CORPORATE LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA

CORPORATE LIFE
IN

ANCIENT INDIA

BY

RAMESH CHANDRA MAJUMDAR,

;

M.A., Ph.D.

PROFESSOR OF INDIAN HISTORY AND DEAN OF THE FACULTY OF ARTS, DACCA UNIVERSITY FORMERLY LECTURER ON ANCIENT INDIAN
HISTORY, CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY
;

PREMCHAND ROYCHAND

SCHOLAR, MOUAT GOLD MEDALIST, GRIFFITH

PRIZEMAN, ETC.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED

POONA
THE ORIENTAL BOOK AGENCY
1922

PRINTED BY ATULCHANDEA BHATTACHARYYA

CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY PRESS, SENATE HOUSE, CALCUTTA.

To
SIR

ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE,
Sambuddhagama

Sarasvati, Sastra-Vachaspati,

Chakravarti,

the following pages are dedicated

as a token of profound gratitude and humble

appreciation of

all

that he has

done

for the cause of

Ancient Indian History and Culture.

PREFACE
At

the beginning of the year 1919 1 submitted " a printed thesis entitled Corporate Life in " for the Degree of Doctor of Ancient India

Philosophy of the
the thesis
copies offered

Calcutta University. When was approved, about three hundred

still

which
for

remained
is

with

me were

sale.

This

the short history of

the

first

edition of this work.

The favourable reception by the public and the encouraging reviews and letters of learned
scholars have induced
edition of the book.
ssarily to

me

to bring out a revised

so,

In doing

had nece-

make some

but these have not

additions and alterations, modified the general scope

and plan of the work, I need only specifically mention the additional data from South Indian inscriptions which have been utilised in Chapters
I

and the re-arrangement of the last part of the Second Chapter dealing with village I have, besides, institutions of Southern India.
and
II,

added English translation of the more important German and Sanskrit passages in the text.
I
shall
fail

in to

my

duty

if

my

obligations

the

late

I omit to express lamented scholar

Dr. V. A. Smith, Mr. P. E. Pargiter, Dr. A. B. Keith, Dr. E. W. Hopkins and Dr. L. D. Barnett,

Vlll

PREFACE
their

for

favourable views about the book, and

its

improvement, expressed in private communications as well as through the

suggestions for

medium

of public press.
all,

Above
tions to Sir

my deep obligaAsutosh Mookerjee, the Guardian

I wish to record

To him Angel of the Calcutta University. owe I the leisure and opportunity that enabled

me

to carry

on researches in the

field of

ancient

fortunate in securing his permission to associate the first product of my labour with his hallowed name.

Indian History, and I

am

In conclusion I take
thanking Professors D. B.

this

opportunity of

Blumdarkar, M.A.,
M.A.,

Kadhagovinda

Basak,

Bamaprasad
Taraporewalla,

Chanda, B.A., and Dr.

B.A., Ph.D., for the

I. J.

S.

rendered

me

occasional help they have as noted in the text, and also Mr.

Surendranath Kumar, Superintendent, Beading Room of the Imperial Library, for his kind help
in supplying me with books I required for this work.

and magazines which

CALCUTTA,

K.
[

MAJUMDAB.

The 28th August, 1920.

CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction
...

...

CHAPIER
Life

I.

Corporate Activities in Economic

...

...

...

11

CHAPTER

II.

Corporate Activities in Political Life (I) ...

...

97

CHAPTER
Life (II)

III.

Corporate Activities in Political

...

215

CHAPTER IV.
Corporate Activities in Religious
Life
...

...

...

286

CHAPTER V.
Activities Corporate Life ...
in

Social

329

II

ABBREVIATIONS.
A. L.

=
= = = =

Altindisches

Leben

by

H.

Zimmer,
Ap.
A. V.

Berlin, 1879.

Apastamba Dharma-Sutra.
Atharva-Veda.
Brihaspati-Sutra.

Brih
C. A.
I,

Coins of Ancient

India by

Cunningham.
C. V.

= = =

Chullavagga
Pitaka).

(of

Vinaya

Ep. Ind.

Pick

Epigraphia Indica. Die Sociale Gliederung

Im

Nordostlichen Indien zu Buddha's Zeit by Richard

Eick, Kiel, 1897.

Ga.
G. Ep. R.

= = =

Gautama Dharma-Sutia. Government Epigraphist's

Report.

Hopkins-Caste

The mutual
four castes
the

relations of the

according to
Sas-

Manavadharma

I.

A.

Ind. Stud.
Ins.
Jat.

Kath.

= = = = =

trarii by E. Hopkins. Indian Antiquary. Indische Studien.

W.

Inscription.

Jataka.

Kathaka Samhita.

ABBREVIATIONS

Kern-Manual
Lud.

Manual
Liider'is

of Indian

Buddhism

by H. Kern.
List of

Brahmi In-

scriptions in Ep. Ind., Vol.

X., Appendix.

M.
Maitr.

Manu- Samhita.
Maitrayaniya Samhita. Mahabharata.
Invasion
of

Mbh. Me. Crindle

India by Alex-

ander
Grindle.

the

Great by Me.
Sanskrit

M.

St.

=
=

Muir's

Original

Texts, 2nd Edition.

M. V.
Nar.

Mahavagga (of Vinaya Pitaka).

Narada-Samhita Edited by
Jolly (Bib. Ind. Series).
J.

B.

Ic.

Indian Coins by E.
Eigveda. Sacred Books of
Series.

J. Ilapson,

Bv.
8. B. E.

the

East

Senart-Castes

Les Castes Dans L'inde by

E. Senart. Paris, 1896.

S.

P. Br.

T. S.

Satapatha Brahmana. Taittiriya Samhita.

V.

V. Cat,

= =

Vishnu Samhita.
Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum by V. A.
Smith.

V.

I.

Vedic Index by Macdonell and Keith.

ABBREVIATIONS
Yiram.
V. Rtn.

xi

Edited by Jivananda Yidyasagar. Yivada Eatnakara (Biblo-

Ylramitrodaya,

theca Indica Series).

Vs. Vt.

Vajasaneya-Samhita Yasishtha Dharma Sutra.

A. V.

W.
Y.

Atharva-Yeda translated by

Whitney (H. O.

Series).

Yajnavalkya- Samhita.

Corporate Life in Ancient India

INTRODUCTION
The spirit of co-operation has contributed more than anything else to the present highly developed stage of civilisation. The gigantic experiments in popular government and the huge economic organisations spreading over the whole
world, such as

we

see to-day all

around

us,

have

made the modern age what it is. The corporate activity to Avhich they owe their origin and the
present high level of success, may therefore be justly looked upon as the distinctive element in
It is rightly believed the day. that no nation that lacks in this essential ele-

the

culture

of

ment

of culture can

hope to keep pace with the

progress of the world. In consideration of this high importance of corporate life to a nation, I need scarcely offer

any apology

for the subject matter I

is

have chosen.
in this parti-

India at present

very backward

cular aspect of culture, but the following pa^es are intended to show that things were quite different in the past. The spirit of co-operation

LIFE
was a marked feature
in

almost

all fields of

activity in ancient India and social and religious as Avell as

was manifest
in
'

in

political
'

and

economic

life.

The well-known

Jati

(caste)

and the Samgha (the community of the Buddhist monks) are the most notable products of this of life. The same spirit in the first two spheres an equally important spirit, however, played
part in the remaining ones, and its effect may be seen typified in Gana (political corporation) and Sreni (guild).

Besides throwing light upon the corporate activities in public life in ancient India, the
following study is also calculated to broaden our views in another respect. The account of the

remarkable achievements in various spheres of

life will

view
India.

enable us to take a true perspective of the activities of the people in ancient

It will establish

beyond doubt that \religion did not engross the whole or even an undue proportion of the public attention and that the
corporate activity manifested in this connection

was by no means an

isolated factor, but merely one aspect of that spirit which pervaded all other spheres of actionj So far as I am aware, the subject as a whole

has not been hitherto treated by any writer.

Separate topics like
their
'

'

Samgha

and

'

Gana have
but
of

'

no doubt been dealt with

by

scholars,

mutual

relation,

from the point

view I

INTRODUCTION
have indicated above,
lias

Very

little

wholly escaped them, has, however,- been done even with

isolated

respect to

these

subjects.

brief,

though valuable, account of the ancient 'Srenis' has been given by Hopkins in his latest book
6

India,

Old and Neiv? but a detailed

historical

account of the institution has been attempted;

probably for the first time, in the following So far as I know, the other forms of pages. corporate activity in economic life described in

Chapter
scholar.

have not been dealt with

to

In regard

Chapter

II, I

by any have availed

myself of incidental notices of different items of information to which full reference has been
given in the footnotes. The systematic treatment of the subject, and specially the study of the village institutions in southern India, is, however,
entirely

new and

original.

the

non-monarchical

states,

which

general view of forms the

subject matter of the third chapter, has been furnished by Mr. Khys Davids and Mr. K. P.

Jayaswal and
indebtedness

I to

have freely acknowledged

my
I

them

in

the footnotes.

But

have attempted to furnish an historical account of the rise and development of these institutions from the
earliest to the latest period.

The
scholars,

characteristics of the

Buddhist church

organisation

have

been

noticed

by

several

But a detailed specially Oldenberg. account of this institution with special reference

4
to its corporate

CORPORATE LIFE
character,

and a general view

of ancient India,

of

the

religious

corporations

such as has been attempted in Chapter IV, is not to be found in any other work. Much has

been written about the origin of the caste system, and various theories, too numerous to mention, have been propounded on the subject but the
;

study of the

'

caste

'

as a social corporation,
rise,

and

an historical account of the

of

growth and

the institution, from this point development of view, is attempted for Ihe first time in Chapter

of this work.

I have derived considerable

help from the collections of original texts on of Weber's the subject contained in Vol.

Indische Studien (Collectanea

verhaltnisse in den
c

iiber

die Kasten-

Brahmana und

Sutra), Senart's
9

illuminating article Les Castes Dans L'inde and the two German reviews on the latter work

by Jolly and Oldenberg in Z. D. M. G., Vols. 50 and 51. My indebtedness is, however, confined
merely
for
to the

my
"

data they supplied on the subject, conclusions are different, and the treatabove,
I

ment
is

of the subject, as already indicated

entirely new.

have similarly used Eick's

work

Die Sociale Gliedenmy 1m NordoMichen " Indien Zu Buddha's Zeit as a source of information for the Buddhist period, but I have also gathered fresh data, and the collection of

Buddhist texts on the subject of caste/ included in the last chapter, may claim to be the most
6

INTRODUCTION
comprehensive of
origin
of
its

kind.

My

Brahman
in
it

caste

may

theory of the appear to be

I do not

singular claim that

some respects and although

can Le said to he a conclusive one, it appears to me to be the best, with regard to the evidence at present at our disposal. The
acceptance or rejection of the theory does not, however, affect the general development of the
subject,
issue.

the more important point at I have refrained from all discussions on

which

is

the merits or

defects

of

the

that would have involved

controversial

me

system, as in one of the most

caste

day which I have, as a rule, tried to avoid as far as possible. There can be hardly any doubt that the caste organisaquestions of the
tion assured the advantages of corporate life to its

members, although
the

system as

it

be difficult to support exists at present. I have not

it

may

offered

any suggestions

for

its

modification as
all

I have avoided, on

principle,

philosophical

It has been disquisitions throughout this work. aim rather to simply present the facts in a

my

connected

manner, with a view

the

to

illustrate,

as far as possible,

gradual development of
to the

the various institutions from the earliest

latest period.

In doing
of

so,

cated the sources

that
to

my

I have always indiinformation in order

my

conclusions
original

may be

tested with reference

the

authorities

on which they are

based.

COftPOKATE LIFE

of the various

few words must be said regarding the dates literary authorities which have

I have supplied the materials for this work. avoided all discussions about it in the body of the book, as that would have disturbed the

harmony

of

the

subject matter dealt therein.

I
of

As

will

be noticed,
classes

upon two
Buddhist.
besides the

have principally relied works, Brahmanical and

The

principal

Brahmanical
the

texts,

Samhitas and
can be

Brahmanas, are

the Dharma-sutras and the Dharma-sastras.

specific dates

No

proposed

for the former

which command general acceptance, but they may be roughly placed in the second millenium
before the Christian era.

As regards
I

the relative

chronology of
entirely
in

the

latter

have been guided

his

by the latest pronouncements of J. Jolly His famous work llecht und Silte?
'

ideas on the subject may be following tabular form

:

summed up

in

the

.-.

in

Texts arranged order of antiquity

3clate
,

"
.

Reference -to Recbt und Sitte,"

3
S *

1.

Gautama
Baudhayana
Apastfimba Vasishtha

5th or 6th century, B. C.

...

{
|

2. 3.

Pages 5-6 4 Page

4th or 5th century,

...

13.

C.

5
a
jg

4.

,,3 ,,7
16
7 21
.,

5.

Manu

Smriti

Not

6.

Vishnu Smriti
Yftjnavalkya

later tlian 2nd or 3rd century A. D. Not earlier than 3rd ecu-

,,

7
8.

^
Q

Narada
Brihaspati

9.
j

tury A. D. 4th century A. D. C. 500 A. D. 6th or 7th century, A. D.

...

23 27

HO.

K'atyayana

,,28

INTRODUCTION

This chronological scheme has gained general acceptance and has been adopted in the present work with only a little modification about the
l

date of
I

Mann

Smriti, the composition

of

which

have

placed,

between
A. D.
(S.

on the authority of Buhler, 2nd century B. C. and 2nd century

B. E., Vol.

XXV,

p. cxvii).

Of the other Brahmanical

texts, the

Brihad-

Aranyalt-opanisliad has been placed before 600 2 B. C., and Arthasastra has been referred by

competent
3

critics to the

Maurya (c. Ramayana was composed

time of Chandragupta 320 B. C.). The kernel of the

before

500

B. C.

al-

though the more recent portions were not probably added till the second century B. C. and
while MaliaWiarata^ very much in 3 present form, existed at about 350 A. D.
later,
4

its

As

regards the date of Panini I accept the views of Dr. Bhandarkar who places him in the 7th

Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has propounded an altogether different scheme, in course of his Tagure Law Lectures. Thus lie places the texts of Gautama, Baudhayana and Vasishtha, as we have them at
present, respectively at 350 B. C., 200 B.
their first forms to about 500
13.

C.,

and 100 B.

C.,

referring

C.

The lectures are not yet published

and
2

have not as yet had any opportunity of examining the grounds

of his theory in detail.

Macdonell History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 226. See Jolly's article in Z. D. M. G., Vol. 67, pp. 49-96

specially

c/.

pp. 95-96.
* 5

Macdonell

(op. ciY.), p. 309.

Ibid, p. 287.

BQhler places

it

between 300-500 A. D. (BUhler and

Kriste, contrib. to the Hist, of the

Mahb.)

CORPORATE LIFE
1

century B. C.
stories

Of

the Buddhist texts, the Jataka

most under contribution. The allusions which they contain to political and social conditions have been referred by Pick to the time of Buddha and by Rhys Davids, even
have been
laid to

an

anterior

period.

On

these

two scholars, I have

authority of assumed 7th and

the

6th century B. C. to be the period represented by Jdtnkas. The canonical Buddhist Texts like
the T-incfya and the Sit ft a Pitcikas, have been referred by Oldenberg and Rhys Davids to about

4th century

B. C. 3

have

not

thought

it

necessary to reproduce the arguments by which these different opinions are sustained but have

merely adopted the conclusions, which, I believe,

command
1

general acceptance.
(1896), Vol.
I,

Bombay Gazeteer
Fiek, pp. vi-vii
S. B. E., Vol.,
;

Part
p.

II, p. 141.

2 3
4

Buddhist India,
xxiii, ibid,

207.

XIII, p.

Vol. XI, p. x.
to

Dr. A. B. Keith lias kindly

communicated

me

that

lie

finds

no

reason for accepting the dates of Arthasastra and the Jatakas as proposed by me. Dr. Hopkins also writes to the same effect with regard
to the Jatakas, but he

seems

to

have an open mind as to the date of

Arthasastra.
I

have reconsidered the whole question very carefully and have

to

come

the conclusion

that there

is

room

for honest difference of

opinion in this matter. One might legitimately refuse to accept the view that either the Jatakas or Arthasastra were actually composed
in the periods

picture
true
of

of

society

named, but it may, I think, be conceded that the general and administration which we meet with in them is

ments

of Buhler,

periods not far distant from the proposed dates. The arguRhys Davids and Tick about the Jatakas, and the

discussions of the

German
I

scholars with

the point of view

have

just indicated, cannot

regard to Arthasastra, from be lightly set aside.

INTRODUCTION
I

beg
in

to

remind

my

readers that the

various

topics

this

book have been treated from a

viz., the light which throw on they corporate life in ancient India, Institutions like Jati and Samgha, for example, have many important characteristics besides

single point of view alone,

those referred to in the text, but these have been

omitted as they do not throw any light on the point at issue. Many other apparent omissions in other instances will, I hope, be
entirely

found,

on closer examination,

to

be

due

to

similar causes.

In conclusion, I beg
indicated
in footnotes

to point out that I

have

my
if

indebtedness
there
to
is

to all

previous
in
this

writers,

and
it

any omission

respect

is

due

oversight.

As a

general rule, I have not referred to the standard

translations
I

although have reproduced verbatim or nearly verbatim I wish it to be distinctly quotations from them.
following

of the

works,

understood that English renderings of passages

from these works, unless otherwise

to

stated, are

be attributed to their learned

translators.

These works are1.

The Translation

of the Jatakas

by

vari-

ous scholars published

versity Press.
it is

by the Cambridge Uni-

probably too earl}- yet to pronounce the final judgment on the whole question and I would have gladly avoided it altogether if that were not incompatible with the plan of the work.

10
2.

CORPORATE LIFE
The Translation
of

Yasishtha,

Baudhayana,

Apastamba, Gautama, Maim, Niirada and

II,

Brihaspati Sariihitas in S. B. E. 5 Yols.

XIV,

XXV,
3.

and

XXXIII.
Translation
of

The

and the Buddhist Suttas XYII, XX, and XI. The Translation 4.

in S.

the Yinaya Texts B. E., Vols. XIII,

of

Kautilya's

Artha-

sastra by H. Shamasastry, B.A.

The method

of

transliteration

followed

in

Indian Antiquary has been adopted in this work.

CHAPTER

CORPORATE ACTIVITIES IN ECONOMIC LIFE

1

The

spirit of co-operation

is

a social instinct

the most primi1*1 which W6 pOSSCSS human any record, it has been manifest in human society in some form or other. Neverin
,.

man,

From

Corporate

spirit, a instinct.

tlVG period of

-,

theless,

it

is

brought into prominent activity,

some conscious organisation, temper of man and the circumstances in which he finds himself. The nature of these circumstances dictates the form of such
and lends
itself to

according to the

organisation,

but the

character of

ment depends
genius
of

to a great degree

its developthe upon peculiar

Thus

it is

society in which it is fostered. that we find in almost all ages and

the

countries

co-operative

organisation,

howsoever
activity,

rudimentary,
social,

in different fields of

human

political,

religious and economic.

this organisation

The

development of

has, however,

varied in different parts of the world,

12

CORPORATE LIFE
In ancient India corporate activity seems to have been manifest in a marked
1

'*"'*'

Holt'jSr

degree
Held.

first

in

the

economic
1

This appears from a pas-

when sage in the Brihad-Aranyak-opanisad, read along with Sankaracharya's comments thereare told that on the analogy of the on.

We

Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Yaisyas and Sudras

in

human
among

society,

Brahma

created similar classes

But he was not content by the gods. bringing into existence the first two classes
alone,

Henco were

because they could not acquire wealth. crc atetl the Yaisyas who were called
to the

ganasah owing

circumstance that

it

was

by co-operation and not by individual

effort that

they could acquire wealth. The passage thus clearly refers to a

fairly

developed form
life

of corporate activity in

economic

It is to early as the later Vedic period. be observed further that the author speaks of

as

the gatia or corporate organisation only in the case of the Vaisyas, and in a manner which

The comment
passage.

of

Sankaraeharya elucidates the meaning of this

Or??!

^
:
i

CHAPTER
distinctly denies
is

13

it

to the
to

not unreasonable
the

upper two classes. It infer from this circumorganisation among /.., of religious
as

stance that
the

corporate

Brahmans and Kshatriyas,

political

and

character,

great an importance as
It is

had not yet assumed that in economic life.

easy to understand

how

in ancient India

Corporate orL'anisation of traders.

co-operation of a certain kind ., T among traders was a necessity

forced

upon them by the

Often having long

in-

security

of

the

times.

dis-

tances and insecure roads to traverse, while they could individually be no match for robbers or
hostile tribes, they could,

when

united in a body,

oppose a successful resist nice to the latter. The existence of such dangers is specifically referred
to in
later

refers to

at

their

Thus a Jataka story a village of 500 robbers with an elder head. Such organisation of robbers
literature.
1

was met by the counter-organisation of traders

to which, again, reference
is

made

in

a.

number

of Jataka

stories.

It

is

quite in the nature of

of

things that

organisation

mercantile classes

was brought into existence by a similar process even in earlier periods of Indian history, and
evidences are not altogether wanting in support
of this.

"

Sattigumba Jataka,; Jarudapana Jataka

Jat. Vol. IV, p. 430.

;

Jat, Vol. II, p. 294,

14

CORPORATE LIFE
The term pani which occurs
1

several times in

the K/igveda has been differently interpreted by different scholars. The St. Petersburgh Diction" it derives from the root pan " to barter and ary
explains
it
3

Ludwig

2 merchant, trader. Zimmer and also take the word in the sense of

as

merchant.

Now,
defeated

in a certain

hymn, the gods are asked

to attack the panis

with

are referred to as being 4 slaughter. Ludwig thinks that

who

these " references to fights with panis are to be explained by their having been aboriginal traders

who went

in

caravans

as

in

Arabia
need

and
be,

Northern Africa
to protect their

prepared to

fight, if

goods against attacks which

the

Aryans
sarily

would naturally deem quite justified." If we accept this meaning we shall have necesto

presume a corporation
to

of merchants,

defy their opponents, and Thus the institucarry on fight against them. tion referred to in the Jatakas may be traced
strong

enough

back

to the period represented

5

by the hymns

of

E/igveda.

See V.
"

I.,

p.

471.
2,

Schon Von Yaska Nir, ebenfalls Handler bezeichnet,

-

16 wird das

Wort (Vanij) mit

Pani, das

in

verbindung gebracht" A.

L., p. 257.

3 4 5

Der Rigveda,
V.
I.,

3,

213-215.

p 471.
is

But as already noticed, the meaning of the term which

is

here

given

not unanimously accepted.

CHAPTER
To
the

15

same

class

belongs
of

the corporate
artisans,
al-

organisation

It

is difficult

to

somewhat probably different in nature and origin. determine, with any amount of
though
these
institutions, corres-

deliniteness,

whether

ponding

to

guilds of mediaeval

Europe,

had

developed in the early Vedic period. At present the sole evidence on this point consists of the
use of the
literature.
It
later
sruild.' o
is

words

sres/tfhf

and yana

in

Vedic

well

known

that the

word

sresltthiti in

literature

denoted
3

the

'headman
in

of

Dr. Macdonell

remarks that the word

sense

may

already
4

have

that

the Vedic

literature.

A.gain,

the

word yana means any corporate

in

organisation, although

later

literature

it

is

almost exclusively used with reference to political and religious bodies. Roth, however, points

Aitareya
See.

Dr., Ill

30, 3. Kausitaki,

XXVIII,
XVII,

6,

Taittiriya Br., Ill

1, 4, 10.
2

V.

I.,

p. 403. 9.

PainckaviA&i Braluuana, VI,

1. 8.

25

1. 5.

12; Vs. XVI, 25

T. S.
3
*

10. 2.

V. L, p. 403.
iu

Dr. R. K. Mookerjee (Local Government scums to contend that the word Sraisthya

Ancient ludi,
the

p.

41

ff.)

in

Vedic

literature

always refers to the position of the head of a guild. I am unable to accept this view and may point out in particular that the word could
career have been used in tin's sense in the passages scarcely Atharvi and Satapatha-Brahmana on p. 42. Atharva-Veda

quoted

from

16

CORPORATE LIFE
it
is

out that

used in the sense of a

1

'

guild

in

Vedic literature.

passage from the BrihaclAranyak-opanishad quoted above, the views of Hoth and Macdonell seem very probable, if not

In

view

of

the

altogether certain.

It

may

thus be laid down,

with some amount of confidence, that corporate activity in economic life was a factor in Indian
probably from the early Vedic, and in any case certainly from the later Vcdic period. We shall not probably be far wrong if we refer
society,

the

first

stages of

its

development before 800

B.C.

corporate activity seems to be quite a common feature in the economic system of of close the post- Vedic India. study

This

literature of this

men

following

period clearly indicates that similar means of livelihood

usually
^

a corporation with definite rules to guide themselves. Thus we 2 find it stated in Gautama that the additional
(occupations) of a Yais'ya"are, agriculture, trade,

formed

themselves into

tending cattle, and lending

money

at

interest.

St.

Petersburg Dictionary,
II, p.

s. v. </<n)<i.

X. 49; S. B. E.,

232.

CHAPTER
is list

must be taken
i

to include at least all the

important occupations
The nature, organisation and importance
T

of the
,

people at large, that were within the purview of the

it
1

,1

becomes significant when he says in the very next chapter that til cultivators, traders, herdsmen, money-lenders and artisans
writer,

and so

(have

authority

to

lay

down

rules)

for their

Having learned the (state of) respective classes. affairs from those who in each case have authority (to speak,

This

means

he shall give) the legal decision. "that practically all the different

branches of occupation

mentioned

above

had

some
sation

sort of definite organisation.

This organi-

must be looked upon as an important one, inasmuch as its rules were recognised as valid in the eyes of law and its representatives had a right
to

be consulted by the king in any affair that

concernedji^

The

particular

term

used

to

denote the

corporation of tradesmen or mechanics is Srenl. This is denned as a corporation of people, belonging to the same or different caste, but following

the same trade and industry. This organisation " corresponds to that of the Guilds" in mediaeval

Europe and may be

Ancient
cal,

literature,

by that term. both Buddhist and Brahmaniinscriptions,

freely rendered

as

well as ancient
1

contain

XT,

21.
;

XI, 20-21

S. B. E. II, p. 237.

18

CORPORATE LIFE

frequent references to guilds, and this corroborates the inference we have deduced from

Gautama
number

that nearly all the important branches of industry formed themselves into guilds. The
of these

guilds

must have

differed con-

siderably not only in different periods but also in different localities. In the Muga-pakkha

Jataka,

the

king, while

going

out

in

full

splendour of state, is said to have assembled the four castes, the eighteen guilds, and his whole

army.

This

indicates

that the

conventional

number
was
set

of different

down

kinds of guilds in a state as eighteen. 2 It is not possible to

guilds

determine what these conventional 18

were,

but we get a considerably greater number

by collecting together all scattered references in literature and inscriptions. The following list
compiled in this way shows at once the widespread nature of the organisation,
in wood. (Carpenters, including of builders cabinet-makers, wheel-wrights,
1.

Workers

houses, builders of ships and

cles of all sorts).
2.
3

builders

of

vehi-

Workers
4

in

metal,

including gold and

i

silver.
3.

Workers

in stone.

4.
5.
1

Leather workers. 5
Ivory workers.
2

Jat. VI, p.

1,
4

Of. also Jat.

5

VI,
Ibid.

p.

427.

Jat. VI, p. 427.

Ibid,

CHAPTER
6.
1

19

Workers fabricating hydraulic engines

(Odayamtrika).
7.

Bamboo workers

(Vasakara).

8.

9.

Braziers (Kasakara). 3 Jewellers.

10. 11.
12.

Weavers. 4
Potters.
5

Oilmillers (Tilapishaka). 8

13.
14. 15.
16. 17.

Bush workers and basket makers.

Dyers.
Painters. 7

Corn-dealers (Dhamnika). 8
Cultivators.
9

18. 19.
/O. 21.
22.

Fisher folk.
Butchers.

Barbers and shampooers. Garland makers and flower

Mariners.
11

sellers.

10

23.
24.

Herdsmen. 12
13 Traders, including caravan traders.

25.
26.

Bobbers and freebooters. 14

Forest police

who guarded
16
2
5

the caravans. 15

27.
1

Money-lenders.
Junnar
Nasik
Ins.,

Nasik Ins. Lnd. 1137.

Nasik
Ins.,

Lud. 1165.
9

Ibid.
Ibid.

Lad. 1133.
8

Ins.,

Lud. 1137.
12

Jat. VI, p. 427.

Junnar
ll

Ins.,

Lud. 1180.

Gat.t. XI. 21.

10 Jat. Ill, p. 405. 13 Ibid

1
;

Jat. IV, p. 137.

Ga. XI. 21.

also Jat.

I,
;

p.

368

Jat. II, p. 295.

Jat. Ill, p.

388

Jat. IV, p. 430.

15 10

Jat. II, p. 335.

is

Ga. XI, 21. Iii those cases where no reference is given the list based upon the authority of Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, p. 90 ff.

20

CORPORATE LIFE
The paucity
of materials

makes

it

impossible
detail.

to trace the history of the

above guilds in
the

We
of

can only hope to describe the general course

their

development during

successive

periods of Indian history.

period represented and 6th century B.C.), Ijy the subject has already been dealt with by Dr. He observes that there was Richard Eick
the Jataka stories (7th
1
.

Regarding

the

earliest

\a clear difference, so far as

organisation was conbetween and the merchants the traders cerned, on one side and the artisans on the other. As

regards the
in th

former, the

here-

J * ta "

ka

pursuing certain branches of trade, no doubt formed themselves into a corporation with a

pei.

tlitary families

Jetthaka (alderman) at its head, but there is nothing in the Jatakas to sho\v that there

was a highly developed organisation among case Par different was, however, the with the artisans. Here the heredity of the profession was a more marked feature than in
them.
the case of the traders and merchants
;

the

son

was apprenticed

to

the craft of his father

from

fcjociale

Glioduniiig

iui

Nordostlichou iinlion

/.u

HiuMliu's

zeil

(pp.

177-183).

CHAPTER
his early youth,

21

and the manual skill and talent for a particular industry was thus an inheritance of the family from generation to generation.

The adoption by an
other than
his

mentioned in

any occupation hereditary one has never been the Jatakas while they contain

artisan of

frequent reference to the son of an artisan father. The, following the occupation of his
localisation of industry

factor

in

this

respect.

was another important Streets and particular

1

town and even whole villages were inhabited by one and the same class of artisans. These villages were sometimes quite large the
quarters in a
;

Mahavaddhakigamo,
1000
huts.
'

for

instance,

consisted

of

families

of

dealers

Kammaragamo,
'

the same

in wood and the number of smiths'

institution of Lastly there was the Jetthaka (Alderman) also among the artisans. 2

circumstances, viz., the heredity of profession, the localisation of the different branches of industry, and the institution of

These three

Jetthaka (Alderman) appear to Dr. Kichard Eick to be conclusive evidence for the existence
of
1

an organisation that may be fairly compared

Cf, dantakara-vlthi in Jat.
I,

p.

320,

II., p.

197

rajaka-vlthi in Jat.

IV,

p.

81

odanikagharavtthiyam in Jat. Ill

i).

p.

48

Slaha-Vaddhakigumo
in Jat. Ill, p. 281.

hi Jat. II,
2

18, IV, pp. 159,

207

Kammum
p.

yanw
281,

Cf.

Kammakara
iu
Jat.

Jetthaka in Jat. Ill,

p.

V.

p.

282
Jat,

MdlakaraIV,
cf,

Jetthaka

Ill,

405; Vaddhaki-Jetthaka in
is

p. 161.

Sometimes tho word pamukha

pp. 12, 52.

used

instead of Jettlntka,

Jat. II.

CORPORATE LIFE
the
guilds
of the

with
i

of

the

Middle

Age

in

Europe.

Some
interesting

Jataka stories throw further

1

upon the organisation of We learn from Samudda-Vanija Jataka guilds. that there stood near Benares a great town of But carpenters, containing a thousand families. among these thousand families there were two master workmen each at the head of five hunsidelight

dred of them.

On

one

occasion

they

left

the

town and settled with their families in an island. The story shows the mobility of the guilds which is testified to by inscriptions of a later It also proves that there was sometimes period.

more than one organisation of the same class One might of craftsmen in the same locality. think that the double organisation was due
merely to the large number of craftsmen, but the Jataka stories preserve instances of a thous2 and men living under a single organisation.
It appears that

sometimes
for

the

office

of the

Alderman was hereditary,

we

are

told that

when
head

a master mariner died, his son

of the mariners.
3

became the
of these

The importance

is conspicuously proved by the -guild-organisations fact that the heads of guilds sometimes held

and were favourites of high posts in the state 1 the king, rich, and of great substance. Reference
"

Jat. IV, p. 158.

Jat. IV, p. 136-

Jat. Ill, p. 281.

*

Jat. II, p. 12. Jat. Ill, p. 281

CHAPTER
is

23

also

made

to

the

between these aldermen, introductory contain two Jatakas stoof interesting episode in which the Buddha about the ries great way
1

quarrel and the

and

rivalry

sometimes
quarrels
felt of

reconciled

them.

Possibly
2

such
\vas

were not infrequent and necessity

appointing a special tribunal to dispose of them. One of the Jataka stories refers to a
state

Bhandagarika (Treasurer or Superintendent of Stores) whose office carried with it the judgeship of all the merchant guilds. 3
officer,

the

We

are expressly told that no such existed before but that there was

office

had
office

this

ever after.

As already observed, two

to
4

of the Jatakas refer

eighteen guilds, and though the number must be taken as a purely conventional one, it clearly demonstrates the wide-spread organisation of these institutions at this period.

In both

these Jataka stories the royal procession, on two important occasions, is said to have included the
1

Jat. II, pp. 12, 52.

Mrs.

Rhys Davids remarks

"
:

The

first

appointment to a supreme

headship over all the guilds doubled with the office of treasurer is narrated in connection with the kingdom of Kasi at the court of Benares. Possibly the quarrels twice alluded to as occurring between
presidents (pamnkha) of guilds at Savatthi in Kosala may have also " broken out at Benares and have led to this appointment (J. R. A. S.,
1901, p. 865.)
3

Sabba senmafn

richaranarahain

bhandagariJialthunain,

(Jat.

IV,

p. 37.)
4

Jat. VI, pp. 1,427.

24

CORPORATE LIFE
guilds,

eighteen

and

this

again

testifies to

the

important place they ancient India.

occupied in the polity of

4.

We

next come to the period represented by the early Dharma-sutras (5th

century B. C.
]*.

to

3rd

century
of

C.).

The verse 21
Chapter
of

the

llth

Gautama
the

Dharma-Sutra,
"

quoted above,

authorises

cultivators, traders, herdsmen, money-lenders " and artisans to lay down rules for their respective
kin-g

classes,

and we are further

affairs

told that the

shall give the legal decision after

(state
of)

learned the
(in

"having from those who

l

each class) have authority

(to

speak)."

This presents a further stage in the development of the guild-organisations. The corpora1

and artisans are now recognised by the constitution as an important factor in the state, and invested with the highly important
tions of traders

power of making laws for themselves. Their spokesman, \corresponding probably to the Jetthaka of the Jatakas, is an important personage,
having the right
royal courtj
R. B. E. Vol. II, p. 234.

to

represent

his class in the

CHAPTER
The extent
exercised
illustrated

25

of the influence
its

which the guild

over

members

at this period is best

by two disciplinary rules laid down in Vinaya-pitaka. According* to one of them the
1

guild was entitled to arbitrate on certain occasions

between

its

members and
2

their wives, while ac-

cording to the other its sanction was necessary for the ordination of the wire of any of its members,

passage in the same canonical text leads us to infer that the guilds already possessed at
this

time some executive authority.

Thus

it is

enjoined that a woman thief (cliori) should not be ordained as a nun without the sanction of the " authorities concerned rajanani va samgham va ganam va pugam va senim va anapaloJcetva"

The

old
:

commentator

remarks

upon

this

raja nama, yattha raja anusasati raja apaloketabbo, son nama, yattha sem anusasati

passage

seni apaloketabbo.

\This certainly refers to the

executive and
places
it

judicial

on the same
'

guild and footing with that of the

authority

of

king and other political corporations^

Kautilya's
Arthas'astra
4

which

is

now

acknowledged by the generality of scholars to have belonged under review to the period
1

Vinaya Texts, IV.

220.

Cf. J. R.

A.

S.,

1901,

p.

805.

Suttavibhanga. quoted in Economic Journal, 1901, p. 313Where the King rules, his consent will have to be obtained
its

here the guild rules

4

consent will have to be obtained.

Kautilya's Arthasastra, edited by R. Shamaeastry.

COilPOKATE LIFE

throws

much

interesting
of
this

light
'J

organisations " " had to that the Superintendent of Accounts

time.

upon the guildhas we are told

<

regularly

enter,

in

prescribed

registers,

the

history of customs, professions and transactions 1 and three Commissioners, of the corporations, or three ministers enjoying the confidence
,

were appointed to receive their deposits which could be taken back in times of 2 distress. Special concessions were made regardof

the guilds,

ing O the

3 between trade guilds, and O special privileges were accorded to a merchant

lawsuits

'

4 The importance belonging to a trade-guild. of the guilds in those days is further indicated
.

by the
places

fact,

that, in

an ideal scheme of a
the
residence
5

city,

are

reserved for

of

the

guilds and corporations of workmen, and that the taxes paid by them are included among the

most important sources of revenue. 6 The village guilds were protected by the regulation that no
" guilds of any kind other than local Co-operative "7 find entrance shall into the village. guilds wealth of the guilds and the way The reputed

in which they were sometimes exploited by unscrupulous kings may be gathered from the Machiavellian policy unfolded in Bk. V. Ch. II.
1
-

Arthasastra, translated into English by R. Shumasastry.

Ibid, p. 253.
3

p. 69.

Ibid, p. 190.
ft

Ibid, p. 228.

/'

Ibid, p. 61.

Ibid, p. 66.

ayikad

a>iyas=*sainay-anubunJhah.

(Ibid, p. ol).

CHAPTER

27
'

that in case a king finds himself in great financial trouble and needs money, he may employ a spy who would borrow from corare
told
5

We

porations bar gold or coined gold and then allow himself to be robbed of it the same night. 1

Kautilya
rules
2

also

lavs

down

certain

specific

regarding the guilds of labourers or dayworkers. They are to be granted certain special privileges, for example, a grace of seven nights over and above the period agreed upon for fulfilling

their

engagement.

The

total

earnings
<

are to be equally divided among all the members of the guild unless its usage dictated otherwise.

person leaving the guild, after the work has commenced, is to be punished with fines. Any person neglecting his proper share of work is to be excused for the first time, but if he persists
in his

bad conduct he

is

to be

thrown out of the

guild.

Again, if any member is guilty of a glaring offence he is to be treated as the condemned It may not be unreasonably held that criminal.
similar rules held good

among

guilds in general.
of

The power and influence

time
be

guilds

at

this

from a passage may readily where the point is seriously discussed whether the troubles caused by a guild or its leaders are more serious. Kautilya, in opposition to his
inferred
predecessors,

declares

in favour

of

the

latter,

J.

Ibid, p. 305.

Ibid, p.

234

ff.

28

CORPORATE LIFE

because a leader, backed up by support, causes

oppression by injuring the life and property of others. Again, the question is discussed whether
1

a waste land

is

to be colonised

by a population

consisting of organised bodies like guilds, or one

without any such organised bodies at all. The latter is preferred on the ground that the guilds
organised bodies are intolerant of calamities and susceptible of anger and other
passions.
s'astra

and other
2

These and similar passages 3 in Artha* hardly leave any doubt that the guilds
in the state

were already an important factor

fabric in the fourth century B.C.
It appears clearly
Guild as a military
11

from scattered references

that

in Kautilya's Arthasastra,
power
.

the
also

*u
guilds

in

j.i

those days were

4

powers. Thus in Book IX, Chapter II, Kautilya includes " " srenivala among the various classes of troops
military

great

which the king might

possess.

It

was some-

times quite sufficient both for defensive as well as for offensive purposes, and when the enemy's

army

consisted mostly of this class of soldiers, the king had also to enlist them in his service. 6

Again
1

in

Book V, Chapter
'

III,
3

dealing with

Ibid, p. 403.

Ibid, p. 363.

Cf., e.g., Ibid, p. 380.

The idea was

first

suggested to

me by
'

Prof. D. R.

Bhandarkar

in

coarse of conversation. He, however, takes

srenivala

'

to

mean

'

soldiers

maintained by the
5

guilds.'
Ibid, p. 341.

ArthasSstra, p. 340-

CHAPTER
" Subsistence to

29

Government Servants

",
is

the pay
set

Gt?'&retwn,ukhya*" (chiefs of guilds)

down
:

as equal to that of the chiefs of elephants, horses and chariots, and then follows the remark " The amount would suffice for having a good

following in their
in

own communities."
Chapter
the

Further,

Book,

VII,

XVI,

Kautilya
u/
'

mentions,
vala'
that
is

among
is

hostile party
is

nefarious ways by which to be kept down, that a sreni-

be furnished with a piece of land constantly under troubles from an enemy,

to

evidently for keeping in the affairs of state.

'

them

too busy to interfere

the

sreni

'

is

In Book VII, Chapter 1, classed along with soldiers as

means

to repel the invasion of

enemy.
of

Kautilya also refers

to a class

Kshatriya
trade

and upon guilds " war. Kamboja-Surashtra-kshatriya-srenyadayo " Vartta-Sastropajivinah Evidently these were
lived
special kinds of guilds

which

both

be found

in

and they wera mostly to Kamboja and Surashtra countries.

That the guilds adopted military profession might at first sight appear strange enough but
the following considerations not only support the view but prove the continuance of this state
of things in later periods.

Some
a kin
1

verses in

Mahabharata

enjoin

" " to avail himself of srenivala

-

upon which is

Ibid, p. 245.

Ibid, p, 376,

Quoted below,

50

CORPORATE LIFE
hired
l

said to be equal in importance to

1

soldiers

sreni

Ramayana also refers to sayodhawhile the military aspect of the guilds is clearly evident from the Mandasor Inscription.
(BlirUaiii].
'

In Narada 3 Smiiti (X, V.) we are told, with reference to guilds and other associations, that
4 confederacy in secret, resort to arms without due causes and mutual attacks, 5 will not he

tolerated

by the king. There can be no question that

'

srenivala

'

refers to a class of fighting forces, for, as already

observed, Kautilya tells us that they were sometimes quite sufficient both for defensive as well
as for offensive purposes.
this

But even conceding

differences of opinion. Mr. R. Shamasastry has translated the term as " corporation of soldiers," thereby ignoring the

there

is

room

for

idea

of
it

guild.
to

takes

mean

Professor D. R. Bhandarkar " soldiers maintained by the

(

guild." I am disposed however to look for the true explanation of the term in the Kshatriya
sreni' of Kautilya referred to above.
to

This seems

me

to refer to a class of guilds

arts,

some industrial
1

which followed and carried on military

12,3, 5.
3

fUmayana
For

fall discussion see

(Ed. by Gorresio) 11. below.

The
it

original

words are

''

Quoted below. mithah samghatakaranam," Jolly tran-

" mixed assemblages." S. B. E. XXXIII, p. 154. " mutual attacks between those persons." The translates Jolly context, however, clearly shows that the reference is to associations
slates
:
'

as

and not persons.

