philip II started his consecutive campaign in Thrace in the spring of 342 BC. In spite of his advantage in living force, tactics
and armament, the Macedonian army led heavy and many battles. It went so
far that Philip spent the winter of 342/341 BC in Thrace.
During the summer of 341 Philip succeeded in conquering the key towns
of the Odrysians: Philippopolis, Kabyle, Drongilon and Masteira. The residence at the foot of Kozi Gramadi Peak and the surrounding lands should
have been conquered this very same summer.
It is difcult to say which road had taken Philip II to the mountain due to
the lack of written data. Nevertheless, one important for the territory studied
route is marked in the book. It is called Sacred Road.
The trail of the so-called Sacred Road to the temples and the residence
at the foot of Kozi Gramadi Peak should be sought immediately next to the
mountain where, on the one hand, the concentration of archaeological monuments is big and, on the other hand, the relief strictly predetermines the possibilities of passage: broad river valleys, water sheds and slopping from the
mountain hills.
Leaving Philippopolis, the road to Sredna Gora bifurcated somewhere
near the present village of Graf Ignatievo. One road led to the present villages
of Duvanlii, Belovitsa, Krasnovo and Krustevich, where M. Madzharov discovered a large Thracian site that he dened as a trading place, and towards
the present town of Strelcha, where archaeologist Daniela Agre studies the
next tyrsis in the mountain.
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The other one, the road named by us Sacred, run along the valley of the
Pyasuchnik River in the direction of the lands of the villages of Panicheri
and Starosel. It passed the necropolis of Eleshnitsa, Kouilishka Tumulus, the
Roshava Tumulus and the Horizont Temple. It continued along the valley of
Stara Reka and directed towards Chetinyova Mound. We should clarify here
one thing, the expression Thracian cult center introduced by Dr. Kitov for
the entire area around Chetinyova Mound is applied these days to denote
only the tourist complex of Chetinyova-Peychova mounds. The expression
of Kitov is good but it should be applied to the whole territory with the
extremely big concentration of tumuli with representative architectures and
rich burials. Unfortunately, not all of them were saved by archaeologists.
The so-called sacral centers of the Thracian tribes, as well as the resident palaces of the rulers, were in fact situated along the border of the tribe
territory or of the state. In our case the cult center marks the border between the atland agricultural area in the south of the Hisarya Dragomir
Village Ovchepoltsi Village line, and the mountainous area of the southern
slopes of Sredna Gora Mt. Obviously, this border had had deep symbolic
meaning for the ancient Thracians.
As a matter of fact, similar is the case known from the studies of Franois
de Polignac on the birth of the Greek city during the rst millennium BC.
These studies showed that important, and I should say fundamental sanctuaries were situated in the periphery of the monarchic state. The so-called
out of the city sanctuaries had marked political borders even in Greece.
The marginalization of the cult center or the peripheral situation of the cult
center near Starosel considered here might be explained with the idea of the
Odrysians to put an accent on what was super-theirs, namely on the very
end of what was theirs, and where it bordered the foreign. As a matter of
fact, this periphery was probably considered as something temporary rather
than permanent, and the geographic notion about it is rather modern.
If we assume that the temple territory had functioned at the same time
as the tyrsis-es, we should also consider possible one other ancient understanding concerning the ideal center of the state. The center was actually
movable as the Thracian state had not known a capital at least until the Hellenistic Age. The king visited his residences one after the other and we know
from the text above that these residences were situated in the periphery of
the state.
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On the other hand, the so-called center should have always been sought
along the route. The route was the connecting artery of both trade and cultural interchange between the tribes. Thus, it was often considered sacred,
especially when it led to holy places like the ones situated near Starosel.
One other important factor for the location of the temples near to a road
had also been the fact that their faade was to be observed at close distance
in front of the mound and from kilometers. We should not forget that the
entrances of most of the representative under-mound constructions were usually with orientation in the southeast. There is also a visual contact between
the mound embankments and even with the royal residence at Kozi Gramadi.
These observations, together with the fact we mentioned several times that
they were built relatively at one and the same time, give enough evidence to
suggest a spatial organization in the region of the present village of Starosel.
Of course, a Sacred Road had to run along the whole organized space.
An important road continued from Chetinyova Mound. It led towards
the ridge of the mountain. Today it is broad from 3 to 6 meters. It passed the
western foot of the sanctuary in the locality of Kamenitsa, continued towards
Ostrata Mound, Markov Kamuk and in the east of Sborovi Gramadi (a rock
sanctuary) reached the tyrsis at the foot of Kozi Gramadi Peak and the peak
itself, where a stronghold and a sanctuary had been situated.
It should be stressed again in the conclusion that the region of the village
of Starosel shows unique preservation of relicts from ancient times. These
are to be found in toponyms, legends and ritual tradition. This region may become a wonderful research eld for both ethnologists and folklorists. A small
group of researches already started terrain surveys in the summer of 2009
through. It is impressive that all sites described in the book are connected
with legends of undoubtedly ancient origin. More, both the mountain and the
monuments had preserved their supernatural patrons, and in some cases they
are considered divine even today.
The explorations carried out so far prove convincingly that the so-called
Markovi Kamuni (Markos Stones), which are positioned in different locations of Sredna Gora Mt, had been ancient Thracian megalithic monuments.
The localities that bear the name of Markov Kamuk (Markos Stone)
are at least eight (Markov Kamuk, Malki Markovi Kamuni (Little Markos
Stones), Golemi Markovi Kamuni (Large Markos Stones), Markova Mogila
(Markos Mound)). Their situation marks a specic arc that passes through
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the lower parts of Sredna Gora Mt. in the north of the village of Panicheri and
continues towards the ridge of the mountain, in the west towards the lands of
the village of Krasnovo. The distribution of the toponym reaches in the north
the lands of the village of Bogdan (Karlovo Region). This concentration of
toponyms related to Krali Marko is hardly accidental. In fact it covers almost
completely the cult territory around the so-called Sacred Road. The absence
of the toponym in the west of the village of Krasnovo is obvious.
The mapping of the rock monuments in the lands of the villages of Sredna Gora Mt. and the analysis of the legends connected to them presents one
important scientic problem. There is superimposition of one particular myth
on the natural mountainous relief, and the natural space is turned into cultural
space by means of marking of certain, easily denable, natural phenomena
with the assistance of signs rock pits, phallic-like rocks, rock openings and
arcs. This marking was in the foundations of the strong bonding of the ancient Thracian myth to the territory explored. Thus, the myth came to us with
its eternal ancient roots.
One specic highland zone may be dened in the ridge area of Sushtinska Sredna Gora Mountain on the very top of the sacred mountain where
the toponymity betrays the reign of major deities. In fact, this was the territory controlled by the Odrysian kings-heroes.
The other, lower zone is the one that embraces the Thracian tumuli
and temples. The still existing saying about Kouylishtka Mound, located in
the south from the village of Starosel the kings eat and drink there is
indicative for this zone.

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