CHAPTER
profession at one and the
is

31

same time.

That

this

quite probable is proved beyond all doubts by the Mandasor Inscription, to which detailed

reference will be
this

made

later on.

We

learn from

some members of interesting record the silk-weavers' guild took to arms, and these " even to-day... martial spirits valorous in battle
that
effect

by force the destruction of their enemies."

little

It

is

not a

curious that this

to

silk-weavers'

the Lata province, guild originally belonged just oh the border of the Mirashtra country,

which,
these

according

to

Kautilya,

abounded

in

Kshatriya guilds.

But whatever view

may

in addition to their proper activities,

be correct, the interesting fact remains that, some of the

ancient guilds also possessed military resources of no mean worth, and that they played no
insignificant

part in the internal polity of ancient India. This naturally reminds one of the Italian guilds of the Middle Ages. The Kshatriya Srenis mentioned by Kautilya apparently subsisted for a long time, at least in

southern India, and a good example is furnished by the Ve]aikkaras of the tenth and eleventh
centuries

A, D.

This

community

consisted

of

various working classes such as the Valangai, Idaiigai, etc., and is frequently referred to in the

Tanjore inscriptions of the Chola kings, Rajaraja I and llajendra Chola I, as a part of the name of
the
different

regiments composing

the

Chola

32

CORPORATE LIFE

army.

They also migrated to Ceylon and were employed as mercenaries by Sinhalese kings at this period. We learn from an inscription of Polannaruwa that a chief named Devasena had

constructed a relic temple for the sacred tooth of Jina at the command of King Vijayabahu and

invoked the members of the Yelaikkara army to These assembled together, bringing protect it.

with them their leaders, and took upon themselves

the responsibility of maintaining the temple and
property. By way of remuneration one veil of land was assigned to each individual member (of the Ve]aikkaras) and all agreed thus " protect the villages belonging to the temple, its servants' property and devotees, even

protecting

its

We

though, in doing this, we lose ourselves or otherwise suffer. We provide for all the require-

ments

of the

continues to

temple so long as our community exist, repairing such parts of the

temple as get dilapidated in course of time and we get this, our contract, which is attested by us,
engraved on stone and copper so that
as long
as
it

may

last
31

the Moon and the Sun endure.'

5

further

stage

of
ie

development

in

the

organisation of guilds

observable in the period

represented century B,

by
C.
1

early
to

Dharmasastras

(2nd

4th century A. P.).

Thus

G. Ep. E. 1913, p. 101.

CHAPTER

33

Manu-sariihita not only reiterates the statement

of

expressly refers to Srenl-dharma or usages of the guilds as It further lays down having the force of law.
{

Gautama quoted above, but

1

'

that " If a

man

belonging to a corporation inhabit-

ing a village or a district (yrama-desa-samgha), after swearing to ati agreement, breaks it through
avarice,

(the king) shall banish

him from

his

realm.

552

The Yajnavalkya Samhita

if

also prescribes that

property of a guild or any breaks other corporation, or any agreement with shall banished from the realm and all he be it,
a
steals the

man

his property, confiscated.

Similar injunction also occurs in the Insti4 tutes of Vishnu.

These injunctions

in.

the

successive Smritis

hardly leave any doubt, that shortly after the Christian Era the guild organisation had developed into a highly important factor in state politics.

Not only was

it

recognised as a definite

ii

VIII. 219.

The next verse (VIII. 220) further

lays

down

that

such an offender should be fined and imprisoned, apparently, if the two verses are to be held as consistent, before his banishment from the

realm (or should the latter be looked upon as an alternative punishment ?). Both Medhatithi and Kullukabhatta include Trade-guilds

under
3

'

Deia-samgha.'
II. 187-192.

34-

CORPORATE LIFE

part of the state fabric, but its authority \vas upheld by that of the state, and its prestige and

considerably enhanced, by the definite proclamation of the state policy to guarantee its successful existence by affording it all timely
status

need and assistance.

The result of this happy state of things was a further development of these organisations on the one hand, and an increased confidence of the
public in their utility, on the other. This is fully evidenced by a number of inscriptions jto which reference may be made in some greater
detail.

There are altogether five inscriptions belonging to this period which distinctly refer to guilds and their activities.
It will be well to begin with a short summary
of each of them.
1.

An

inscription in a cave at Nasik,

dated

in the year

42 (=120 A.D.), records the dona-

tion of

law

of the

3000 Karshapanas by Ushavadata, son-inSaka Chief Nahapana. The gift was

intended for the benefit of the Buddhist monks

dwelling in the cave, and the entire sum was invested in the guilds dwelling at Govardhana in the following manner
:

"
est

2000

in a weavers'

guild, the rate of inter;

being one per cent, per month

1

Lud. No. 113o.

CHAPTER,
"
of

1000

iii

another weavers' guild at the rate

It is clearly stated that these KfLhapanas are not to be repaid, their

f per cent, per month."

interest only to be enjoyed.

gift is also laid
e

The object
:

of the

down
;

as follows

are the cloth

The 2000 Kahapanas at 1 per cent, per month money out of them is to be sup-

one of the twenty monks who keep the Vassa or retreat in the cave, a cloth
plied, to every

money
sand
is

of 12
to

Kahapanas

out of the other thou-

Kusana, a term the precise significance of which is uncer-

be supplied the

money

for

tain.'

In conclusion we are told

been
hall,
2.

that,

all

this has

proclaimed (and) registered at the town's at the record office, according to custom."
1

"

Another Inscription
5

at

Nasik

dated in

the 9th year of King Isvarasena, who ruled in the 3rd century A.D.; records the investment of a similar perpetual

endowment with
:

the guilds

dwelling at Govardhana, as follows "In the hands of the guilds of Kularikas

(probably potters) one thousand Karshapanas, of the guild of Odayantrikas (probably workers

hydraulic engines, water clocks or The last portion of the others) two thousand." but is mutilated, enough remains to inscription
fabricating
1

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 82.86.

Ibid, p. 88.

2 3

Rapson

Andhra

coins, p. cxxxiv.

;30

CORPORATE LIFE

show that an amount was also invested with the guild of oil-millers, and the sum of 500 Kahapanas with another guild. The ohject of this endowment was to provide medicines for the
sick of

Samgha of monks dwelling monastery on mount Trirasmi.

the
3.

in the

inscription at Junnar records the investment of the income of two fields with the

An

guild at Konachika for planting Karanja trees

and hanyan trees. 4. Another inscription

1

at

Junnar

records

investment of money with the guild of bambooworkers and the guild of braziers.
inscription at the gift of a cave and a cistern
5.

third

Junnar

records

by the guild of
of fragmentary

corn dealers.

There

are, besides,
4

number

inscriptions

which seem

to record similar invest-

ments with various

1

guilds, but as their purport

:

The

inscription runs as follows

Biihler-Burgess translated
"

it

as follows in Arch. Snrv.

W.

India.

IV

By

Adnthuma, the Saka, an Upasaka of the guild of the Konachikas

near the karanja tree and in Pischel has shown

(a gift of) 20 Nivartanas in vadalika,

Kataputaka, 9 nivartanas near the banyan tree."

that
'

vadamula
"

'

and

'

'

karajamula

really

mean

"

cost of planting
p. 216).

these trees

(Nachr. Gott, Ges. Wiss. Phil. Hist. Kl., 1895,

Lfiders thinks that the investment

member
5
*

of the guild (Ep. Ind.,

was made with the guild and not by X, A pp., p. 132).

3

Lnd. No. 1165.

Five inscriptions of this

Ibid, No. 1180.

period refer to the gift of Avesani, a

else.

term which has not been met with anywhere

translated
it

Cunningham

as "gateway-architrave" (Bhilsa Topes, p. 264), whi]e in

CHAPTER
has not been
is

37

made

to them.

made out with certainty no reference The five inscriptions, quoted

above, are however calculated to throw a flood of light on the function and organisation of the

ancient guilds. Thus Nos. 1-4 conclusively prove that guilds in ancient days received deposits of
public

money and paid regular

of

interest on them.

The Machiavellian policy

guilds, as laid

exploiting

these

down

in Kautilya,

and quoted above

on

p. 27, bears

testimony to the fact that they also lent out money. Roughly
speaking, therefore, they must be said to have served the func-

Guilds

serving

local banks.

tions

of

modern banks.

The Inscription No.

shows that the rate of interest which they paid varied between 12 and 9 p.c. The guilds, which
thus operated as a net-work of banks throughout the length and breadth of the country, must have
possessed a coherent organisation, sufficient to induce the public to trust large sums of money

with them.
ing,

They must have been

for, otherwise,

of long stand-

and

their operations, characterised

by honesty

and fair dealing;

men would scarcely

have made perpetual endowments with them. The concluding portions of No. 1 seem to prove
"

Maisey's

Sanchi,"

it
c

is

translated

as

"

neophyte
'

"
(p. 95).

Buhler

suggested the meaning the foreman of the artisans (Ep. Ind., Vol. II, Liiders has accepted it in the case of the Sanchi inscription, p. 88).

but in other places rendered the term simply by artisan.' The conclusion about the existence of a guild from the use of this term is
' '
'

therefore

somewhat problematic,

38 also

CORPORATE LIFE
that

factor in the municipal

cities,

they were recognised as an important government of ancient

and were responsible to the corporation of the town for the due discharge of their duties

as trustees of public

money.

merely deposits
property, as
is

in cash,

They received not but also endowment of

proved by the Inscription No. 3. The objects with which these endowments

were made are manifold, and due performance of them must have required extra-professional
skill.

Thus some guild is required to plant particular trees, while several others, none of whom
to

had anything
provide
it

do with medicine,

were

to

for the sick

monks

of the cave.

The

inscriptions further prove that there were several

craft-guilds
at

one place, and sometimes more

;

than one guild belonging to the same profession as for example, there were two weavers' guilds
at

Govardhana

(cf.

No.

1).

In general, the guilds

they

are

named

after the

made belong, but in " It at Konachika," to the might guild simply mean that there was only one guild at the village,
no special designation was necessary to denote it, or that the whole village formed itself
so that

professions to which one case the reference is

inhabited by one class of artisans alone for, as we have seen above, the Pali literature contains reference to such villages.
into a guild, being
;

The

last Inscription,

No.

5, is

interesting, as

it

shows

that the guilds were not merely the receivers of

CHAPTER
ler's

gifts,

but

made

gifts

themselves in the

name

of the corporation.

Some

injunctions,

laid

clown

in

Functions of guild According to Yajuavaikja-samhitft.

Dharma-sastras, afford
interesting

the early us an
into

glimpse

the

working
Yajnavalkya-samhita
following
:

of these guilds.

Thus
the

(Chap. II)

contains

wf

zj;

from the above that guilds could possess corporate property, and lay down rules and regulations corresponding to the Articles of Association of the present day, which it was
It

follows

'

'

high treason to violate.

Their representatives

40

CORPORATE LIFE
high respect there. Some
as their

often transacted business with the court in their

name and were held

in

pure and virtuous men were appointed

executive officers (karya-chintakah). Their relation to the assembly is unfortunately not quite clear. Though it is not clearly laid down, whether
they were appointed by the king, or elected by the members themselves, the latter seems to be very probable, from the tenor of the whole passage.

"

it appears, from the line lesham samHha-hitavadi~ vachanam Karttacyam

Then, again,
that

nam"

these

officers

authority over the members and could visit with punishment anyone

possessed executive of the corporation,

who

disobeyed

their

decision.

They were bound,

however, by the laws and usages of the corporation, and if they violated them in the exercise of

and there was dissension between them and the general members, the king had to step in and make both parties conform to the established usage. The executive officers, though
their authority,

vested with considerable authority, could not thus be autocrats by any means, and their ultimate
responsibility to the law and custom was assured by the instrumentality of the assembly.
1

Although no mention
1

is

made here

of the

President of the guild, the frequent reference to

This point
is

made

quite clear by the commentators.

Mitramisra,

for example, quotes Y. II, 187, in support of the fact that the

Assembly

could punish the Executive Officers.

(Virara, p. 488.)

This point has

been treated in detail later on.

CHAPTER

41

SreshtMti in contemporary inscriptions shows that there was one but the real power seems now to
;

have devolved upon the executive

officers.

Thus

the constitution of the guild during this period presented a very modern appearance, with a chief,

and a few executive officers, responsible to the * assembly. The corporate spirit of a guild is most
strikingly manifested in verse 190, which lays down that everything acquired by a man, while

engaged

in the business of the guild (apparently

including even gifts from king or other persons), must be paid to the guild itself, and anyone
failing to do this of his

own

accord, will have to

pay a line amounting to eleven times its value. The importance attached to guilds and other
corporations at this period the two following facts
:

is

best illustrated

by

1.

The
the

violation of

agreements entered into

corporations (Samvid-vyatikrama) is already recorded in Yajnavalkya and Manu as one of the recognised titles of law (M. VIII, 5;

with

Y.

II, 15).
2.

Yajnavalkya lays down the general maxim (see verse 186) that the duties arising from the Rules and Regulations of the corporation (Samaylka ), not inconsistent with the injunctions of the sacred texts, as well as the regulations laid down by the king, must be observed with care,
'
'

Samaya
rales settled
of the
'

is

defined in tLe Narada-smriti as the aggregate of the

by the corporations.

Narada, X,

1.

Ifent-e

the

meaning

Sumayikii,' 1 have

aligned above.

42

CORPORATE LIFE

thus placing the duty towards the guild on an equal footing with that towards the state.
It

appears from the

last

line

quoted above

and differences between different In such cases the guilds were not unknown. king had to step in and make each party conform to the existing rules and usages.
that discussions

few passages may be quoted from Mahabharata to indicate the high importance that
l

the guilds
References to guilds in Mahabharata.

enjoyed in
-

general
irp

pcHrrmKrm >D

Thn

criiilrU

pal supports dissensions among the heads of guilds, or inciting them to treason, is looked upon as a recognised means of injuring the enemy's kingdom. 3 Dur-

of

described as one of the princithe royal power, 2 and sowing

yodhana, after his defeat by the Gandharvas, refuses to go back to his capital, for, humiliated
as he was, he dared not
guilds.
1

face

the

heads of the

"What
2

will

the

heads of guilds (and

References arc tu the Calcutta Edition.

^ftcT

KlfIT

^W faeRSf

cTEn

II

7
8

^cT:
I

II

II

9 (Asrama-vasikaparva, ch. 7).

11

4 9 (Santiparva, ch. 59).

II

64 (^'autiparva,

ch.

1C).

Ml AFTER
others) say to
*"

me and what

shall I tell

them

in

Last, but not of the least importance, is reply ? the verse in Santi-parva which lays down that no amount of expiation can remove the sins of

those

who

forsake
2

their

duties to the guild to

which they belong.

An

interesting

reference

to

guilds

is

also

Harivamsa which describes the fatal wrestling match between Krishna and the followers of Kariisa. The arena
contained in a

passage in

which was built

for

accommodating

visitors con-

tained pavilions for the different guilds, and we are told that these pavilions, vast as mountains,

were decorated with banners bearing upon them the implements and the emblems of the several
crafts.
3

The
of

clay seals discovered at Basarh, the site

ancient Vaisali, throw further interesting sidelight upon the guild-organisation^ of this

The following legends, among 4 occur on a number of them.

period.

others,

fl

ir

Ifi

(Vnnn-

parva, ch. 248).

i

II

19 (^fmtiparvn, ch.
86).

Sva-karmma-dravya-yuktabhih patiikabbir-nirantaram
^renfnlfi-cba gananau-cha

mancha

bhani3'-aclial-opamah.

Harivamso, Ch. 86,

1

v. 5.

Annual Report
ff
;

of
;

the Archaeological Survey of India, 1903-4,

1913-14, p. 138
ff.

p.

107

1911-12, p. 56

4-1

CORPORATE LIFE
1
.

S resh t hi- sfir tha vah a-k ulika-ni ga ma

Siuslithi-kulika-nigama.

'1.

3.

Sreshthi-nigama.

1.

Kulika-nigama.
lias

The crucial word

niyama,
lars

above legends, viz., been usually rendered by the schoin the

as

"guilds'

or

'corporations.'
1

Professor

D. R. Bhandarkar, however, contends that there

no authority for this meaning and suggests that the word should be taken in its ordinary
is

sense,

viz.,

'a

city.'

Professor

Bhandarkar

is

undoubtedly right in his contention, and until some chance discoveries definitely establish the

meaning

of

the

term,

it

is,

I believe, safe to

accept his suggestion.

The legends quoted above would thus

to cities administered

refer

by

tircs/tfttis,

Kulikas and

be regarded, however, as absolutely unique in view of the great mercantile organisations of southern India
to

S&rtkevakas, jointly or severally. of things, though unusual, cannot

Such a

state

which a detailed reference

will be

made

in a

later section of this chapter.

too,

In northern India
-

an

inscription at Gwalior

refers to a

Beard

of

&reshthi*

city in the year 877

Now
Knlika
1

and Sartharaldfs administering the A.D. the words Srcsthi, Sftrthava/ta and

are ordinarily used in Sanskrit literature

ff.

Carmichacl Lectures, 1918, p. 170 take the word to be the same as

Ep. Iml., Vol.

I,

p.

159

ff.

l-ulalca,

CHAPTER
to

45
It is

denote the chief of a guild or caravan.

therefore,

clear,

that

the clay-seals referred to

which were powerful ahove belonged enough to be recognised as the ruling authority
to guilds

in

city.

As we have seen above,

in

there are

references

Jataka stories to villages of artisans and traders, and possibly similar state
the

of things prevailed in the 4th

and 5th centuries

A. D.

In any case, at the present state of our knowledge, the onlv legitimate conclusion from the Basarh seals seems to be, that there were
I

powerful guild- organisations, with ruling authority, in various cities of India during the Gupta
1

period.

vV fy

may be mentioned here

in

that
a

the scholars

who have taken

Basarh
seals.
:

the

word nigaiHo

the sense

of

ouild deduce quite different, though

of the

interesting, conclusions
"

from the inscriptions

The

following remarks of Dr. Bloch

may be quoted

as a specimen
is

The most numerous among the

seal-inscriptions

that referring
traders

to the corporation or guild (nigama) of bankers

(Sreshthin),

(Sarthavaha), and merchants (Kulika). It with other seals giving the names of private
instance
Ministers.
of
it

invariably combined individuals, only in one

is

is

found together with the seal of the Chief of Prince's

list

The

of private

names

is

fairly

conspicuous.

great

them are distinguished as merchants (Kulika). One person, many TTnri by name, styles himself both Kulika and Pratliamn Kulika. Two persons are called bankers (Sreshthin), and one, Dodda by name, was
a

sarthaviiha or trader.

private individuals are found in combination with

Generally tuoor even more of the seals of each other or with

etc.,

the seal of the guild of bankers,

of which evidently

most

of

them

were members.

It

looks as

if

during those days, something like a

existed
in

modern Chamber

of

Commerce

upper India at some big

(Annual
Report
of

trading centre, perhaps at Pataliputra."

Archaeological Survey, 1903-4,
p. 104.)

the

40

CORPORATE LIFE
6

We
by
the

now come
later

to

[the

period represented
like

Dharm&-sastra8>

those

of

Narada and Brikaspati (5th to 7th century A D.). The progressive advancement of the
guild-organisations
period.
is

continued

during

this

In Narada, as well as

in Brihaspati,

separate chapters are devoted to the title of law of compact arising out of the transgression

(Samvid-vyatikrama).
that

Narada explicitly

states

the

"the king must maintain the usages of Whatever guilds and other corporations.
(the
rules

be their laws, their (religious) duties,

regarding) their attendance, and the

(particular

mode

of) livelihood

prescribed

for

them, that

* are further told the king shall approve of/' that "those who cause dissension among the

We

members of an association shall undergo punishment of a specially severe kind because they
;

an like dangerous, allowed to were go they (epidemic) disease, 2 These injunctions of the Dharma-sastras free.

would prove
5 '

extremely
if

a general way the high importance attached to the guild- organisations as an imporin

show

tant factor in society.

The

literature of this period throws

.,

interest-

The rai*on d'etre of iniild-organisations cielriv explained in the Bnhaspat s

'

ing side-light on the nature .IT , and origin of the guild-orga.

.

nisatio n. Thus, regarding their

2

X.

2, 3,

X.

6,

CHAPTER
raison d'etre
l

J7

we

find

the following

in

Brihas-

pati

il

compact formed among villagers, companies (of artizans) and associations is (called) an agreement such (om agreement) must be observed both in times of distress and for acts of piety.
;

Jolly translates this passage as follows "

"

When
or

a danger
it

is
is

apprehended from rob-

(considered as) a distress common to all in such a case, (the danger) must be repelled by all, not by one man alone whoever he may be."
bers
thieves,
;

This translation does not

commend
"

itself
/

to

such (an agreeme, for the rendering of Jolly, ment) must be observed both in times of distress

and

for

acts

of piety," hardly gives

any
of
is

satisfactory meaning.

The

real

significance

the passage seems to be that such convention

to

be executed (karyah) to provide against dangers and for the purpose of discharging their duties. 3
1

XVII.
"

5-6.

2
'

S. B. E., Vol. 33, p. 347.

' '

The SaptamI

plained by the rule

of

in "

Badhakale

'

and

Dharmakarye
cf.

is

to

be

ex-

Nimittat

karmma Samavaye"

the

explanation

ftrcF*r*i3 rairfrE*i*f
;

^wwr:
l

^3^ ^W
by Vachaspati Misra
in

sfi'infa

cTfaR

q^I^T

II

Bhamati.

48

CORPORATE LIFE
In
the

chata passage Jolly renders chaura by robbers and thieves. The sense of robbers and thieves is covered by the Sanskrit

next

'

'

term 'chaura but

The word and other analogous technical expressions

occur
in

Chalet remains untranslated. occurs in " a chafa-bhata-pracesya"

'

'

'

that

land grants of this frequently period, and both Dr. Buhler and Dr. Fleet have taken it in the sense of " irregular troops."
the
l

Then, Jolly's translation of the It would also not satisfactory.

to repel the

last portion is

strictly

mean

an injunction upon a particular individual not

meaning, is the united body, however, seems not a single individual, whoever (1. e., however
:

common

danger. " to be it

The

real

great)

he
are

may
now

be,

that

is

able to

repel the

danger."

We
general
first

in a position to

understand the

purport of the whole passage. In the two lines the author lays down the reasons
a

why

members
and

compact should be entered into by the of a guild and other corporations.

to

These are said

ous and secular).

be (1) prevention of danger

duties
(religi-

(2) proper discharge of their

The
robbers
infested
1

last

two

lines

mention
viz.,

specifically

the

dangers referred to above,

those from thieves,

and
the

irregular troops (who probably country after they were disbanded

Gupta
Inscriptions,
p. IKS,
i';i,

Iiid. Aiil.,

Vol. V. p. lloj

(L'j

CHAPTER
at the

40

war), and justifies the recommendation for a compact by stating that

conclusion

of a

such dangers can be

operation cf all, It was thus fully realised that

co-operation
lay
in

repelled only by the coand not by a single individual.

the
it

value of
affords for
,

the

facilities

preventing

common

dangers

and

performing

common

It must have been a deep-rooted good. consciousness of this utility of co-operation in the public mind that led to the growth and

^
\

development of these guild-organisations. TTe also learn from the same texts some of
the formalities which accompanied the formation of a new guild.

Thus Brihaspati says

*wfo*wW{
It thus appears

that the

first

J step towards

the organisation of a guild was to inspire mutumembers. al confidence among the intending the This was done by one of following means.
1.

Kosha.

This

no

doubt
in

refers

to

the

ordeal described in detail

and Tajnavalkya
be tested
1

11.

Narada 1. 329-331 114-115. The person to

mouthfuls of water

-vas

"

to drink three
first

"

Mutual confideucc having

by)
stiurcd

been established by means of

in

(the

ordeal

libation,

by a stipulation

writing, or by
S, B. E.,

umpires, they shall

Vol.

then set

about their work." (XVII. 7;

XXXTTT, p

347.)

fiO

COIM'OKATK

\A Kl-

in

which (an image of) the deity whom he holds sacred has been bathed and worshipped. If he
should meet himself

with any calamity within

(after

a week or a fortnight
this

having undergone

ordeal),
l

his guilt,"

regarded as proof of otherwise he would be considered

it

shall be

pure and of course a worthy member

guild.

of

the

Lekha-kriya. This probably refers to a convention or agreement, laying down the rules and regulations of the guild, to which all must
2.

subscribe.

Madhyastha. It is what this really means.

3.

difficult to

understand
refer to the

It

may

practice of a well-known man standiog tee for the faithful conduct of another.

guaran-

After having inspired mutual confidence by one or other of these means the intending members set

themselves to work.
2

The

list

of items

of business included various

strictly

things

besides

the

professional business, and these probably inserted in a document to which

of the
1

were
each

intending
XXXIII,

members had
p.

to

subscribe.

S. B. E., Vol.

116.
'

In the case tinder consideration

we

have, of course to substitute for

a

guilt,' 'unfitness for membership.' This of course would differ with different guilds and is referred

to in general terms, as follows,

by Katyayaca.

u p.

(quoted in Vivadaratnakara,

180.)

CHAPTER

51

Brihaspati preserves a specimen of such in the following lines

:

items

Thus the

activity of the guilds was extended to a variety of objects of public

d"

utility

Brillispnti

such as the construction of a house of assembly, of a

shed for (accommodating travellers with) water, a temple, a pool, and a garden. They also helped the poor people to perform the
"

Samskaras

"
3

or sacrificial acts enjoined

by the

sacred texts.
1

XVII.

11-12.

For

Jolly's

translation of the passage,

"

cf.

S. B. E.,

Vol.
3

xxxrii,
'

pp. a47-8.
relief to helpless or

Jolly translates the passage as

poor people."
it

>( yajanakriya," placed along with to the 12 or 16 8afo*kara mentioned in the Smritis.

Bat as
3

Samskaras

'

is

must

refer

The duty
to

specified by the

"

expression
translates

kulayaiiam
it

nirodhascha "

is

difficult

understand.
is

Jolly

as

"

common path

or

not however in keeping with the view of any of the commentators like Chandesvara or Mitramisra. The former explains
defence."

This

the passage rs

"
kuld]/anai'n

diirjjana'prai-esa-iaranamj'
bition of

i.e.,

IcuKnnsya ayanat'n (anayanam,), nirodho importation of good men and the prohip.

bad ones.
"

(Vivadaratnakara,
it

182

Mitramisra

explains

as

"

durbhikshady-apaitamaparyyantasya
till

dharanam
famine,

which probably means the maintenance of people

Mitramisra also notes a variant reading
"

the

kulyaya" " and explains it as "kitlyayafy pravartana-pratibandhan, the excavation of tanks, wells, etc and the damuiing of water,

etc., is over.

.,

p. 425.)

.:>:>

CORPORATE LIFE
All these were written in a formal

document

which was a valid agreement in the eyes of law.

This aspect of the activity of guilds is borne witness to by the inscriptions. Thus the Junnau

mentions inscription already referred to above the excavation of a cave and the construction
of a cistern

by the guild of corn-dealers.

2

The

Mandasor inscription
silk-weavers
built

a guild of magnificent temple of the

describes
it

how

Sun, in the year 437 A.D., and repaired in 473-4 A. D.

again

The executive machinery which enabled

guilds
is

the

to

perform
in

these

multifarious

works

also

described

some

detail in Brihaspati.

There was a chief or president, assisted by two,

three or
The constitution
guilds.
of

five

executive officers
i r\\ 3

(XVII.
says

/VXTTT

n
9,

10).

DM .Brihaspati
who

that

only persons

are honest, acquainted with the Veclas and their

duty,
1

able,
p. 36,

self-controlled,

sprung from noble

Ssc

above.

*-

Gupta Inscriptions, No. 18. XVII. 10. The inscriptions of the Vaillabhatta Svamiii TempkFleet
Ind.,
I, p.

at

Gwalior (Ep.
guilds.
it

154

ff.)

refer to the executive officers of Severn 1

Tims, for example, while referring to the oilmiller's guilds, at first mentions the names of the Chiefs of each irnild (Tailikanta-

hattakd)

and then adds

"

and the other members

of the Avhole guild

oilmillers,

oi'
ir-

oilrnillers."

The number
'2,

of chiefs of

the three guilds of

respectively 4,

and

5.

AFTER

families,

and

skilled in every
officers.

business, shall be
1

appointed as executive

These
Executive

officers,
officers.

seem

to

have exercised con-

siderable authority over individual members in their official

Thus, according to Brihaspati, if an capacity. individual failed to perform his share of the
igreement,

though able

to

do tbe same, he was

his

punished by and by banishment from

confiscation of

entire

the

town.

property Tor the

man who
his

falls

work,
of

out with his associates or neglects a fine is ordained amounting to six

four
is

nishkas

suvarnas
also the

each.

Banishment
of

from the town

punishment
or

one

who

injures the joint

stock,

breaks the mutual

agreement.

The executive
in

officers

could

deal

with the

whatever way they liked, beginwrong-doers, mild censure and rebuke and culmifrom ning
nating in any punishment up to
for Brihaspati
is
2

expulsion.
that

In

administering these their hands were unfettered,

states explicity

" whatever

done by those (heads of an association), whether harsh or kind towards other people, in
1

XVII.

9.

Persons, not deserving

of

these- posts are

also

men-

tioned in detail.

(Brih.,

XVII;

8.)

XV LI.

17.

CORPORATE LIFE
1

accordance with prescribed

\be approved are declared
3

of

by the kingthey to be the appointed managers (of

:

regulations, as well for

must

affairs)-"

The king however could interfere in specified cases. Thus the next verse tells us, " should
they (heads of an association) agree, ac/ttafwl by
hatred,

on injuring a single member of

the king must restrain

the

fellowship,

them

and

they conduct." 3

shall

be punished, if they persist in their It seems that any person punished

by the president could appeal to the king, and if it would appear that the conduct of the latter was not in accordance with prescribed regulations but simply actuated

the
T

king

could

by personal feelings, rescind his resolutions. These

to

two passages seem

indicate

that

while the

independence of the association was respected

by the king, the security of a person from the occasional fury of a democratic assembly was
duly safe-guarded.

was probably by such means that a reconciliation was sought to be

It
1

This phrase

is to

S. B. M.,

XXXIII,

p.

349.

be added to Jolly's translation of the passage For the original runs as follows
:
'

in

f%
is
:

explained Ly Mitra-inisra as

(Viram.,
3

p.

430).
S. B. E,,

XVII- 18;
S.
13.

Vol.
p.

XXXIII.
349.

E-, Vol.

XXXIII,

CHAPTER

55

made between the contending claims

dual and corporate rights.

of

indivi-

Inspite of this exercise of high authority by the executive officers the demoThe democratic
men*.
elei.

cratic

element

-t

was
feature

quite
of

a
the

distinguishing
guild

house of assembly

There was a organisations of this period. 1 where the members of the

guild assembled to transact public business from time to time. According to Narada, regular
rules were laid
bers,

down

for the attendance of

mem-

and the king had to approve of them, 2 It appears whatever they might be. from Mitramisra's comment on the passage, that the
sound of a drum or other instruments was a
signal for the attendance of members in the guild hall for the transaction of the affairs of the

community." Regular speeches seem to have been

made
of

in the assembly,
'

Thus Chandesvara quotes the following passage from Katyayana in his Vivadaratnakara.
speech

and the idea of was probably not unknown.

'

liberty

11

and adds the comment gt

3Tc 3Frdrf%*fr%g

This seems to imply that the executive officer who injures another for having said reasonable
1

13rih.,

XVII.

11.

Narada, X.
J)ib.

3.

Virani., p. 430.

Ind., p. 179.

iir.

CORPORATE LIFE

things, interrupts a speaker (lit. gives no opportunity to the speaker to continue), or speaks

something
'

improper,
5

is

to

be

punished with

purvasahasadanda.
Several minor regulations also clearly bring out the democratic feeling that pervaded these Thus it is ordained by Brihaspati institutions.

with regard to the executive

persons deputed of the guild, that whatever
to

officers or

other

manage some
is

affairs

on behalf

acquired (such as a field or a garden acquired in course of a boundary dispute in a law court), or preserved (from a
thief)

by them, and whatever debt

is

incurred by

them (for the purpose of the guild), or whatever is bestowed upon the community as a mark of royal
favour,
all all

this

is
1

to

be divided equally
If

the

members.

however

the

among money

borrowed by the executive

them
the

for their
of

own

officers was spent by individual ends and not for

interest

the guild,
2

they were liable to

3

make good

the amount.

It appears

from some comments

of Mitrain a guild

misra that the inclusion of

1

new members

Sffi:

5HH
II

TT^SreT^rl*^ ^snffa cRT^fafa

Viram., p. 432.

The

hrackettecl portion in the above translation

is

taken from the commentary.

CHAPTER
and the exclusion
of old

r>7

members from

its

fold de-

pended upon the general assembly of the guild. He also quotes a passage from Katyayana to

show

that the

new member would

at once share,

equally with others, the existing assets and liabilities of the guild and enjoy the fruits of its charitable and religious deeds, whereas the man

who was excluded from

cease
to

the guild

would at once

have any interest in any of them. Chandesvara the author of Yivada-ratnakara also quotes the same passage and informs us that it
1

required

the

consent

of

all

to

become the
giv e
r

member

of a guild, but one

might

up the

membership of his own accord. The passages quoted above also

testimony

indirectly bear

to the fact that the guilds possessed

some
tic

of the

powers and functions of a democra-

Thus it is clear that (1) The guild was recognised as a corporation in a law court where it was represented by select; ed members to contest the possession of a field,
assembly.
garden, etc.

11

(Viram.,
V. Rtn. reads JHrRT^T for tfTfirn?! in line
2.

p.

432)
'.i,

^T for I*T^

in line

and HTff for BT^fT

in line

4 (p. 187).

58

CORPOKATE LIFK
(2)

The guild possessed corporate immovable

property like field, garden, etc. (3) The executive officer could contract loan

on behalf of the guild.

Charitable and religious deeds were performed on behalf of the corporation, each indivi(4)

dual

member

of

which was supposed

to

have

enjoyed the benefits thereof. (5) One could cease to be a

guild of his

member

of the

own

accord.
ele-

But the most characteristic democratic ment in the whole system was the ultimate

res-

ponsibility of the executive officers to the assemThis point is fully treated by Mitramisra. 1 bly.

He

takes verse 187

of

the

second chapter of

Yajnavalkya
tration
"
*.

Mukhyas, and recites the following text from Katyayana as an illusto refer to the

of

the

doctrine

"
its

(the right of the assembly to punish

chiefs).

Thus any of the executive guilty of any heinous criminal

dissensions or

officers

who was
created

act,

who

destroyed the property of the association, could be removed, and the removal
mra:
i: 1

who

(v. Rtn., p. iss),

Viratn., p. 428.

CHAPTER
was only
to

.V.)

be notified

to,

but not necessarily

offiit

sanctioned by, the king.

cers possessed great

As the executive

power have proved an easy aft'air to remove them if In such they assumed a defiant attitude.
1

might not always

cases the matter

was

to

be brought to the notice

of the king as appears

in Brihaspati-Sarhhita

from the following verse

:

The king would hear both

sides and, of course,

decide in such cases according to the special rule 3 of the guilds, as already noticed above (p. 2t). He would then give his decision and enforce his
decree.

Mitramisra

is

quite

explicit

on

this point.

He says that the removal of the executive officers was the proper function of the assembly (samuha), and that the king would step in to
punish these men only when the assembly found itself unable to do so

C/.

XVII.

the passage in Arthasastra quoted above on pp. 27-28. " When a dispute arises between the chiefs and the 20.

societies, the

king shall decide

it,

and

shall bring

them back

to their

duty." (S. B. E., Vol.

...

XXXIII,
3. and

p.

349.)
it.

See also Narada X.

Jagannatha's comment upon

Nar

v ,

p. 184. ......
-.

As

an. illustration

of
it

this,
is

to

on

p. 33,

above,

-where

enjoined upon

he quotes M. VIII, 219-221, referred the king to banish the-

00

CORPORATE LIFE
The above circumstance furnishes
a

most

striking illustration of the royal interference in the affair of guilds. That the king could

uphold the cause of an individual if he thought that he was a victim to jealousy or hatred, lias Home other cases already been noticed before.
of

state

interference

may

be gleaned from the

following verses of Narada

snjrsri n3K*r^Rffl^i sr<^
i

08

person

who

violate.: In? .uxn

a

emunt with a CorpovatioD.

'

Mitramisra here

takes the tvhole paut.-age

,ilum.

ref<

rring (u

'

mukhyas

or executive oflicers
-

Iier%bb similarly ezplainrirke fullowing pncsagc of

'
'

lJi

il;arpati

with reference lo

mukhja

n ];]!

[An acrimonious
or

or malicious man, and

oue

who

causes dissousiou

does violent

acts,

or

who

is

inimically disposed towards the guild,

association or the king, shall be instantly or the assembly (of the corporation)].

expelled

from the town

He

then adds the following comment.

." ...... to be expelled from the place of the assembly, i.e.. by the assembly itself. It cannot be argued that this interpretation is wrong inasmuch as the assembly has no right to award punishment. For the passage ^uoied above from KStyayana conclusively proves that it is the assembly which has tho right to punish the executive officers." Yirarn.
,

p, 429,

CHAPTER

61

Thus the king could forbid a combination

of

different

associations
of those
conflict

nature),
causes,

arming and the

(possibly of a hostile bodies without due

between

them.

He

could also prevent them from undertaking such

acts

as

terests,

were either opposed to his wish or inor of contemptible and immoral nature.

The extant commentary 2 on these passages of (the Narada Smriti, which, though of late date, may be assumed to have been handed down from more ancient times, throws new light upon the relation of the king and the corporations
like guilds.
1

It runs as follows:

^fc!

What

the commentator

means

to say

is

this.

In the previous sutras (X. 2-3 see above) it has been laid down that the king must maintain the
1

X.

4. 5. 7.

Translated in S. B.
f.

E., Vol.

XXXIII, pp.

104-5.

Nar., p. 164,

n.

62

CORPORATE LIFE
and usages,
settled

by the guilds and other corporations, whatever they might be. Now they " might form such regulations as we shall ask " we the subjects not to pay taxes to the king," " we shall gamble," shall always go naked/
rules
5

"

we

shall visit prostitutes,"

"

we

shall drive

at

excessive

speed along

the

public road,"

"

we

shall worship at those places where Sakhotaka grows," etc. In that case it might be urged to be the duty of the king to maintain even these

regulations. gencies, the

In order to safeguard such continabove exceptions have been laid

This proves, as nothing else could have done, the supreme importance attached to these A king could interfere with them corporations.

down.

only in some specific cases, but otherwise they

were free to act in whatever way they liked, and the king was bound to accept their decision.
8

We
whole

have already seen that the guild as a and possessed considerable executive
judicial

authority

over

its

members. above to

The passages quoted illustrate this must

however be taken to signify that the authority extended over, and covered, only those relations in which they stood to the guild. In other
words, .the

which

guild could only interfere in cases affected, or had a tendency to affect, its

CHAPTER
transaction of business.
in Brihaspati

The following passages

guild also of the country. " Relatives, guilds, assemblies (of co-habitants), and other persons duly authorised by the king,

seem to show, however, that the formed part of the ordinary tribunals

should decide lawsuits

among men, excepting

causes concerning violent crimes (sahasa). " When a cause has not been (duly) investi-

gated by (meetings of) kindred, it should be decided after due deliberation by guilds when it has not been (duly) examined by guilds, it
;

should

be
;

decided

by

assemblies

(of

co-

habitants)
ciently)

and when it has not been (suffimade out by such assemblies, (it should
1

be tried) by appointed (judges)."

It

would certainly follow front the above, that the guild formed the second of the four ordinary courts of justice, from each of which an
appeal lay successively to the next higher ones. The chapter in which these passages occur deals
generally
justice

with the constitution of the court of

is

nothing to show that the judicial functions of the guilds noticed here related to its members alone or simply with

and there

reference to
fact
1

its

own proper
Vol.

business.

The very
latter

that
28,

Biihaspati has noticed

;

these

I.

30
'

S. P. E.,
'

XXXIII,

p. 281.

has been rendered by Companies (of artiznns) * in the original passage but I have substituted the "word guild for it.
sreni
'

The word
Of. also

Narada, 107,

p. 6.

(H

CORPORATE LIFE

functions separately in a later chapter, seems to prove that in the passages, quoted above,
reference
is

courts of law.
28, viz.,

made to the guilds as ordinary The exception noticed in verse

concerning violent crimes also

causes

proves that the writer had in view only the ordinary cases to be tried by ordinary courts
of justice.

This conclusion

is

supported by the recently

published Damodarpur Copper plates. Two of them, dated in the years 433 and 438 A.T)., in the reign of the Gupta emperor Kumaragupta I
contain the following passage
l
:

Prof. R. G.

Basak who edited these

:

inscrip-

tions translates the passage as follows

While Kumar-fimatya Vetravarmma was administering the government of the locality in of nagara-sreshtM the company Dhritipala,
sartharaha Bandhumitra, prathama-kttlika Dhritimitra, pratJiamc^Jcayastha Samvapala." It appears to me, however, that the question, here, is not of general administration, but

merely

the

administration

of

justice.

This
5

follows from the ordinary meanings of the terms adhikaranci and vi/arahara, riz., court of law and
'
1

Ep. Ind,, Vol.

XV,

p. 130,

CHAPTER

65

'administration of justice/ and I do not see any reason why these words should be stretched to

cover

che

idea

of general administration.

The

opinion contains a clear reference to courts presided over by the chiefs of different

passage in

my

corporations of merchants and artisans.

Some
tion
this

interesting side-light on the

organisaof

of

guilds

is

furnished

by inscriptions
'

Thus the Indore Copper-plate ^Inscription of Skanda Gupta dated in the year liG, i.e. 165 A.D., records the gift of an endowment, the interest of which is to be applied to
period.

the

maintenance of a lamp which

in

has

been

established

temple for the service of the

farther told that " this gift

Sun-god.
of a

We

are

Brahman's endowment of (the temple of) the Sun (is) the perpetual property of the
guild
of

oilmen,
at

of

which Jivanta

is

the head,
it

residing

the town of Indrapura, as long as

continues in complete unity, (even) in moving 2 away from this settlement." Several interesting
points are
to

to

be

noted in this short reference

a guild. Besides the custom of designating a guild by the name of its headman, it distinctly
points
to

the
is

mobility

importance

the body, and more evidently attached to the unity

of
(Jiqitii

Fleet

Inscriptions. No. 16.

Hid,

p. 71.

66

CORPORATE LIFE
the
guild,

of

than the place where it settles. This is an evidence of the high state of guildorganisation, for none but a fully organised body
could

from place to place and yet retain its unity and public confidence. By far the most interesting account of a
thus
shift

guild

is

that furnished

inscription of It relates how a guild of silk-weavers, originally settled at Lata, immigrated into the city of

by the Mandasor stone Kumaragupta and Bandhuvarman.

1

Dasapur,
of

attracted
place.

by the virtues
of

of the

king
to

that

Here many

them took
archery

different

pursuits.

Some

learnt

and

good fighters, adopted the religious life, and discoursed on religious topics. The prudent among them learnt astrology and
others

became

astronomy while a few gave up all worldly concerns and took to an ascetic life. Various
other
professions

number

were also followed, while a of them adhered to the hereditary

profession of silk-weaving.
1

Thus

the

guild

16 id, No. 18.

In his introduction to the inscription Fleet remarks

(the
Inscription)
narrates,
in

as follows

"

It

the

first

place,

how

number

of

silk-weavers immigrated from the Lnta Vishayn, or central and southern

Gujarat, into the city of Dasapura and how some of the band took up other occupations while those who adhered to their original pursuit constituted themselves into a separate and flourishing guild" (C. I. I.,
Ill, p. 80).

The verse 19 however makes

the

it

quite clear, that the guild

16-19.

included
"

all

members described
in detail in

in

verses

For,

after

referring to

them

the above

verses,

the author concludes

(verse
all

adhikam = abhivibhati

irenir-evafn

prakaraih"

19),

which

certainly signifies that the guild flourished through

these men.

CHAPTER
flourished

67

at Dasapura, and built in the year D. a 436 A. magnificent temple of the Sun out of its accumulated riches. In course of time

the temple fell into disrepair, and was by the same guild in the year 472 A.D.

repaired

in

This highly interesting inscription couched verses that recall the best days of Sanskrit Kavya Literature has preserved for us a vivid
be;?st

specimens of the ancient guilds that constituted such a remarkable It invalidates feature of ancient Indian society.
the notion, too generally entertained, that guilds

account of one of the

were stereotyped close corporations of craftsmen, busy alone with their own profession and little
It portrays susceptible to culture or progress. before us the picture of a guild of silk-weavers, proud of their own profession, and true to their

own

organisation, but displaying

within these

limits

an activity and keenness for all-round

the passages
to the

Fleet also translates

same

effect

"(And

so) the

those who are of this sort guild shines gloriously all around, through and through others who, etc...." including thereby, within the guild,

men
all

silk-weavers

following different pursuits as described above. Now they were when they were in Lata, and took to different pursuits

while at Mnndasor.
of

If then this motley body is still called the guild must follow that they constituted a guild while at Lata and that the organisation continued although some of the members in their new abode. That the whole w gave up the hereditary pursuits remove to another has been proved thus could of a place guild body

silkweavers,

it

by the Indore copper-plate mentioned above. 1 Thus when the temple of the Sun is
it

built, or is
;

again repaired,

is

said to be

done by the orders of the guild

at

and Vatsabhatti
cf.

composes
lust verse,

the

inscription

the

command

of

the guild;

the

68

COR POM ATE LIFK

that
is

progress

really surprising.
spirits,

There were
in battle,

among them martial

who
*

valorous

even to-day
of

effect

by

force the des-

truction
others,

their

enemies
in their

while

there

were

unassuming
for

to discourses of religion,

attachment
characterised

modesty and devoted men who overcame the and were worldly objects

gods in
arts

an

piety and goodness, very habitation.' The science of earthly

by

astrology was cultivated by them while the finer like poetry were not neglected, ?s is

abundantly
before us
the sense
;

evidenced by
for
it is

the

brilliant

poem

only

among men who have

for poetry, that such

of appreciation

literature

can flourish.

India

was thus not

The guild in ancient merely the means for the

development of arts and crafts, but through the autonomy and freedom accorded to it by the law of the land, it became a centre of strength, and an abode of liberal culture and progress,

which truly made

the society.

it

a power and

ornament

of

10

The existence
isati

nin

i,!;rpSr

guild organisations during the later period is attested by Of these a number of records.

of

an inscription at the Vaillabhatta-svamin Temple at Gwalior is the most

1
1

Ep. Ind., Vol.

I, p.

159

ff.

CHAPTER

69

As lias already been mentioned, it important. refers to the organisation of sreshlhis and siirtharriltas, etc., ruling the city of Gvvalior in the year
877 A.B., indicating thereby that the political*/ importance of these old institutions remained
undiminished.

The inscription, besides, records endowments made with the guilds of oil-millers and gardeners, and the way in which these are described throw some light on their constitution.
Mention
made, by name, of four chiefs of the oil-millers of Srl-sarvesvarapura, two chiefs of
is

the oil-millers

of Srlvatsa-stvamipura,

and four
and

chiefs of the oil-millers of

two other

places,

we

are told that these, together with the other (members) of the whole guild of oil-millers

should give one pal-ika of oil per oil-mill every month. Similarly the other endowment was to
the effect
that
the seven chiefs, mentioned

name, and the other

guild
of

(members)
give

of

the

by whole

gardeners should

fifty

garlands

every day.

from the above that the guild was still in full vigour and endoworganisation ments were made with them as of old. They
It appears

also illustrate the constitution of the guilds laid

down

in Brihaspati-smriti,

viz.,

that there should

be two, three, or five executive officers in each have just seen that the oil-millers' guild. For we
guilds

had two or
1

four,

and the gardeners'

p.

guild,

See above,

52

ff.

70

CORPORATE LIFE
such

seven

members.

The very

fact that they

are individually mentioned by name shows the importance of these officers, and this is quite in keeping with what we have learnt from the
Brihaspati-smriti.

Another inscription,
refers to

of about the

same

period,

an important guild of horse-dealers who

imposed a tithe upon all purchasers, including king and his provincial officers of horses, mares

and other animals. The members of the guild came from various countries and the proceeds of the tithe were naturally distributed among
various

temples situated in

localities

so

far

In this case, apart as Pehoa and Kanauj. again, not only are the chiefs of the guild and
their

headman mentioned

by

name, but the

native places of each individual are also given in detail. guild of horse-dealers from the

northern country is also referred to in the Harsha 2 The Stone inscription dated 973-74 A.D.
3 Siyadoni inscriptions of the latter half of the tenth century A.D., also record the gift of the guilds

of betel-sellers, oil-makers,

and stone-cutters, and

refer to

an investment of 1,350 drammas with the

of

distillers

spirituous

vagulika (hunters ?) is * of Chedi Lakshmanaraja who stone inscription flourished about the middle of the tenth century
1

guild of mentioned in the Karitalai

liquor.

The

Pehoa Inscription, Ep.

II, p.
*

lud., Vol.
8

I,

p. 184.
I, p.

Ep. lud., Vol.

116

ff.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

167

ff.

Ep. Ind., Vol. If,

p.

174

ff.

CHAPTER
l

71

A.D., while the Deopara inscription of Vijayasena refers to 8'dpi-goshthi, apparently meaning

a guild of stone-cutters, in Varendra or north Bengal. It is thus quite clear that guildorganisation continued down to the latest days
of the

Hindu

period.

11

The permanent organisation

sents

of guilds repre-

JS^JSSS* the ancient economic

fn

the corporate activity in the ancient economic life at its

j^

There were

^ ^^

forms in

which

co-operative

and these require to be spirit was displayed, noticed in some detail, in order to gain a comprehensive idea of the whole subject. Trade
carried

on joint stock principles, may be mentioned first under this head. This form of
on

corporate activity seems to have been very ancient and definite examples of it are furnished

by the Jataka

stories.
2

Thus we read
a

in

Chulla-

kasetthi-Jataka

how

young man

purchased

the contents of a ship, which had just touched at the port, by the deposit of his ring. Shortly afterwards 100 merchants from Benares came
for the

same purpose, but having been told of the previous transaction they paid him a thousand coins each, and obtained a share of the merchandise
1

along with him.

1, p.

Later,
a

they paid him

Jat., Vol. I, p. 114.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

311

ff.

n
another

CORPORATE LIFE
thousand
each,

and

merchandise for themselves,

saction.

got the

the

whole

young man

having made altogether 200,000, over the tran-

Again

in Kuta-Variija-Jataka'

merchants
Partnership.
,
.

partnership

we read of two who entered into 11.1/2 took five hunand

i

dred waggons of merchandise from Benares to the country districts. The Suhanu-Jataka 2 refers
to 'the horse-dealers of the north'

who apparently
In the Intro'

carried on their business jointly.

duction to
of

'

Kuta-Vamja-Jataka, No. 2

we read

two traders of Sravastl who joined in partnership and loaded live hundred waggons full of
wares, journeying from east to west for trade.
refers
to

The Baveru-Jataka 4

merchants who
sold

jointly carried on, their trade,

and

strange

Indian birds, at fabulous price, in the kingdom of Baveru. The Maha-Vanija-Jataka 5 relates
the story of a number of merchants who entered into a temporary partnership. Thus we read
:

"

Merchants from many a kingdom and

Chose them a
chief,

came,,
all

together met,

and straight

set out

a treasure for to net."

.Fat.,
J

Vol.

I,

]. -in
*

I.

Jut..
.Tat.,
fl

Vol.

JT, p.

:{().

Hid.
.lai..

p.

isi.
}..

Vol. Ill, p. 1L').

Vol. IV,
p.

350.

Knglish Translation of the Jatsikas, Vol. IV,

2'2'2.

CHAPTER
liese incidental

73

references

in

the

Jatakas

unmistakably point towards the system of joint transaction of business and shed a new light on
the corporate activities of the traders chants in ancient India.

and mer-

Kautilya has referred to this system in his The ancient Dharmasastras 2 have Arthasastra.
1

also

laid
is

down
the

which
this

regular rules for ^WsrcrJJgfT^ Sanskrit technical term for it.

of

Narada expounds the fundamental principles

system
in the following verses.

P, 185.

Xar. III. 1-9

Brih.

XIV,

1-32.

V. 11-2(52

ff.

Nar., p. 133.
p. 124.

The verses are translated

as follows in S. B.

(,

Vol.

XXXIII,
"

(1)

Where

traders or others carry on business

is

jointly,

it

is

called

partnership, which
''

title of law.

Where several partners are jointly carrying on business lor the purpose of gain, the contribution of funds towards the common stock of the association forms the basis (of their undertakings). Therefore
(2)
let

each contribute his proper share.

10

74

CORPO11 ATE LIFE

The essence
the
transaction

of the system

thus

consisted in

of business, for the purpose of

gain, jointly by a number of persons, each of whom contributed towards the common fund

As that served as the capital of the company. this individual contribution formed the real
basis of the

the

'

loss,

whole system, Narada declares that expenses, and profit of each partner

are proportioned to the amount contributed by him towards the joint stock company.' Brihaspati

also

endorses

this

view but Kautilya and

Yajnavalkya lay down that the profit, etc., may be either in proportion to the amount contributed by each or as originally agreed upon among
the partners.
to

It

thus appears that an agreepartners, intending together, in which the

ment was drawn up among

carry

on business
principles

general

upon

which

the

business

would be managed were clearly laid down. By virtue of this agreement some of the partners, probably on account of their greater skill and
might enjoy a greater share was warranted by the amount of money contributed by them.
special knowledge, of the profit, than
"

(3)

The

loss,

expenses, and profit of each partner are either equal

to those of the other partners or exceed

them

or

remain below them,

less.

according as his share

"
loss,

is

equal to theirs, or greater or

(for tolls

expense of keeping valuables must be duly paid for by each of the several partners, in accordance 'with the terms

(4) the freight and the

The

stores, the food, the charges

and the

like),

the

of their agreements."

CHAPTER
It
is

75

interesting to note that these essential principles of partnership were also fully under-

stood in
stories.

the period represented by the Jataka

Thus
'

that two
*

related in Kuta-Vanija- Jataka merchants called respectively 'Wise ' and

it is

Wisest

entered into partnership and

of

took five

hundred waggons

merchandise from Benares

to the country districts.

There they disposed of their wares, and returned with the proceeds to When the time for dividing came, the city.
Wisest
"

"
said,

must have a double share/'

"

Because while you and Wise ought to Wisest, have only one share to Wisest's two." " But we both had an equal interest in the stock-intrade and in the oxen and waggons. Why

Why

so?" asked Wise,

are only Wise, T

am

Wisest."

should you have two shares?" "Because I am And so they talked away till they fell The rest of the story shows how to quarrelling.

the "Wisest" tried to impose upon the other but failed, and at last the two merchants made an

equal division

of

the

profit.
it

clearly shows a general principle, that profits

that

while

The story thus was recognised as

should be proportionate to the share one contributes to the

stock-in-trade,

the

idea
skill

of

share

for

greater

in

awarding special business was not

altogether unknown.

Jat., Vol. I, p. 404.

70

CORPORATE
As
the
success
of the

LI FK

joint-stock

business

depended upon

the individuals that formed the

Smritis

company, the

have

laid

down

clear

injunctions for the selection

1
: i

of partners.

Thus

Brihaspati lays down Trade or other occupations

carried

should not be
jointly

on

by

prudent

men

with

in-

competent or lazy persons, or with such as are afflicted by an illness, ill-fated, or destitute.
"

A man

should

carry

on business jointly

with persons of noble parentage, clever, active, intelligent, familiar with coins, skilled in re-

venue and expenditure,

in-."
8

honest, and enterpris-

corporate spirit with which the business was carried on may be formed from

An

idea of the

property one partner may give (or lend) authorised by many, or whatever contract he may cause to be executed, all that is
3 (considered as having been) done by all," The relation of the individual to the corpo-

the following " Whatever

:

(a single partner acting) without the other partners) or against their the (of express instructions injures (their joint property) through his negligence, he must by himself

rate body "

was

also clearly laid

down

When

assent

give a compensation to
1

all his

partners.
p. 33>.
r,
:

Ch. XIV.
Jfc/d, p.

S. B.

>:..

Vol.

XXXITT,
:

337.

Jl'<l

pp. 337-8

rf.

Nar. TIT.

Y.

II. 2<V.\

CHAPTER
"

77

When

any one among them

is

found out
sale,

to

have practised deceit in a purchase or must be cleared by oath (or ordeal). " They are themselves pronounced
arbitrators

he
be

to

and

witnesses

for

one another in
has

doubtful cases, and

when
1

a fraudulent act

been discovered, unless a (previous) feud should exist between them/'

Thus the individual was responsible to the corporate body for his negligent acts and his other partners sat in judgment over him or gave evidence in the case. If a charge of fraud was brought against any person, his reputation had to be cleared by an ordeal or other tests 2 and if his guilt was established he should be paid his his capital and expelled from the company
3 On the whole the being forfeited to it. matter was decided by the corporate body itself,

profits

and the guilty

jurisdiction
of

individual was not liable to the

any
the

misdeeds.
also

On

authority for his other hand his virtue was

outside

rewarded

by the same corporate body, for

:

says Brihaspati
"
his

That partner, on the other hand, who

efforts

bv

own

preserves

(the

common

stock)

from a danger apprehended through fate or the king, shall be allowed a tenth part of it (as a
1

reward).
1

Ibid, p. 3.37.
s

Brili.,
*

XIV.

7.

V. IT. 268.

XIV.

10, also cf.

Xar. ITT. 6

Y,

II.

263.

78

CORPORATE LIFE
The corporate body
also

looked

after

the

interests of the individual even

after his death.

According to the same authority, " Should any such partner in trade happen to die through want of proper care, his goods

must

be

shown

(and
l

delivered)

to

officers

appointed by the king."

It also appears

from the comments of Chanverse of Narada quoted above, that a partner, if necessary, could draw from the common fund nn amount regulated
desvara on the
fourth

by the share ho
Tillage
crafts,

paid.

of

the

soil

and various

arts

and

such as the manufacture of articles made

silver,

wood, stone or leather, were also carried on by the workers on the same Unlike trade, howprinciple of partnership.
of
gold,

thread,

ever,

the basis

of

partnership in

these

cases

consisted, not of the capital money contributed by each, but of the skill and technical know-

ledge which each brought to the work. As this naturally varied in different persons, the share
of profit

which each enjoyed was

3
:

also

different.

Thus Brihaspati says

gold-smiths or other (artists) [i. e. 9 workers in silver, thread, wood, stone or leather]
practise
i

"When

their

art

jointly,

they shall share the

cf.

S. B. E.,

Vol.

XXXIII,

p.

338; also

Nar.

Ill, 7;

Y.

II. 267,

3 3

3yTC*Tun%355zrp! vforaftitaifltinr
Chapter XIV, vv. 28
ff.

(v. Btn., p. 112).

CHAPTER
profits in clue proportion,

70

nature of their work/'

" the

corresponding to the On the same principle,

of

headman among a number

workmen

jointly building a house or temple, or digging a pool or making articles of leather, is entitled

double share (of the remuneration)," and " he who knows how to among the musicians
to a

beat the time shall take a share and a half,

the singers shall take equal shares."
principles were also applied even
3

but

The same
thieves
their
their

among

and free-hooters when they came to divide "Four shares shall be awarded to spoil.
chief
;

he who
;

three shares

(specially) valiant shall receive one (particularly) able shall take

is

and the remaining associates shall share 4 On the other hand if any of them is alike."
two
;

arrested, the

money spent
all alike."'

for

his release

is

to

be shared by
It
is

worthy of note that priests carried on sacrificial act and ceremonies on the same
also
'

Thus it is ordained principle of partnership. that of the sixteen priests at a sacrifice, the first
group
of

four

who were

the

chief

officiators

would receive about the half, and the second, third and fourth groups, respectively half, onethird and one-fourth of that. The commentator
1

S. B. E., Vol.

XXXIII,

p.
3
3

340.
Ibid.

2
*

Ibid,

p. 34J.

76 id.

Y.

II. 2C8,

also Nar. III.

KatySyaua, quoted in V. Rtu., Brih. XIV.15. 8, 9

;

p. 126.

80

CORPORATE LIFE
if,

explains that

consists of 100 cows, each

for example, the sacrificial fee of the first group

would

receive

12 and
1,

each of the succeeding

groups, respectively 0,

and
-

3.'

There was another kind

in the
^

economic

life in

of corporate activity ancient India which can

Traders' League.

he best rendered by the term Traders League. As already

'

noticed
of

above, there was, no doubt, some sort

corporate organisation among the traders, during the early period, but both Mrs. Rhys

Davids y and Richard Pick

the economic conditions the
existence
in

who have

studied

ancient

India deny
'

of any such definite and close which could make the word League organisation
J

These scholars, however, conapplicable to it. fine their attention exclusively to the Jataka
only to the Buddhist Literature, but the data furnished by these sources, interstories, or at best

preted in the light of other evidences, leave no doubt on the point.

organisasea-going merchants. Thus the Valahassa Jataka 5 relates the story of five hundred
1

Several Jataka stories refer to the

tion of

Viram.,
I

p. 387.

have already included 'Traders' in the list of guilds (p. separate treatment is necessary not only because the guild of
is in

19).

traders

many
J.

as its existence
3
5

respects different from ordinary craft-guild, is denied by Mrs. Rhys Davids.

S.,

but specially

R. A.

1901

p. 869.

'

Ficrk. p. 17*..

Jat,, 11, p. 127.

CHAPTER

81

merchants, with a chief at their head, who chartered a vessel for trading in Ceylon. The Pandara- Jataka also refers to the chartering of
]

a vessel by also read in

'

live

hundred trading

folk.'
2

We

s Supparaka Jataka how 700 merchants got ready a ship and engaged a that was gained skipper, and the treasure

the

in course

of

the voyage was divided amongst

stories refer

them.

Other Jataka

to

the

concerted
land.

commercial action
4

of

traders on

The
well

Jarudapana Jataka (both the story

as

itself as

the

Introductory
of traders
off

caUhii) refer to a large caravan

episode pachchuppannaconsisting of a

number who set

to

of

Sravastl

(and

Benares)
(jetthaka),

together under a chief

with cart-loads of wares.

in

The

traders,

referred

Introductory episode, came back their treasure trove, and went in with together
the a body to pay respects to the Buddha, as they had done on the eve of their journey. The Guttila

Jataka 5 refers
a

to

certain

traders

of

Benares who made

trade.

That

this

was

journey to Ujjeni for a concerted action on

their part, appears quite clearly

from the

fact,

that they lodged in the

same place and enjoyed

2

themselves together.
Jat
,

Vol. V, p. 75.
is

.Tat.,

Vol. IV, p. 136.

The number

not definitely

stated bnt

we

are told that there

. were 700
*

souls on board the ship, evidently including the sailors.

5

Jat. Vol. II, p. 294.

Ibid, p. 248.

11

8;>

CORPORATE LIFE

The above instances clearly prove that the traders undertook commercial activities in an
organised body.

There are other considerations

which seem to show that the organisation was sometimes a permanent one.

The term

sett hi

which occurs frequently

in

the Buddhist Literature should be taken to

mean

the representative of the communities oi' traders. 'I bus in Chullavagga YL 4. 1. we are told that

'Anatha-Pindika was the husband of the

the R/ajagaha setthi.
sense of a
it
iii
1

sister of

Evidently here the term Rajagaha Setthi was intended to convey the
distinguished particular individual not mean a merchant in general. Again could
;

Mahavagga VIII. 1-16

illness

ff.*

reference
at

is

made

Rajagaha.' the physicians declared that he would die in course of a week, one of the merchants " both thought of the (jood services done by him

to the

of

the

set (hi

When

to

the king

and

to the

merchants"*

3)

and approached King Bimbi-

sara for asking his physician to cure the setthi. The prayer was granted and the setthi was

cured by the royal physician,

for,

The
fee,

latter

asked

and

obtained,

as

his

two hundred

divided equally Kahapanas, between himself and his royal master. This incident illustrates the wealth and status of
to
<

thousand

be

<

>

S. B.

E XX.,
,

p. 179.
T, p.

S. B. E.,

XVII, p. 181
Vol.

ff.

Vinnya Pitaka Vol.

273.
'

In S.

B.

E.,

XVII,

p.

181,
p. 44.

niqamn has been translator! by

merchants' guild,' but see above,

CHAPTER
the
'

83

and seems to show that he was the representative of the merchant class in the royal
setthi.'

court.

This view
the

is

supported by the

fact,

that

equivalent for setthi, is always used in later literature, to denote the headman of a guild. Eick takes the term as

Sreshthin*

Sanskrit

denoting a royal officer, though he does not deny the fact that he represented the mercantile com-

munity

in the royal court. The translators of the Jatakas also have taken the same view and
it

by 'treasurer.' The main ground for this view seems to be that the Jataka stories

have rendered

frequently refer the set this as waiting upon the This is however readily explained, and the king. real nature of the wtthis clearly demonstrated,
1

by the passage

in

Gautama, quoted above,

clz.

"Cultivators, trader8..<(h&ve authority to lay

down
(in

rules) for their respective classes.

of)
affairs

Having

learned the (state

from

those

who

each class) have authority

give) the legal decision."-

(to speak he shall (Ga, XT. 21-22.)

We

have already referred

of

to the instances of

organised activities

the

traders,

and

the

above injunctions of Gautama clearly demonstrate that the organisation of

the
land.

traders

was

recognised by the law of

their

the

They had

own
to
1

bound

king was This consult before giving decision.

representatives
the
,Isi.i.

whom
475

I,

.'<><).

:M
5

II!

ll u, 299,

IV.

(',:;.

Ga. XI. 21-22

S. B. K., Vol. II, p. 237.

84

CORPORATE, LIFE

readily explains

why

the sctfhis,

whom we

look

upon

as these representatives, had to frequently wait upon the king. Apart from the question of the real nature of the setthis, the instances

quoted above from

in

the Jataka stories,

read

the

light

of

the

injunctions of Gautama, hardly leave any doubt about the permanent organisation of the traders.
" the trade of the trader, dealer, Deferring to or middleman," Mrs. Rhys Davids remarks
:

"There
to

is

no instance as yet forthcoming pointing

1

any corporate organisation of the nature of a She no doubt cites guild or Hansa league." some instances from the Jatakas, but apparently regard them as mere temporary union and " Nor is remarks, in one instance as follows
s
:

there any hint of Syndicate or federation or other agreement existing between the 500 " dealers. She does not, bowever, attach due
5
2

importance to the
ancient
India,

fact, that in

legal

code of

belonging almost to the same

period as that represented by the Jatakas, the organisation of traders is distinctly referred to
as having the authority to lay themselves, and occupying, as

down
state.

rules

for

such, a

definite

place in the constitution

it is

of

the

In

my

opinion, mity of the periods represented by the

1

impossible, in

view of the proxi-

Gautama

J.

E. A.

S.,

1901, pp. 868-869.

Ibid.

CHAPTER
Dharma
sutra

85

and the Jataka

stories, not to look

upon the instances quoted from the latter, as illustrations of the corporate activities of that permanent organisation of traders which is contemplated in the former.

The corporate organisations of traders had a rapid growth and in course of two centuries they
displayed activities
Avhich have

a surprisingly
in

modern

appearance.
refers

Thus
"
to

Kautilya,

his

Arthasastra,

traders

who

unite in

causing rise and

live

fall in

the value of articles and

1

cent per cent." This activity seems to be very much like the "corner" " or "trust system which is only too well known

by

making

profits

at

the present day.

12
inscriptions refers to corporate activities among traders and artisans

large

number
of

of

South India doAvn

period.

Guilds in South

to a verv

Imliii.

late

The Lakshmesh-

war

inscription' of

prince

Vikramaditya, dated

about 725 A.D., refers to the guild of braziers,

and in the constitution drawn up therein for the town of Porigere it is distinctly laid down that
the taxes of all classes of people shall be paid into the guild there in the month of Karttika.'
'

P-

331).

-'

Ep.

Iiid.,

Vol.

XIV,

p.

188

ft'.

86
It
is

CORPORATE LIFE
clear that the guild served here as the local

bank and treasury. Another inscription at the same place, dated about 798 A.D., refers to a The Mulgund guild of weavers and its head.
1

inscription of Krishna II, dated 902-3 A.D., refers to a grant made by four headmen of

guilds of three
is

hundred and sixty cities. This an interesting and important testimony of the

highly developed character of the organisation and the wide area over which it was extended.

JWe

learn from a Tamil

inscription of Tribhu-

vana-Chakravartin E/ajadhira jacleva 3 that the oilmongers of Kanchi and its suburbs and those of
the 24 nagaras, met in a temple at Kanchi and decided that the oil-mongers at Tirukkachchur
provision for offerings and lamps in This decision they a temple at that village. agreed to observe as &jati-dharma. An inscrip-

should

make

tion of the time of

Vikramaditya VI,
gifts of a

dated

>/1110 A.D., refers to the joint

of guilds.

number

We

are told that

"

the 120 (members

of the) guilds, being

the god

(convened), made gifts to Kammatesvara of Ehiir the stone:

cutters' guild

piece ing sacred

;

one quarter of a gold the braziers' guild, as much lime for drawassigned
figures
(as

was
the

necessary);

the

carpenters,

blacksmiths,
(?),

berattumbar,
1

and others,
a

goldsmiths, the an ad a for each

Ep. iud., Vol. VI,

G. Ep. R., 1910,

p. 160.

p. 94, par. 28.

'

Ep. Iml.. Vol. XIII, p. 1W. Ep. Inch, Vol. XII, p. 333.

CHAPTER
residence.

87

There

are,

besides,

frequent refer-

ences to the guilds of oilmen, weavers, artisans and potters, etc., in inscriptions of the 12th and

13th century A.D.

Similarly the

merchants of southern India

for

were

also

distinguished

their

corporate

The Belgaum Mercantile Corpora1204 A.D. 2 refers tions in South India. to a number of mercantile corporations and guilds, and the Nidagundi in3 scription of Vikramaditya VI and Tailapa II, to
organisations. i nscr i p tion of

an organisation of 505 merchants making various

grants,
in

kind,
of

for

religious

purposes.

An

tenth year of Jatavarman inscription Vlra Pandya* refers to an assembly of merchants from 18 sub-divisions of 79 districts meeting
the

together in a conference in which they decide to set apart the income derived from merchandise for repairs
to

a temple,

e.g.,

panam on

each bundle
the like.

cloths, each podi of pepper, arecanuts, and on each gold piece, and

of

female

Again, an inscription from Yewuiy

dated 1077 A.D., records that a sum of money was deposited with the collective body of merchants of Sivapura, at the interest of 25 p.c., out of which they were to maintain a fire offering.
1

Ep.

Incl.,

Vol. V, p. 23

G. Ep. R., 1907,

p. 50,

No. 524; G.

ftp.

R.

913, p. 21, No. 136.

Ep.
*

Incl.,

Vol. XIII, p. 18.

p. lOi.

3
5

Hid.,

p. 12. p. 273.

G. Ep. R., 1915,

Ep. Iml., Vol. XII,

88

CORPORATE LIFE
1

Another inscription makes similar provision for feeding a Brahmaiia out of the interest of money
deposited with merchants. union of traders is specifically

referred to

in a temple at Tirumuruganpundi, of the time or Vikrama Chola. The orgain

an

inscription,

nisation

extended almost throughout southern India and consisted of five hundred members.
to

According

an inscription 3 of the time of the W. Chalukya King Jagadekamalla II, dated 1178 A.D., southern Ayyavoje or modern Aihole was the residence of five hundred merchants.

This corporate mercantile body is frequently Thus we referred to in south Indian epigraphs. 4 learn from a Kanarese inscription that the five

hundred svamis
set this, etc.,

of Ayyavoje,

the nanadesis, the

having assembled, granted a tax for the god Ahava-mallesvara. the worship of

5 Again, the Managoli inscription of A.D. 1161 refers to the five hundred soamis of the famous

" Ayyavole who were preservers of the strict Bananja religion." This phrase which has been met with in

(town

of)

several other inscriptions points

The

m unity.

Bananja com-

ou ^
tion

an widespread organisaof

merchants,
Valanjiyar,
2

variously
Balanji,

termed

as

Valanjiyam,
No. 141.

G. Ep. R., 1913, G. Ep.

11.,

p. 21,

G. Ep. R., 1916, G. Ep. R., 1919,

p. 121.
p. 18,

1915, p. 48, No. 478.

5

No. 210.

Ep.

Jiul.,

Vol. V, p. 9.

CHAPTER
t-nanji,

89

etc.

This corporation
of

consisting

of

merchants apparently had their organisation from very early times and spread their influence over allied communities
various
classes

in distant parts of India.

An
to
I,

inscription,

which
to

by

its

palaeography has

be referred

the

gives a short eulogy " that these of this guild of merchants and states were praised by 500 clrasasauas (i.e., edicts?)
glorifying their deeds, were of the Vlra-Valanjika (or

time of Rajendra Chola

virtuous

protectors

Valanjiya) religion,

that they were

Vlrabhadra,
(i.e.,

born of Vasudeva, KandaU and were the devotees of Bhattarakl

the

goddess Uurga
subdivisions
of

various
(districts)

and consisted of coming from the 1,000

?)

the
viz.,

four quarters, the 18 towns, 32 relarpttram and the 04 ghatikasthana, kavares settis, settiputras (selttppillai ?),
the

yaiidalis,

bhadrakas,
calattakai

yavtitida-soamins, singam,
(i.e.,

sirupuli,
others.

These

valangai) variyan and met tegether at nimadetis

Mayilarpu (i.e., Mylapore) and decided to convert Kattur which was originally Ayyapulal into a Flrapatjina and thus exempted its
inhabitants
entitling
of
all

communal
receive

contributions

them
get

to
till

twice
the

what
matter

they
of

used

to

then

(in

honorary privileges ?). They henceforward tho town was not to be inhabited
1

resolved, also, that

Ep. Ind., Vol. IV,

p. 296,

f. 11.

2.

12

90

CORPORATE LIFE
of the

by such members
as

mercantile classes (1)

demanded taxes with drawn swords

(2) as

or tolls or

by threatening people by capturing them (?) and

people
of their

wantmly deprived

food

or otherwise afflicted them.

They

also declared

that those

who

offended against this decision

were placed outside the Valanjiya- community The general name (i.e., were excommunicated).
nanadesi applied to merchants in these records, by itself indicates that they had dealings with
various countries.

record

from Baligami

in

the Mysore State also supplies a very long eulogy of these merchants, and states, in addition
to

what has been already supplied by the Kattur

epigraph, that they were brave men (vlras) born to wander over many countries ever since the

beginning of the krita age, penetrating regions of the six continents by land and water routes

and dealing

in

various

articles

such as horses,

elephants, precious stones, perfumes and drugs, This boast of the either wholesale or in retail.
1

mercantile community is justified by the existence of stone records even in Ceylon and Burma

which

refer

to

their

communal

gifts in those

countries.

The Vaishnava temple

built
2

at

Pagan

in

Upper Burma was

states that

(nanadesi) of that town.

by the The Basinikonda record

consisted
S. 118.

merchants
of nadu,

the
1

community

Ep. Cam., Vol.. VII, Ep.

Iiid.,

Vol. VII, p. 197.

CHAPTER

91

nagara and nanadesi and that the special congregation, which had met at Slravalli, consisted of

samayas (religious the four and eight from denominations) coming quarters and also of their followers who com1,500 representatives
prised Eri'Viras,

of

all

Mnnai-viras,

Ilanjingavlras,

Koiigavalas and a host of other sects of various The object tenets, the valangai weavers, etc.
of the conference

was

to declare Slravalli a

Nana-

desiya-Dasamadi-Erivlrapattana and to confer some privileges on the residents of that town, perhaps, similar to those that were registered in
the Kattur inscription.
1

Two
By one

inscriptions throw
2

interesting

sidelight

on the communal
of

spirit of the

above merchants.
of

them the merchants

all

the eighteen

countries (residing) in Nandyala sthala grant the privilege to trade in certain without paying duty, to a certain articles,

samayas of

Puliyama-Setti

for

having killed

Karapakala

Kati-Nayaka who had become a traitor to the 3 samayas. The other records a grant similar to
the above by the same body of merchants to a certain Attena for having killed two toll-

accountants.

The whole
is

of

this

paragraph, with the exception of the

first

sentence

taken from

G.

Kp.

R., 1913,

pp.

99-100,

para.

25,

with

slight additions
3

and

alterations.
p. 5,

G. Ep. R., 1919,

Ibid,

No.

10.

No.

11.

9-2

CORPORATE LIFE
Of one
of the
ami

components

of

this

merchant

The

Vslaftgfti

the Idangai

com muni-

corporation, viz., the Yalaiigai, A\ <> pOSSCSS SOHIC A hat detailed

T

information from contemporary

records.

An
the

inscription

from

Trichinopoly

district refers to

an

by Idaiigai 98
selves,

agreement, among themYalaiigai 98 classes and the

apparently to

classes,

make a

united

stand against the oppression they were suffering at the hands of the Vanniya tenants and the

Brahmanas and the VeJ]ala landlords who were hacked up by Government officials. The phrase Valangai 98 classes and Idangai
98 classes shows that each of these communities was a corporation of minor sects. This is corroborated, and the formation
of

larger

group clearly explained, by from Uttattur which gives the following

ing account. " We, the
into a
2

an

earlier

corporate record
interest-

members

of the

98 sub-sects enter

40th year of the king, compact, that we shall hereafter behave like the sons of
in the

the same parents, and what good or evil may befall any one of us, will be shared by all. If

anything derogatory
class,

happens

to

the Idangai
rights
till

we

will jointly assert our

It
is

we

establish them.

only those who, during their congregational meetings to settle communal disputes, display the birudas
*

also understood that

G. Ep. R., 1913,

p. 73,

No. 34; also

cf.

p. 109.

Ibid, p. 109.

CHAPTER
of horn, bugle

9:3

and parasol shall belong to our class. Those who have to recognise us no\v and hereafter, in public, must do so from our distinguishing symbols the feather of the crane and the loose-hanging hair (?). The horn and
the ccnchshell shall also be sounded
in

front of
to

us and

the

bugle

blown

according

the

fashion obtaining among the Idangai people. Those who act in contravention to these rules
shall be treated as the

enemies of our

class.

Those

who behave differently from the rules (thus) prescribed for the conduct of Idangai classes shall be excommunicated and shall not be
recognised as Srutimans. They will be considered slaves of the classes who are opposed to us."
(

be held that the corporation called the Valangai 98 classes also originated in a similar way. Several records refer to the activity of the
It

may

'

united corporation of Valangai 98 classes and the Idangai 98 classes, but the one from Vriddha-

chalam in the South Arcot

district,

although of

a late date (1429 A. D.), is the most important. It " is not in a good state of preservation, but from what remains of it, it is ascertained that
the

members

of the

Valangai and Idangai sects

(

met together in the courtyard of the local temple and came to the decision that since the officers of the king and the owners of jlvitas oppressed and the kaniyalan and the Brahmanas
G. Ep. R., Nos. 59, 361, 362, of 1914.

94

CORPORATE LIFE
(i.e.,

took the raja-laram

shelter

taxes),

none of the

Valangai and Idangai people should give them

and that (none of the people of the two born in the country should write accounts sects)
for

them

or

agree

to

their

proposals.

If

any

one proved traitor to

the

country

against this settlement), he should be Though the inscription is imperfect

that there
officers

(by acting stabbed."

it

is

clear

was oppression on the part of the levying and realizing tax and that the
Valangai and Idangai, on themselves heavily, formed

two

sects of

whom
into

it

weighed

constitutional body to resist the exactions, vowing even to the extent of putting to death those

who became renegades. Another record, dated in the same year, but found in a different place,
i.e.,

Korukkai

in the

the statements

Tanjore already made.

district,

confirms

It says that the

r

ninety-eight sub-sects of the J alangai and the Idangai joined ninety-eight sub-sects of the " because they did not tax together and

us according to the yield of the crop but levied we were about to the ta xes unjustly

run away. Then we realized that because we of the whole country were not united in a body,
Hereafter we were unjustly (dealt with) we shall but pay what is just and in accordance with the yield of the crops and we shall not pay

anything levied unlawfully.

1

5 '5

G. Ep.

II.,

1918, p. 163.

"-

Ibid.

CHAPTER
ic

account given above

corporation, itself a component mercantile guild, is specially interesting, inasmuch as it clearly emphasises the corporate

the Yalarigai part of a larger

of

by which these institutions were inspired, and vividly illustrates the process by which
spirit

large mercantile corporations were formed the conglomeration of very minor groups.

by

Three copper-plate grants found at Kottayam and Cochin, and the old Malay a]am work Payyanur Pattola, which Dr.
d

mi tmding

Guiidert considered

the oldest

specimen of Malayalam composition/ refer to

Anjuvannam

and Manigramam. The context in which the two names occur in the Malayalam work implies that they were trading institutions. In the

Kottayam

plates

of

Sthanu

Ravi

they

are

frequently mentioned with the Six-Hundred,

of

and
to

appointed, along " be " the protectors

" the to preserve grant. They were of as were the customs proceeds they duty " collected day by day and " to receive the

the

landlord's portion of the rent on land."

injustice

"If any

them, they may withhold the customs and the tax on balances, and remedy
be done to

themselves the injury done to them. Should they themselves commit a crime, they are

themselves to have the investigation of

it."

To

Anjuvannam and Manigramam was granted the

96

CORPORATE LIFE
ol'

freehold

the lands of the

town.

From

these

extracts and from the reference in the Payyanlir P<t (tola it appears that Anjuvannam and Mani-

gramam were semi-independent

tions like

the Valanjiyar,

trading corporaThe noticed above.

epithet setti (merchant) given to Ravikkorran, the trade rights granted to him, arid the sources of

revenue thrown open to him as head of Manigramam, such as we tind in the Kottayam plate
Vlra-Raghavci, confirm the view that the /latter was a trading corporation. The dates of these copper-plates have not
of
1

been

finally

determined.

Some
A.D.,
a
late

scholars

place
as

them

in the eighth century

while others
period
the

bring them down

to

so
2

fourteenth century A.D. But as Mr. Venkayya justly points out, it is a mistake to suppose that
these plates created the institutions. There can be scarcely any doubt that Anjuvannam and

Manigramam must have

even before the
plates was
It
is

existed as institutions
of

earliest

the three

copperlatest

issued.

thus

obvious

that

down

to

the

days of the Hindu period, trading corporations with a highly developed organisation were distinctive features of south India.
1

The above account

of the Afijuvannam
''

and Manigramam
of VIra

is

taken
in Ep.

from Mr. Venkayya's Ind., Vol. IV, p. 290

article

Kottayam Plate

Raghava"
83.

2 Ep. lud., Vol. VI, Cf. Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, p. 293 date seems to be more likely than the former.
;

p.

The

later

CHAPTER

II

CORPORATE ACTIVITIES IN POLITICAL LIFE

1

The corporate
life

activities of people in political

vary according to the they

live.

under which

form of government In a kingdom they

controlling

would he
assisting

directed

towards

and

the

duties, Avhile

sovereign in the discharge of his in a non-monarchical state, they

for

would be called forth

tasks
of

performing
the

all

those

that
state.

are

necessary for the administration

subject

Accordingly

may

be

divided

into

two

parts,

dealing

respectively

with the
states.

kingdoms and the

of

non-monarchical
be

The form
Election of king.

activity

whicli
first

requires

to

mentioned
douoteclly
to the people themselves,
is

and was

un-

the most interesting the election of the

king.

Almost

all

scholars agree that the system

kins*
.

was not unknown to the Thus Zirnmcr says people of the Vedic period. that there is definite evidence that in some
of

electing

the

states
1

kings were elected by the people.

haben
die
sicht-re Xeuirnisse, (lass

This

"

\Vir

auch Wahlmonarchien bestanp.

den, in
162).

denen

Kouige

von den Gaucn gyWfihH wurden (A.L..

18

08
vie\v
is

CORPORATE LIFE
supported
2

by Weber '_, and Bloom tie Id Geldner but opposed by who argues that kings were accepted by subjects, not chosen by them. Macdonell thinks that the view of Geldner is more probable, but he admits that the latter' s
5

argument does not exclude the hypothesis that " monarchy was sometimes elective." The passages in support of the view that
kings were elected, may be cited not only to demonstrate the force of argument employed by Zimmer and others, but also to give some idea
of the

keen competition which sometimes charac-

terised this election

I.

campaign,
they,

"Like subjects choosing a king,

smitten

with

fear,

fled

from

Reference
texts.

in

Vedic

Vritra."

The two following passages from Atharva Veda 6 used in Kausitakl in a ceremony for the
7
1

Thus Weber comments on

hier

A. V. 111.

3-4

(quoted below)

"

Es

handelt sich
gcstellte

um

einen Wahlfiirsten

tier

durcli bcstimrr.te hoch-

Personlichkeiten gewahlt wurde.

r.iit

Ein Solcher lag dann mil

seinen Wahlern, resp.

den ihm durcli diese iibenviescnen Unterp.

thanen oft genug in Zvvist. (Ind. Stud., Vol. XVII, Hymns of Atharva Veda, p. 330.
:; '

189.)

Commenting upon Rigveda X. 124, Geldner remarks " durch liijanam vrinanah ist kauni auf die Wahl des Konigs
'

'
:

Viso na

die

Gauc

"

zu beziehen

vrinatuta rajyaya'
173,
1.

Mit Av. 3, 4, 2, tvam viiso (Altindischen Leben, p. 162). ist zu vergleichen 'visas tva s^rvii vanchhantti K.V. 10,
hiernach wesentlich-Vunchh, Say. Sanibhajaniam, " (Vedische Studien II. 3(>H)
.

Vri

ist

ayam

cv-asmakan"i rajiistwiii kama\antii

1

V.

I.,

II, p. 211.
''

11 v.

X. 124,
"

8,

Tl

Tin viso

na

rajaiuun

vrinunu
'

"

which Zi miner
p.

translates H*
"

^'ir,

die

daue

sich

A. V. 111. 3, 4.

den Konig kiiren" (A.L.. Kaus.

162).

16, 30.

CHAPTER

II

99

restoration of a king to bis former

kingdom point

unmistakably towards the system of election. "Eorthe waters let king Varuna call II.
thee
;

let

Sonia call thee for the mountains

;

let

Indra call thee for these subjects (vis) becoming a falcon, fly unto these subjects. (3) " Let the falcon lead hither from far (para) the one- to be called, living exiled in others'
territory (kshetra)
;

let the

(two) As'vins

make

the road for

together about this man, ye his fellows. (4) " Let thine opponents call thee thy friends have chosen (thee) against them (? prati);

thee

easy

to

go

settle

gods, have maintained for thee security (kshema) in the people (vis). (5) " Whatever fellow disputes thy call, and

Indra-and-Agni,

all

the

whatever outsider

making him go away (apafich),

Indra, then do thou reinstate (avanamaya) this

here.
!

man

(6)

III.

"

Unto thee hath come the kingdom

(1)

step forward with majesty as lord of the people,

sole ruler

the people choose unto kingship. (2) " Hither hasten forth from the furthest dislot

"

Thee

tance " O

(5)

Indra, Indra,

come thou

to the tribes of

men, for thou hast agreed, concordant with the

1

\V.

A. V.,

p. 88.

Bloom field translates

this

ilie last

stanza as follows:

"The kinsman
drive

or the stranger that opposes thy .call, him,

Indra,

away; then render Atharva Veda p. 112.)

(king) accepted here.

(TTymns of the

100

CORPORATE LIFE He
here hath
called

Varunas.

thee from his

station (thinking) he should sacrifice to the

Gods

and make the people submissive.

"

(6)

The Goddesses of welfare who assume various forms and are present in all places, all assembling have made n con cord call thee
} i

thy path
(7)

clear.

Let

all

IV. [The following passage of Atharvaveda,used by Kausitakl 8 for the restoration of a king, also refers to the election of a king from among
1

The translation

of

this

passage offers great

Blooinfield,

difficulties.

Lave

consulted the translations given by

Whitney and Zimmer,

as follows

and adopted the

(A. I,,
p. 164).

last, of

-A

Inch the portions quoted above run

"An
als

dich
tier

ist

die Hcrrschaf't

gelangi

mit

Herilichkeit, tritt hervor

Herr
"
''

Gaue, unumschrankter konig.

(1)
("2)

Dich sollen die Gaue [visah] erwahlen /urn K'inigthum.

Eile herbei aus entferntester

Feme,

"O Indra Tudra geli zu den menschlichen Gauen, du wurdest er da (Agni .-) erfunden mit den Varuna [Varunaih] ubcreinstirnmcnd ricf dich auf seinem Sitz, er soil den Gottern opfern. er soil die Gaue
:

1'figsanl

niachen. (G) " Die Gottinnen der Woblfahrt, die aller

Orten und verschiedengesdir

freie

tultig sind, alle

kamen /.nsamnien und schufen

(7)
in

Balm

sic allr

Sollen eintraclitig dich rufen."

Tlie scholars
differ
is

great deal

the interpretation of stanza

6.

The

first

sentence

translated by

go thou away." In the r.rxt Zitnmer as we have seen takes explained.

'

Whitney as ''Like a human Indra the word ra r r<enn has been differently
'
'

it

in

the

sense of

'

Gods.'

\Veber suggests that it is equal to rat-ana,' elector [Tndische Studien, varna caste.' XVIT, 190], while AVhitm-y takes it in the sense of
'

Whitnev himself admits that

tentative
one.

his

emendation
to

is

desperate and purely

.Weber's

meaning seems

be the most appropriate

is

here, as the election of the king by the people

clearly referred

to

in

Stanza

2.

_:

A.V.I,

9.

16, 27.

CHAPTER

II

:;;

V ^:;

several candidates (belonging to the

same family

according to Zimmer.

)]

"At

his

direction

(pradis)

Gods, be there

or also light, sun, fire

inferior to

gold

be his rivals (sapatna)

him (2) "With what highest worship (brahman),

bring
set

Jatavedas thou didst

(pay as)
for

together

Indra, therewith,

O
him

draught thou do Agni,

in

increase this

man

here

supremacy
to

(3) (jsraishthya) over his fellows (s<ijut). " ...O Agni, be his rivals inferior

him..."
V.

(4).

3 [The following passage of Atharva Yeda, ^ used by Kausitaki 4 in a rite for victory in

the ceremony of consecration of a king, also refers to the elective system.]

battle
in

and again

"

Increase,

India, this Kshattriya for

me

make thou this man sole chief of the clans (vis); unman (mis-aksh) all his enemies make them to him in the contests for presubject
;

eminence."
"
in

(1)

Portion thou this

man
that

in village, in horses,

kine;

unportion

man

who

is

his

enemy... (2)

"In him, O

Indra,

put

great splendours;

destitute of splendour make thou his foe." (3) " I join to thee Indra who gives superiority
(

?
1

uttarvant), by
Op.
cit, p.
1

whom men
-

conquer, are not

pp. 9-10.
=

163.
J4, 24.

From W.

A.

IV. 22.

17( 28.

c.

^^ CORK)
;

ft

ATE LIFE

conquered

who
(5)

shall

make

thee

sole chief of

people (jana). also uppermost of kings descended

from Maim.

"Superior (art) thou, inferior thy rivals, whosoever, O king, are thine opposing foes sole chief, having Indra as companion, having con;

of

quered, bring thou in the enjoyments (bhojana) them that play the foe." (6)
1
'
'

King-makers

are

referred

to

in

the

following passages. VI. " The metres act

as attendants

about

him (Soma)
the

even as the non-royal king-makers,

(sut)

heralds

and

headmen
2

(gf&mam),
act as

(attend upon) the king, so do the metres attendants about him (Soma)."

tiie

"Even as the non-royal king-makers, heralds and headmen, are to the king, so those paryangcis (animals encircling the main
VII.

3 animal) are to the horse." VIII. ''They that are kings, king-makers, that are charioteers and troopleaders (^ntTOT:) 4

subjects to

me do
5

thou

O parna make

all

people

round about."

(This verse occurs in a passage 6 to in Atharvaveda which is used by Kausitakl

W.A.V

pp. 188-9.

2
3

S. P. Br. III. 4, 1,

S.

B. E., Vol.
;

S. P. Br. XIII., 2, 2,

18

S. B. E., Vol.

XXVI, p, 87. XLIV, p.

'

303.

This should rather be taken ns 'Headmen

on the analopy of the

passages in S. P. Br. quoted above.

5

A. V, III. 5,7.
19, 22.

W.

A. V.. p. 92.

CHAPTER
accompany the binding
on

II

103

of an

amulet

for

general prosperity, including, as is apparent from the context, the success of a king.) I have collected together all the important
I am not passages hearing upon the question. a Vedic scholar and cannot vouch for the correct-

ness of the interpretation of the Vedic passages given above. But if the translations in the main
are correct

and

their correctness

has not

yet

challenged doubt that kings were sometimes really elected by the people. Apart from the general tenor
of all the passages
is

been

there

can

be scarcely any

quoted

above,

election

of

king specifically referred to in passages I and III, the rival candidates for election in II, IV

and V, and the electors, in passages VI, VII and VIII. Prayers and ceremonies are freely resorted to for success in the competition and
the

God Indra

is

solemnly invoked to hurl down

rivals.

destruction

upon the

The use

of

the

theme by way of a simile, as in passage I, seems to show that the election of a king was not a
rare occurrence, but fairly

well

known
is

to

the

public at large.

The keenness with which the

vouched
to

competition was sometimes carried, for by the belief in the efficacy of

charms

bring round the voters to one's side (VIII), and the repeated and almost pathetic prayers to God that one's rivals may be inferior to

him (IV, V).

CORPORATE LIFE
The view
king
of

Geldner that the above passages

refer to the acceptance,

and not

selection, of the

by the people, can hardly explain the "contests for pre-eminence" (passage V) and the keen sensitiveness about the sucpess over
rivals that
is

breathed throughout in the above It must also be remembered that the

ptance of a king by a people, has generally Rome, the residuum of i, as in the case of eages.
the power once enjoyed by the people of electing their ruler, and that it is difficult to explain

the origin of the custom in any other way. Even Geldner's view therefore naturally pre-

supposes the India, a fact

scholars,

system of to which,
1

election

in

ancient
to

distinct

according reference is made

other
in

the

passages quoted above. Of the classes of Electors,

the Satapatha

Brahmana and Atharva Veda,

1

as

we ha\e
may
in

seen,

passage

in Aitarej-a flrfihmana

(VI

11.

2-7)

be looked upon

as a direct proof of the election of kings.

We

arc told

connection

with the coronation ceremony,

TO

f?W*

3?f 3f f

This passage, according to Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, indicates that different mantras were to bo pronounced according as the coronation was to

take place for the life-time of the

king-elect,

or

for

two

or

three

Hang, however, exgenerations (Modern Review, 1913, II, p. 80). " If the priest who sprinkles the king plains the passage differently
:

wishes him alone to enjoy good health

shall
"

(Lit. that

he

may
with

eat food)

he

pronounce (when sprinkling) the sacred word

taking of food
"

bhur."

But

why

the symbolical

should be

taken
is

reference to

health and not the coronation ceremony, which

in view,
it is

the immediate object

I

difficult to

understand.

On

the whole,

am

inclined to

accept Mr. K. P. Jayaswal'l interpretation.

CHAPTER

II

105

agree in mentioning only two, and the village chief, and these

the

charioteers

two may very

well be looked upon as fairly representing the military and civil sections respectively of the

read in Mahavagga that people at large. Bimbisara had the sovereignty of 80,000 villages,

We

and called an assembly of their 80,000 chiefs Apart from the legendary number, (gamika).
the assembly consisting of a representative from each village within the kingdom may thus be
the

reminiscence of an older institution, faint traces of which are still to be found in the

Vedic literature.
in

Yedic

This popular election of kings period readily explains the signifollowing passage
in Satapatha

ficance of the

Brahmana " Thou Thou art

(or

(the king and

Indra)

art

Brahman
the

people he whose strength is the people, i.e., the Maruts in the case of Indra, and the subjects or
through
2 peasantry in that of the king)." It further explains the importance

Indra,

mighty

of

the

assurance, held out to

that
"

newly
all

elected king,
gods,

Indra

and

Agni

the

have

maintained for thee security in the people." 3 It is also to be noticed in this connection that
reference
is

frequently
country.

made

to the

people and
offered

not to the
V.
i.

Thus prayers are

S.

B. E., Vol. XLI, p. 109.

See passage

II,

quoted above.

106

CORPORATE LIFE
the

that

king

may

be

people," "sole chief of chief of people" (jana), and that "of lion aspect he might devour all the (hostile) clans." In
1

the "people, lord of the clan (vis)," "sole

Rigveda
"

we

are

told

that the

mighty

Agni

having coerced the people hy his strength, has made them the tributaries of Nahusha." 3 In
ritu

Satapatha Brahmana the expelled king DushtaPaurhsayana was promised the dominion

over the
is

&finjaya&"* In Atharva-veda Agni said to have entered (pravis) into clans after

clans (vis) 5 and the king is referred to as "this Q Such examples king of the people (visam)."

may

be multiplied
of

still.

They

clearly

indicate

the popular element in the government, at the time the hymns were comThe full significance of these passages posed.
the importance

by those who remember, that in 1830, when the popular element became very strong in the Government of France, Louis Philippe was raised to the throne
will be readily understood

with the significant " French.

1

title of

the

"king

of

the

A. V. IV. 22.

Rv. VII.

6. 5.

Wilson's Translation, Vol. IV,

S. P. Br.

p. 42.

*
5

XII.

9.
;

S. B. E., Vol.

XLIV,

p.

269.

A. V. IV. 23.
A. V. VI. 88.

1.
1

W.

A. V., p. 190.
V., p. 340.

W. A.

CHAPTER

II

107

There are also clear references to election or

C*?
2

selection of kings in post-Vedic Thus we read in literature.

1

Panchagaru-Jataka

and Tela-

patta-Jataka that the Bodhisattva was elected king by the people. In Mahavamsa (Chap. II)

we

find

an ancient

Indian

tradition

that

the

first

king was called Mahasammata,

i.e.,

consent-

Similarly Santiparva (Oh. 67) records a tradition that the first king was elected by the people. There is, again, a remarkable passage in

ed to

by

all.

Ramayana which shows

that

JiSmT

SJStem

the popular

voice

was

still

powerful element in the selection of a king. Thus we read in Ayodhyakanda 3 that when King Dasaratha intended to consecrate

Rama
into

as the

persons of

crown prince, he called the chief cities and villages within his kingdom

an assembly.

11

v?Brahmans from
It
I, II.

That this assembly consisted and representatives of the military

of
is

clear

verse 19, Chapter II, to be quoted hereafter.

1

Jat., Vol. I, p. 470.

Ibid, p. 395.

Chapters

CORPORATE LIFE
also included a

number

of subordinate

princes.

After the assembly had duly met the king formulated his them and proposal before

added

ftfaff cW^fefa'SimTT

g
Thus the king reserved the
the question to the assembly,
ised
it

final

decision

of

and even authorif

to
to

suggest

new measures,

his

own

proved
it

them

of little worth.

He

forewarned

question simply according the royal will but with a view to the real Then the assembly welfare of the kingdom.
to

not to decide the

conferred

on

unanimous
accepted
:

subject, and came to the resolution that the royal proposal be

the

vrrwrara

The king was however not

satisfied

with

this.

He
tion

told the assembly that probably their resolu-

was made
1

solely with deference to the royal

C/.

Chap.

II, v. 17.

CHAPTER
will,

II

109

and

this suspicion
till

would not be removed

as the

from his mind

they gave in detail their

reasons for accepting

Rama

crown

The assembly
in their opinion,

then

detail the qualities of

proceeded Earn a which

to

describe

prince. in

made him,

eminently fit for the post, and was at last the old king gratified at their he accepted " with folded decision, which
in

hands,"

return

to

the similar
1

compliment
a

offered to

him by the assembly.

above
of

The
instance

account furnishes
constitutional

striking

power, still exercised by the people, in selecting their future Reference is made to the same power king.
in other passages in the

the

same Epic. Thus we are

after

told

in

II.

67-2,

that

the

death

of

Dasaratha the "king-makers "assembled together

to select a kins:.

5*
Some
of

\*

them suggested that one

of

the

Ikshvaku family should be appointed king on that very day (v. 8), but Vasishtha, the royal
priest, told in

been given to at once and wait

kingdom has Bharata, they must send for him

reply,

that

as

the

till

This was agreed to by the

1

his return "

(II.

68-3). "

king-makers

and

Chapter

III, v. 1.

110
so
in

CORPORATE LIFE
(II.

Bharata was sent for I. 133, Bharata is said

68;

4-3).

Again

to be

Farther we have in Ram&yana

1,

421.

When King Sagara selected the pious Amsuman

'

Mahabharata
and
iu

subjects as their king." also furnishes several instances

died

the

of the
Mahabharata.

power exercised by the

people in the selection of king.

Thus
Y*"

we

are

told

that

when Pratlpa made

*"^

preparations for the coronation of his son Devapl, the Brahmans and the old men, accompanied by
the

the city and the subjects belonging to country, prevented the ceremony. The king

burst into tears

when he heard the news and

The subjects alleged that
all

lamented for his son.

/though Devapl possessed

\

disease

made him

the virtues, his skin unfit for the position of a king.

The voice

of the people ultimately prevailed

and

the brother of Devap!

became king.
; \

I f%:

CHAPTER

II

111

Again while Yayati wanted to install his youngest son Puru on the throne, the people objected to
the supersession of the eldest prince. Yayati and for his decision then assigned reasons

entreated the people to consecrate

Puru

as king

The people having expressed their consent, the ceremony of consecration took place.

cfcl:

These
Ill

instances

seem
"

to

prove that evenHf

J

the

"

Epic age

had not
still

completely
still

system of election There were died out.

the
On^cfiTlTT:)

/
f

the king-makers

as in

Vedic

times,

and they

exercised

selecting a

sometimes
king.

king, when even override the nomination of

the right of necessary, and could

thej/

112

CORPORATE LIFE
The same thing
is

illustrated
to

by a passage
promise made

in Dighanikaya.

It refers to

by Prince

Eenu

reward

his

companions in

case the king-makers (rajakattaro] anoint him to the sovereignty on the death of his father

Subsequently, we are told, the king-makers actually anointed Prince Ilenu to the sovereignty. The passage certainly implies
Disampati.
that the king-makers exercised substantial and not merely formal powers.

Reminiscence of
also be gathered
period.
refers
qffl<ir

this

power

of election

may
later
'

from the inscriptions

of

of

Thus the Girnar Inscription

to
''

l^*f

Rudradaman as " ^^3^kfir*13<51 VsRlsf i-0-i one who was elected king by all
2

1J50JV.I).

_^the

castes, for their protection.

3 Again the Khalimpur Inscription informs

us that Gopala, the founder of the Pala dynasty was elected king by the people, in order to get
rid of the prevailing

anarchy

It

may

be noted
to

in

this

connection that

according

the account

of

Yuan Chwang 4
the
throne.

1'

Harshavardhan was
1

also elected to

2 3

and Carpenter, Part Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 43-47.

19.36 (Davids

II,

pp. 233-4).

Ep. Ind., Vol. IV,

p. 248.
I,

Beal's translation, Vol.

p. 211.

CHAPTER
AVe are told that when Eajyavardhan was killed the ministers assembled together, and one of
strongly attached to his family, the people will trust in he assume the royal him. T propose that one each Let give his opinion on this authority.
matter,

them, Bhandi by name, proposed " Because he of Harshavardhan.

the
is

name

whatever

he

thinks."

The proposal

was accepted and the throne was offered to Harshavardhan. The Kasakudi plates also inform us that the! , Pallava king Nandivarman was elected by the
'
1

subjects (f f\:

The 'Assembly'
(Sa])h;I

of

the

people afforded

an

extensive scope for their corpo-

ana^mhi'r

to activities in political field.

There
the Yedic literature

is

abundant evidence
it

in

that

was a powerful body

it

exercising effective control over the royal power.

The numerous references

doubt that
public
it

to

hardly leave any

formed a well known feature of

in

administration
the

those

tunately

paucity

of

Unfordays. makes it materials

its

impossible to precisely

power and organisation but enough remains to show its general nature and importance.
determine
1

South,

Tncl. Ins.,

Vol. TIT, Part TT,

p.

349.

15

Hi

CORPORATE UKK
That the Assembly was no mere
effete

body

but possessed real control over the kins?, appears quite plainly from the following curse which a
utters against a king who injured him (by probably devouring his cow) " who thinks himself formidable

Brahman

king

Vedie texts relating to the nnrnro and im-

g?f
"

who desires to devour a -Brahman- that kingdom is poured away, where a Brahman
(and)
*

is

scathed." (6)

Becoming

eight-footed,

four-eyed,
of

four-

eared,

four- jawed,

two-mouthed, two-tongued,
the

she shakes

down

the kingdom

Brahman-

sea thev. (7)

It leaks verily into

that
;

into a

split

boat

(unit)

kingdom, as water where they injure a

Brahman, that kingdom misfortune smites. (8) "The Kudi whieh they tie on after a dead
man, that
gods
;;

verily

Brahnmn-scather, did

ih<-

call

thy couch (upattirma). (12) The tears of one weeping, (/./'//>)

rolled

(down when
)

lie

which was scathed, these verily

Brahman-scat her, did gods maintain as thy

portion of water. (1*3)

"With what
wet

they bathe a dead man, with

what they (</) beards, that verily O Brahman-scather did the gods maintain as thy
portion of water. (14) " The rain of Mitra-and-Yaruna
rain

does

not

upon the Brahman-scather

the

CHAPTER
doe# not
to hits control.
1

II

115
ir-i'itu

6 >//Y

him

he

nu friend

(15)

In
it

is

long string of unmitigated blasphemy impossible to minimise the significance of

this

that
It
is

which
only

is

hurled forth

in the last stanza.

when we go through
the

the

list
is

of terrible

indignities with which

king

threatened

in the previous stanzas as well as in the preced-

ing hymn,- that

real

we can thoroughly

realise the

a disagreeing assembly him. The author of

all sorts

nature of the dread which the prospect of would hold out before
the

hymn

pours
king,

forth

of maledictions

against the

and,

gradually increasing in degrees of violence, concludes with the threat, which he no doubt

thought to be the gravest of all. Verily indeed was a king to be pitied who could not keep the

Assembly under control, and to the kingdom the calamity would be as great as that of a long-

drawn drought. Avhen

Mitra-and-Varuna

-with-

hold the life-giving rain.

Assembly is further The hymn, established by Tligveda X, 166,1. as Zimmer suggests, was probably the utterance
1

The import nice

of

the

A,

V.,

V-1JJ;

W.

A.
;

V.,

pp.

:iOa-4.

JJlooinJicM

translates

the

Italicised portion as follows

"The Assembly
the Brahxnana) Op.
cit. t p.
J
;

is

not complacent for

not yuide
hi*

him (the kiuy who oppresses

according to hi*
will."

he

(.Iocs

friend

171.
V., p.
-JOl'.

W. A.

116 of

CORPORATE LIFE
an unsuccessful candidate for the royal throne,
wishes to usurp
Superior
it

who
"

am

I,

by sheer force. and have come here with a

I shall make force capable of doing all things. myself master of your aims, your resolutions

and your Assembly (Samill)} The fifth or the last verse

of this

hymn,

is

probably a later addition, as is held by Zimmer on the ground of its metre. In that case, here,
too, the last thing the rival

king

is

threatened

\with,

is

the possession of his Assembly.

Again, in Atharva Veda. VI, 88, the last thing prayed for, in order to establish a king firmly ton his throne, is that there might be agreement
t

\between him and the Assembly.

"
foes,

unmoved, do thou slaughter the make them that play the foe fall below
Fixed,
;

(thee)

(be)

all

the

quarters

(clis)

concordant
(sennit i)

let (sadhryanch)\ here suit thee (who art) fixed. "-

like-minded, the gathering

Having thus realised the importance of the Assembly in the machinery of public administration,

we may next proceed

to consider its real

form and character.

A.

L.,

p.

175.

"

Ueberleycn bin
(Yifivakarmena

icli

liierlier
)

gekouinien mit zu
:

A Hem
cure 8
inicli.'
3

fahigcr

Selmar
eurer

dhainna

etirer

Absicht,
icli

JJeselilusvse.s

Vcrsaniuilunp-

(.<auiiti)

beuiaeliti.irc-

W. A.

V., p. 3-16.

CHAPTER
Zimmer

II

117

holds that 'Sabha' was the Assembly of the villagers, while Samiti'
'

denotes the central Assembly of the tribe, attended by the king.

1

Macdonell, however, pointed out that it is quite evident from Satapatha Brahmana, III. 3, 1, 14, and Chhandogya Upanishad, V. 3, 6, that the king

went to the Sabha just as much as to the Samiti, and accepts Hillebrandt's contention that the Sabha and the Samiti cannot be distinguished. 2 But, besides the philological argument adduced

by Zimmer
two. " Let

(p.

17 1)

it

may

be pointed out that

Atharva-veda VII. 12-1, really distinguishes the

both

Assembly (Sabha) and gathering

(Samiti), the two daughters of Prajapati, accord3 ant, favor me." Sabha is also distinguished from

Samiti in Atharva-veda, VIII. 10-5 and 6. There is thus no doubt that these two bodies

were quite different although the exact nature of the distinction between them cannot be
ascertained.
as a place for

The fact that Sabha was also used amusement may indicate that it
a
'

was

originally

village

council,

which,

as

Greek Leskhe, as a meeting place for social intercourse and general conversation about cows and so forth, posserved, like the
sibly also for debates
1

Zimmer suggests/

and verbal
'

contests.'

The

Op.
'

Cit.,
1.,

pp. 172-17-1.
*

\V. A, V.. p. 390,

V.

Vol. 11, p. 427.

Of.

Cit., p. 172.

118

CORPORATE LIFE

references in the Chhandogyallpanishad, etc., may be explained by supposing, either that the significance of the term had been extended in later
times, or that
to
visit
it

was not unusual for the kings

local councils,
in all

even these

It

is

also a

noticeable fact that

the

three

instances

quoted

above
it

Assembly
village in

importance of the has been denoted by the term Samiti,

to establish the
is

while Sabhct

mentioned
in

in

connection

with

two passages
r

Vajasaneya Samhita.'

Without therefore attempting to be too precise about terms, w e may, in general, take Sabba to mean the local, and Samiti, the central Assembly.

In

the
thc

Samiti
rntral

(as well as in the

spirit

Sabha) the

party

AwembK

ri^

to

ran high, giving debates and discussions

has

such

as

witnessed in India during the years that have followed the

been scarcely three JJioiisand)

Yedic

period.'

Before proceed ing

collect

further
the

it

will be well

to

from

together the Yedic

more important passages literature bearing upon the

-

subject.
I.

(The
li

following hymn in Atharva-veda Kausitakl 3 in the is used by

rite

relati ""

or

chann

for

overcoming
:

an adversary in public dispute

111.40; XX.
17.
J

11,27.

3,

18.21,

CHAPTER
one
is

II

1J9
N

Assembly From the northeastern direction, chewing the root of a particular plant, to have it in his mouth while speaking, also to bind on an amulet of it and to wear a wreath of seven of its leaves.) " May (my) foe by no means win (ji) the
to

come

to the

overpowering, overcoming art them; dispute smite the dispute of (my) counter-disputant;
;

make them sapless, O herb "The Eagle discovered

etc., etc.

(1)

(<m?/-r/V) thee

the

swine dug thee with his snout; smite the dispute,

(2)

Indra put (/'/'/') theo on his arm, in order to smite the dispute, etc. lay low (<<?/>') the Asuras
:

"

etc.

(-1)

"

With

it

will

overpower the
;

foes,

as

Indra did
etc., etc.

the
(5).

Salavtfkas

smite

ho dispute,

Rudra, thou of healing (?) remedies of dark (mitt) crests, deed-doer Smite the dispute,
!

"

etc., etc.

(6)

thou smite the dispute of him, O Indra, who vexes us (that is hostile to us, Bloom field, ~~>
op. ell., p.

"

Do

make me
II.

bless us with abilities (MikH)\ superior in the dispute.-

137)

is

(The following hymn of Atharva-Veda used inKausitakl 4 in a eoremony for gaining

1

Bloomfield uses the term

'

debate' throughout, up.

'

cif.,
*

pp.

fJO<j.;i!>7,

W.

A. V., pp. 67-08.

VJ.r. 12,

;?8.27-

120

COPORATE LIFE
1

the victory in debate

"'

or in the deliberations of

an assembly.) Let both Assembly (Sabhfv) and gathering

(Samiti), thetwodaughtersof Prajapati, accordant, with whom I shall come together, favor me may he desire to aid (? H/M .v kslt) me; may I
;

speak

come

pleasant among those together, O Fathers. (1)

is

what

who have
;

" AVc

sport thine assembly-sitters, let ilium be of like speech

;

know thy name, O assembly verily whoever are (wtrishtri) by name art them
(2)

with me.

"Of

Ihrse

that

sit

together I take to myself

(vijnTtnci)
;

the splendor, the discernment

of

this

whole gathering (samwcf) make me,

possessor of the fortune (blwgln).
(3)

Indra,

"Your mind
hound
III.

that

is

gone away, that

that
of

is

either

here

or there

you we
1

cause to turn hither; in

me let your mind rest." (The following hymn of Atharva-Yeda

was probably used in a rite for harmony.) " AVe bend together your minds, together your Ye yonder who courses, together your designs are of discordant courses, we make you bend
;

(them) together here. (1)

"I

come

(your) minds after my intent with

seize

with
(your)
;

(my) mind;
intents;

put your hearts in

tracks following
'

my control come my motion. (2)

-

with (your)

W.

A. V., pp. 300-7.

VI. 04.

CHAPTER
"

II

121

Worked
in

worked

me

(are)

heaven and earth worked in for (is) divine Sarasvatl both Indra and Agni may we be
in for (are)
; ;

me

successful here,

Sarasvatl." (3)

(The folio wing passage occurs in a hymn 2 which is quoted in Kaus'itakl of Atharva-Veda
IV.
in a

ceremony

for counter-acting magic.)

they have made for I take that back thee in the assembly (sabha)

"What

(witchcraft)

again." (6)

V.

hymn
to

(The following verse in the celebrated to the Earth is by Kaus'itakl prescribed

repeated as

be

one

goes

to

an assembly

(parishad). " I am

overpowering,
(bhumi); I

superior by

name on
all-over-

the earth

am

subduing,

4 powering, vanquishing in every region."

is,

(The following verse in the same hymn, according to Kausitakl, to be recited by one
VI.
desires to please the assembly
;

who
at

he addresses

the assembly-hall with

it.)

the

mantra, and looks

speak, rich in honey I speak it what I view, that they win (? van) me ; brilliant am I, possessed of swiftness I smite down
I
;

"

What

others that are violent (? dodhat).

1

(58)
1
;

W. A.
V. 31.

V., p. 350.

A- V,,

XII.

Kaufi. 38-30,

2
3

W.
5

A. V., p. 670.
38, 29;

W.

A. V., p. 279.

Kana. 24-14;

Bloomaeld,
A. V., p. 671.

op. cit. t p. 206,

W.

16

122

CORPORATE LIFE
VII.
4

(The following verse also occurs in the

forest,

hymn to the Earth.) What villages, what

what assemblies, (are) upon the earth (bhumi), what hosts, gatheringsin them may we speak what is pleasant to
thee." (56)
*

(The following hymn occurs Sukta and refers to Vratya.) Vratya "1. He moved out toward the tribes,
2.

VIII.

in

"After him moved out both the assembly and the gathering and the army and strong
Irink."
2

IX.

"

As

the

Hotar proceeds

to the

house

which possesses
proceeds enters into
to

sacrificial animals, as a just

king

the assembly, so the purified Soma the pitcher, and remains there, as a
3

buffalo in the forest."

XI.

hymn

to

(The following passage occurs in a " O thou of the assembly, protect Agni)
:

my
the

assembly

(sablut),

and
in

(them)

who
;

are

of

much
their

assembly, invoked thee,

sitters

the assembly

having

O
4

Indra,

may

they attain
to

whole life-time."
a flood of light

The passages quoted above are calculated

throw
of the

on the nature and workings "Assembly." It will be impossible to trace in minute detail the various bearings they
1

W.

A. V., p. 671.
p.

*
3
4

A. V., XV. 9; W. A. V.,

783.

Rv. IX. 92-6; Zimmer,

A. V.

op. cit., p. 174.

XIX. 55-6

W.

A. V., p. 993.

CHAPTER

II

1-23

have upon the question at issue, but a few prominent features of the Assembly may be gathered from them. It appears from No. VII that the ~1
' '

was originally the assembly of the people at large (Vis) and they retained their influence over it, however nominally, down to

'

Assembly

the late

Vedic period represented by the Vratya

Sukta.
It

has been already demonstrated that the Assembly played an important part in the
political

administration

of

ancient

India.

It
,

appears from No. VIII, that it was so closely interwoven with the political system of the day
that a

king,

be thought of. what a pitcher was to the

sacrificer

without a Samiti, was not even to What forest was to a buffalo,

Soma
so

juice,

what a

was

to the

to

king. the main prop, without which the royal could not be conceived to have subsisted.

the

was the Samiti In other words, the Samiti was

priest,

power

Such being the case, it is no wonder that a sanctified aspect was given to the Assembly by religious ceremonies and prayers (No. X). Sacrifice

was

offered

on

its
2,

behalf

(Hillebrandt's 1
V

Vedische Mythologie,
solemnly
last

invoked,

123-125) and Agni was as a patron deity of the

it

/
'

Assembly, to protect

and

its

members.

The

hymn
of

men

of the liigveda contains a good specione of those solemn outpourings of

Cf.

Zimmer,

op.

cit-,

p, 194.

124.

CORPORATE LIFE
an

heart that probably preceded the session of

Assembly.
"Assemble, speak together:
one accord,
let

your minds be

all

of

As
The

ancient

Gods

unanimous

sit

down

to

their

appointed share.
place
is

common, common

the assembly,

common

the mind, so be their thought united,

A common purpose do 1 lay before you and worship with your general oblation. One and the same be your resolve, and be your minds of one accord.
United be the thoughts of
1

all

that

all

may

happily

agree."

well indeed might such a solemn prayer for union and concord be uttered in the Assembly.

And

For never did debate and dissensions run so high,

never was the supremacy in public assembly so keenly contested. I do not believe, the world's
literature can furnish a

specimen of the anxious

thoughts and earnest desires for gaining preeminence in an assembly such as is depicted to
us in
the

passages

quoted above.
to the

Never was

a more solemn prayer offered

God above

for obtaining the first position in a council than that which was poured forth to the divinities of

VII, X). Nowhere else probably in the world were such regular religious ceremonies (I, II) elaborately performed for

Vedic

India

(I,

II,

attaining the
1

same

end.

The stalwart
609; Rv. X. 191.

politician

Griffith's Translation, p.

CHAPTER
of

II

125

India did not, however, rely upon the charms and divine help alone for his success
Veclic
;

(IV, V, VI) were liberally and invented, freely taken recourse to, all for Belief in the efficacy of charms, the same end. counter-charms (TV) and exorcisms, the amulet,

magical

formulas

chewing the root of a plant, and wearing wreath of its leaves (I) gained ground among a people,
too eager for the promised fruits
their absurdities.

to be alive

to

Whatever we might think

of

the credulity of the people, there can be nos doubt that they took politics seriously, and that V the society in Vedic India was characterised by I
]
'

a keen

sense

of

public

life

and an animated

political activity.

One prominent
tical

activities

in

feature in the corporate poliancient India extorts our

unstinted admiration.

Though the people were

keenly alive to the necessity of gaining over the Assembly, the only means by which they ever sought to directly achieve this end, was indeed
the most honourable one,

the persuasion of its members by supremacy in debate. All the V prayers and ceremonies, charms and countercharms, were directed to one end alone to get
viz.,

the better of one's rivals in debate, to induce the

members present to accept his view of the case, to weaken the force of his opponents' arguments, to make his speech pleasant to the members and to bend the minds of those who are of different

126

CORPORATE LIFE
Thus
it

views.

to the credit of the political leaders

must
never

be said that
of

amid the contests and

conflicts

the

violated

corporate political life, they the cardinal doctrine of the

of

supremacy and independence

the Assembly

at large, and to the honour of the people who graced that Assembly be it ever remembered that

such was their honesty and sense of responsibility,

that friends and

force

foes alike recognised,

which they would only yield was the force of reason and argument.
that the

before

Such were tho great

Political

political assemblies of

assembly

iu

the post-Vedic period.

the Vedic period. Though the of the succeeding literature

ages does not throw

much
I

light

upon them, enough remains

institutions

to

show that the

soil.

did

not die on
instances

the

have

already
(p.

quoted
tf.)

from
(p.

107

and Vinayapitaka

Ilamayana In the 105).

of

first

case,

however, the only item

business

before
or

the

them was the selection of the king crown prince, and it does not appear

quite clearly whether they played any important part in the ordinary administrative system. In

the second case

The Mautri Parishad
or

we

possess no account of the business for which the assembly

f

Privy

remnant
Samiti.

Council, a of the Vedic

s eighty o J thousand villasre-cliief wa call ecl by BimblSara. The

true representative of the Vedic Samiti seems to be, however, the Mantriparishad

^
CHAPTER
(Privy
tution
II

127

Council)

referred
I,

to

in

Arjbassstra
is

(Bk.

Chap.

XV).
for

Kautil^a's This insti-

clearly

distinguished
ministers,

from

the
is

council

of

ordinary

the king

enjoined, in case of emergency, to call both his ministers as well as this Privy Council (mantrino

mantriparishadam
consisted
of

chci).

That
is

it

sometimes

large

numbers

apparent from

" one thousand Kautilya's statement, that sages form India's Privy Council" ; for these fanciful

statements about things divine must have their foundations in actual mundane things. Besides,

Kautilya further maintains, against the schools

of politicians
12,

who would
it

limit

the

number
of

to

16 or 20, that

.shall

consist

as

many

members as the needs As regards the powers

of

dominion
this

require.

Privy Council Kautilya expressly lays down that they had to consider all that concerns the parties of both
of

king and his enemy and that the king shall do whatever the majority (bhuyishthali) of Ithe members suggest or whatever course of action
the
1 The legal 'leading to success they point out. of this also position body appears quite clearly

from the injunctions of Kautilya that the king

should consult the absent members by means of letters. ^ **i3 29).
.

Kautilya's Arthasastra
'

Translated

by R. Shamasastry,
'

p.

33.

B, Shamasastry translates Mantriparishad as assembly of ministers, but for reasons stated above I have used a different term, viz., the
"

Privy Council."

128

CORPORATE LIFE
The following
verses

from
its

Mahabharata

furnish a detailed
of

account of the constitution

relation with the

the

body and indicates

ordinary ministers.

?j

11

f^^trt

Thus\4 Brahmanas, 8 Kshatriyas, 2. Vaisyas, 3 Sudras and 1 Suta, formed the Privy Council.
37, the king selected eight of ordinary business. transaction ministers for the The representative principle had thus full recog-

Out

of this

body of

JT

nition in the constitution of this Privy Council,

and

this betrays its

is

popular origin.

interesting to notice how the executive machinery in the Indian constitution developed on
It

]
|

that of England. parallel lines with

As the great

CHAPTER
I

II

129

National Council of the English gave rise to the Permanent Council which subsequently dwindled
into

the

Privy Council out of which the king

his

selected

confidential ministers
so

the

cabinet,

the Samiti of

and formed the Vedic period

gave place

to the

Mantriparishad out of which

the king selected a few to form a close cabinet. The Samiti, however, did not, like the great

National Council, bequeath any such Legislative assembly, as the Parliament, to the nation. This
function devolved upon the Parishad which consisted usually of the ten following members, viz.,
four

men who have completely Vedas, three men belonging to

first,

studied the four

the (three) orders

enumerated

(and)
also

three

men who know

1

(three) different (institutes of) law.

Greek writers

bear

testimony to the

existence of similar institutions.

Thus
'

has referred to
Similar institutions referred to by Greek
.

a city of great
,
. . .

note,

With a political COnstltution drawn on the same lines as

those of Sparta. As regards the details of the " constitution he remarks that in this community

the

command

tary kings of cil of elders ruled the whole state with

authority."-

war was vested in two hereditwo different houses, while a Counin

paramount

Now
4'J:

in

this

naers we* w Council of elders

of the
iti of the! Samiti

have surely a reminiscence

1

Ga.

XXV11I

M. XII. 110

ff.
iij

hib

Chap. CIV. The passage is translated by McCrindle "Invasion of India by Alexander the Great," p. 296.
-

Dioclorn.s,

17

130

CORPORATE LIFE
The express statement
it
'

Vedie period.

of

the

Greek writer that

'

ruled the whole state with

paramount authority seems to corroborate the view I have taken about the supreme importance
of the
'

Samiti

the time.

the public administration of It also illustrates the principle laid

in

'

down by Kautilya

that kings were

bound by the
exis-

decision of the majority.

Mr. V. Kanakasabhai has proved the

/

and in South Indian literature and inscrip-

tence of similar institutions in

southern

India

centuries of

early the Christian era.

in

the

of the Tamil literature bearing upon the has led him to the following conclusions period " The head of the Government was a heredi:

The study

His power was restricted by five " Five Great Councils, who were known as the
tary monarch.

They consisted of the representa""^Assemblies." tives of the people, priests, physicians, astrologers
or augurs

and ministers.

The Council

of repre-

sentatives safeguarded the rights and privileges the priests directed all religious of the people
:

ceremonies the physicians attended to all matters affecting the health of the king and his subjects the astrologers fixed auspicious times for pub: :

lic

ceremonies and predicted important events the ministers attended to the collection and
:

expenditure of the revenue and the administraSeparate places were assigned in the capital town for each of these assemblies,
tion of justice.

CHAPTER
for

II

181

their

meetings and transaction of business.

occasions they attended the king's levee in the throne hall or joined the royal procession entirely

On important

The
vested
in

power
It

Government was the king and in the " Eive

of
is

"A

Great Assemblies."
this

system of

most remarkable that]! Government was followed in the

three kingdoms of the Panclya, Chola and Chera,

although they were independent of each other. There is reason to believe therefore that they
followed
tained in " " three of the kingdoms had originally migrated namely, the Magadha Empire."
1

system of Government whiQh obthe country from which the founders

the
]

appears to me that the so-called Five Assemblies were really the five committees of a
It

The writer has traced them to the Magadha Empire but they seem to me rather the modifications of the Vedic Samiti which left
Great Assembly.
reminiscence in every part of India. In any case the representative character of these bodies,
its

and the

effective control
is

which they exercised

over the administration

is

interesting

clearly established. It c to note also that the ministers'

formed one of the assemblies.

The

assemblies,

taken together, may justly be compared with the " " Privy Council referred to above, the assembly
of the ministers corresponding with the
'

cabinet'

composed of a selected few.

"
V

On

the

whole I

Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago," pp. 109-110.

132

CORPORATE LIFE

cannot help thinking that we have in tho Tamil Assemblies, a modified type of the ancient Samiti, such as is met with in the post-Vedic literature,
e.g.,

in

Mahabharata and Arthasastra.

inscription
of

An

Travancore

of the 12th

century A.D. refers to the subordination of the " temple authorities to the Six Hundred of Venad

and the

and agents " Venae! was the ancient name for Travancore. The editor of " the inscription remarks Venad, it would
district officers
:

appear, had for the whole public body under the name of
to supervise, for

state an important "

the Six

Hundred"

one thing, the working of temples and charities connected therewith. What other

powers and privileges this remarkable corpora" the tion of Six Hundred'' was in possession of,
future investigation alone can determine. But a number so large, nearly as large as the British
of Commons, could not have been meant, a state as Venad was in the 12th small in so

House

century, for the single function of temple supervision." May not this be something like a state
council, the

remnant

of the old Samiti

So far as regards the central Assembly, the Samiti. We may next take

jh^r.

OT

th

into

consideration

the

local

Assembly which was

1

originally

denoted by Sabha.
Ind. Ant.,

XXIV,

pp. 284-285.

CHAPTER
The village
is

II

138

looked upon as a unit as early The Gramani or the as the earliest Vedic age.
leader of the village
is

mentioned
1

in the

Rigveda

(X. 62. 11
hitas

107. 5) and often in

It

the later Sarhis

and the Brahmanas.

quite clear,

from the passages quoted

to

on

in the election

of kings.

Ac-

cording to

presided over the village Assembly, hut Macdonell does not accept this view. 3 The Assembly was a meeting spot of both
2

Zimmer he

the rich

and poor.

The

rich

men went

there in
us.

full splendour, as

Rigveda
is

8. 4.

9 informs

Indra, thy friend horses, charicfts and cows.

"

beautiful and rich in

with excellent food

always provided majestically goes he to the

He

is

Sabha" (Zimmer, p. 173). One of the most favourite

there

topics

discussed

was
is

about

cows.

"O Ye
6,

cows .........

loudly

your excellence talked about in the

6.

Sabha" (Rigveda,
p.

28.

Zimmer,

op. cit.,

173).

carried

on

Serious political discussions were also in the Sabha, and an expert in them
of great desire
:

was an object
"

Soma gives him, who offers him oblations, a son skilful in the affairs of house (sadanya) ......
1

See the references collected in V.

"

I., I,

p. 247, f

n. 26.

Der

in rler

Sabhu versammelten Gemeinde prasidierte wohl der

cit., p.

grarnnni (vrajapati), op.

3

172.

V, L,

p. 427.

134

CORPORATE LIFE
1

Sabha

and sacrifice (Vidathya)" (sabheya) (Kigveda, I. 91, 120. Zimmer, op. cit., p. 172).

penitentiary formula, repeated twice in the Vajasaneya-samhita (III. 45; XX. 17), throws an interesting side-light on the

curious

working of the Sabha.

"

We

expiate by sacrifice

each sinful act that we have committed, in the The village, in the wilderness and the Sabha."

commentator Mahidhara explains the sinful act " " in Sabha as Maliajana-tiraskamdikam enah " " in III. 45, and pakshapatadi-yadenah in XX,
17.

The former

language used great persons, and

tion of

certainly refers to improper in the course of debate against

this in itself
is

some

indica-

the nature of ^business in the Assembly. The latter explanation is probably to be taken in

connection with the judicial

'

capacity

of

the

Assembly meaning any partiality in deciding disputes that might have been committed in
course thereof."
'T That the Sabha exercised
is

judicial

functions

also proved

by other refer' '

in
1

Thus Ludwig 2 infers it from the word Kilvishasprit Eigveda X-71.10, for the word can only mean
ences.

P WerS

The context seems to disprove the hypothesis of those who would " from the term Sabheya," a restriction in the membership of the Sabha. There can be scarcely any doubt that what is wanted here, is not a son that would have requisite qualifications to become a member of the Sabha, for this sense would be quite inapplicable to the
infer

two other
2

cases, viz., house

and

sacrifice.

Es

scheint, dasz in

der sabha auch gerichtliche Verhandlungen

CHAPTER
"

II

which removes the stain attaching to a The fact that person by means of accusation." Sabhachara is one of the victims at the Puruthat
'
'

shamedha
clusion.

sacrifice

also

leads to the

same con"

For, as Macdonell observes,

'

as he

is

dedicated to Dharma,
to

Justice/
of

it is

difficult

not

see

in

him a member

the Sabha as a law

court, perhaps as one of those cases." Macdonell also takes

who

sit

to
'

decide
to refer

'

Sabhasad

to the assessors who decided legal cases in the Assembly. He further remarks Jjt is also
:

possible that the Sabhasads, perhaps the heads of families, were expected to be present at the

Sabha

of tener than the ordinary

man

the meet-

ings of the
decision."

assembly
It
is

for justice

may

have been

more frequent than

for general discussion

and

Macdonell suggests, that the judicial functions were exercised, not by the whole Assembly, but a standing
also possible, as

committee of the same.

'"Y

The organisation
Village organisation referred to in the

the village as a political unit under a headman is also

of
..

-referred, to in

the Jataka stories.

T _,

Jataka
; '

that

it

Thus we learn from Kharassarawas the duty of the headman

kommt
der Auszdruck
'

vorkamen an der
'

bereits citierten Stelle X. 71. 1C.

Kilvishasprit
die

vor,

was nur

entferner

ankluge jeimmden tmgchefteten]

1

Vorwurfes, des [durch heiszen karm. (Der Flecken

des
'

Rigveda, III, 254.) V. I., II, pp. 427-28.

2

Jafc.,

Vol.

1, p.

354.

136

CORPORATE LIFE

(gamabhojaka) to collect revenue, and with the

help
of

the

local

men,

to

secure

against the inroads of robbers

the village In the particular

instance

the

office

was conferred upon a royal

minister

shortly after punished by the king for his secret league with a band of robbers who looted the village. similar story

who was however

is told in the introduction to the same Jataka with this difference that the headman was here

degraded and another headman put in his place. Further light is thrown upon the organisation of
the village by the Kulavaka- Jataka. Here we are distinctly told that the men of the village
1

transacted the affairs of the locality.

There was a

headman who seems

of

imposing
;

fines

have possessed the power and levying dues on spiritual

to

for he exclaimed, when the character liquor of the villagers was reformed by the efforts of " When these men used to get Bodhisattva, drunk and commit murders and so forth, I used
to

make

a lot of

money

out of them

riot

only

on the price of their drinks but also by the fines and dues they paid." To get rid of the Bodhisattva and his followers he falsely accused them before the king as a band of robbers, but his
' 5

villainy

was detected by the king who made him

the slave of the falsely accused persons and gave do not hear in this them all his wealth.

We

case the appointment of a

1

new headman by

the

Ibid, p, 198.

CHAPTER
king,

II

137

and as we are expressly

transacted
it

told
of

that the

villagers
village,

the

affairs

their

own

is

just possible that the

headman was
powers
fined

also selected

by them.
is

In the Ubhatobhatthato the judicial

Jataka
of

reference

made

the

headman

(yamabhoj aka)

who

fisherman's wife for stirring up a quarrel and " she was tied up and beaten to make her pay the fine."
' In the Panlya-Jataka 2 two gamabhojakas in the kingdom of Kasi respectively prohibited the slaughter of animals and the sale of strong
'

drink.

The people, however, represented that these were time-honoured customs, and had the In the Gahaorders repealed in both instances.
3

pati-Jataka

we

read

how during a famine

the

villagers came together and besought the help of their headman who provided them with meat on condition that two months from now, when
'

him

they have harvested the grain, they will pay in kind.' These instances from the Jatakas
leave

no

doubt

that

the

village as a political unit feature of the society during the period.

organisation of the was a well known

Some-

times the headman was directly appointed by the king but that does not seem to be the universal practice. In any case the essence of the
1

Ibid, p. 482.
Jat., Vol. IV, p.

2
3

14

Jat., Vol. II, p. 134.

18

138

CORPORATE LIFE
are expressly told in one were affairs of the village
villagers

institution was, as
case,

we

that

the

The headman possessed considerable executive and

transacted

by

the

themselves.

judicial

authority, as

is

well illustrated

in

the

above instances,
decisions.

but the popular voice operated as a great and efficient control over his

The technical names

corporations in post-vedic period.

pttya
,

and gana seem

i

to

have denoted the

Local

local corpora-

tio8

ot

towns and villages during

find

in

the post-Vedic period. Thus "

we

Vlramitrodnya

ganasabdah pugapar-

"

yayah
jatinam
his

and

"

again

pugah

snmuhah bhinnaekasthanavasinam
also,

bhinna-vi4ttinam

gramanagaradistJianam.

Vijnanesvara
2,

in

commentary
'

to

Yajnavalkya,

187, explains

gana as no doubt denoted, in general, merely corporations, but they were sometimes technically used to
present instance the commentators explain them This interas a village or town corporation.
pretation of
Panini,

gramadijanasamuha? Both these terms

denote corporations of particular kinds, as in the

puga
3.

is

supported by Kasika on
*fpmcmteT:

V.

112.
<J*TT:"

^r^cTfTT^:

The word '^o** 1 was

however used

in

other technical senses as well

3

and these will be noticed in due course. The word ptiya used in Yinayapitaka (Chullavagga, V, 5, 2 VIII. 4, 1) seems to have
( ;

CHAPTER

II

139

the sense of a corporation of a town or a village. are told that at that time it was the turn of " a certain puga (annatarassa pugassci} to provide This sentence occurs the samgha with a meal."

We

frequently and it is certainly better to take puga in the sense I have indicated than as an indeter-

minate and indefinite multitude, as Professors Rhys Davids and Oldenberg have done (S. B. E.,
Vol.

For, as already noticed is clearly explained as a town above, puga or village corporation by the later commentator,

XX,
'

pp. 74, 284).

'

and, what

is

more important, Vinayapitaka

to

else-

where (Bhikkhuni-patimokkha, sarhghadisesa

refers

2)

puga expressly executive authority, whose sanction was required to consecrate as nun, any female thief within its
jurisdiction.
'

as a corporation with

It

is

thus permissible
1

to

take

'puga

in

Vinayapitaka as referring to

village corporations, the existence of these institutions in the early

town or and thus we get trace of

Buddhist period.

The organisation
Village organisation referred to in Artha-

of the village as a corporate

is

political unit

referred to by *

KaUlllya WllO laVS ttOWIl the following rules in Chap. X,

Bk. Ill of his Arthasastra.

l(

When

the

headman

of

village

has to

travel on account of
1
'

any business of the whole

'

Reference is made to Afinatara puga of a town (Vin., IV, 30). This indicates that Iliero wore sometimes several corporations in a town.

140

CORPORATE LIFE
the
villagers
shall

village,

by turns accompany
pay 1J panas
of a village

him.

"Those who cannot do

for every yojana.

this shall

If the
village

headman

sends out

any person except a he .shall be punished with thief, or an adulterer, a fine of 24 panas, and the villagers with the
of

the

first

amercement

(for

doing the same.)

(B.

Shamasastry's Translation, pp. 218-19).

Again " The

:

fine levied

on a cultivator

who

arriving
shall

at

a
"

village

for

work does not work

itself

be

taken by the village

Any
of

work

does not co-operate in the preparation for a public show shall,

person

who

together with his family, forfeit his right to If a man, who has enjoy the show (preksha). not co-operated in preparing for a public play or
spectacle

found hearing or witnessing it under hiding, or if any one refuses to give his aid in work beneficial to all, he shall be compelled to
is

pay double the value

(Ibid, p. 220).

of the aid

due from him "

These injunctions give clear hints of a close There was a headorganisation of the villages.
transacted the business of the village and could command the help of the villagers in

man who

The headman, discharging his onerous task. together with the villagers, had the right to
punish offenders, and could even expel a person

CHAPTER
from the
village.

II

141

The

fact that

the

headman

and the villagers were both punished for an improper use of this right, seems to show that
an assembly of the villagers It may also be presided over by the headman, concluded from this, that the rights of the indiit

was exercised

in

vidual were not altogether subordinated to those of the corporation, but here too, as in the case
of the guilds (see
p. 54-),

supervision

by the

the ultimate right of king was looked upon as a

means
a

of reconciling the two.

The

village

had

common fund which was

upon

as the fines levied

cultivators
also

the

swelled by such items villagers and the

It

who

neglected their duty.

had

right to compel each person to do his share of the public work. Corporate spirit among

the

villagers "

was encouraged by such rules

as follows

Those who, with their united efforts, construct on roads buildings of any kind (setubandha)
to the whole country and who not adorn their villages, but also keep watch on only them shall be shown favourable concessions by

beneficial

the king."
/^

(/bid, p. 221.)
to

The
Vedic

village continued
political

be regarded as a
postl

corporate

unit

period.

Thus
the

in

throughout the the Vishnu

is

and
the

Manu

Smritis 2

village
in

reckoned
state

as

smallest political unit

1

the

fabric

and

III.,
"

7 and 11.

VII., 115-116.

H2
reference
village
is

CORPORATE LIFE
made
to

the

'

gramika

or

the

headman. J

Manu distinctly lays down that the king shall banish from the realm any one who breaks the a S reem of a village COmniUand in the Dharmaand Dhannanit. The Dliarma-sutras and sastras.

Dharma-sastras

contain

fre-

quent references which terms seem

to to

gana and puga, both of have denoted the town or from

village corporations. Besides the quotations

Viramitrodaya and Vijnanesvara's commentary given above on p. 138 there are other considerations also to support this view. In the first place

comparison between Yajfiavalkya, II, 31 and Narada, Introduction, 9, 7, clearly establish the fact that puga and gana were used as synonyin

mous words, and the only sense

can possibly be used there
is

which these

a corporation of the

inhabitants of town or village. Then, whereas it is laid down in Manu that one should not entertain at a
(III.

Sraddha those who

or a

sacrifice

for a

puga

151)

gana

(III. 154),

we

find similar

injunctions in

Gautama, XV. 16 and Vishnu,

against those

LXXX.
grama

11-13,

who

sacrifice for a

or village.

A
1

careful study of Yajnavalkya, II. 185-192,

219 and note
;

Manu., Ed. Blihler, VIII

also

VIII

221.
Vt.,

Gautama, XV.
10,

16. 18,

XVII. 17
13
;

Apastamba
III.

1-18-16, 17;

XIV.
Brih.

V. L.
1.

1-7,

LXXXII.
IT,

Mann,

151,

154,

164; IV. 209,

Introduction
7.

219; Y.,
I.

161,

361,

31,

190-195,

214; Narada,

28-30.

CHAPTER
quoted above on

II

U3

same conclusion.

p. 39, would also lead to the Here the author begins with

a reference to royal duties with regard to a city (pura), viz., that the king should establish there

good Brahmanas (V. 185). He then refers to the royal duties towards the (/ana, viz,, that the king
should punish those who steal the property of the that gam, etc., and concludes with the remark
' :

the king should follow similar rules with regard to guilds, corporations of traders (naigama) and
of followers of different religious sects. It

would

appear therefore that gana here refers to corporation of cities or villages (pura), for otherwise
the reference to
'

pura

'

is

irrelevant.

The com-

mentator Vijnanesvar has, as already observed,

accepted this interpretation.

The two following injunctions also prove that the village was looked upon as a corporate body in the age of the Dharma-sutras and Dharma-s'astras. (1) The king shall punish that village where
Brahmans, unobservant of their sacred duties and ignorant of the Veda, subsist by begging
;

for

it

feeds robbers."
p. 17).

Vasishtha, III. 4

S.

B. E.,

XIV,
lost

(2)

cews or other (animals) have been or when (other) property has been taken
forcibly,
it

"

When

experienced men shall trace from the place where it has been taken.

away
"

Wherever the footmarks go

to,

whether

it

be a village, pasture-ground or deserted spot, (the

144

CORPORATE LIFE

inhabitants or owners of) that place must make good the loss. " When the footmarks are obscured or inter-

rupted the nearest village or pasture-ground shall be made responsible." (Narada, XIV. 22-24).

In both these instances the village or the inhabitants of a village are held responsible. Such
responsibilities
if

altogether, vested in the villagers. It is indeed worthy of note that no officer or officers are mentioned but

however, out of question there were not corresponding rights

are,

the whole responsibility is attached to the village itself. It must be held therefore that the village

was looked upon

as a corporate unit of the state

possessing distinct rights and duties, and accountable to a higher authority for due discharge of

them.
Archaeological evidence
also

confirms

the

testimony of literature regarding the existence

The of these local self-governing institutions. earliest in point of time is a terra-cotta seal
discovered at Bhita near Allahabad which bears

the legend

"

Sahijiliye
of
-.-,-,

mgamasa
,

"

in characters

the

Reference to village
corporations in ancient

B. C.

third or fourth century M i T i It Was lOUnd in a build-,

ing

which, according to Sir

marks the site of town corporation of

the Mauryan epoch John Marshall, possibly the office of the nigama or
of
1

Sahijiti.
p. 31.

Ann. Rep. Arch. Surv. India, 1911-12,

CHAPTER
The

II

145

may

1 inscriptions on Bhattiprolu Casket, which be referred to about third century B.C., not

only refer to a village headman but also supply the names of the members of a town corporation. Village headman is also referred to in
other
early
inscriptions

such as the Mathura

and 81. 2 The first was the first wife of the village headman and daughter-inlaw of the village headman. This seems to imply that the post of village headman was hereditary
Jaina inscription of
the years 4, of these refers to a lady who
in the family.

The Nasik
to

inscription of
or

Ushavadata

refers

town council where his niyama-sabha deed of gift was proclaimed and registered ac3 Another inscription from cording to custom. the same locality records the gift of a village by
a

the inhabitants of Nasik. 4

tion

Similarly an inscrip-

on the railing of the Stupa no. II at Sanchi

a
5 by the village of Padukulika, on the Amaravati Stupa refers to

records

gift

and one

1 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 328. The word negama in this inscription has been translated by Biihler as the members of a guild. But as has

already been noticed on

p.

44 above, nigama should more properly be

taken in the sense of a town.

As

Prof.

Bhandarkar contends, negama

probably stands for naigamah,

as
is
-

i.e.,

the corporate body of citizens such

mentioned

in the

Liider's List, nos. 48

YajBavalkya and Kamrbi Smritis. and 69<7.

p. 82. I

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII,

Luders

List,

no.

1142.

accept the interpretation

of

Pandit

Indraji and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in preference to that of M. Senart. Cf. Carmichael Lectures, Vol. I, p. 177, f. n. 1.
5

Bh gawanlal

Ep. Ind., Vol.

IT, p.

10, no. 1.

19

140

CORPORATE LIFE
of

a gift

Dhanakataka Nigama.
to

These

no
of

doubt

testify

the

corporate

organisation
2

a whole city.

Four clay-seals found at Bhita contain the word nigainasa in Kushan character, while a
fifth

has niyamasya in Gupta character. These prove the existence of town corporation during the first four or five centuries of the Christian era,
a conclusion which corroborated by the clayseals discovered at Vaisali to which reference has
is

already been made on p. 43 above. learn from the inscriptions of

We

Vailla3

S. bhattasvamin Temple that while the merchant Savviyaka, the trader Ichchhuvaka and the other members of the Board

at Gwalior dated

933 V.

of the

Savviyakas were administering the city, the whole town gave to the temple of the Nine
Durgas, a piece of land which was
town's)
property.
of
its

(viz.,

the

piece

Similarly -it gave another land, belonging to the property of the

town, to the Vishnu temple, and also made perpetual endowments with the guilds of oilmillers

and gardeners for ensuring the daily supply This short oil and garlands to the temple.
scription preserves

of
in-

an authentic testimony of a with an organised machinery to city corporation

conduct
1

its

affairs.

The corporation possessed

p. 263.
p. 56.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

XV,
I, p.

2
5

Ann. Rep. Arch. Snrv. India, 1911-12,

Ep. Ind., Vol.
101.

CHAPTERlauded properties of
its

II

147

and endowments

in the

own and name of

could

make

gifts

the whole town.

Similar activities of a town corporation in the middle of the tenth century A.D., are referred
to in the

Siyadoni
that

inscription
affairs

indicate "

the

of

which seems to the town were

Pancha-

managed by an assembly

of five called

kula, and by a committee of two appointed from time to time by the town." It thus appears
1

that the

town corporations existed

till

a very

late period in ancient India.

C
6

The corporate organisation of the village or town may be studied under two heads, viz., (1) the powers and functions exercised by it and (2)
the administrative machinery were carried out.

by which these
in

The powers and functions, as

Powers and functions
of the village corporatiou.
,

Vedic times,

divided into may be broadly . two classes, judicial and execu.

...i

tive.

ihe judicial powers of

i .

(gamabhojaka) are referred to in the Jataka stories quoted on p. 136

above.

the

headman
It

of a village

expressly mentioned in the Jataka stories that he exercised them in conjuncis

not

tion with the villagers.

(see
p.

The Kulavaka-Jataka, 136) however, seems to show that such

1

Ep, lud., Vol.

J,

p.

167

ff.

H8

CORPORATE LIFE
least
in

was the case at

the

some
of

villages.

Here

headman mourns the

Judicial.

loss

fines

the drunkards whose

(0

paid by character

Avas

improved by the

Bodhi-

in

this

case

are expressly told that the affairs of the village were

sattva.

We

transacted by
legitimate
to
to

the

villagers

themselves.
that

It

is

hold

therefore

powers,

which distinct
of

the judicial reference is made,

formed part
the

these

affairs.

In other cases,
simply refer to

quoted above, the story-writers

punishments not, however, upon guilty. alone had the headman that the necessarily imply
having
the

headman

as

inflicted

This

need

right to dispose of cases

story-writer

for the
to
;

was merely

object of the notice the punish-

ment meted out

to the guilty

he had no motive

to stop to explain the constitution of the tribunal

that passed the judgment.

proves that comparatively serious cases had to be sent to the For here, the headr"oyal courts for decision.

The

Kulavaka-Jataka further

man

did not try the band of robbers, which, as the tenor of the story shows, he would certainly

have done

he had the right to do so accused were sent to the king for

if

but the
trial.

It

may

be mentioned here that the later Dharmawhile

generally providing that the assemblies of co-inhabitants should decide lawsastras,

suits

among men,

expressly exclude

from their

CHAPTER
jurisdiction

II

149

causes

concerning

violent

crimes

(sahasa)

as we have seen above, also refers Kautjlja> to the judicial powers exercised by the headman together with the villagers. They could fine a

neglected his work and expel any thief or adulterer out of the village boundary.
cultivator
1

who

We
are

find here a further step in the

development

of the corporate character of the villagers.

They

expressly invested with joint rights an.d responsibilities, and could be punished by the king
for illegal exercise of their power. The corporate organisation of
re-

villages

tained

its

judicial

powers

during

the

period

represented by above, there is mention of the judicial powers of the headman in Maim and Vishnu Smritis among

the Dharma-sastras.

As noticed

Brihaspati Smriti preserves satisfactory account of the judicial powers exercised by the villagers in verses 28-30,
others.

But the

chapter I quoted on

p.

63 above.

(it appears from blies were looked upon as

these that the village Assemone of the Jour recog-

^/

They were second in point of pre-eminence, and heard appeals from the decisions of the guilds (of artizans).
nised

tribunals

of the land.

It

would appear also that they could try

short
of

all

cases

passages in

The following the Narada Smriti seem to show that

violent

crimes.

Arthasastra,

p.

172:

150

CORPORATE LIFE

home
that

the law-givers in ancient days tried hard to bring to the people the serious responsibilities

attached to their position as members of a

judicial assembly.

Either the judicial assembly must not be entered at all, or a fair opinion delivered. That

"

man who

either

stands

mute

opinion contrary to justice is " One quarter of the iniquity goes to the witness one quarter goes to all the members
;

delivers a sinner__/

or

an

of the court
"

one quarter goes to the king.

let

every assessor of the court deliver a fair opinion after having entered the
court, discarding love

Therefore

and hatred,
(S.

in
5

order

that

he

may

not go to hell."

B. E.

Vol. 33, pp.

38-39.)

The following passages

'

in

the Narada Smriti

'

further prove that the elders played a conspicuous part in the judicial assembly arid that
the latter was presided over by a chief judge. " As an experienced surgeon extracts a dart

by means

of surgical instruments,

even so the
(of iniquity)

Chief Justice must extract the dart

from the lawsuit. " When the whole aggregate of the members " " This is of a judicial assembly declare, right
the lawsuit loses the dart,

otherwise

the

dart

remains in

it.

"That

is

not

judicial

assembly where
elders

there are no elders.

They are not

who

CHAPTER

II

151

do not pass a just sentence

39-40.)

"
(Ibid,

pp.

significance of the second passage quoted above is uncertain. It seems to indicate that

The

the unanimity of opinion was necessary to establish the guilt of the accused.

few actual cases illustrating the judicial

powers of
o CCplTI
\)
\

the
t\

local

popular
the

1PQ

Vf*

vm' rj^f
summary
I.

" 1P

South Indian records of

10th and 12th centuries.
of

The

of a

few

them

is

given below.

demanded taxes from The a woman who declared she was not liable. former seems to have put her through an ordeal. The woman took poison and died. A meeting of
village officer (?)

" the people from the four quarters, eighteen " was held, districts and the various countries

and

it

was decided that the

to

man was

liable.

In

order

expiate his sin he paid 32 kasu for burning a lamp at a temple. II. A Sudra went a-hunting, missed his aim
Vellala.

and shot a

The
"

agriculturists

from

"

the

assembled together and seventy-nine districts declared the Sudra guilty. He was required to
present 64 cows to a temple. III. The inscription is mutilated.
the
1

But from

preserved
The summary

portion
of

it

appears that a

man

nos. I-fll is taken

from G. Ep. B. 1907, Sec. 42

(P- 77).

152

CORPORATE LIFE
and she probably fell down and consequence. The one thousand and fire
Ins wife
of the four quarters [assembled

pushed
died in

hundred men
and]
declared

the

husband

guilty.

He was

required to provide for lamps in a temple. IV. An inscription in the reign of Rajakesarivarman reports that a certain individual
shot a

man

belonging to his

own

village

by

mistake.
of

the

Thereupon the governor and the people district to which the village belonged,

assembled together and decided that the culprit shall not die for the offence committed by him through carelessness but shall burn a lamp in a
local temple.

Accordingly he provided 16 cows from the milk of which y/tee had to be prepared to be used in burning the lamp.
1

2 the According to another inscription culprit had gone a-hunting but missed his aim and shot a man. The people of the district at

V.

once assembled and decided that the culprit shall make over 16 cows to the local temple.

The ancient lawgivers also provided

judicial assemblies
to decide

for special
for

cases

which

no rule was

laid

down.

4.

Such an assembly,
\

Gautama, according the ten following members,

to

shall consist at least of

viz.,

four

men who

have completely studied the four Yedas, three men belonging to the (three) orders enumerated
1

G. Ep. R., 1900, p. 11, No. 77 of 1900, ibid.

sec. 26.

CHAPTER
first,

II

153

(and) three
of)

men who know

(three) different

I (institutes

48-49). An actual instance of referring the decision of a criminal case to a special judicial assembly

law (Gautama XXVIII.

is

furnished by a

south Indian

Inscription.

accidentally shot in a deer-hunt and in order to decide the question of expiation which was to be prescribed for the offender, the
of the village Assembly at Olakkur, the residents of the main division and those of

A man

was

Brahmanas

the sub-districts

met together and

settled that a

lamp be presented to a shrine. Another instance is furnished by a dispute^

over the right of worship in Aragalur temple. \ ^ The Judge referred the complicated issues to the

Mahajanas of several agrahars and endorsed their decision. 2

Reference
to
'

ultimately

may

be made in this connection

'

such expressions as Pancha-mandali,' PanPanchalika which occur in inscripchall,' and

'
'

v/

tions.

Fleet took them to be " the same as the

Panchayat of modern times, the village jury of five (or more persons), convened to settle a dispute bj arbitration, to witness and sanction any
act of importance, etc. 3

(u) Executive.

The executive functions exercised by the villagers seem to have included

,

those

of

the

collector,
p. 95, sec. 30.

the

Govt. Epigraphist's Report for 1910,

Ibid, 1914, pp. 96-97.

Fleet- Gupta Inscriptions,

p, 32,

f.

n. 5.

20

154

CORPORATE LIFE

magistrate and the municipality of the present

day.

The Kharassara-Jataka, referred to on above shows that the headman was 135 page expected to collect the revenues on behalf of the
king and to secure the peace of the country with the help oHocal men. As we learn from the Kulavaka-Jataka, (see p. 136) that, though there was a headman, the men of the village transacted the
affairs of their

own

locality,

we must assume that

these functions did really belong to them, though exercised through the agency of a headman. It

may be

noted in this connection that both these"

functions formed essential elements of the village communities down to the latest period of their
existence.

The Dharma-sastras
l

clearly indicate

that in addition to the above

the ancient village

organisations exercised the municipal functions. Thus Brihaspati Smriti lays down the following " The among the duties of a village corporation: construction of a house of assembly, of a shed
for

(accommodating travellers with) water, a temple, a pool and a garden, relief to helpless or poor people to perform the samskaras or sacri2

ficial

by sacred texts, the excavation of tanks, wells, etc., and the damming of
acts enjoined
3

water-courses."
1

Of.

statement in V.
2

Narada XIV. 22-24 quoted above on III. 6 ff, M. VII. 115 ff.
;

pp.

143-44 Cf. also the

Cf.

the Gwalior inscription noticed above on pp. 146-47.

fully discussed in connection with the

The whole passage has been

on
p. 51.

guilds,

CHAPTER

II

155

The cost of these undertakings was probably met out of the corporate fund. The Jataka stories and the statements of Kautilya quoted on p. 135 if., prove that the towns and villages could levy fines and dues from the inhabitants
while the Gwalior Inscription
(p.

146) shows that

they possessed corporate properties of their own.

We

may next
ma-

take

into

consideration the

The executive

fihinery of the village corporations.

executive machinery by which these f unctions were carried out.

At the head or the corporation stood the headman who is variously styled as
Gramani, Gramakuta, Gramapati andPattakila in the inscriptions and the Gamabhojaka in the Jatakas. He was sometimes nominated
Gramadhipa,

by the king though the post seems in many cases to have been hereditary He was helped by a council of two, three or five persons. The constitutional power of this body is given in some detail in Narada (Ch. X) and Brihaspati (Ch. These have been already described XVII).
l

in connection with guilds (pp. 52-62) and need not be repeated here. What has been said there

applies

mutatis

"mutandis

also

to

the

village

Assembly.

It will suffice to say that

though the

headman and

his council exercised considerable

authority, they were ultimately responsible to the

people at large

who
1

regularly

met

in

an assembly

hall to discharge their corporate functions.

Recht und
Sitte, p. 93.

They

156

CORPORATE LIFE
to

had a right
rules

make
the

their bye-laAVS

and frame

regarding

attendance

of

members.

discussions were carried on in the the idea of liberty of speech was and assembly

.Regular

probably not unknown.

A very
working

interesting side-light

is

thrown on the

machinery of the corporations by the account of Megasthenes. His well known account of the administration of
of

the executive

the city of Pataliputra may be taken to be applicable to the other local corporations as well. The

essence of the

whole system consisted

in the

management

municipal administration by a general assembly and a number of small committees thereof, each entrusted with one particudepartment. Megasthenes account seems to be corroborated by the Bhattiprolu casket inscription which refers to a committee of the inhabi tarts
lar
5

of the

of the

number of South Indian town (p. 145). records prove that the system subsisted down to the latest period of ancient Indian history.
7

nn
fabric

Indeed by far the most interesting examples of the village Assemblies occur
8

in

southern
of

India.

large

number

inscriptions

prove

that they had a highly developed organisation and formed a very essential element in the state
of
old.

Thus the fourteen

inscriptions

CHAPTER

II

157

in the Vishnu temple at Ukkal, published in the " South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. Ill, Part I." into (pp. 1-22), furnish a very instructive insight
their nature

and constitution.

It will be well to

begin with a short summary of the important portions in each of them.

1.

deposit

The Assembly of the village received a of an amount of gold from one of the

commissioners ruling over another village on condition of feeding 12 Brahmans and doing other things out of the interest of this sum (p. 3).
2.

certain person

made over a

plot of land

to the

great Assembly on condition that its produce should be utilised for supplying the God

with a stipulated quantity of tion concludes as follows

:

rice.

The

inscrip-

"

Having been present

(their)

in the
I,

Assembly and
the
arbitrator

having heard

order,

(Madhyastha) (such and such) wrote (this)" (p. 5). A certain person had purchased a plot of 3.
land from
the villagers
the

Assembly and assigned it to for the maintenance of a flower

garden
4.

(p. 6).

The Assembly undertook, on receipt of a plot of land, to supply paddy to various persons engaged in connection with a cistern which the
donor had constructep
public
5.

to

supply

water

to

the

(p. 7).

The Assembly undertook to supply an amount of paddy per year by way of interest of

158

CORPORATE LIFE
them.

a quantity of paddy deposited with

The
"

"great

men (Perumakkal)

elected for the year

would cause (the paddy) to he supplied (p. 6). It refers to a meeting of the Assembly, 6.
including
" the
of)

great

men

elected

for

management

charities

(?)"

and

"

(the the com-

missioners (in charge of the temple) of Sattan" The Assembly probably assigned in the village. a daily supply of rice and oil to a temple. In " the great men conclusion we are told that elected for (the supervision of) the tank" shall be
entitled to levy a fine of (one) kalanju of gold in

favour of the tank fund from those betel-leafsellers

in

this

village,

who

sell (betel-leaves)

elsewhere but at the temple of Pidari (p. 11). The inscription is mutilated and the sense 7.
" the land which not quite clear. It refers to has become the common property of the " Assembly and is a notification of its sale by the " The great men Assembly on certain terms. " were to be fined if they elected for that year fail to do certain things the nature of which

f *

cannot be understood
8.

(p. 12).

The

amount of Brahmanas

Assembly accepted the gift of an paddy on condition of feeding two

daily out of the interest (p. 13). It is a royal order authorising the village 9. to sell lands, of which the tax has not been paid

for

two

full years

and which have thereby become

(p. 15).

the property of the village

CHAPTER
10.
It records a sale,

II

159

of a

plot

of

land,
of

by the village Assembly, which was their common

five

property, servant of king

and

water

levers,

to

assigned this land for the maintenance of two boats plying on the village
(p. 16).

who

tank
11.

The great Assembly, including "the great men elected for the year" and "the great men
elected for (the supervision of) the tank," being of the assembled, assigned, at the request

160
"

CORPORATE LIFE

We

the Assembly agree to pay a fine of one

hundred and eight kanam per day if we fail in " this through indifference (p. 20). The extant portion It is incomplete. 13.
" records a session of the great Assembly including the great men elected for this year, the great

Bhattas elected for (the supervision of) the tank,

and

(all

14.

other) distinguished men" (p. 21). The son of a cultivator in the village

assigned a plot of land in the neighbourhood, from the proceeds of which water and firepans

had

to be supplied to a

Brahmanas,

mandapa frequented by and a water lever constructed in

affairs of

front of the cistern at the mandapa.

The great men who manage the

the village
charity
do, the

in

each

year shall

supervise

this

(p. 21).

The fourteen

inscriptions, containing, as they

commands

issued by the

Assembly

of a

single village, during the 9th, 10th and llth centuries, furnish the best evidence for the

organisation and importance of these institutions. Further particulars about these village corporations
tions.

may

be gathered from other inscrip-

As these
to

belong
it

to

different

periods

and
safe

different localities

utilising
theless,

would not be quite a draw single homogeneous picture by the data which they supply. Neverof

by a careful scrutiny
to obtain

these records,
of

we may hope

a general idea

the

HAPTER
essential

II

161

characteristics

of

the village institu-

v/

tions of southern India.

As the Ukkal
The
Assembly.

General

inscriptions show, the Assembly (Sabha or Mahasabha) formed

the most important feature of these village corporations, ft

authority in all matters the concerning village and is frequently referred to in inscriptions from southern India. It

exercised

supreme

appears

from a careful study of these records that the constitution of this body differed in different localities and probably also at different
times.

According to an inscription at Tirumuk1

kudal Temple,
statt

the local Assembly consisted of the young and old of the

village.

comp08ition and

This seems to indicate

that

it

was merely a gathering of

Several inscriptions, however, clearly distinguish the Assembly from the people of the village, and according
to

the male adults of the village.

a few Chola inscriptions, 2 several committees with the learned Brahmans and other distin-

guished

men

Assembly.

of the village constituted the village This shows that in some cases, pro-

bably in many, the Assembly was a select body.

An inscription

at

Manur,

of

about the 9th

century A.D., lays down certain rules regarding " the constitution of the Sabha. It is stated
1

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 116.

G. Ep. R., 1905,

p. 49, sec. 7,

21

162

CORPORATE LIFE
the

that of

children

of

shareholders

in

the

village, only

one, who is well behaved and has studied the Mantra- Brahmana and one Dbarma

(i.e.,

Code

of

Law) may be on

bly to represent the share

village

the village assemheld by him in the

may

and only one of similar qualifications be on the Assembly for a share purchased,

received as present, or acquired by strldhana (through his wife) (2) that

;

him

as

(shares)

purchased, presented, or acquired as strldhana could entitle one, if at all, only to full memberand in no case will ship in the assemblies
;

quarter,

half
;

recognised

three-quarter membership be (3) that those who purchase shares

or

must

represent their shares on the assembly, as have critically studied a whole Veda with its parisishtas; (4) that
elect only
to

such men

those
laid

who do down by
(for
;

not possess full membership as rule (2), cannot stand on any

the

committee
affairs)

(5)

that those

management of village who satisfy the pres-

cribed conditions should, in no case, persistently oppose (the proceedings of the assembly) by

saying nay, nay to every proposal brought up before the assembly and (6) that those who do this together with their supporters will pay a
fine of five kasu

'

on each item
still
1

have so behaved) and

the same rules."
1

which they continue to submit to

(in

G. Ep. R,, 1913, p. 98, par. 23.

CHAPTER
It
is

II

163

clear

from the insistence upon

the

knowledge of the "Vedas as a condition precedent for full membership, that the rules were meant
specifically for a brah-radeya village, constituted

almost
certain,

entirely

of

Brahmans.
that the

It

is

almost

however,
similar

other

regulations
in

or

very

ones,

prevailed

ordinary

villages.

Attention
regulation

may be drawn

about the

to the interesting working of the village

Assembly contained in the last two clauses above. Queer as they undoubtedly are they were no doubt intended as a check against
refractory

members and

there does not

seem

to

be any valid reason to conclude, as some scholars have done, that they served as instruments in
the hands of the upper few to silence the opposition of the majority.
It
is

difficult

to

determine
the

the

relation

between the people and

especially the

amount

of

Assembly, and control the former

exercised

over the latter.

1

According to
quoted
below,

the

Manalikkarai

inscription

an
after

important royal proclamation a consultation was duly held

officers,

was issued

the

members
that
to

of the

the royal Assembly and the

among

such as particular villages, Tiruvidavandai, that private endowments were

1

people of reference

village.

Again we learn with

Ind. Ant., Vol.

XXIV,

p,

308

ff.

CORPORATE LIFE
.entrusted, in

some cases to its Assembly, in other eases to its residents, and in not a few cases, to the Assembly and the residents.
In four instances we have a specific reference
to

the

number

of

men composing
1

the sabhn.

According to a Tamil inscription the sabha of Tiraimur consisted of 300 men and the citizens
of

400.

A
2

Kanarese inscription of Vikrama-

ditya

VI

refers to 1,000 great

men

of

Kukkanur

together to make a grant of land. "We learn from an inscription of Sundara Pandya I * that a village Assembly consisted of 512 mem-

who met

^
|

Again, an inscription of Tribhuvanamalla, the Western Chalukya king, 4 records a gift to

bers.

two hundred
Kalidasa,
its

great
chief.

men
This

of

the

village

and
not

inscription

indirectly
if

establishes the fact that in

in
all,

many

cases,

post,

was a headman the existence of which is

there

of the village, a

also

testified

to

by other inscriptions. The status of these Assemblies, so far as it may be inferred from their meeting places, considerably
varied,

probably

according

to

the

importance of the villages which they repreIn some instances we hear of halls sented.
G. Ep. R., 1908,
p. 23, no.

212.

G. Ep. R., 1914,

p. 55, no. 509.

G. Ep. R., 1918, p. 153, par. 43. G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 18, no. 213.
It is possible that

the

number

refers
itself.

to
Cf,

committee
sec. 7-

of the

Assembly rather than to the Assembly

below

CHAPTER
built

II

by kings

for

their
in

however, they met some cases the shade of a tamarind tree seems to have been considered as good enough for the
2

Generally, local temples, while in

meetings.

purpose.

Reference

body called
Mahaianas.

made to a corporate Mahajanas. The term usually denotes Brahman householders but it appears very likely that in some
is

frequently

,-t

cases

they formed the local ruling Assembly.

are mentioned in the
of

They
early

Lakshmeshwar

Pillar

inscription

the

Prince Vikranmditya in the

part of the eighth century A.D. as a separate unit in a municipal area along with

other corporate

organisations like guilds, etc. Kanarese inscription of the Rashtrakuta king

gift
4

by three hundred Mahajanas, and another of the same king, dated 902-3 A. D., refers to a gift by a number of 5 Brahmans with the approval of 120 Mahajanas.
Krishna II records a

An

inscription of the

W. Chalukya

king Trailo-

kyamalla, dated 1053-4 A .D., registers the gift of a garden, a wet field, five houses and one
oil-mill for

the worship of Jina by 120

6

Maha-

janas of Rachchuru.

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 116. G. Ep. R., 1910, p. 90, par. 21

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 23, no. 260.

Ep. Ind., Vol.

XIV,

p. 189.

G. Ep. R., 1904, p. 39, no. 53.

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, p. 190.

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 16, no. 201.

IOC

CORPORATE LIFE

stitution

nature and confrom an body inscription of the Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla dated 1112 A.D. The king granted one entire village for the
of
this
1

We

get an insight into the

supply of materials for offerings, food-gifts, alms,

and

festival

cloths

for

the

God, the Lord

Mahadeva,

property the Sheriff

the
rest

the Agrahara Ittage, and this was delivered "into the hands of
of of

of

the great Agrahara Ittage and " the four hundred Mahajanas

who

are

described as
virtues,

endowed with
a

all

conof

ceivable

including

knowledge

Here it is quite apparent that the four hundred Mahajanas formed the governing
the Vedas.

body of the Agrakara with a chief corresponding to the headman of an ordinary Village Assembly.
Similarly we read in the ManagoH inscription of the Chalukya king Jagadekamalla II, dated

1161 A.D., 2 that the king made a grant with the assent of the five hundred Mahajanas of Manirhgavalli
It
is

headed by the Mahaprabhu Madiraja.

is

interesting to note that the body " the five hundred." simply referred to as

also

The facts brought together hardly leave any doubt that the Agrahnras were ruled by the
body called Mahajanas in very much the same way as an ordinary village by the Village Assembly. The number 300, 400 and 500 clearly
1

Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII,

Ep. Ind., Vol. V,

p. 36.

p. 9.

CHAPTER

II

167

shows that the body was not an assembly of all the adult Brahman males but their representatives, although
it

is

difficult

to

determine

at present the principle on is It likely, proceeded.

which the selection

however, that the method of representation closely followed the system we have noticed above in connection with
the

Brahmadeya

villages.

Although
th J 'riiiagrrssembiy!

the

General Assembly was

the
4-

supreme
istrative

authority in the Village

Corporations, the detailed admin-

work seemed

to

have

been

carried

committees.
five of

most cases by one or more As we have seen above, four or

on
in

them
Great
Great

are

specifically
:

mentioned

in

the

Ukkal
1.

inscriptions

men

elected for the year

(5, 7, 11,

12, 13).
2.

3.

men elected for charities (6). Great men elected for tank (6, 11,
Great

12,

13).
4. 5.

Great

men elected for gardens men who manage the

(12).
affairs of

the village in each year (14). The nature and duties of the second, third, and fourth of the above committees are quite evident from their designation. The first and

the fifth might have been different

names

for

168

CORPORATE LIFE

same body, who looked over general and miscellaneous affairs not covered by the other committees. The number and constitution of these committees must have varied in different Thus two inscriptions at Uttaramalliir villages. add the names of four more committees, viz.
the
9

"Annual
"

"

supervision,"

Supervision of justice,"

Gold supervision," and"Pancha-vara-variyam." first is probably identical with Nos. 1 and 5 above, the second probably regulated the

The

currency and the third perhaps supervised work of the five committees of the village.

the
1

few

Ghola

century A.D., mention the names of several additional village

committees, viz (1) The great men for supervision of wards' (kudumba), (2) the great men for supervision of fields,' (3) the great men
c

2 of the 10th inscriptions found in North Arcot district,

'

(numbering) two hundred,'

great men for supervision of the village/ and (5) the 'great men for supervising (i.e., looking after) the udaslnas (ascetics?). Eeference is also made to
(4)

the

'

a 'committee to manage the affairs of the temple,' but these are probably identical with the Nos.
(4)
'i

and

in

996

inscription of Rajaraja I, dated A.D., also refers to the 'Tank supervision

(5).
5

An

committee and the

mittee.'
3

We
1

also

Village supervision comhear of a Land-survey

' *
;

G. Ep.

1899, p. 23
p.

1913, p. 105.
1915, pp.

G. Ep. R., 1905,

49, para. 7;

115-0.

G. Ep. R., 1918, p. 143.

[AFTER
Committee n and a
\ latter
'

II
2

169
of Justice,
its

Committee

the

having counted a lady among

plates of
refer to
3

members.

The Masulipatam
II
five

Chalukya Bhima
the 'committee of

(934-945 A.D.)
'

and

'

the youths

Assemblies

eloquent at Committee This shows that (vara-goshthi).

9

served in these committees and freely Three inscriptions joined in the discussions. from Nattam refer to two committees. One of

youngmen

samvatsam-variyam' or the Annual supervision committee consisted of 12 members and formed a part of the great village Assembly.
these, the
'

Ur-variyam" was the name of one of the village officers, or of a committee of officers, whose func6

tion evidently

was

to see the lands of the village

properly cultivated and to collect the produce.

very interesting and detailed account of

the constitution of these comf

q*
The
free
1

the

mittees

is

furnished
at

by

two

inscriptions

Uttaramallur.

rendering of
is

the

later of these

two

records (which of the earlier)

merely an amended version may be quoted here to give an idea of the method by which these committees

were formed. 4
G. Ep. B., 1914,
p.

30.

G. Ep. R., 1910, pp. 98-99, para. 35.

Ep. Ind., V, pp. 137-138. R 1899, p. 23 also Arch. Surv. Rep., 1904-5, p. 140. For the difference between the two versions and the improvements
G. Ep.
,

effected

by the later upon the former

c/.

G. Ep. R., 1899, pp. 27-30.

170

CORPORATE LIFE
"This

was
of

the

way

in

which

members
'garden

the

choosing, once every year,

5

for Assembly) made annual supervision,'

(

(we, rules

the

supervision

and

Hank

supervision'

(committees).
(1)

There shall be thirty groups

(or

wards)

(in Uttaramallur).

In these thirty wards those that live in each ward shall assemble and shall ehoose men
(2) for 'pot tickets' (kudavolai).

The following were qualifications which one must possess if he wanted his name to be entered
on the pot ticket and put into (the pot). " He must own more than a quarter (a)
of tax-paying land."
(b) (veil)

"He must have

" His age

house built on his

own

site."

must be below 70 and above 35." (d) "He must know the Mantrabrahmana must know it himself and be able to (i.e.) he
(c)

teach
(e)

(it

to others)."

"

Even

if

of land, he shall

one owns only one-eighth (veli) have (his name) written on a

pot ticket and put into (the pot) in case he has learnt one Veda and one of the four Bhashyas,

and can explain it (to others)." (/) "Among those (possessing the foregoing
qualifications)

Only such as are well conversant with business and conduct themselves ac cording to
(I)

CHAPTER,
sacred
rules
shall be

II

171

chosen

and (II) those

acquired their wealth by honest means, whose minds are pure and who have not been

who have

on (any

of) these

committees for

the last three

years shall also

(g) (I)

be chosen."

" Those

who have been on any

submitted

of

these committees but have not

their

accounts, and their relations specified below, shall not have (their names) written on the pot tickets

and put
(II)

(into the pot).

The

sons of the

younger and elder

paternal aunts and

sisters of their

mothers.
of their

(III)

The sons

maternal uncle.
(IV)

(V)
(VI)

The brothers The brothers

of their mothers.

of their fathers.

Their brothers.

(VII) Their fathers-in-law(?).

(VIII) The brothers of their wives. (IX) The husbands of their sisters.

(X)

(XI) daughters of disqualified persons. (XII) Their fathers.

(XIII) Their sons.
(h) (I)

The sons of their sisters. The sons-in-law who have married the

"Those against
or

whom

illicit

sexual

intercourse
sins," viz.,

the

first

four

of the five great

(2) drinking

(1) killing a

Brahmin,

intoxicating liquors, (3) theft, (4) committing adultery with the wife of spiritual teacher and

172

CORPORATE LIFE
with
;

(5) associating

crimes, are recorded

(II) all their

any one and

guilty of

these

various relations above specified shall not have (their names) written on the pot

and put into (the pot). who have been outcast for asso(i) ciation (with low people) shall not, until they perform the expiatory ceremonies, have (their
tickets

" Those

(and) put into (the pot)." " Those who are fool-hardy, shall not have (j) names written on the pot tickets and put (their
into (the pot)." [The whole of this clause
is

names written) on the pot

tickets

not

preserved in the original which "

(k)

is

damaged

here.]

Those who have stolen or plundered the of others shall not have (their names) property written on the pot tickets and put into (the pot)/'
"
(/)

Those who have taken forbidden dishes '?) of any kind and who have become pure by reason
of having
shall not, to the

performed the expiatory ceremonies, end of their lives, have (their

tickets
to

names) written on the pot

(the

and put into

on)
the

pot)

(to

be

chosen

serve

committees."
"

(m) (I)

Those who had committed

is

sins

damaged] an J have become pure by performing expiatory ceremonies ; (II) Those who had been village pests and
[here again the original

have

become
;

pure

by

performing

expiatory

ceremonies

CHAPTER

It

(III) Those who had been guilty of illicit sexual intercourse and have become pure by

performing expiatory ceremonies all these thus specified shall not, to the end of their lives, have (their names) written on the
;

pot

tickets

for (any of these)

committees and

put into (the pot)."

thus specified, names shall be written for pot tickets in the thirty the wards and each of thirty wards in the twelve
"

Excluding

all

these,
'

'

hamlets

shall Uttaramallur) prepare a separate packet with a covering ticket (specify(of

its

ing

contents)

tied

to

it,

(Those packets)

The pot tickets shall be shall be put into a pot. opened in the midst of a full meeting of the
village assembly, including the

young and

old

(members), convened (for the purpose). All the temple priests, who happen to be in the village

on

the day

exception
hall (?)

question, shall, without any e seated in the village whatever,

in
\

where the assembly

shall meet.

In the

midst of the temple priests, one of them who happens to be the eldest shall stand up and lift an (empty) pot so as to be seen by all the people
present.

Any young boy

Avho

knows nothing
to the stand-

about the matter shall hand over

ing priest one of (the packets from the thirty The content (of the packet) shall be wards.
transferred
to

the

shaken.

From

this pot

(empty) pot and (well) one ticket shall be taken

CORPORATE LIFE
out (by the young boy
arbitrator.
?)

and made over

it

to the

While

taking charge of the ticket

the arbitrator shall receive

on the palm of his

hand with the

out
(the

five fingers open.

He

shall read

name

on)

the ticket thus received.

shall also be

The
by

ticket read

by him

read

out

all

name

the priests then present at the hall The thus read out shall be put down (and Similarly one

accepted).

man

shall be

chosen

for each of the thirty wards."

"Of who had

the

thirty persons thus chosen,

'
'

those

previously been on the garden supervision' (committee) and on the tank supervision'

(committee), and those who are advanced in learning and those who are advanced in age, shall

be

chosen
'

for

supervision.'
for the

Of

annual (the committee of) the rest, twelve shall be taken

'

garden supervision' (committee), and the remaining six shall form the tank supervision'
'

(committee). The last two committees shall be ] chosen after an oral expression of opinion(?). TheJ

com- 1 great men who are members mittees shall hold office for full three hundred and]
of these three If any one who is on sixty days and then retire. the committees is found guilty of any offence, he
shall be

removed

(at once).

For appointing the

retired, the

committees after these have

of the

members
'

committee for

'

supervision of justice

in

the twelve hamlets (of Uttaramallur) shall convene a meeting with the help of the arbitrator.

CHAPTER
The
selection shall

II

175

be

according to this
rules (thereof)." "
'

by drawing pot tickets order which lays down the

For the Pancha-vara-variyam and the (committee) for supervision of gold, names shall be
3

written

for

pot

tickets

'

in the thirty

wards

thirty (packets with) covering tickets shall be deposited in a pot and thirty pot tickets shall be

drawn

Erom these previously described). Six thirty tickets twelve men shall be selected. out of these twelve shall form the gold super(as
c

vision

(committee) and the remaining six con-

stitute the

Tancha-vara-variyam.'

When

drawing

pot

tickets for (the

committees

appointment of) these (two) next year, the wards which have

been already represented (during the year in question) on these committees shall be excluded

and the appointments made from the remaining wards by an oral expression of opinion (?). Those who have ridden on asses and those who committed forgery shall not have (their names) written on the pot tickets and put into (the pot).
"Arbitrators and those

who have

earned their

wealth by honest means shall write the accounts

(of

the

village).

One who was writing

the

accounts shall not be appointed to that office again until he submits his accounts (for the
period during which he was in office) to the great men of the big committee (in charge) of the accounts, and is declared to have been honest.

170

CORPORATE LIFE

The accounts which one has been writing he

shall

submit himself, and other accountants shall

not be brought to close his accounts." " Thus, from this year onwards as long as the moon and sun endure committees shall

always be appointed by

pot tickets alone. To this effect was the royal order received." The elaborate rules laid down above for the

'

'

election of committees most strikingly illustrate

the ultra-democratic character of these village It is evident that the functions of corporations.
the corporations were mainly carried on by means of these committees and that is undoubtedly the

reason

why

so

great precautions were taken to

safeguard them against corruption.

evils

The natural

of a popular

and democratic constitution

were sought to be eradicated without injuring its spirit and vitality, and the regulations which
they drew up for the purpose must be pronounced to be a remarkable piece of legislation
characterised alike

by sagacity and foresight.

Some
tions

of the provisions in

extort

the foregoing regulaour unstinted admiration. Though

ordinarily no
4
'

veli

of

possessing less than a quarter tax-paying land could stand as a

man

candidate for
\

any

one

of

these

committees,

exception was made

in favour of persons, possess-

ing a certain amount of education. The regulation (#), that only those who have not been on any of these committees for the last three years

CHAPTER

II

177

would be chosen, is certainly calculated to give every villager a chance of serving on them and
thus
qualifying
of
1

himself
the

for

the
to

responsible

membership
belonged.

corporation
of
it

which he
members,
chances of

The method
and

electing
did,
all

carefully eliminating, as
\

may be personal influence, fairly compared with all that we know about the republican states of ancient and modern
corruption
world.

curious side-light is thrown on the work2 ing of the above regulations by an inscription which records an agreement (vyavastha) by the
village

Assembly dismissing a

who had cheated them and

village accountant preventing his

descendants and relations from writing the accounts of the village.

The
liable

village corporation

seems

to

have been

I
^1

by their employees. According to an inscription of the 48th year of 3 Kulottunga I (A.D. 1117-18), two men who had been writing the accounts of a village in A.D.
1115-16 appear to have incurred debts and to have left the village without discharging them.

for

debts incurred

The
1

village corporation,
principle
is

whose employees the

The

carried

still

further by a Chola Inscription accord-

ing to which the Assembly arranged to have the village administration attended to by those who consented to vacate their seats by the year

according to old custom (G. Ep. 4 G. Ep. R., 1905, pp. 27, 54.
3

R., 1915, p. 18, no, 92).

G. Ep. R,, 1907,

p. 76,

para. 39,

23

178

CORPORATE LIFE

accountants must have been, was required to pay the debts by selling some fields.

of
ff

interesting details about the working the village Assemblies may also be gathered

Some

number of Chola inscriptions from Brahmadesam a village in the North Arcot dis** trict. The records show that it was an agmhara
a large
l

6m

with an organised village Assembly called Ganap-

perumakkal
invariably

or

Granavariyapperumakkal.
the

They

its Assembly activities. Many committees must have worked under its control. One of these was a committee

mention

and

manage the affairs of the village (ganavariyam) and another to manage those of the temple (Koyilvariyam). The accountant of the latter committee was named or entitled Trairajya
to
2

ghatika-madhyasta

"

the arbitrator of the

col-

lege (named) Trairajya." in inscription no. 194 is

The grant recorded

stated to

have been

entrusted by the Mahasabha (great assembly) to the great people of the ganavariyam doing duty
in that year,

and

if

they failed,
(i.e.,

it

was stipulated

that the sraddhamantas

those

who

interest-

ed themselves in the charity?) would collect a fine from each member of that committee on
behalf of
the king.
its

The Assembly

also

had,

evidently under
(arbitrators)
1

control, a

body of madhyastas

who wrote

the tank accounts and

G. Ep. R., 1016, pp. 115-16

For

this officer see also

Ukkol Inscription

no.

2.

CHAPTER

11
'

179

received for maintenance four

nuli* of
of

paddy

'kalanju' pure gold every year and a pair of cloths. In presenting accounts for audit by the Assembly each of these
day,

every

seven

was required

to

red-hot iron in

undergo the ordeal of holding his hand. If he came out safe

(and hence also pure) he would be presented with a bonus of one quarter of the surplus (padasesha ?). If, on the other hand, he burnt
his

hand (and hence

'
'

in default) he

would be fined

without of course further bodily punishment inflicted upon him. The Ganapkalanju

10

perumakkal who formed the general body of the Assembly appear also sometimes as the managers of the temple. In that capacity they once seem
to have given an agreement that if they destroyed the gold that was assigned to the temple they would each pay to the Mahesvaras of the temple

a fine of 24 kanam.

The corporations possessed absolute authority over the village lands and were
between Relation the Village Assemblies and the Central Government.

management of the villages. They were, however, responsible for the payment of taxes due from the village and we have an instance on record where the members of a Village Assembly

generally left the internal

undisturbed

in

180

CORPORATE LIFE

were arrested and imprisoned for the unpaid balance of the royal revenue. w The situation was
saved by some

Brahmana members

of the Village
kas-u

Assembly who
It

sold 80 veils of land for 200

1

in order to clear

up the revenue arrears. appears from the Tiruvallam inscription

that the royal officers supervised their accounts from time to time. The inscription No. 12 at

Ukkal

as

well

as several

other records

:5

show
for

that the Village Assembly was liable to

dereliction of duty

fine

of

Rajaraja

I,

and an inscription of the time dated 996 A. D., also refers to

same thing with interesting details. We are told that the Assembly of Tribhuvana-mahadevichaturvedi-maiigalam met in a pavillion and made an agreement to the following effect with regard to a village which was purchased from the Assembly by a certain person and granted " The said assembly shall to the local temple.
the

slddhay /, dandaya and panchavara. It shall not be lawful for them to violate it or to levy any kind of tax such as sillirai which are not mentioned in the
rates already
fixed.

not levy any other tax than

In respect of this village

'

the
tee'

members
and the
1

of the

Tank Supervision Commit'

<

Village Supervision Committee

p. 109.

and

G. Ep. R., 1913,

South Ind.

Ins., Vol. Ill,

Part

I,

no. 57.

3
*

G. Ep. R., nos. 342 and 343 of 1903, and no. 208 of 1911.

G. Ep. R., 1918,

p. 143.

CHAPTER
c
'

11

181

the urainaiseyvar working for the year shall not receive any kind of payment in rice or

paddy as amanji. Such of the members of the committee who misappropriated the collection of such taxes and signed the order for levying

them

pay a fine of twenty-five kalanju of gold which shall be collected by the

shall be liable to
<?.,

the managers of the temple). demkaumis (I. Even after paying the fines, they (the members
of the var-iyam), shall be liable to

pay a

fine to

the

Dharmasana

(the

Court

of Justice) at the

place they the agreement.

choose

and

at the

rates fixed
of the

in

The accountant

who allowed
asked to pay

the
vetti.

variyam unlawful collection shall be

Those who say 'nay

to this

order and those by whom they are so instigated shall be made to pay a fine of fifteen kalanju to

and they to shall thereafter be made obey the same The Tirumalpuram inscription recites an order." instance where the Assembly was actually fined
the
;

Dharmasaua by

the Devakanmis

by the king on the complaint brought by the temple authorities that it was misappropriating

On the part of the revenues assigned to them. other hand the village Assembly could bring to the notice of the king any misdoings of the
1

servants of any
2

temple within the area of the

village.
1

G.Ep.Il., 1907,
G. Ep. R., 1909,

p. 71. p. 83, para. 28.

J82

CORPORATE LIFE
Some
of the regulations

which the Assembly Thus passed required the sanction of the king. we are told at the end of the Uttaramallur
"

Regulation
received."

to this effect

was the royal order

Again in the inscription No. 9 at Ukkal we have a royal charter according sanc-

tion to the village

Assembly

to sell lands of those

paid taxes (Of. also instances quoted in G. Ep. R. 1910, p. 92). On the other hand any royal charter affecting the status of a
village

who have

not

must be sent
before
office.
it

for approval

to the

village

Assembly
the record

was registered and sent into This is proved by an inscrip1

tion of Vira Rajendra.

Two Travancore
century A.
D. also
right of the village records the grant of

Inscriptions
strikingly

of

the 12th
this
first

illustrate

The corporations. some paddy lands by

the

royal officers of Venad with the object of proThe viding for the daily offerings in a temple. second inscription purports to be a charter exe-

cuted by the royal officers and the people of the It records that in village assembled together. with the accordance royal proclamation they have

made over

the paddy lands to the servants of the temple, subject to minor charges and deductions, and concludes with the remarkable clause " in witness whereof we the people of Talakkudi
:
1

Keferred to by Mr.
lud. Aut., Vol.

S.

K. Aiyaugar
pp. 257-8,

in

"

Ancient India," pp. 177-8.

XXIV,

CHAPTER
(hereunto
affix)

II

183

our signatures," and the signa-

tures follow.

editor of these two inscrip" It is remarkable that tions remarks as follows

:

The

the people of Talakkudi had the right to execute, and in a manner to ratify, the royal grant. The
reservation as to minor charges

and deductions,

appearing in this (the latter) inscription hut absent in the former, would point to certain cesses levied by village associations, on lands
falling within

their

union."

Another Travanthe

core

Inscription
later

of

which

summary

is

quoted

its preainble by was contains it which that the proclamation

also

shows

issued "after

held
the

among
village
5 '

consultation having been duly the royal officers, the members of

assembly

and
of

the

people of the
inscriptions

village.

number

Pandya

conclusively prove that all royal orders regarding gifts of lands, or making lands tax-free, had

communicated to the Assembly of the village to which the lands belonged. The Assembly then met together, received the
to be regularly
official

the particular document, proclaimed lands to be tax-free by an executive order and

sometimes fixed the boundaries.

Reference

may

be

made

to several

other

to the inscriptions testifying

important position
in

occupied by the
1

Village

Assembly
8.

ancient

G. Ep. H, 1917, p. UOt para.

IS

CORPORATE LIFK

Indian polity. An inscription of the Chola king Rajaraja III registers an order of the prince to

through the citizens of Mummad Another inscription of the Pandya Solapuram. Kulasekharadeva registers an order of the
his
officer
1

Village Assembly under the instruction of (the king), for acquiring certain private houses which were required in the second constructing

prakara

of the

local

temple.

An

inscription

of Rajadhiraja I, dated

1048 A. D., records that

the Assembly of Rajaraja-chaturvedi-mangalam met in a pavilion in company with the governor

and gave effect to an order of the king issued under the signature of his royal secretary, stating that on the lands belonging
of the town,
to a certain

temple only the lowest

rate

of

tax

needs be levied.'
It appears that

sometimes the members of a

of the king on
4

Village

Assembly had audience

An inscription, dated in the public business. 5th year of the reign of Kulasekharadeva, states that the members of the Assembly of Tirupputtur

pay their Majesty, and wanted money

to

wished

respects
for

to

His

the expenses

of the journey.

The

visit

contemplated
the

being

probably one
1

of public

interest

Assembly

G. Ep. E., 1909, p. 10.

2
9 4

G. Ep. E., 1917,

p. 27, no. 408.

G. Ep. E,, 1918,

G. Ep. K,, 1909,

p. 147.
p. 84,

parn. 28.

CHAPTER
made
120
*
'

II

185

certain temple lands rent-free kasu from the tenants.

1

and received

There are frequent references to cordial relations between the Assembly

Cordial relations be-

tween the Assembly and the King.

required to listen by a royal order.

satisfied gift of land.'
2

and the king. A poet composed a kamja glorifying the king, and the Assembly was to it, and adjudge its merits,

with his

The Assembly was evidently productions and made him a

3 Several inscriptions record gifts of land by the Assembly, or other religious and charitable acts performed by them, for the sake

of the

health of

the

royal victory. 4 at Alaiigudi that special prayers were offered at a temple, at the expense of the Village Assembly,
for the recovery,

We

king, or for celebrating a learn from an inscription

from

ill

health,

of

member

of the

cords
prince,

Another inscription 5 reroyal family. that the Assembly, in company with the
opened
water-works

and

performed

consecration ceremony of the God.

10

The Dkkal
a
1

very
2

fair

inscriptions are calculated to give idea of the general powers and

Cf. also ibid, p. 17, uos. 103, 104.

G. Ep. R., 1919,

p. 66, no. 198.

:

'

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 26, nos. 195, 196 G. Ep. R., 1899, p. 20, para. 53. G. Ep. R., 1918, p. 32, no. 347.

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 96, para. 18.

186

CORPORATE LIFE
These prove
that
.

functions of the village Assembly.

beyond
powers and tunelions of

all

doubt

the
.

the

village corporations
,
.

had reached

Village

Assembly.

a very nigh state or pertection. They were looked upon as part

and parcel of the constitution of the country and were entrusted with the entire management of the village. They were practically the absolute proprietors

of the

village

fresh clearings,
total

and were

including responsible for the

lands

amount of revenue to the Government. In case the owner of a plot of land failed to pay his share it became the common property of the
corporation which had a right to dispose of it to realise the dues 1 (Nos. 9, 7, 1.0). The corporations also seem to have exercised the exclusive
right of administering justice

(No. 12; also see

ante

p. 151).

analysis of the Ukkal inscriptions will further show that the corporation practically

A careful
all

exercised

the powers of a state within

of activity.
It

its

nar-

row sphere
property

(3, 7, 9,

10) which

possessed corporate it could sell for

public purposes
1

(3, 7, 9,
is

10)

such as providing

Auother instance
I.

furnished

by an inscription of the time of

lic

village Assembly of Ratnagiri sold by pubauction a piece of land, after having paid the taxes on it for 15 years on behalf of the original holders who left the place to live elsewhere

Rajendra Choladeva

The

without arranging to pay the accumulated dues on the land (G Ep. For other instances see G. Ep. R., 1910, p. 92. 1915, p. 98).
3

R.,

The

figures indicate the

serial

number

of

inscriptions referred

to above.

CHAPTER
for the necessities of a

II

187

temple (6, 11, 12) which seems to have been looked upon as an important It was a trustee for public part of its duties.
charities

of all

kinds,

and. received deposits of

14) and paddy
(5, 8)

money

(1),

land

(2, 3, 4, 10,

under the condition

interest, the things

to

provide,

out

of their

These included,

stipulated by the donors. feeding of Brahmans (1), sup-

plying rice to the

(2),

God

established in a temple

supply of paddy to specified persons (4, 5), maintenance of flower garden (3), maintenance
of boats

(10)
to

and the

provision of water and

(14).

firepans

Brahmans

The corporation

could regulate the market and assign particular place for the sale of particular commodities (6).
It could regularly impose taxes (12), and even levy extra tolls for specific objects of public utility. It had also the power to exact forced labour

from the inhabitants of the village

(12).

Some-

times the corporation exercised jurisdiction over other villages and the instance furnished by No.
interesting, inasmuch as it shows that the corporation of Ukkal possessed another village

12

is

more than 3 miles distant, and this was granted away, free from all taxes and customary dues,
in order to provide for the necessities of a
in

temple

Ukkal

itself.

188

CORPORATE LIFE
11

The proper maintenance

and
irrigation

of

communication

seems
the

to

have
l

demanded the

special

care

of

village

inscription

at

Uttaramallur

An corporations. that a reports

road in the village had been submerged under water and became unfit to be used even
certain

by 'cattle.

Consequently, the village corporation decided that the road should

Proper maintenance means of communication and irrio aof the

tion.

fo
]

w idened.
had

Eoi* this plirpOSC

village.

to be acquired by J of from the the ryots purchase The duty of acquiring the land and

an(j

making the new road was assigned Garden Supervision Committee.' A number of inscriptions refer to the
'

to

the

irriga-

tion

works undertaken by the village corporaThus two inscriptions 2 from Trichinopoly tions.
record
the

district

arrangement
for

made
silt.

Village baskets
the
day.
ers,

Assembly
of

removing
to

by a 140
of

earth

had

be

taken

out

tank and

deposited on the bund every The establishment consisted of six labour-

a supervisor, a carpenter, a

blacksmith and

fishermen,
of

who were
Several
private

paddy.

paid stipulated quantities records gifts of register

the
interest
of

money by

individuals,

G. Ep. B., 1890, p. 23.

G. Ep. B., 1903, Nos. 342, 343.

CHAPTER
which was
to

II

189

be spent by

annually removing silt positing it on the bund. In one case the Assembly
expressed their gratification at the charitable act of the donor and exempted him from the

Assembly in from the tank and de-

the

payment
provided

of

certain

taxes.

One
c

endowment
'

for
to

the

which was

upkeep of a second boat be employed for removing silt.

Another inscription records that the Village Assembly of Uttaramallur accepted an endowment and undertook to arrange for the removal
of silt every

month from the

local tank.

Besides

private donations as
to

erippatti

the

income from which went

repairs of tanks, there

meet the

cost of

was

also

a regular tax

called eri-ayam collected for the same purpose. 2 Chola inscription of the 10th century A.D. 3

states that

the

villagers
'

agreed to contribute
(

towards the repair of the tank.

for Supervision of

The Committee

Tanks in the village levied the contributions and agreed to arrange for the
removal of
silt

annually.

In addition to private
general
tax,

donations

and the
to

the

Assembly resorted

other

expedients

to get

money

for irrigation purposes.

4

Thus we learn from a Chola

Cf.

inscription

that
India,

1903-4,
2 3 +

pp 206

Mr. Venkayya's article in Ann. Rep. Arch. Snrv. ff., on which this paragraph is mainly based.
;

O. Ep. R., No. 140, of 1919 O. Ep. R., No. 178 of 1902.

also

c/.

No. 66, of 1919.

G. Ep. R., 1912,

p. 16,

No. 214.

190

CORPORATE LIFE

Assembly received an endowment of 100 kasu from an individual for providing offerings in a temple and for expounding Siva-dharma in
the
the Assembly-hall built in

same person. ing damages that states channels. Another inscription certain ryots had failed to pay the dues on their The Village Assembly paid the holdings. amount for them, and their land was taken over,
l

the temple by the They utilised the sum for repaircaused by floods to irrigation

for the benefit of the tank, for

three

years.

If

the defaulters failed the end of the term,

to

the

pay up their dues at land would be sold

powers to acquire

for the benefit of the tank.

The Assembly had

full

private lands for purposes of irrigation, for we 2 that the learn from a Chola inscription

Assembly gave lands in exchange for fields taken up by the bed of their newly constructed tank.
were no doubt performed under the immediate direction of 'the
All these varied duties

Tank Supervision Committee.'

12

Even
irrigation

the

most well designed

to fail at

schemes of

were bound

times and then

the villages must have suffered from famine and The Village Assemblies had terrible scarcity.
1

G. Ep. B., 1898, No. 61.

G. Ep. B., 1907, No. 84.

CHAPTER
responsibilities

II

191

on

these

occasions

and the
manfullv
in

evidence at hand
faced them.

shows that
at

they
1

An

inscription
relief.

Alangudi,

dated

the

Famine

6th year of Rajaraja, refers to a terrible famine in the locality.

The

villagers

had no funds
cultivation.

to

purchase paddy

for their

own consumption,

seed grains and other

For some reasons, the famine-stricken inhabitants could expect no help in their distress from the royal treasury. Accordingly the Assembly obtained on loan a
necessaries for

quantity of gold and silver consisting of temple jewels and vessels from the local temple treasury.

In exchange for this the members of the Village Assembly alienated 8f veil of land in favour of
the produce of this land the interest on the gold and silver received from the
the God.

From

temple was to be paid. A Chola inscription also records that the

Assembly borrowed money from temple treasury " on account of " bad time and " scarcity of
grains.

The Government seem

to

have fully recog-

nised the heavy responsibility of the and the faithful manner in which

Assembly
they dissometimes
the

charged

their

empowered
1

duty. they the corporations to regulate

G. Ep, R., 1899, p. 20, para, 53.
G. Ep. R., 1914,
p. 45,

Hence

No. 397.

192

CORPORATE LIFE
to

Government dues with a view

condition of the

the actual

instance
of Vlra

country. A very remarkable occurs in the Manalikkarai Inscription

in

Ravi Kerala varm an dated

the

the

year

410 of
below.
"

Kollam Era ( = 1150-57 Saka or 1234-35 A.D.) of which the substance is given
In the year 410
the following consultation having been
is

issued

proclamation after a duly held among the loyal chieftains ruling at Venad and the members of the assembly (Sabha)
of Kodainallur

and the people of that

village,

as well as

the

right

Kondan Tiruvikraman, entrusted with of realising the Government dues.

to

Agreeably
the

the

understanding arrived at

in

we command and direct that due from Government lands be taken to (such and such as amounting in paddy
this consultation

tax

measure).

In seasons of drought and consequent

failure of crops the members of the Sabha and the people of the village shall inspect the lands and ascertain whidh have failed and which have
not.

The lands that have

of

failed shall be assessed

at one-fifth of the

normal dues.

Similarly the

members

the

Sabha and the people should

report to the officer-in-charge if all the taxable lands equally failed, and after the said officer

was

satisfied

by personal inspection, one-fifth

only of the entire dues shall be levied. If the member of the Sabha and the people agree

CHAPTER
among themselves and pray

II

193

in

common

for

the

postponement of the payment as the only course open to the majority among them, this demand
(i.e.,

one-fifth

the

usual

rate)

shall be appor-

tioned over all the lands paying tax to Government (to be levied in the subsequent harvest)

but without interest."

13
It

has been

rioted above,

in

9,

that the

Ab
th e

inscriptions

va&tESb*
8

Assembly

prove the village to have exercised

people"

As we
village

Poetically an absolute authority over all village concerns. have seen they were the proprietors of
lands,

lands

and

and their power

of selling lands

and making them tax-free 3 is clearly proved by a number of records. There is even one
instance

where

the

queen had to purchase

from them. They could also impose taxes and imposts of various descriptions and borrow money for communal purposes. 5 That
lands

they did not play a despot and were generally restrained by constitutional usages and other
1

Ind. Ant., Vol.

XXIV,

p.

308

ff.

G. Ep. R.,
;

1904, p. 32, No.

386

1907,

p. 16,

No. 71

p. 32,

Nos. 287, 291

3
* 5

p. 33,

No. 297.
R.,

Ep. Ind., Vol. Ill, p. 285, G. Ep. G. Ep. R., 1905, p. 32, No. 669.
G.

No. 153, of 1919.

Ep. R.,

1919,

p.

67, No.

212

also the extract

from G. Ep.

R., 1918, p. 143,

quoted above.

25

194

CORPORATE LIFE
is

checks
Chola.
1

proved by an

The

members

inscription of Vikrama of of the Assembly

Tirunaraiyur had spent on communal business money in excess of the sanctioned amount and
as they could not impose

additional taxes on the

people, they sold a piece of land to the temple in return for the money which they apparently

got from the temple treasury. singular instance of the authority sometimes exercised by the Village Assembly over
)

private individuals is furnished by the following " Persons who are qualified to do regulations the services of accountancy, carpentry, etc,,
:

should take up such services in the village only. Those who engage themselves in these services

beyond the village

will

be considered to have

transgressed the law, to have committed a fault against the Assembly and to have ruined the
2

village."

14

large

number

of

South

Indian records

Village Assembly as and Public Trustees

hold out the Village Assembly aS Sei'Vlllg the tunctlOttS 01 pUDlic

trustees

and

local banks.

We

have already noted

interest of
,

in the case of

Ukkal

inscrip-

tions that they kept deposits of

money

out of the

which they
l

fulfilled
p. 96,

the conditions

G. Ep. R., 1909,

para. 46.

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 66, No. 205.

CHAPTER
laid

II

195

This interesting function of the Village Assembly is referred to with

donor.

down by the

some additional from a different

inscription of the

details in
locality.

an earlier inscription

The Ambasamudram
l

(9th into the hands that he gave century A.D.) records of the members of the Assembly of Ilangok-

Pandya king Varaguna

kudi two hundred and ninety kasn* from the interest of which, the capital remaining unspent,
offerings

'

had
For
'

to

temple.
e

this to

be provided for to a certain (amount) the members of the

five

Assembly had kalam eight

at the rate of

measure out
' '

hundred and
(as)
*

paddy per year two kalam for each

to

of

interest,

kasu'

Out
pay

of this (income) the servants of the lord

and the
a scale

committee of the Assembly were

for offerings four times a

jointly
to

day according

which was
of

laid

down

in great detail.
2

Seventeen instances
Village Assemblies

of the similar function

are

furnished

by the

Chola inscriptions in Tanjore temple. Out of the money deposited with them they were to
furnish, as interest, either a
specified quantities of

sum

of

money

or

paddy to the temple. Tamil inscription records the gift of a piece of land to the Assembly on condition that they should burn a lamp in a local temple. The

15

Ep. Ind., Vol.

IX

pp. 84

ff.

'

South Ind.

Ins., II,

Nos. 9-19, 25-28, 35, 54.

G. Ep. B., 1905, p. 33, No. 685.

196

CORPORATE LIFE
'

supervision of the charity was entrusted to

1

the

Annual Tank Supervision Committee.' Another inscription records that the Assembly received
75 I'alanjus of gold for feeding daily five Brfihmanas. Of the fourteen inscriptions in Tiruk-

kovalur

by Hultzsch, six refer to deposits of money and paddy with the Assembly on condition that they should perform
temples published
certain specified charitable acts. Sometimes the Assembly received

a fixed

deposit and, by way of interest, remitted the taxes on certain lands, specially those belonging to a temple. In one such case on record 3 a

devotee of the local temple collected 160 kasu by donations and deposited it with the Assembly for making the temple land tax-free. In an
4 analogous case the Assembly sold to a local temple the right of collecting tax from the stalls

opened

in the bazaar.

5 refer inscriptions at Tirunamanallur " to the gift of 100 undying (and) unaged big " sheep to the Assembly on condition of supplying

Two

a stipulated quantity of ghee for burning lamps in the local temple. The adjectives unaged
'
'

and undying mean that those sheep which died or ceased to supply milk had to be replaced
'
1

'

G. Ep. R., No. 155 of 1919.

2 3 *

Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, pp. 138 G. Ep. R., 1918, p. 150.

ff.

G. Ep. R., 1911, p. 32, No. 321.

Ep. Ind., Vol. VII,

p. 137.

CHAPTER
by other lambs meantime.
that

II

197
in

had

grown up

the

Sometimes the people endorsed the endowments accepted by the Assembly. An inscription of Rajaraja Chola records the gift of a sum of money by a merchant, from the interest of which
l

the Assembly and the residents of Tiruvidavandai had to supply oil to feed a perpetual lamp.

Sometimes these endowments involved two-fold banking transactions. We learn from a Chola
2 inscription that a merchant made over a sum of money to the residents of Taiyur on condition

that they should pay interest in oil and paddy to the Assembly of Tiruvidavandai for burning a

lamp

in the

temple and feeding 35 Brahmanas.

There are other examples, too numerous to be recorded in detail, where the south Indian
records represent the Village Assemblies as public trustees or local banks.

15
liere

was a

close

Relation between the village Assembly and the local temple.

and oftentimes a cordial relation between the Village

Assembly and the authorities or the local temple. This was specially the case where the village in question was a Brahmadeya and assigned to a temple.
'

'

G. Ep. R., 1911,

p. 27,

No. 261.

Ibid, p. 28, No. 267.

198

CORPORATE LIFE
to
1

an inscription of Rajaraja, the inhabitants of such villages were to supply to the

According

Tanjore temple

(1) as

temple treasurers such

as temple servants

Brahmanas
and

as were rich in land, connections or

capital; (2) Brahmacharins,

(3)

accountants for writing the accounts (of

the temple).

The Tanjore

inscriptions of this

king refer, by name, to one hundred and fortyfour (144) Village Assemblies that were to supply

Brahmacharins

as

temple

servants,

and

one

hundred and five (105) others that were 3 temple watchmen.

to supply

have already seen above how the Village Assembly and the temple authorities zealously
guarded their respective rights and preferred complaints against each other to the ruling power In if any of them neglected their proper duties.
one case* we hear that some members of the

We

Assembly were
the temple.

in

charge of the store-room of

In general, however, the village corporations

Proper maintenance
of the local religious and charitable institutions by the village

fully recognised their responsi'

bility for

maintaining temples
local
institutions.

and
This

other
is

well illustrated by an

inscription
1

from Edayarpakkam.
Ins., II.,

A
*

plot

of

South Ind.

No. 69.
is

lUcL

Ibid, Nos. 57, 70.

[It

not certain whether the former, containing

13,

out of the 105 instances, belongs to Rajaraja or Rijendra Choladeva.]

*
5

Ep. Ind., Vol. VII,

p. 145.

G. Ep. R., 1911, p. 73, para. 28.

CHAPTER

II

199

land purchased from the villagers by a Brahman lady and presented to a temple for the mainte-

nance of a perpetual lamp was found unsuitable for irrigation and no one came forward to culti-

The lamp had consequently to be discontinued and the trustees of the temple appear to have requested the villagers to take back into their own management the land which they had once sold to the Brahmana lady, and to supply instead the required number of cows to maintain This was done and the land was the lamp.
vate
it.

resumed.

The Assembly,

riot

infrequently, reduced the

rents of lands belonging to temples and sometimes even altogether remitted the taxes due from

Chola inscription even records that no taxes should be levied on the temple belongings. 2
them.
1

Sometimes the Assembly made

for the regular
4

gifts of lands
3

supply of garlands

and other
provisions

things
for

to temples.
6

They

also

made

5 burning lamps and singing hymns in local There are various cases on record showtemples.

ing that either the Assembly itself granted lands

1

G. Ep. R,, 1919, Nos. 429, 538 (p. 37), 430 (p. 37), 508 (p. 42);
;

1905, p. 28, No. 553

2

1909, p. 33, Nos. 292-294.

G. Ep. R., 1915, No. 133, pp. 21, 97.

3
4

G. Ep.

RM

1918, p. 150.
p. 13,

G. Ep. R., 1907,

No. 43;

p. 40,

No. 422;

1908,

pp. 44-45,

Nos. 489-492.
5

G. Ep. R., p. 25, No. 246.

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 47, No. 423

1915, p. 21, No. 129.

200

CORPORATE LIFE

or facilitated purchase of lands by private parties

for

making offerings to the temple. The Village Assembly also made

provisions

and charitable institutions and in most cases these were associated with local temples. A remarkable instance of this kind of activity
for educational
is

furnished by an inscription of the time of

2 Rajendra Chola

(c.

1025 A.D.)

markabl

inati

"

The record

states that, in order

to secure success to the

arms of

the king, the Assembly of llajaraja-chaturvedimangalam made the following provisions to the

temple of E/ajaraja-Yinnagar. The charities were mainly intended for maintaining a hostel and a college for Vedic study as detailed
in the

Lord

below
(i)

Four persons were appointed

for the reci-

Tiruvaymoli hymns in the temple and they were allowed three kuruni of paddy each per day. To meet this charge, lands measuring half a veli and two
in

tation of the

were given. For Srl-Vaishnavas (ii) feeding twenty-five the matha attached to the same temple, one
in extent

ma

veli

of

and four ma of land were allotted. (iii) Sixty kalam of paddy and three kalanju gold were also provided for the Seven-days'

festival of

Ani-Anulam

in

order

to

feed

one

G, P. B.,

p. 32,

Nos. 374, 375, 378-380

also

cf.

No. 405 of 1918

and No. 30 of 1919.

a

G. Ep. R., 1918, pp. 145

ff.

CHAPTER

II

201

thousand Vaishnavas and dasas (devotees)

who

came

to witness

it.

(iv)

Half a

veil

and two ma of land and some

gold were given to meet the cost of taking the God in procession round the village in a car,
for the grant of cloths to the

mendicants on the

occasion, for purchasing cloth to be put

deity,

on the
for

for

offerings,

bath

and

garlands,

performing certain ceremonies, etc. The following students were fed

(a) Seventy-five
(b)
(<?)

studying the Eigveda. Seventy-five studying the Yajur-Veda. Twenty studying the Chandoga-Sama.

Twenty studying the Talavakara-Sama. (e) Twenty studying the Vajasaneya. (/) Ten studying the Atharva. (g) Ten studying the Baudhayaniya Grihya(d)

kalpa and Gana,

thus making a total of 230 Brahmacharins for studying the above-mentioned Vedas which, with
the forty persons learning the Rupavatara, came to 270. Six nali of paddy was allotted for each
of these per day.

Further there were

(h)
(i)

Twenty-five learning the Vyakarana.

Thirty-five learning the Prabhakara, and Ten (j) persons learning the Vedanta. For these 70 pupils provision was made at the rate of one kuruni and two nali of paddy each

per day.
26

202

CORPORATE LIFE

One kalam of paddy was given to the nambi who expounded the Vyakarana, one kalam to another who expounded the Prabhakara ; and one kalam and one tuni to the third who expounded the Vedanta.

Ten professors were appointed Vedas as detailed below

:

to teach

the

Three

to teach the Rigveda.

Three to teach the Yajus.

One One One One

to teach the
to teach the

Chandoga. Talavakara-Sama.

to teach the Vajasaneya. to teach the Baudhayanlya

Grihya

and Kalpa and Kathaka.

The
tail

fee of the above teachers

it

is

and

appears that, in

all,

given in defor the 01^

kalanju of gold
for

and the paddy that were required

maintaining the entire establishment, the temple was put in possession of 45 veil of
land.

Sometimes the assembly maintained charitable

institutions

established

by

others.

We

learn from an inscription that the Assembly of

Tribhuvana-Mahadevi-chaturvedimangalam purchased lands to meet all the requirements of

the
charity
established
in

the temple by a

general of Rajendra Chola to secure the health of the king. Land was purchased to the

extent of 72 veli yielding

an

annual

rental

CHAPTER
of
for
(1) Offerings,

II

03

12,000 kalam of paddy, in order to provide

worship,
festivals

etc.,

on a grand

scale,

(2)

Conducting
navas,

and feeding Vaish-

(3)

Feeding 12 Vedic teachers,

(4)

(5)
(6)

Feeding 7 teachers of other subjects, Feeding 190 Vedic students,

Feeding 70 other students.
all

taxes except three specified ones and the students and teachers were exempted from certain payments and
1

The land was exempted from

obligations.

There are even cases on record where the

Assembly sold lands for maintaining a feeding 2 Such instances may be multiplied but house.
given above are enough to indicate the philanthropic activities of the Assembly.
those

16

The

Village Assembly as the protector of the

responsibility of the village corporations for the safety of the village is

,,

well illustrated by two inscriptions

3

..,

...

from

Tirupputur.

A
the

temple in
1

the village

was

occupied

by

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 96, para. 18.

G. Ep. R., 1919,

p. 61,

Nos. 151-152.

G. Ep. R., 1909, pp. 82-83, para. 27.

204

CORPORATE LIFE
in
their
first

encamped Mahomedans, probably

raid to south India.

In consequence of

this the

inhabitants became unsettled.

At

this juncture

a certain Visalayadeva reconsecrated the temple and saved the people apparently from an immi-

nent
selves

moral
to

and

religious

degradation.

The

villagers, of their free will,

agreed

among them-

show

their gratitude to Visalayadeva

by assigning to him a specified quantity of corn from the harvest reaped by each individual and
conferring on him certain privileges in the temple. The other inscription shows that the corporation
of Tirupputur
'

had already, two years ago, made

over to one Madhava-chakravartin, the right This term probably means the of padikkaval.'
It was protection of village (from outsiders). possibly the fear of Mahomedan invasion that

induced the corporation to take this

step.

from the Madakasira Taluk, ranging over a long period from the early 9th century down to the 17th,
large
of

number

inscriptions

show the high sense

of

honour which the people

uniformly entertained for the village patriots and their heroic sacrifices on behalf of the village.

Some

of these records are quite interest-

ing in their details. The Harati chief granted a field to a certain person for having successfully
protected the village from enemies during two or three destructive raids. About A.D. 966

Erega, a servant of Ayyapadeva seems to have

CHAPTER

II

205

fought with the Cholas successfully so that all There are the people of Penjeru praised him.
also other references to rent-free grant connected

with the spilling of blood in the cause probably

of protecting a

community

or a village. 1

Again,
to the

an inscription from Marudadu, belonging

8th year of llajaraja I registers that a certain Kalipperuman lost his life in the act of affording protection, against ruin, to his native village.

The good residents of the a permanent lamp to burn

district

provided for

in the local temple

in order to secure merit for the martyr. 2

An

interesting

information

regarding
is

the

corporate feelings of the villagers

supplied by an inscription from Tirumeynanam. 3 The Assembly of Nalur having assembled under a tamarind tree in their village, decided that the
residents of their village should not do anything against the interests of their village nor against

the temple of Tirumayanam-Udaiyar, and similar institutions. That if they did so, they must
suffer as the
*

gmmadrohim
this

'

do,

and that people

decision should not be against allowed the privilege of touching Siva, etc. The corporate character of the village was
act

who

recognised even by hostile kings. Thus a Kumbhakonam record states that when Parantaka I
1

G. Ep. B., 1917, p. 114, para. 18. G. Ep. R., 1913, p. 96, para. 21.
G. Ep. R., 1911, p. 75, para. 30.

206

CORPORATE LIFE

conquered Madura, he levied an impost of 3,000 kalanju of gold on the members of the Kumthat they had agreed the amount. An pay inscription from Tiru2 pattur, dated in the 36th year of the reign of Kulasekhara I, refers to the capture of the vilto
1

bhakonam Assembly and

lage

by a certain Valluvanadalvan.

The invader

asked the members of the village Assembly and two private individuals to submit to certain proposals.

This they refused to do and many left the village. Such of the Assembly as he could

lay hands upon, and the two particular individuals, he confined in the temple with the object of compelling them to approve of his procedure.

Later on the matters were set right by the king, but the very fact that an invader found it necessary to coerce the Assembly to accept his decree shows that the corporate character of the village was such an integral part of the constitution
that
it

was impossible

for
it.

any person, either a

friend or foe, to ignore

17

Apart from the highly organised corporations

P
of the areas>

peop ie

oT^rge

subsisting in small local units the corporate spirit among the

deople of south India was re markably displayed, on various occasions, by the

1

G. Ep. R. 1912, p. 63, para, 15.

f

G. Ep. R,, 1909, p. 83, para. 28.

CHAPTER

II

207

combined activity of the populace of wider areas. Thus a Pallava inscription records an agreement
1

among
of

the residents of the country to the north the river Avinai and to the south of the

Pennai.
trict

Reference

is

also

made
in
(

to a great dis-

Assembly meeting

consisting of,

among
2

others,

a royal abode and the sixteen of the

reli-

eight
gious

districts.'

feeling

Very often the common was at the bottom of these

cor-

good example is furnished porate activities. by the Kudumiyamalai inscription of the reign
of

Kulottunga 1
the

that

people

It records 1005-6). living in the district called

(A. D.

Rattapadikonda-Chola-Valanadu (which seems to have comprised a considerable portion of the

Pudukkotai

state)

made an agreement with two

persons (apparently Brahmanas) that they should levy brokerage on all the betel-leaves imported
into the said district, and, out of the proceeds,

supply 30,000 areca nuts and 750 bundles of

betel-leaves annually to a certain temple.

The
'

people of the district and

the blameless five

hundred men (constituting) the army (padai) of this district were appointed to supervise this
arrangement.

further instance of similar union

4

is

fur-

nished by an inscription
1

from Kamarasavalli

G. Ep. R., 1907, p. 18, No. 96. Ep. Tnd., Vol. V, G. Ep. R., 1905,
p. 23.

4 3 *

p. 52, para. 17.

G. Ep. R., 1915, p. 104, para. 36.

208

CORPORATE LIFE

dated in the 10th year of Jatavarman Virapandya.

It registers that the residents of the eighteen subdivisions of the seventy-nine districts assembled

together and set apart the income derived by them from certain articles of merchandise to

meet the

cost of repairs to the temple.

few more examples of similar activity occur in south Indian records. The Managoli tells us that the five hundred inscription Svamins of Ayyavole, the five hundred Maha1

janas of Manimgavalji, the Settle of the locality, the Nakaras, the Settls who made a business of
lading,

the

betel-leaf

Gatrigas,

the

guild of

oilmen, the sealer of flour and churning-sticks of the Tardavadi thousand, the Gavares of many
districts,

the

of the eight

Mummuridanda, and 'the districts,' etc., met together

sixteen
to pro-

the necessary expenses of the local temple and the customary religious rites. An 2 inscription of the Hoysala Vlra Vallala records
vide for

a gift of land by the residents of Elugarai-nadu We also for the requirements of a temple.
learn

from an inscription 3

of

Rajendra Chola
granted

that the inhabitants of three

4

districts

a lease of land to a servant of a temple.

an inscription

of

Again Parantaka I informs us that

the residents of a district contributed a voluntary

1

2 3 *

G. Ep. R., 1907,

Ep. Ind., Vol. V, p. 23. p. 42, No. 444.

G. Ep. R., 1909, p. 57, No. 591. G. Ep. R., 1911, p. 69.

CHAPTER

II

209

fee for the conduct of worship in a particular ^ panam temple. The fee is specified as follows
:

on each tenant; ^ panam from bridegroom and ^ panam from bride in each marriage ceremony,
etc.

Another inscription

records

by the residents of a district mandapa to raise 1 madai from each village in order to construct an embankment on the side
of the
river

an agreement who had met in a

and

to

prevent any injury from

floods to a temple. to

Pandya inscription

refers

grant,

quantity of turists of four districts.

by common consent, of a certain paddy to a temple by the agricul-

religion also led to similar corporate movements. An inscription dated in the 32th year of Jata-Varman

But motives unconnected with

Sundara Pandya3

states that the chiefs of Irandu-

malai-nadu gave assurance to the headman of

Kunnandarkoyil that when they took up arms and fought with one another they would desist

from destroying the villages under their protection and would cause no injury to the cultivators
either

resident
is

or

itinerant.

If,

however, any

person

fine of injured they 100 panam and if a village is destroyed they would pay a fine of 500 panam. Doing thus

so

would pay a

they

still

agreed to protect (the villages and

1

G. Ep. R., 1912, p. 35, No. 404.

"

G. Ep. R., 1912, p. 47, No. 12. G. Ep. R., 1915, p. 103, para. 34.

27

210
cultivators)

CORPORATE LIFE
though there might he cutting, pierc(in their communal fights). Here, we have rather an instance of union of

ing and dying

again,

villages than that of a single corporation.

few additional examples of similar corporate activities, due to a variety of circumstances, are given helow in order to show their widespread character.

An
a

inscription at Tirukkalakkudi

registers
of

settlement

between

the

residents

four

districts (nadu) as to the order

of precedence in ashes had to the sacred be received, the which ropes of the God's car had to he held in drawing

and the worship of, and breaking of cocoanuts before Vinayaka had to be done. A Tamil inscription 2 of Ylra Pandya-deva records that the inhabitants of two districts
it

settled that four families

were
3

to

be freed from

Another records the meetcertain obligations. ing of the residents of eighteen divisions under
the

Presidency of Ekambaranathar to

rectify

the area of some land.

We further

learn

from

another inscription
of the

that the various inhabitants

eighteen districts on both sides of the Krishna decided that a l&rgefanam should be paid on every boat as revenue. There is still

another case on
1

record

that the tenants of 12

2

G. Ep. R., 1916, p. 125.

G. Ep. R,, 1910,

p. 21,

No. 184.

G. Ep.

R., 1913, p. 72,

No. 28.

Ep. Ind., Vol. IT I,

p. 92.

G. Ep.

1914, p. 74, No. 26.

CHAPTER
villages

II fields

abandoned

their

as

against heavy taxes were regulated.

taxation

and consequently

a protest the

Other examples of such corporate activities have already been referred to in connection with
the judicial powers of the Village p. 151 above.

Assembly on

18
\

There are evidences on record

corporate activities

that

these

temporary

sometimes led to

a
than

developed corporate of wider areas. organisation

more

'

porations
1

is

permaof two union nent village corfurnished by the Tamil endorseof in

clear instance of the

ment on the Udayendiram plates The endorsement is dated man.

Nandivarthe

26th

year of King Parantaka I ( 10th century A. D.) and runs as follows " we, (the members of) the
:

assembly of Kanchivayil and we, (the members of) the assembly of Udaya-chandra-mangalam
(have agreed as follows)
of)
:

we,

(the

inhabitants

these two

villages,

having

joined

(and)

having become one^ from this (date)."

shall prosper as one village

An

organisation

of

the

whole
in

district

is

referred to in

an inscription

the Tiruvaranof

gulam temple during the

Ep. Ind., Vol.

reign
Ill, p. 144.

Kulottunga

CORPORATE LIFE
III.

country the Assembly of the inhabitants of Valla-nadu, a sub-division, declared that thenceforward they
state of the

In the disturbed

will afford protection to the cultivators residing within the four boundaries of the sacred village

of

Tiruvarangulam and
course
of this

(its)

devaddna

villages.

If in the

protection

the Assembly was found to rob, of, or do other mischief to the cultivators,

any one of capture the cows

the

Assembly agreed to the temple by

committed.
1

to assign

two

ma

'

of

wet land

way
?)

of fine for the offence

district

haggades
'

(headmen

Assembly consisting of and samantas is also

2 Reference is also referred to in an inscription. made to the blameless rive hundred of the
'

district

and

the

headman
least

of

the

district.'

All these naturally lead to

in

the

conclusion

that

some cases

at

there was a permanent

district,

organisation of
or

an entire sub-division or

any such large group of people. This readily explains such legal formulas in connection with
for example, occur in the as, " Hav4 of Prithivlpati II. Plates Udayendiram ing assembled accordingly (the inhabitants of ) the district (nadu) having caused (them) to

land

grant,

walk over (the boundaries

etc."

It

is

granted) land evident that the entire people

of the

G. Ep.

R., 1915, p. 99, para. 27,

and Nos. 271 and 273,

*

p, 91.

G. Ep. R., 1919, p. 17, No. 209.

Sonth Ind.

Ins., Vol. II,

Part III, p. 360.

Ibid, p. 389.

CHAPTER
of a
district

II

cannot be thought of, but only meant. their representatives can possibly be
refers to Rajaraja Chola in an nadus and the great Assembly of twelve 2 inscription of the W. Chalukya king Tribhu-

An

inscription

of

vanamalla we find mention of 32,000 represenThese no doubt tatives of various localities.

refer to

some

sort of corporate organisation,

the
to

precise

nature

of

which

it

is

difficult

determine.

19

few

words
the

may

be said in

conclusion
of

regarding

antiquity and extent

village institutions in

these

southern
Plates

Antiquity and extent

of village institutions in south India.

India.

The Kasakudi

of the Pallava king

Nandivar-

man undoubtedly
otherwise

indicate

some
for

sort of regular organisation of the

village,

the royal order about a land grant would not have been referred to the inhabitants,
latter

and the
ratified

would not have,

in a

manner,

publicly royal proclamation by 3 must have Nandivarman same. the endorsing flourished in the first half of the eighth century

the

A. D., 4 which must, for the present, be taken as

1

G. Ep. R., 1909,

G. Ep. R,, 1919,

p. 59, p. 18,

No. 600.

No. 214.
p.

s
*

South Ind,

Ins.,

No. 74,

360.
Ins., I, p. 11.

See the synchronistic table in South. Ind.

214

CORPORATE LIFE

the earliest period to which these village institutions may be traced by inscriptional evidence.

Their continued
is

existence in

the

9th century

proved by the two

Ukkal Inscriptions (Nos.

l

and

8) of

Kampavarman and

the
2

Ambasamu-

dram ment

The developinscription of Varaguna. of these institutions in and after the tenth

century A. D. is abundantly proved by the number of Chola and Pandya inscriptions referred to above,

and the Masulipatam plates

II.
3

of

Chalukya Bhlma

The

latter further proves

that they flourished in Telugu countries as well It appears as in Tamil lands further south.

that the whole

of southern

India

was covered

with a network of these organisations. An idea of their widespread character may be formed

when we remember
two
hundred

that reference

is

made

to

and sixty-six

villages possessing

such institutions in connection

with the main-

tenance of a single temple built at Tan j ore by 4 the Chola king Rajaraja deva.

South. Ind. Ins., Ill,

p. 8.
*

Ep. Ind., V,

p.

134

ff.

Ep. Ind., Vol. FX, p. 86. See pp. 195, 198 above,

CHAPTER

III
(II)

CORPORATE ACTIVITIES IN POLITICAL LIFE

1

We

have hitherto dealt with the corporate

activities

of

people

dwelling

narchical

in a state rule(i over

ty a ki n oexercised

The

activities

were

through various assemblies, auxiliary to the royal power, and more or less subordinate to it.
There were however non-monarchical states in
ancient India, where they would naturally get fuller play and a freer atmosphere. Unfortunately

we do not know much about them, but

an unimpeachable
testi-

their very existence is mony of the supreme

power wielded by the In the previous people as a corporate body. part, dealing with the corporate activities of

people in a kingdom, we had to take into account the nature of these activities as well as of the

agencies by which they were performed. In the present case we may confine ourselves to the
latter

alone,

for

their

activities

must

have

embraced everything pertaining

to the adminis-

tration of a state in all its departments.

Years ago Professor Rhys Davids recognised the existence of these republican states from
c

'

216

CORPORATE LIFE
1

some references in the Buddhist Literature. After him the subject was treated in greater 2 detail by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal in the pages of Modern Review, and Prof. "D. R. Bhandarkar in
his

Carmichael Lectures (Vol.

in
full

I,

Though the arguments

not been endorsed

of these

pp. 146 ff.). scholars have

by others, their main contention about the existence of nonmonarchical states in ancient India has

now

gained general acceptance. We shall attempt in the following pages, to sketch an account of these
states

on the same plan as we have adopted in

the case of the 'guilds.' Regarding the antiquity of the non-monarchical

In the Vedic period.
.

form

of

government,
for the
xl

there are

j some grounds

belief that

it

was not unknown even

in the

Vedic

period.

Zimmer
form
3

finds clear traces of the oligarin the following verse

chical

of

government

in Rigveda.

kings (rajanah) assemble together in the Samiti, the plants (oshadhi) gather together in him who is called a physician, one who
the
heals
1

"

As

disease

and destroys demon."

1-2,

Zimmer

Buddhist India, pp.

19

ff.
ff.

2 3

Modern Review,
X.
Bei
9. 16.

1913, p. 535

"

dem

die

Krauter zusammenkommen wie die Rajanah

in der

Samiti, der gilt fur geschickten Arzt, Krankheitvertreiber,

Damonen-

vernichter." Alt-indische Leben, p. 176.

it

Macdonell, however, interprets

differently

and does not accept the conclusion of Zimmer although he

is

thinks that this state of affairs

perfectly possible. V.

1,

11-216.

CHAPTER

III

217

thinks that this refers to a system of government in which the state is not ruled over by a single

potentate but several

members

of the royal family

He also contends that some of jointly together. the passages in the Atharva-veda relating to the
election
of

kings (quoted above) refer to the

i/

contest of a

member

macy over
he
'

others.

of the oligarchy for supreIn support of his contention

I. 9. 3,

cites

Atharva-veda

where prayers are

offered to

Agni

to set the candidate in

'

over his fellows

(sajata),

supremacy Atharva-veda III. 4.

expressed on behalf of the suc" unto thee let thy fellows cessful candidate
3,

where wish

is

come," and Atharva-veda IV. 22. 1-2, where Indra is asked to make the Kshatriya, the sole
'

chief

the

to place him as king at head of the royal family (Kshatranam). 91 of the clan

'

and

'

Zimmer

finds in ancient India

a parallel of the

oligarchical form of Government existing among the ancient German Tribes, e.g., among the

Cherusci clan.

(It

was

at first ruled over

by

Arminius and
of king
;

his relatives

who

all

bore the

title

Arminius however wanted to be the sole ruler of the clan, and there broke out a struggle in which he was defeated). Zimmer's view is furtner corroborated by the
fact that the
"

Avesta contains distinct traces of

An
is

Zimmer
p.

Alt-indische Leben,

der Spitze der koniglichen Familie stehe dieser als Konig," Whitney's Translation (Vol. T, p. 165.
literal.

188)

not

28

318

CORPORATE LIFE
This has
1

the oligarchical form of Government.

from been clearly demonstrated by Spiegel 2 Yasna 19, 18, where the ruling powers of two In one of these, the provinces are contrasted.
sovereign
there
authorities

consisted of the chiefs of

'

house, street and town, besides Zarathustra and

is

no mention of the

'

ruler of the land

which occurs

in the other case.

Mr. K. P. Jayaswal 3 has furnished another evidence for the existence of non-monarchical

form

of

Government
a passage

in the in

Vedic period.

He

refers

to

the Aitareya

Brahmana

(VII. 3. 14) which mentions that among the Uttara Kurus and the Uttara Madras the whole

community was consecrated

their institutions
less states.

were called

rulership and ' Vairajya or kingto

Two
In the

points

may

be urged against this view,

same passage in the Aitareya Brahmana expressly locates the two tribes beyond
first

place the

Abhandlungen der
Dr.
I. J. S.

k. bayer.

Akad. der W.

I.

Kl.

7.

Band, 3 Abth.

p.

683.
8

Taraporewala has supplied

me with

the following literal

translation of the passage in question. " Who (are the five) leaders ? (He) of the house, (he) of the street,

(he) of the town, (he) of the country,

(is

(and)

Zarathustra,

the

fifth,

leader) of those countries which

(lit.

(are) different

from those under

Zoroastrian laws

other than those ruled over by Zoroastrian laws). (The city of) Ragha belonging to Zarathustra is under four leaders.
(are) its leaders
?

Who

(He) of the house, (he) of the

fourth Zarathustra (Himself)."
3

street, (he) of the

town, (and) the

Modern Review,

1913, p. 538.

CHAPTER
the Himalayas (parena

III

219
as such
of

Bimavantam) and

their institutions cannot be taken as types

those prevailing in India.

ever,

Zimmer

has,

howthat

shown good grounds

its

for the belief

both these tribes are to be located in India proper,

in

Kashmir and

neighbourhood, and contends,

well appear as

not without reason, that to the people living in

Madhyadesa Kashmir might very parena Himavantam.'

1

Secondly, the term

'

'

Vairajya

which has been

'

explained by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal as Kingless states,' has been taken by Messrs. Macdonell

and Keith
authority.

denoting some form of royal This however does not seem to be

as

when we compare the four sentences referring to the form of Government in the four Thus we have directions.
probable

The substitution
last

of

'

5f!C[^T:

for

'

'

?;T5fTf:

in the

sentence cannot be looked upon as merely accidental and lends support to Mr. Jayaswal's

view that we have here a reference to a democratic form of Government.

A. L.,
p. 102.
2

V.

I. II, p.

221.

220

CORPORATE LIFE
There
is

one passage in the Atharva-veda (V. 18. 10) which seems to be a conclusive evidence for the existence of non-monarchical form
of

Government

in the course

in the Vedic period. It occurs of a long string of imprecations

for the killing of a

Brahman's cow, and runs

as

follows

"

Whitney translates it as follows " They that ruled, a thousand, and were
:

ten

hundreds, those Vaitahavyas, having devoured the cow of the Brahman, perished." (W. A. V.,
p. 251.)

Zimmer, Muir and others translate what differently as follows

1
:

it

some-

descendants of Vltahavya, who ruled over a thousand men, and were ten hundred in

"The

number, were overwhelmed after they had eaten a Brahman's cow." (Muir S. T. I. 285.) But whatever the difference, the essential
fact remains that the Vaitahavyas, thousand in number, ruled over a territory, and there can be

scarcely any doubt that we have here an example 2 clan. It is also of oligarchical or republican
1

A.
If

L., p. 200.

we accept the translation given by Muir and Zinimer thousand people ruling over a thousand, the form of Government must be republican. The figure 1,000 must of course be looked upon
2

as conventional.

CHAPTER
worthy of note that
cal

III

221

non -monarchiclans (Mallas, Lichchhavis, etc,) they were

like the later

anti-Brahmanical.

The existence

of democratic

forms of governthe

aT

ment
8 ' '"
'

during

post-Vedic

M?ini

Period is abundantly proved by a number of testimonies. The

is

earliest in

point of time

Panini's celebrated

treatise

on

Grammar which
!

contains clear traces

of the existence of political corporations.

Thus

the sutra
of a

^[ftTTCTW shows that the nature corporation was fully understood in those
^'if

days;

for here

'

corporation

is

sharply

distin-

guished from mere collection or group, clearly indicating thereby that the former was a definite
organisation

bound by laws and regulations. Again, as Professor D. R. Bhandarkar has 2 shown, the same conclusion follows from another
sutra* wherein the grammarian points out that the word samgha does not signify a mere collection as the

word samghata

does, but a

gan%

i.e.,

a special kind of collection, or a 'corporate collection.' Further, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has drawn
attention to
"

a rule laid

down by

Panini,

viz.,

III. 3. 42.

Carmichael Lectures, First Series, pp. 141-2.

3

III. 3. 36.

CORPORATE LIFE
the meaning of which
is

that " an-suffix takes

place in nouns ending in an, yan, an in the case of (i.e., to denote) ankas and lakshanas of
1 sanghas." This not only testifies to the existence of samgha hut also shows that a sariigha had

its

anka or lakshana, which latter Mr. Jayaswal would identify with lanchchhana or heraldic

crest of later Sanskrit. 2

In several sutras Panini refers to distinct kinds of corporations under the names of 'puga 93 Vrata 4 and ayudhajlvisamgha?* The meaning
6 ' '

of the first has already been discussed above.

is
*

It

difficult

Vrata

determine the real meaning of and so far as I know no satisfactory

to

explanation has yet been offered.

The Kasika

commentary explains

it

as
6

"

pharase distinguishes The third second, from industrial corporations. " phrase I would take to mean living by means of
slaughter or killing."

it

The from

first

social

qualifying and the

According to this interVrata would mean a corporation of pretation,

robbers like the
* '

Thuggies

of later clays.

This

J. B. O. B. S., Vol. V, p. 27.

2 3 *

Ibid.

V.
V. V.
"

3. 112. 3.

113.

3. 114.

Vrata is a corporation (of people), belonging to different castes, having no definite means of livelihood, and living by means of slaughter
or killing."

CHAPTER
view
is

III

corroborated by a passage of Katyayana/

"2
' '

ayudhaof

jlvisamyha

means

a corporation

military
3,

men.

It

is

quite clear from Panini,

in

V.

117,

that the
gory. treated

Yaudheyas were included

history
detail

this cate-

The
in

of

the

Yaudheyas
but
such

will

be

below,

examples

scarcely leave

any doubt that the term ayudhapolitical corpora-

jlmsamgha denoted independent

tions or non-monarchical states.

Our next source

Evidence
of

of information
literature,
,.

is

Buddhist

and Jaina
Bud-.

The

exist.,,

dhist literature.

ence of democratic, along with

monarchical, states is most conclusively proved by a passage in Avadana Sataka. 3 are told in Avadana No. 88 that a

We

few merchants from

form
ruled
1

mid-India (Madhyadesa) visited the Deccan and being asked about the
of

government
4

"some provinces

country, replied, are under kings while others are

in

their

by ganas."

The Jaina Ayaramga-Sutta,

Quoted in VIraraitrodaya, p. 426. " Vrata is said to be an assembly of people having arious weapons

in their hands."

As utsedha
a

also

means

'

'

body
of

it is

pist possible that

utsedhajlvinah denoted
description.
3

corporation

day-labourers

of

various

My

attention

was drawn

to

this

passage by Mr.

Rnraaprasad

Chanda, B.A.

224

CORPORATE LIFE
earlier
text,

an

yana raya (a is the ruling authority.) where Gana territory Professor Rhys Davids has drawn up a list of the clans which are referred
1

also

refers

to

The non-monarchical
states referred

-,

to

in

to

by the Buddhist authors

:

-,

1 1

j.

^i

as

the

Buddhist

litera.

())

(2)

(8)
(4)

(5)
(6) (7)

(8)
(9)

tama Buddha. These are The Sakyas of Kapilavastu. The Bhaggas of Sumsumara Hill. The Bulis of Allakappa. Kalamas of Kesaputta. The Koliyas of Rama-gama. The Mallas of Kusinara. The Mallas of Pava. The Moriyas of Pipphalivana. The Videhas oF)
Mithila.

(10)

The

Lichchhavis
[

=The ***&***

of Vesali.

be generally inferred that all these lived under non-monarchical forms of govit

While

may

ernment we hardly know the detailed constituThe oft-quoted passage in tion of any of them. the Maha-parinibbana-sutta in which the Buddha laid down the conditions under which the Vajjians
1

chical

For other passages testifying to the existence of a non-monarform of government, cf. the writings of Mr. Rhys Davids,

Mr. Jayaswal and Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar cited above ( 1, pa*a. 2). 2 Buddhist India, p. 22. To this list should be added " the Mallas of
Kasi
"

on the authority of the Jaina literature.

See

.Taina

Kalpasutra

edited by Jacobi, p, 65.

CHAPTER
would prosper and not

III

225

decline,

may

be taken to

signify the general spirit of these constitutions. Once while the Buddha was at Rajagriha, Ajatasatru, the king of Magadha, resolved to destroy

the Vajjians and sent his prime-minister to take the advice of the Blessed One. When the message

was delivered
"

to the latter

he addressed Ananda,

The constitution of the Lichchhavi clan.

heard, Ananda, that the Vajjians hold " full and frequent public assemblies ? " So "Lord, so I have heard" replied he. long, Ananda," rejoined the
T^,
-i

Have you

Blessed One, as the Vajjians hold these full and frequent public assemblies so long may they be expected not to decline, but to prosper."
;

r\

11

*T

manner questioning Ananda, and receiving a similar reply, the Blessed One [And
in
like

declared as follows the

other conditions

which

would ensure the welfare of the Vajjian confederacy.] "

So long, Ananda, as the Vajjians meet together in concord, and carry out their under-

takings in concord so long as they enact nothing not already established, abrogate nothing that has been already enacted, and act in accordance

with the ancient institutions of the Vajjians as so long as they established in former days

honour and esteem and revere and support the Vajjian elders, and hold it a point of duty to
hearken
29 to

their

words

so

long

may

the

CORPORATE LIFE
Vajjians
1

be

expected

not

to decline

but to

prosper." It thus appears that both the merits and the defects of the democratic constitution were

present in these cases. On the one hand there was the general assembly, containing both the young and the old, as the supreme authority in the state,

with power to enact new laws and abrogate old ones, while, on the other, they suffered from the

want

of

that

stability

which

is

the

peculiar

merit of a strong monarchy, and were always liable to fall victims to disunion and a desire
for

too

their constitutions

sweeping changes. Yet, on the whole, were looked upon with favour
of the

and extorted the admiration

Thus, referring
to

Lord Buddha.

the
of

Lichchhavis he said "

the

brethren, let those

brethren

who have

Tavatimsa gods, gaze upon this assembly (parisam) of the Lichchhavis, behold
never seen the
this

assembly of the Lichchhavis, compare this assembly of the Lichchhavis even as an assembly
of Tavatimsa gods." 2

The great Buddha was an

cracy.

He

system of

adopted church government and himself taught

3

democratic

apostle of demoideas in his

the Vajjians

the conditions, already quoted under which they would prosper and not above,
1

S. B. E., Vol.

XI, pp. 3-4 XI,

p. 32.
I

*'S. B. E., Vol.

have substituted

'

'

assembly

(parisham)

for

'

company.'
3

Ibid, p. 4.

CHAPTER
decline.
It
is

III

127

also

worthy

of note that he laid

down
for

the very same conditions, in identical words, the welfare of his own community. It is
1

obvious that he perceived the underlying similarity between the two constitutions, working in

two different spheres of life, and naturally looked upon both as beset with the same sort of evils.

The introductory episodes of the Jataka stories furnish some information regarding the constitution of the Lichchhavi clans. Thus EkapannaJataka (No. 149, I, 504) tells us that in the city " of Vais'ali, There were always seven thousand
seven hundred and seven
kings to govern the

kingdom, and a like number of viceroys, generals The and treasurers." Chullakalinga-Jataka

some additional
the

(No. 301, III. 1) gives the same information with " details Tradition says that

Lichchhavis of the ruling family to the number of seven thousand seven hundred and
seven had their abode at Vesali, and
all of

were given to argument and disputation." Bhadda-Sala-Jataka (No. 405, IV. 149) refers to
the tank in the Vesali city where the families of the kings get water, for the ceremonial sprink" are told that by the tank there was ling."
"

them The

We

set a strong guard,

it

within and without

;

above

was spread an iron net not even a bird could find room to get through." The same Jataka
relates the story

how
1

the commander-in-chief of
Ibid, p. 5
ff.

228

CORPORATE LIFE

Kosala violated the sacredness of the tank by bathing his wife in it and was pursued by five

hundred angry Lichchhavi kings,

Although the introductory episodes of the Jatakas from which the above accounts are
taken are undoubtedly of much later date than the events which they relate, we cannot altogether dismiss their accounts as unworthy of credit. Though we need not attach much impor-

tance to the concrete figures which they supply, the general system described by them may be

accepted as not
state of affairs.

much divergent from actual Thus while the number seven thousand seven hundred and seven may be dismissed as a purely conventional one, it may be accepted that the supreme assembly of the state
consisted of a pretty large

number

of

members

and must, as such, be held

This
is

to be a popular one.

agreement with the inference we have deduced from the utterances of the
in complete

Buddha
the

in

quaint remark

the Mahaparinivvana Sutta. in the Chullakalinga Jataka

all

The
that

members were

given to

argument and

disputation,

seem to prove that the popular assembly was not merely a formal part of the constitution, but had active, vigorous life and
wielded real authority in the state. An idea of the status and responsible position of these members

may
tank

be had from the curious anecdote of

in
Vaisall.

the

No

doubt the popular

CHAPTER
imagination

III

had

its

share

in

building

Up the

whole story, but we must be kicking in true

critical spirit if

we

fail to find in it

some amount
to pass

of historical truth.

It appears that each of the

members

of

the

supreme assembly had

through some sort of consecration, like the king in a kingdom, and that an important part of the ceremony consisted in a bath in a tank, reserved
for

the

purpose in

the city of Vaisall.

This

sacred ceremony by itself is an unimpeachable testimony of the supreme trust reposed in the

members and

the high responsibilities attached

to their positions.

The question naturally arises, how were these members selected ? Now, we learn from Ekapanna Jataka (I. 5(M<), that corresponding to the seven thousand seven hundred and seven kings there was a like number of viceroys, generals and treasurers. This would imply that each

member
full

of

the

supreme assembly possessed a

requisite for the adminisIt

suite of

officers

tration of a state.

that each of these

members was

administrative unit.
state

would appear, therefore, the head of an In other words, the whole

of a number of administrative each of which was a state in miniature by units,

consisted

itself,

and possessed a complete administrative machinery. The business of the state as a whole was carried on by an assembly consisting of the
heads of these states

who were

in their turn

230

CORPORATE LIFE

attended by their principal officers. Those who are familiar with the Cleisthenian constitution
of the city state of

Athens cannot

fail to find its

prototype in the city of Yaisall.

For in Athens

too there was a central Assembly, consisting of the representatives of the smallest local units, the
denies,
(

which managed

their

own

local affairs,

being

corporations with

officers,

assemblies and

corporate property/

The Lichchhavis
T he natnre
Gan a
'

are called 'ganas.'

It has

been already pointed out (p. 142) that this term is applied in
Smriti literature to denote the
cities.

corporations of villages or

That

this

term

also denoted independent political corporations is abundantly testified to by epigraphic and numis-

matic evidences.
the

Malava

Thus the inscriptions refer and Yaudheya ganas, and

Allahabad
Pillar

to in

Inscription they are clearly distinguished from the kingdoms. The coins issued by them leave no doubt that

Samudragupta's

they

were independent

corporations,

and the

Bijaygadh Pillar Inscription expressly refers to the fact that the Yaudheya gana used to elect
its

chief

who

also served as

eneral.

Fleet
"

translates

it

as

Of the Maharaja and MahasenSpati who has been made the leader of
"

the Yaudheya tribe

(Gupta

Ins., p. 252).

No
'

be made to this translation as the lexicons give

chosen

objection can possibly as one of the

'

meanings of

CHAPTER
The
Vlramitrodaya
:

III

'231

(p.

126)

quotes

from

Katyayana

f% H?J

*T<r.

Weft;

hl trie!
c

The root-meaning
a multitude, a

of the

word
1 '

'

is

a group,

community.
'

interpretation therefore

TR

According to this would mean a federcommunities.

This

ation of different groups or

is

fully

in

forward

keeping with the view I have put above about the constitution of the
of

supreme assembly

the

basis of the Jataka stories.

Lichchhavis, on the It would follow then

that each of these communities

was a

state

in

miniature with a complete staff of officials, while the supreme assembly administering over the

whole state consisted of the heads of these communities.

It

may

be

(V. 1) preserves, in connection

of

noted that Mahavagga with the kingdom

of a central

Magadha, an instance
units
of

assembly

consisting of the heads of the smallest administrative

the kingdom. The assembly was held during the reign of Bimbisara, the very period to which the constitution of the
is

Lichchhavis under discussion

to

be referred.
"
?re *?wt;

The Jaina Kalpa Sutra

refers to

^^

Prof. D. R.

Bhundarkar takes 'Kula'

of a

in

the

sense of 'family,'

and explains the constitution

Lectures, Vol.
2

gana

differently.

(Carmichael

I,

pp. 160

ff.)

Kalpa Sutra, edite d by Jacobi.

p. 65,

232

CORPORATE LIFE

connection with the illumination at the night of Mahavlra's death. The exact
of
officers Executive Lichchhavi the

Sense
,

of
.

"

uncertain.

T It
,

IS T^TOST^ may mean merely

,

"

nine

of

the

so-called

7707

Lichchhavi kings who formed the Supreme Assembly, but this would imply that Jainism was confined to a very limited section of the

Lichchhavi community and it is unlikely that such a thing should be confessed by a Jaina
author.

The other
i.

be to take the
heads,
e.,

possible interpretation would term to denote nine kings or

officers, of

executive

the Lichchhavi

gana.

already "seen that the guilds executive officers to transact their appointed business, and it is inconceivable that the affairs
of a state could have been

We have

assembly
executive

without
officers.

managed by a big the help of one or more The ^cjJl^WPfft would

' '

thus represent the whole state of the Lichchhavis and this would be exactly in keeping with the
tenor of the whole passage. possess some information

We

regarding
justice

the

method
Administration
justice
of

in

which

was

administered
.

among

the

Lichchhavis.
chiefly

the among The sstem is

for

remarkable

the
it,

ultra-democratic

spirit

which characterises

and

give us some insight into the principles of administration followed in these

is

calculated to

CHAPTER
non-monarchical
'

III

238

states.

We
"

learn
first

from
sent

Atthakatha
for
trial

that

a criminal
officer

was at
the

to

the

called

they innocent they acquitted him, but if he was guilty in their opinion, they could not punish him,
but had to send him to the next higher tribunal, that of the Voharika. They too could acquit
{

mahamatta."

If

found

Vinichchaya accused

the accused

they found him innocent, but had to send him to the next higher tribunal,
if

viz.,

that of the
guilty.

him

Suttadhara/ if they considered There were three other tribunals

viz.,

with similar functions,

those of Atthakulaka,

Senapati, and Uparaja, each of which could acquit the accused, if innocent, but had to send

Raja had alone the right to convict the accused, and in awarding punishments he was to be guided by the Paveni pmtaka or the Book of Precedents. The right individual was thus safeguarded in a of the
last tribunal, viz., that of the
' '

him The

to the

next higher tribunal

if

found

guilty.

manner

that

the world.
successive

He

has had probably few parallels in could be punished only if seven

tribunals had unanimously found him guilty, and he was quite safe if but one of them found him innocent. And it is but fitting that the

right of the people should thus be safeguarded in a state where the people governed themselves.
1

See the translation

S. B.,

of

the important

passage by

Tumour

in

J.

A.

VII, pp. 993-4.

30

CORPORATE LIFE
Besides the Lichchhavis, the Sakyas are the only clan about whose constiHie Sikva cluu.

tution

something

definite

is

known. Professor Rhys Davids summed up the available information on the subject as follows. "The administrative and judicial business
of the clan at
1

was carried out in public assembly, which young and old were alike present, in

their

common

vastu.

mote-hall (santhagara) at KapilaIt was at such a parliament, or palaver,

King Pasenadi's proposition was discussed. When Ambattha goes to Kapilavastu on business,
that

he goes to the mote-hall where the Sakiyas then in session

.

were

"A
chosen,

single chief

we do not know

how, and for what period, was elected as office-

holder, presiding over the sessions, and, if no He bore sessions were sitting, over the state.

the

title of raja

thing

like

which must have meant somethe Roman Consul, or the Greek

hear at one time that Bhaddiya, a young cousin of the Buddha's, was the raja the and in another passage, Suddhodana,
;

Archon

We

Buddha's father (\vho

simple citizen, the raja."
Professor

is

elsewhere spoken of as a
is

Suddhodana the Sakiyan),

called

Rhys
1

Davids'

views
in

about

the
of its

Sakya clan have been challenged

Buddhist India,
p. 19.

some

CHAPTER
essential aspects.

III

Thus Waiters is of opinion that Kapilavastu and the surrounding territory were included within the kingdom of Kosala, and thai we cannot therefore speak of a Sakya So far as I know, ihe only king or kingdom.
1

ground
"
sala,

in support of this

Anapavattltthana

"

the expression used, with reference to Kois

view

by the Sakyas themselves about

their terri-

tory in the introductory episode of the

Bhaddasala

Jataka (No. 465, IV. 145). The full significance of the expression is, however, far from being definite, and Oldenberg took it to mean that the

Sakyas owed some honorary dues to the Kosala kingdom. Be thai as it may, ihe same Jataka
clearly

shows

that
of the

Kapilavastu was

outside

the boundaries

we

are

told,

kingdom of Kosala. For that while Vidudabha resolved to

destroy the

Sakyas ihe Buddha set out for Kapilavastu and sat beneath a tree near the city. " Hard by that place, a huge and shady banyan tree stood on the boundary of VidudabJia's
realms"'1
territory

This clearly proves that the Sakya border, but was just touched ihe

outside ihe jurisdiction of the Kosala kingdom. The other objection against Prof. Rhys Davids'
its

form
-

of govern-

view

menfc

that regarding the conProf. stitution of the Sakyas.

is

D. E. Bhandarkar maintains the view that the

On Yuan Chwang."
'

Vol. II, p. 3.

at., iv, p. 152-

cffit

236

CORPORATE LIFE

Sakya territory Avas ruled by a hereditary king, like any ordinary kingdom. It may be pointed
1

out,

however, that the introductory episodes of the Jatakas seem to prove that the constitution of the Sakyas was not unlike that of the

Lichchhavis.

The Kunala Jataka

a feud between

No. 536, V,
the

412

ff.)

describes

Sakyas

and

neighbouring clan, the Koliyas. A careful study of the whole account hardly leaves
their

any doubt that the Sakyas were governed on the same principle as the Lichchhavis. Thus
the quarrel grew serious over the waters River which of the Rohini each party wanted for irrigation purposes, the Sakyas went

when

and

told

the

Councillors
it

services,

and they reported

2

appointed to such to the multitude of

kings (or royal families).

It

was then resolved,

that

apparently by these
fight

kings,

they should

and

the fray.

the Sakyas sallied forth, ready for The number of these kings is not
so

definitely stated but

must be held

to

have been

considerable in view of the fact that two hundred

and

fifty

princes were offered as escorts for the

is

Buddha.

Not only

there not the least

reference to
this

any individual royal authority in

stantial narrative but the chiefs

circum-

of

the

Sakyas

are

all
1

called

"

kings

Why
'

are

ye

come

Garmichael Lectures, First

Series, p. 161.

(p. 413).

CHAPTER
here,

III

23"

the said Buddha, kings?" " and again we have the expression Becoming In the Samuddabelievers the kings said, etc."

mighty

Vanija-Jataka (No. 466, IV, 158) Devadatta laments that he was renounced by all the kings
of

we
IV,
of of

'Sakyas' (^^fTT^T ^f%ftr). Similarly learn from the Bhadda-Sala-Jataka (No. 465,

the

144
the
this

ff.)

how

King Pasenadi
one of
the

sends his

messenger asking for

daughters

Sakya

clan in

marriage.

On

receipt

message Sakyas gathered together and deliberated. Here, again, there is no reference to any king to whom the message was delivered. According to time-honoured
customs ambassadors are despatched by one king
to another,

the

there be any, and the omission in this respect seems to lend considerable strength to the assumption that the Sakyas had no king
if

in the
is

sense
c

true that

which we attach to the term. It Vasabha Khattiya, born of a slave

'

woman and Mahanama,

ofKosala as
(

is

daughter

of

referred to by the king 5 the Sakya king, but

Mahanama is elsewhere (p, 147) referred to as simply 'Mahanama the Sakya,' and Vasabha" khattiya tells her son are the Sakya kings."
also referred to as
(

My

boy, your grandsires The young Sakyas are

princes.'

though they do not help us to acquire a detailed knowledge of the constitution of the Sakyas, seems to me to be
references,

The above

:>38

CORPORATE LIFE
evidence in
that

conclusive

favour of Prof.

l\hys
to
11.

theory monarchical constitution.

accept
'

Davids'

the

Sakyas had a nonIt

is

difficult

the view, maintained

l

by Prof. D.

Bhandarkar
kakya-raja
king.

that
is

'

to

Bhaddiya, who is called be looked upon as a hereditary

The instances quoted above from the Jatakas hardly leave any doubt that the Sakyas, like the Lichchhavis, had a number of rajas, who were probably members of the supreme
assembly ruling over the
of
state.

We
"

hear also
"

a class of
2

officers

called

uparajano

or

and this makes it probable, that like viceroys the Lichchhavi rajas, the Sakya rajas were also
heads of minor administrative
as
units.

So

far,

the evidence goes, the Sakya and therefore, Lichchhavi constitutions appear to resemble

each other to a great extent. We possess no detailed information regarding the constitution of the other clans to which
reference
texts.
is

made

in the Buddhist
to the

and Jaina

They probably belonged

states

same

type,

and on the whole the

governed on these to have enjoyed seem democratic principles Buddha's reply to the considerable prosperity. ministers of Ajatasatru is an unimpeachable

testimony of Lichchhavis. of the

1

the

inherent
also

We
1.

strength learn from

Carmichuel Lectures, First Series,

Jut., Vol.

p. 161.

V,

p.

413,

15.

CHAPTER

III

" !kapanna-Jataka (No. 149, 1, 504) that in those A days Vaisali enjoyed marvellous prosperity.
triple wall

high admiration entertained by Buddha towards the Lichchhavi people has already been referred to.

league three gates

distant

encompassed the city, each wall a from the next, and there were
with
watch-towers."

The

Mutual discord, as pointed out by Buddha, was however the chief danger in these states, and the way in which Vaisali was conquered by
l

Ajatasatru
chiefs
is

by sowing

dissensions

among

its

probably a typical example of the fate

which

befell

many

others.

The Buddhist Texts thus clearly establish the fact that some states in ancient India possessed democratic forms of government, the most notable feature of which was the supreme
popular assembly, that regularly held its sittings at the Santhagara in the capital city. It has

been noticed above that the Buddha introduced

the same democratic principles
at greater length

in his

church

government. The Buddhist Texts naturally dwell

possible to

upon the latter, and make it form a definite idea of the procedure

by which the deliberations of these religious Years ago Prof. Oldenassemblies were guided.
2

berg
1

noticed some of the important features of

Atthakatha translated by Tnrnonr in
f
.

Cf.
p.

J.

A.

S. R., Vol.

VIT,

994
8

ff,

n.

Buddha,

p.

349.

:MO
this procedure.

CORPORATE LIFE
Mr. K. P. Jayaswal has since
in a systematic

treated
Avhat
is

the subject

way, and,
it

more important, has deduced from

states.
1

valuable information about the constitution of

non-monarchical

Thus he says:
the

"We

may

*3?i*^
supreme Assembly
in

procedure followed at the delibera -

safely accept

a democratic state.

Buddhist Samgha as identical with that observed

tions of the

parent, the political Samgha, in its features," Prof. D. E. Bhandarkar has

by

its

main
also

practically supported this

stress

view/ and laid some on the argument, originally advanced by

the
technical

Mr. Jayaswal, that as the Buddha never stopped

to

explain

terms

like

jnapti,

pratijna, they must be held to have been already current and fairly well known in his time.

This argument
disposed
of.

may, however, be

at

once

generally admitted that the Buddhist scriptures were not put into writing till a considerable period had elapsed since Buddha's
It
is

death, and as these technical terms

must have

been in constant use during this interval, they were too well known then to require any specific
It is not however quite accurate to that these terms have never been defined in say the Buddhist scriptures, for although no logical

definition.

definition
1

has been offered, the

Modern Review, 1913, p. 664 ff. Carmichael Lectures, First Series,

term jnapti,

p. 184.

'HAPTER

III

24:

and the whole procedure has been fully explained on the first occasion when we hear of it, in connection with the initiation ceremony. Thus we learn from Mahavagga,
originally the pabbajja
tions were
I, 12,

that

and upasampada ordina-

repeated

conferred on a candidate after he thrice the well-known formula " I take

refuge in the Buddha, I take my refuge in the Dhamma, I take my refuge in the

my

Saiiigha."

Later on, on

the

occasion

of

initiating

a
as

particular Brahman, the Buddha laid follows (Mahavagga, I, 28):

down

"I

abolish,

Bhikkhus, from

this

day the

Upasampada ordination by

the three-fold decla-

ration of taking refuge, which I had prescribed. I prescribe, Bhikkhus, that you confer the Upasampada ordination by a formal act of the Order in which the announcement (natti} is followed

by three questions.
ought, O Bhikkhus, to confer the Let a Upasampada ordination in this way

And you

learned competent Bhikkhu proclaim the following natti before the Samgha
:

Let

the Samgha,

reverend

Sirs,

hear me.

This person X. X. desires to receive the UpaIf the sampada from the venerable N.

Samgha is ready, the Upasampada

jhaya.
31

let

the

Samgha confer on N. N.

ordination with N. N. as Upaj-

This

is

the natti.

CORPORATE LIFE
Samgha, reverend Sirs, hear me. This person N. N. desires to receive the Upasampada ordination from the Venerable N. N. The Samgha confers on N. N. the Upasampada ordination with N. N. as Upajjhaya. Let any one of the venerable brethren who is in favour of the
'

Let the

Upasampada

ordination of N. N. with N. N, as

Upajjhaya, be silent, and any one favour of it, speak.

5
'

who

is

not in

And

for the second time I thus speak to

etc. (as before). for the third time I thus speak to

you

Let the Samgha,

'

you Let the Samgha, etc. N. N. has received the Upasampada ordination from the Samgha with N. N. as Upajjhaya. The
;

And

Samgha
Thus
170.)

is

in favour of

it,

therefore

it is

silent.

I understand."

(S. B. E.,

XIII, pp. 169-

a full exposition of the procedure, and was quite intelligible to everybody even if he heard of it for the first time. If Buddha
this
is

Now

merely copied existing institutions and usages he might have expressed himself more briefly.
Then, again, the string of regulations laid down in Mahavagga, IX, 3, also shows that the Buddha was constructing a whole system of procedure

and not merely copying

political state.

it

from

that

of

nothing, therefore, in the method of Buddha's exposition of the prois

it

There

cedure, to show, that

was already current, and

CHAPTER

III

243

that he merely adopted it for particular kinds of The only cases arising in his organisations.

other argument advanced by Mr. Jayaswal in support of his theory, is the assumption 'that the Buddhist Brotherhood, the samgha, was
copied out from the political samgha, the republic,
in its constitution.' rally

But though we may gene-

believe that in forming his church, the Buddha was inspired, to a great extent, by the

highly flourishing democratic states in his neighbourhood, it would be too much to say that he deliberately copied any one of these constitutions
or accepted anything beyond the general democratic principles involved in each of them.
It

would therefore be risky

the procedure assemblies of the
to

to

accept the

detailed regulations of the Buddhist church as

applicable
political
states.

adopted by the great democratic

Nevertheless an
profit

historian

may

study

them with
the
latter.

in

view of the stage

Eor,
these
analysis,

order to obtain a general of development attained by

subjected to a careful unfold to us a regulations

when

number

of characteristic features

which are so

intimately

associated

and almost organically

connected with the workings of popular assemblies that it is difficult, nay, almost impossible,

knowledge was confined to only one sphere of life. They are so indisto the successful working of big pensable
to

believe

that

their

244

CORPORATE LIFE
that

assemblies,
certain, that

we may

accept

it

as

almost

of life

had they been known in one sphere they were sure to be imitated in others.
in Chullavagga, IV. 14. 19
if.

Thus when we read

how a matter

could be referred by the assembly to a committee we may be almost sure that the

well-known modern system

ness

of

expediting busito

by

referring

complicated
or

committees was not unknown

Indian assemblies,
this

questions to the ancient

religious

political.

For

feature

is

so essentially necessary for the

successful working of an assembly, and its utility so obvious even to the common mind, that

whether
political

it

had originated in the church or in a assembly, it was sure to have been

Arguing on copied by the one from the other. similar lines the following important features of
the popular assembly of a democratic state may be gathered from the regulations relating to procedure laid down in the Buddhist scriptures.
1

(a)

Definite rules were laid

down regarding
assembly. of. Chulla-

the form of

moving
in

resolutions in the

(For instances vagga, IV. II. 2;

(b)

Buddhist church

XL

1.4).

There was a rule of quorum (Mahavagga,

IX.

3. 2). (c)

In case
of

sense
1

ofa difference of opinion, the the assembly was determined by the

Modern Review,
1913, p. 664
ff.

C/. Mr. Jayaswal's article in

CHAPTER
votes of the majority.

lit

245

There were prescribed methods for counting the votes, and voting by ballot was not unknown. (Chullavagga, TV. 9
;

IV. 14. 26).

Complicated matters were referred to the committees, and if they were unable to come to any decision, the matter was referred back to
(d)

the assembly. (Chullavagga, IV. 14. 24). Definite rules seem to have been laid (e)

down regarding such matters

(Mahavagga,
IX.
3.

as votes of absentees
;

and subsequent legalisation of acts done by an illegally constituted assembly (Chullavagga, XII. 1. 10).
5-6)

Next
llic

to the
or

evidence

Buddhist Literature, the writings of the Greeks may be

looked upon as the most important source of information

Greek writers on the republican and oligarchic states in ancient

regarding the subject under review. They clearly demonstrate the existence of the n on -monarchical forms of Government,

both aristocratic and democratic, at the end of the fourth century B. C. when the great Maurya

Empire was in the making. Megasthenes lived time in India and as a Greek for some politician must be presumed to have possessed
regarding the distinction between aristocratic and democratic forms of
definite

knowledge

246

CORPORATE LIFE

government.
to

We ought not therefore to

'

hesitate

accept his statement, that most of the cities in his time adopted the democratic form of
3

government
to

(McCrindle's Translation,
his

p. 40).

It is in the light of this

explain

remark that we ought other statements that "the

and

Maltecorae, Singhae (and other tribes) are free

and have no kings "

also that

(Ibid, pp. 143-144),"

live

" those
(Ibid,

who

near the sea have no

kings"

Eick, however, denies that there were republican states in the days of
p.

156).

Megasthenes. In his opinion, what the Greek author really meant was simply the fact, that
in

neighbourhood of a great kingdom like Magadha, some towns or small states preserved their independent existence, and
not that their form
1

the

immediate

of government differed from of a that I am unable radically kidgdom. to endorse Mr. Tick's opinion, as he adduces no reason for the same, and specially in view of the fact that a Greek politician is hardly likely to

commit mistakes regarding such familiar institutions as democratic and aristocratic forms of
government.
writers.

Besides,

corroborated by the

Megasthenes' account is statements of other Greek

Thus Arrian tells us that a republic was thrice established in India before the time
Sandrocottos.
1

of

It

is

true

that

the

Greeks

Fick, p, 90.
Arriaii's Indika, translated

by MoOrmdle,

p. 203.

OHAPTEH HI

MT

could not possibly have any authentic knowledge of these events, but even a tradition of this
character, current

among

the Indians, would go

a great way towards proving our point. Then, Arrian categorically asserts, with reference to the
class of officers called

Superintendents that 'they report everything to the king where the people have a king and to the magistrates where the

There can be no people are self-governed.' Arrian here contrasts the kingdoms that question
with non-monarchical
'

states.
*

Again Quintus Curtius refers to the Sabarcae' as a powerful Indian tribe where the form of 52 An government was democratic and not regal. idea of the extent and resources of this democratic state

may

be formed from the fact that

consisting
of

it-

possessed

an

army

60,000

foot,

6,000 cavalry and 500 chariots.

When Alexander

marched against them they elected three generals, a fact quite in keeping with their form of government. It must also be noted that here
the

question is not of a city-state, for we are told that the bank of the Indus was most thick'

ly studded with their villages.'

The Greek writers

of
states

also

prove the existence

ruled by oligarchy. Thus Arrian's Anabasis leaves no doubt that the city-state of
1

Ibid, p. 212.

McCrindle,

p. 252.

by some with the Sabarcae) that they dwelt which the democratic form of Government prevailed (Ibid,
identified
' '

Diodorus also says of the Sambastai (who are

in cities in
p. 292),

248

CORPORATE LIFE
oligarchical form of government, governing body having consisted of a presi-

Nysa had an
its

members of the aristocracy. For we are told that " when Alexander came to Nysa, the Nysaians sent out to him their President whose name was Akouphis, and along with him
dent and 300
thirty deputies of their

most eminent
Alexander
in

citizens."

We
their

further

hear
of

that

"

confirmed

the inhabitants

Nysa

the
;

freedom and their o\vn laws

about
their

enjoyment of and when he

enquired praised them because the government of their state was in the hands of the aristocracy. He moreover requested
laws

he

them

to send

with him

100 of their best

1

men

selected

sisted of three

from the governing body, which conhundred members."

Again Arrian remarks, "It was reported that the country beyond the Hyphasis was exceedingly fertile, and that the inhabitants were
good agriculturists, brave in war, and living under an excellent system of internal government for the multitude was governed by the
;

aristocracy,
justice

who

exercised

their authority with

and moderation."aristocratical

Strabo also records

a tradition, about the

is

"an

same country, that there form of government consist-

ing of five thousand councillors, each of furnishes the state with an elephant."'
1
1

whom

McCriiidle, pp. 79-81.

3

McCrindie,

p. 121.

Megasthenee

Indica, p. 67-

CHAPTER
The Greek
tribes

III

249

writers also mention various other

such as the Malloi,

Adraistai, etc.,

who seem
It
is

to

Oxydrakai, Xathroi, have lived under a

aristocratic

non monarchical
or republican.

constitution, either

also a noticeable fact that

with which Alexander came into contact belonged to this

the

majority of the

Indian states

It may be safely inferred, therefore, category. that in the 4th century B.C. the non-monarchical

form of government was more prevalent in the Punjab than the monarchical constitution.

fitting

commentary

to the

accounts of the

Greek writers about the nonabout Discussion non-monarchical states

in Arthasastra.
.

monarchical states or the 4th

century B.C.
-r*

is

Kautilya, minister of the founder of the Maurya Empire. Kautilya devotes a whole chapter (Bk. XI,
( Chapter I) on corporations into two classes
:

the

Arthasastra

of

furnished by the celebrated

-111

'

and divides them

"
(p. 376.)

Thus the first class consisted of the Kshatriya* guilds which followed trade, agriculture and
military profession.

These have already been

250

CORPORATE LIFE

discussed in connection with the guilds. It may only be noted here that it appears from Kautilya's

tenor of writings

that

they had sometimes an

independent

political career.

The other
'

class of corporations

was that

of

the Lichchhivikas, Viijikas, Mallakas, Madrakas, Kukuras, Kurus and Panchalas who made use
of the epithet of king (raja).
1

The statement that the Lichchhivikas make

use of the epithet of raja is corroborated, as we have seen above, by the Buddhist literature.

The Arthasastra merely proves that the Lichchhavis survived the attacks of Ajatasatru and that their democratic constitution existed at
least

end of the fourth or the beginning of the third century B.C. I have already given some account of the constitution of the

up

to the

The word
*

'

TT^sfat'f:
IH-35

is

one

of

considerable
'

difficulty.
'

'

Tl^iai*^
e.g.,

may

be compared with such expression as

*PTCT5|JW[

in

Raghuvamsa,
" of
:

'^W
'

^W
rank

g^T^ap^vnV
?)

and tranBut the

slated as

epithet, or title (including

'

of a king."

ordinary meaning

sastry's translation
offers

hardly suitable here. " The corporations...... live by the

is

^q^tfaf'.

Thus Shamatitle of

no meaning

Apte's Sanskrit

how can one to make Dictionary

;

for

possibly live

by a

title ?

a raja" In V. S.

'

use of

'

is

given as one of the

is

meanings of the root

'

^^ffa and
cf^cfliTCcT

the following

quoted from Mbh.

?

in
is

support
quite

of

it.

*TR

3iftfV?*rjq5ftZI%'

This meaning

suitable

to

both the

expressions above.
is

In the passage of

Mbh. the implied of BhSrata but

*
'

force'.of

%q^fa'

that the poets not only

it.

make
It

use

also derive materials for their books from

may

only

be held, therefore, that in the present case also the Lichchhivikas not made use of the epithet of king but this supplied the material or

the essence of their corporate existence,

CHAPTER

111

251

Lichchhavis, and it may be presumed that it did not alter much at the time of Kautilya, and that the constitution of the other corporations

mentioned by him belonged

to

the same

type.

He

does not give us much information on this point but the little that he says is fully compatible

with this view of the case.

evident from the following passage was a general assembly of the corpoand that the executive officers (called
it is

Thus
ration,

that there

Mukhyas) were subordinate

to

it.

"

<|f%cnc
i

^"

Here we must presume a general assembly

of

cannot mean anycorporations, for 5 ' As thing but in the midst of the assembly. the assembly had the right of hearing complaints
the

?&

against,

and punishing, the 'MukhyasJ they must be held to have been subordinate to it.
R.
'

Shamasastry has
'

translated

the

word

MuTchya
458).

as the chief of a corporation (pp. 457,

be taken to imply the existence of a supreme chief, but I do not find any authoThis

may

rity

for

this

view.

That there were several

CORPORATE LIFE
'
'

M-itkhyas
as

is

quite clear from such

expressions

"*w*^te

ttfrero"

(P.

377),

"firif^n
e

foWTS $^ sJST^ ^ft ?T3?s3" ......... (P- 379). Mukhyas should therefore be taken as executive officers.'

assembly were called This not only follows from the word rajas. TT^ST^tHSftft*!! but also from such expressions " as ?ra^f^faT3^^3f^H3T." Evidently one could be imprisoned or rejected (lit. thrown away,
of

The members
'

the

i. e.,

probably exiled)
'

assembly. Hence members of the assembly or in other words each or king. The of them had the epithet ?J5T
'

only by the orders of the ' would denote the TTSfsrf^

'

democratic nature of the constitution

is

well

hinted at by Kautilya in the following passage.

I!

(P- 379.)

Thus the ^rf *J^T was to pursue that course was approved by the members which action
the *rf
i

'

'

of of

The

list

of corporations given
It includes Vrijikas,
east, the

above

is

indeed

suggestive.

Lichchhivikas
Paficha-

and Mallakas in the

Kurus and

las in the centre, the Madrakas in the north-west

and the Kukuras in the south-west, of northern This shows that at the beginning of the India. Maurya period, the whole of northern India

was studded with these democratic

states.

That

CHAPTER

III

253

they possessed considerable power is admitted by Kautilya himself when he says that to a king the acquisition of the help of corporations is
better Chan the acquisition of an army, a friend and or profits. Kautilya thus corroborates

supplements the accounts of the Greek writers

whose picture

of

India,

it

may

be noted, refers

exactly to the same period.

The onward march

ever, destined to

of imperialism was,

howthese

make

a clean sweep of

all

centres of corporate political activities, and the way was paved by the unscrupulous doctrines
of the Machiavellian
of the great

minister

of

the founder

The existence of empire. independent democratic states seemed incompatible with his conception of empire, and the

Maurya

great minister set himself to the task of undermining their power by any means fair or foul.

Any
in

one

who

Kautilya's
of
its

reads the chapter on Samgha Arthasastra is sure to be struck

'

with the stern resolve and the

The imperialism and Kautilya
disastrous
effects
.

the

on non-monarchical

steady and
.

persistent

efforts
lllS

Wltll WillCh lie

proceeded to

task.

His

political

insight
'

could not
hinted at
essence

fail to

by
the

grasp the cardinal fact that was Gautama Buddha, viz., that the
strength of a corporation
its

of

lies in

the

unity

among
of

members/ and

all

his

practical

statesmanship,

able

power

and the truly remarkinventing ingenious devices was

254

CORPORATE LIFE
for the one

end of sowing dissensions among these corporations. Thus he lays down

employed

the cardinal doctrine that "spies, gaining access to all these corporations and finding out jealousy,

hatred and other causes of quarrel among them, should sow the seeds of a well-planned dissension

The spies employed, and the ways and means adopted by them, were to be of various kinds. They should incite mutual

among them."

hatred by telling one in secret " this man decries " under the guise of teachers they should you
;

cause mutual enmity on

tions

occasions of disputa'

about

certain
' ;

gambling or sports
sion

points of science, arts, the fiery spies should occa-

quarrel
praising

among
inferior
all

by

the leaders of corporations leaders in taverns and

theatres;

and

the

while

the

unblushing
party

autocrat was to secretly help the inferior

them against the superior party. Nay, more; the Brahmin minister of Chandragupta did not hesitate to recommend
with
set

men and money and

the free

use of wine and Thus,

'

women

to

achieve

his purpose.

on occasions of any affray under the guise of vintners ) spies the under should, plea of the birth of a son, of

marriage or of the death of a man, distribute as of vessels of liquor toast (^^rf^cjf) hundreds
adulterated with

the juice of

'

madaua

'

plant.

Women
beauty

endowed with bewitching youth

be exhibited to excite love in

and
the

may

CHAPTER
minds

III

of the chief of corporations,

and then by

go to another person or hy pretending that another person has violently carried her off, they may bring about quarrel
causing the
to

woman

among

those

who

love

that

ensuing affray the fiery spies them and declare " Thus has he been killed in

woman; in the may kill one of

I pass by the other devices which are suggested to achieve a man's ruin by alluring him with feminine beauty but

consequence of his love."

there

is

one which
It
is

is

too remarkable

to

be

left

unnoticed.

suggested that a mendicant-

woman a spy should tell a chief who is fond " this of his wife, (another) chief, proud of his secret youth, has sent me to entice your wife
steps should be taken against him." quence of course is obvious.

The conse-

6
It

was by these and

similar

means

that

Kautilya sought
The Corporate spirit, however, survived the imperialism of Kantilya.

to achieve his

grand

ideal, viz.>

'that his master

should live as
of all

the only monarch

'

the

corporations
ideal

(p.

379).

The

mighty corporations during the period of the Mauryas. The corporate spirit to which they owed their existence

great extent, for of the existence of

was possibly realised to a we have no positive evidence

these

25(1

CORPORATE LIFE

was, however, too deeply rooted in the soil to die merely at the fiat of an imperial master.

With

the

downfall of the
established

government Chandragupta and

strong centralised of by the prowess the genius of Chanakya, the

independent political corporations reared up their heads again, and some of them attained the

Numismahighest pitch of greatness and glory. tic evidences that the prove Yaudheyas, the
Malavas,
their

the Vrishnis,

the

Arjunayanas,
the

the

Audumbaras and the Kunindas had

independence
true
that

established

duping

century
hear
of

that

followed the overthrow of

It
is

the

Maurya empire.
the the

we no

longer

Lichchhivikas, the Vrijikas, the

Kurus and

Panehalas
their
r61e

as
is

forming

republican states,
the

but

the Malavas, played by Yaudheyas, the Arjunayanas and others. So true is it that the individual dies but the spirit
survives
!

It

is

remarkable
in

fact

that

the
of

republican

states

the
ever.

neighbourhood

Magadha

vanish

for

One

alone,

the

Lichchhavis, indeed appears again in history, but then they lived in Nepal under a monarchical

government. The theories of Kautilya thus seem to have been carried into practice with a completeness that is truly surprising.

form

of

Political

ideas,

however,

underwent

change in the succeeding period. The which inspired the writings of Kautilya seemed

great ideas

CHAPTER
out of date

III

257

when India had drunk deeply

into

imperialism for a few centuries. Political schools arose, outside the sphere of influence of Kautilya, which evinced as much solicitude for the wel-

and continued existence of these republican states as the latter had done for their A fair specimen of their ruin and destruction. writings has been preserved in section 107 of the Santiparva of Mahabharata.
fare, prosperity
1

To Mr. K.

P.

Jayaswal belongs the credit of

furnishing the right interpretation of the passage

ries

theofavouring the existence of non-monarchipolitical

New

and explaining its bearing upon the republican states of

.
'

cai states.

ancient

India.

He

did
it

not,

however, notice that

in a

ushered

new epoch

of

political

thought which was

a re-action against that represented by the school It is but seldom that we can trace of Kautilya.
the successive stages in the evolution of political ideals of ancient India and the few instances
in

which we are in a position to do so becomes

invested

therefore

with

special degree

of

1 It is difficult to determine, even approximately, the dates of the various portions of the great Epic. In the present case, however, the task becomes comparatively easier as we have independent internal evidence to show that this portion of Mahabharata is later in point of time than Kautilya's chapter on Corporation. It is evident, from ' Panini's use of the term, that Samgha was at first used to denote Later on, the term was monopolised by the Buddhist all corporations. ' religious community, and as the coins show, the term gana was almost exclusively employed by the post-Mauryan political corporations. Now Kautilya uses only the term Samgha to denote corporation while 'gana' alone is used in 107 of Santiparva. This seems to me to give rise to a strong presumption in favour of the priority of the chapter in Arthasastra to the corresponding one in Mahabharata.
' '

33

258

CORPORATE LIFE
In the case of

importance.
political

corporations,

we have

the independent seen how the

great

Gautama Buddha looked upon them with

favour and

they flourished in his days. But the growing imperialism of Magadha could ill brook their existence, and already in the

how

days of Gautama Buddha, the minister of Ajatasatru was paving the way for the ruin and
destruction of

them.

The unscrupulous

one of the most important of ways in which he

l

sowed the seeds of dissension among the Vajjians are narrated in detail in the Atfchakatha and
be looked upon as but practical illustration of the views of that school of politics which

may

exponent in Kautilya. The great and theory practice worked side by side, with the result that a clean sweep was made of these

found

its

political

Samghas with the

expansion of the

In the home provinces of the the destruction was so complete that Mauryas we never hear of any political corporation in

Maurya Empire.

ages to come. The spirit, however, which gave birth to these political corporations was slow to
first by a new school of which favoured the growth political thought and development of the political Samghas and secondly by the appearance of a number of them as soon as the strong hands of the Mauryas were

die.

This

is

proved,

withdrawn.
1

Translated by

Tumour

in J. A. S. B., VII, p. 994, f.n.

CHAPTER
The
A
tation in

III

259

remarkable disserMahabharata on non-monarchical

states and the conditions of their welfare.

section 107 of Santiparva may be looked upon as representing " this new
.

School
_
.-,

Of
p

political
,

thought.
*,
.

In view or the importance of

the
T
i

subject I reproduce the important passage and add a free translation of the same.

R;

TWT:
:

unrefar

TT^T

II??

II

The Calcutta Edition has

c\

This does not offer any satisfactory meaning.

60

CORPORATE LIFE
:

e:
II?

T^IT.

^T

II

ciT*f

Read

CHAPTER

III

261

rwisft vrafer

Yudhisthira said

"

wish to hear,

the

enlightened one, the course of conduct (f f%) of the ganas (6) ; how the ganas prosper and are not torn by dissensions, conquer the

most

enemies and acquire

of the ganas and, in my
is

allies (7).

The destruction

primarily

caused by dissensions

secret
like,

the

opinion, it is very difficult to keep counsels of many (8). So I would

!

oppressor of enemies

to hear in detail

and specially tell everything (about them), how they may not be torn by me O Bharat " dissensions (9). Ehishma said O king, the best
!

of Bharatas

among

the

ganas, the

kulas,

and

262

CORPORATE LIFE
kings,

the

ambition and want of toleration lead

For when one is seized with ambition he becomes intolerant and bad spirit is created between two such (persons) (11). Mutual troubles are caused by spies, counsels (?T^) and military force, the triple method of sama (conciliation), dana (gift) and bheda (dissento hostilities (10).
sion),

and by means of threatening with the loss of men and money (12). It is by means of these measures that the ganas, the essence of whose existence is unity, are torn into factions and being disunited and dispirited, succumb to the
Disunion brings ruin upon the ganas; disunited, they fall an easy prey to the enemies so they should always put

enemy through

fear (13).

forth their efforts in unison (14).

Money can be

acquired

if
;

the

ganas

and

efforts

and when

their strength they live in unity exteralliance with

combine

nal powers also

make
;

them

(15).

Wise men
interests

praise those who are willing to listen those who give up selfish to each other's advice

acquire happiness in all respects (16), of ganas becomes prosperous by apbest The pointing pious men, by laying down rules for the administration according to sastms, by observing them properly (17), by chastising (even) sons

and brothers, by always instructing them, and by

1

It

is

doubtful

whether

the

unity

recommended

is

that

of

several ganas, in the nature of a confederation, or merely the unity

of the

members

of a single gana.

CHAPTER
accepting them

III

268

when they

are rendered submis-

sive (to authorities) (18). Prosperous, again, are those ganas that always devote their attention to the organisation of spies and counsels and the

accumulation of treasure (19). O king! the ganas that pay due respect to the wise, the valorous, the
active,

and the men

of steady efforts in

The ganas business, acquire prosperity (20). that are strong in resources, brave, expert in the use of arms and well-versed in the sastras rescue
the bewildered in times
of grave

danger

(21).

the best of Bharatas

chastisement, causing

anger, dissension, fear, torture and punishment,

!

murder, immediately bring the ganas within the clutches of the enemy (22). So the
lastly

and

gana leaders (irangW:) should be respected, as the worldly affairs (of the ganas) depend to a O opgreat extent upon them, O king (23). the spy (department) and pressor of enemies
!

the secrecy of counsels (should be left) to the chiefs, for it is not fit that the entire body of
the

gana should hear those secret matters

chiefs of gana should

(24).

The

carry out together, in secret, works leading to the prosperity of the 1 gana (25), otherwise the wealth of the gana

decays and
his
1

it

meets

with

danger
tries to

(26).

If,

disunited, every one severally

act

up

to

own
I

capacity, they are to be at once checked

unable to explain the phrase

am

"

occurring in this connection in the text.

264
chiefly

CORPORATE LIFE
by
the

Quarrels in (27). of the family, men the old families, ignored by destroy the gotras and thereby create dissenIt is the internal sion among the ganas (28).
'
'

learned

danger

against;

that is chiefly Ptajan the external danger

!

to
is

be guarded
not of

much

importance, but the internal danger immediately saps the very foundation (29). If through sudden
anger, passion, or natural ambition, (the members) do not speak to one another, although similar that is a sure sign of defeat in caste and family,

The ganas are torn asunder by the enemies, not by exertion, intellect or tempting them with beauty, but by creating dissensions and offering bribes so it is said that unity is
(30-31).
;

M^?M
'

the chief refuge of the ganas (31-32). The new school thus appears to possess genuine sympathy for these political
corporations. The contrast with the school of Kautilya is indeed

a striking one.
it

Instead of suggesting dubious devices by which ruin may be brought upon the
ganas,'
offers

healthy recommendations for

avoiding
of

those

pitfalls

and dangers
It
is

to

which

they are peculiarly

liable.

never tired

particular attention to the evil consequences of disunion and dissensions which have been the eternal danger of this popular

drawing

form

government, and recommends forbearance and toleration as proper remedies against

of
;

CHAPTER
them.
counsel.

III

265

Another drawback
difficulty

was the

of
to

in the popular system maintaining secrecy in

this defect

they suggest the formation of something like a small cabinet which alone would deal with matters
requiring secret deliberation. believe that this suggestion

In order

remove

We

can very well was based upon

actual examples and that the more important ' ( of the existing ganas already possessed this

cabinet system of government. Among other things, the establishment of a good system of

laws and

their

strict

enforcement,
all,

administration of justice to

and brothers, organisation

impartial including sons of the spy system,

gradual accumulation of funds in the treasury, and proper respect to the more important persons these are looked upon as tending to the

In general, the interprosperity of the gaijas.' nal danger is looked upon as more serious than
the external one, and
that
if
it

was generally believed

there were no dissensions within, they were a match for any powerful enemy. This
idea, it will

be remembered,

is

as old as the time

of

beautifully illustrated in the case of Ajatasatru's conquest of

Vaisali.

Gautama Buddha, and was

Even such a powerful king as Ajatasatru

did not venture to attack the Vajjians till he had sent his minister as a spy and created mutual

and dissensions among them by his agency. The new political school seems also to
distrust

34

266

CORPORATE LIFE
close unity

recommend a
It

among

the different

was probably hoped that such conganas. federation of ganas would be in a better position
to fight against their

powerful enemies.

Mahabharata show equal solicitude for the prosperity of political gana or The old legend of Vasudeva and samgha. Narada' recited to Yudhishthir by Bhlshma (Santiparva, Ch. 81) is an instance to the point. Vasudeva relates to Narada the difficulties that
Other passages
'

in

have arisen in the

affairs

of

the confederacy
Vrishnis,
difficulty

(samgha) composed Kukuras and Bhojas.

of the

Andhakas, The principal

seems to have been the division of the leading

men

into a

number

of

irreconcileable

groups

accompanied by mutual animosity and recriminations. Narada tells Krishna in reply that the real remedy does not consist in violent measures
but in a policy of conciliation.

The idea is further developed Krishna's question about the

in

reply to

CHAPTER

III

267

nrer

The

last verse clearly refers to

the constitu*
details of
it

tion as a Samglia.

"We get some

in

Sabhaparva, Ch. 14 We are told that it consisted and 18,000 brethren, i.e., probably Reference is also made to adult male members.
of 18 kulas
l Bhoja-rajanya~b?iddhais and this seems to imply that there was an Executive Council of which

these were

members.

In the passage quoted

above, Krishna,

the leader of the

Samgha,
'

is

asked to appease all parties by tactful management. It is emphasised that disunion is the
(

root

cause of
is

the

ruin of
e

the
to
'

Krishna

The use
episode
as

of
is

specially reminded the word Samgha

Somghas and beware of it.

denotes that the

H^TcFT* (V. 2)

really a piece of

ff?fire'

Bhlsma

describes

it

to be.

Kautilya brought ruin upon the political Samghas, it is but natural that of the new school thought should political
the

As

school

of

be

accompanied by their
itself

bharata
1

refers

to

The Mahaof quite a number

revival.
35, 55,

Cf.

Sabhaparva, Ch. XIV, verses 25, 32,

and

56.

268

CORPORATE LIFE

non-monarchical clans such as the Kiratas, the the Daradas, Audumbaras,

Revival of nonmonarchical state.

the 1'aradas, the Banhkas, the the the Sibis, Trigarttas,

,1

-->_

,,

-r

1*1

JT

Yaudheyas, the the Kshudrakas,

the Angas and

Kekayas, the Ambashthas, the Malavas, the Paundras,

the Vangas. 1
2

They

are

called

srenimanta and sastradharin, and these phrases may be compared to the Kshatriya-sreni of
to

Kautilya and the Ayudha-jlvi-sangha of Panini, which, it may be noted, one of the above

tribes, viz., the

Yaudhey^s,
to

to belong.

As

the
9

expressly declared Bahlikas, we are told

is
'

elsewhere in Mahabharata, 3 that the Bahlika heroes were all rajas. This again reminds us of
the phrase raja-sabd-opafivi in Kautilya's Arthasastra, to which reference has been made above, as well as of the fact, mentioned in the Jatakas,
that the

Lichchhavis
is

were

all

called

rajas.

Reference
tions,
etc.,

also

made

to other tribal

organisa-

such as Anartta, Kalakutas, Kulindas 4 although there is no express mention of

their

form of government.
is difficult

It

to assign these tribal

states

to

Shortly after the downfall of the Manrya

any *

definite

historical

period

simply Mahabharata.

on

the

authority of But here the

Ibid, Ch. LIT., verses 13-16.

Ibid, Ch.
te."

XXXIV,

verse 13.

Ibid, verse 17. " Bahlikas = ch = apare sura rajanah

sarvva eva

Ch.

XXVI

21-4.

CHAPTER

III

269

numismatic evidence comes to our help

definitely

and

proves the existence of a number of political fianghas, including a good many of those mentioned above, shortly after the downfall of
the

Maurya empire.
is

A
:

short historical note on

each of these
1.

given below.

The

Yaudheyas

As

already
'

noticed

few typical non-

monarchical states.

above, they formed an , o ln tne da 7 S f

knowledge about them is derived from coins and inscriptions. The earliest
class of their coins dates,
1

W Our

according to Cunning2 from about first the ham, century B. C. Rapson agrees with him and refers them to about 100 B. C. and V. Smith 3 is of the same opinion. The " " legend on the coin is Yaudheyana and this

has been changed into the next class of coins as " An idea of the Yaudheya-ganasya jaya"

power and resources of the Yaudheyas may be formed from the phrase in the Girnar Inscription,
" of the Yaudheyas, rendered proud by having manifested their title of heroes among all Ksha-

coming from an enemy, are indeed of great significance and lend some weight to the claim of the Yaudheyas themselves that they possessed the secret charm of winning
4

triyas."

Such

praises,

C. A.

I.

p. 76.
*

R.

Ic. p. 15.

V. Cat., p. 165.

Ep. Ind. VIII. pp. 44-47.

270
victories.'
1

CORPORATE LIFE
Rudradaman
'

boasts

in

the Girnar

Inscription of having rooted out the Yaudheyas/ but coins and inscriptions prove that they survived the shock and existed as a powerful political
factor

down

at least

to

the

end of the fourth

of

century A. D.
occurs in the

The name
as one of the

the Yaudheyas
that " gave
2

Allahabad Pillar Inscription of

tribes

Samudragupta
all

kinds

obeisances

of "

taxes,

obeyed orders and performed

to the great

Gupta Emperor.

But

it is quite clear from the context of the inscription that the state of the Yaudheyas did not

form part of the territory directly administered by the Guptas but was something like a frontier kingdom owing allegiance and paying taxes to
them. 3

The

may

under the sway of the Yaudheyas be determined from their coins and inscriplocality

tions.

One
seals

of their in the

inscriptions

Bharatpur at Sonait near Ludhiana. found were clay Their coins were found at Behat near ShaharanBijayagadh
4

state

was found at and their

pur,

" to the west

of the Satlej, in Depalpur,

to

Satgarha, Ajudhan, Kahror, and Multan, and

1

This appears from the legend on a large clay seal discovered by Mr. Carr Stephen near Ludhiana (Proc. A. S. B., 1884, pp. 138-9)

2 3

C.

I. I,

III, p. 14.

Fleet had some doubts on this point (Ibid, note 1) but see
II,

Sylvain

Levi.Le Nepal, Vol.

4

pp. 115-16.
pi.

Prinsep's Essays,

IV, 11-12.

CHAPTER
the

III

271
Sirsa,

eastward in Bhatner,
1

Abhor,

Hansi,

Panipat and Sonpat."

all

The coins of the

are generally found in the Eastern

Yaudheyas Punjab and

over the country between Satlej and

Jamuna

rivers.

were made at Sonpath 2 between Delhi and Karnal, four coins were 3 obtained in the Kangra District and a great

Two

large

finds

at a place called Jogadheri in the Eastern 4 The evidence of the find-spots of Punjab.

many

coins

regarding the locality of the tribe that Still issued them is not entirely satisfactory.

regard the find-spots of coins as roughly indicating the territories of the ruling tribe
if

we may
the

conclusion

is

not

against

general profacts.

bability nor contradicted by proved

In

the present case the find-spots of coins, joined to the evidence of clay seals and inscriptions, seem
to indicate that the

Yaudheya

territory comprised

an area that may be roughly defined as being bounded on the west by a line from Bhawalpur
along the Satlej and the Beas up to Kangra, on the north-east by a straight line drawn from

Kangra to Shaharanpur, on the east by a line drawn from Shaharanpur via Panipath and Sonpath to Bharatpur, and on the south by a line drawn from Bhawalpur via Suratgarh, Bhatner and Sirsa, to Bharatpur.
It
1

may
I.,

be noted that the location of the

p. 77.
2

C. A.

Ibid, p. 76.

Ibid, p. 79.

V. Cat., p. 165.

272

CORPORATE LIFE
in

Yaudheyas

this area

is

in entire
to

agreement
in

with- the position assigned

them

the

Allahabad Pillar Inscription, between the Madras on the one hand and the Malavas and Arjunayanas on the other. It must not of course be at once
inferred

that throughout the period of their political existence the Yaudheyas exercised sway over this vast extent of territory. The area

probably represents the greatest extension of

their power.
II.

The Malavas.

pretation of Sir to the Malavas as living by the profession of arms 1 in the Punjab. They may be identical with

According to the interR. G. Bhandarkar Panini refers

the

by Alexander. About six thousand coins of the Malavas were discovered at an ancient site near the modern
tribe

Malloi

conquered

Nagar, situated within the territory of the Raja of Uniyara, who is a tributary of the 2 The coins have the Maharaja of Jaypur.

town

of

Malavahna jaya/ " Malavanam jaya Some of the and "Malava ganasya jaya. coins bear names like Mapaya, Majupa, Magajasa, etc., which are generally taken as the names of It is not known chiefs of the Malava tribe. with certainty whether the Malavas who issued
"
5

"

legends

55

these

coins

were identical with or

allied to the

tribe of the

same name

in the

Punjab mentioned

by Panini.
1

I.

A., 1913, p. 200.

Arch. Bur., Rep. VI, p. 162.

CHAPTER
There
is

III

-273

difference of opinion regarding the antiquity of these coins. Both Carlle/le and 1 Cunningham referred the earliest of these coins
to

some

about 250 B. C.

but Rapson and V. Smith

bring this limit lower

latter

down

to

150 B. C. 2

The

view seems to be incontestable so far at

least as the published coins are concerned, for it

is

certain that none of

so early a date as

them contains legends the Asokan period.

of

Ushavadata, the son-in-law of Nahapana, boasts in one of his Nasik Inscriptions 3 of having defeated the Malayas. Numerous West Indian
Inscriptions prove that 'ya* and va are often interchanged in Prakrit. Hence it has been
'
'

conjectured that the Malayas are identical with the Malavas. 4 In the present instance the cir-

cumstance

that
lakes,

Ushavadata
after
his

went
victory

to

the

Pushkara

over the

Malayas, lends considerable weight to the proposed identity, for the lakes are quite near to

Nagara, the settlement of the Malavas as determined from their coins.

Ushavadata says in
the order of the lord
chief
of

his inscription

"
:

And by
the

went

to

relieve

the

Uttamabhadras who was

for the rainy season

Malayas
1

fled, as it

besieged Malayas, and the were, at the sound (of my

by the

Ibid, p. 182.

2 4

V. Cat.,

p. 162.

Lud., No. 1131.

Bombay 35

Gazeteei

I,

p.

28

Rapson

Andhra Coins,

p. Ivi.

274

CORPORATE LIFE
and
1

approach),

were made

Uttamabhadras."

prisoners by the It thus appears that like the

were at enmity with the Scythian hordes that invaded their neighbouring country at the end of the first
Yaudheyas, the Malavas too
century A. D. and established a principality under their leader Nahapana. It might be

supposed that Nahapana was the aggressor, but the reverse seems to be the case as the Malayas attacked the Uttamabhadras,
naturally

probably a feudatory tribe of Nahapana, before their side was taken up by the Scythian chief. Several expressions, used to denote dates in
the
to

Vikrama Samvat

in later inscriptions, of

seem
the

throw some light on the history Malavas. These expressions are

:

(l)
( 2)

(3)

Dr.

Thomas and Dr.

'

Sir

R. G.

Bhandarkar 5

" gana* in the sense of a corpora" tion and infer from the above expressions that

take the word

the

era

of 58 B. C. dates

from

'

the foundation

of the tribal independence of the as

Malavas,'

or,

the

latter

formation of
1

would specify it still more, " the the Malavas as a gana or body
p. 79.
-

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII,

Ibid, pp. 154, 158.

C.

I. I.,

Ill, pp. 83, 87.

* 5

Ind. Ant., 1913, p. 161.

Ibid, p. 199.

CHAPTER
corporate."

III

275

Dr. Fleet
2

Bhandarkar

on

and Professor D. II. the other hand look upon the

1

expressions as simply denoting the fact that the era was handed down by the Malava tribe or was
in use

among them.
inclined
'

accept the contention of Dr. Thomas and Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar that
I
to

am

denotes a corporation but I am unable to endorse their views about the origin of

the word

gana

the era.

There

is

at least nothing in the express-

The only ions themselves to support the theory. that be as the Malavas safe conclusion seems to
gave their name to the province where they ultimately settled, the era which they used derived its name from them, leaving undecided, for the present, the question whether the era owed its
origin to
factor

them or not. The Malavas were an important

till

political

at least the 4th century A. D.

They

were defeated by Samudragupta and occupied the same rank in the Gupta Empire as the Yaudheyas.
III.

The Arjunayanas.

few coins have

been discovered bearing the legend "Arjunayanana." These coins may be referred to the
first
3 century B. C.

The

find-spots of the coins

are not recorded.

For the long discussion on

this point

between Dr. Fleet and Dr.

Thomas,
I.

see J. R. A. S., 1914, pp. 413-14, 745-47, 1010-1013; J. R. A. S.,

1915, pp. 138-ff, 502-ff.

A., 1913, p. 162.
3

R.

Ic., p. 11.

276

CORPORATE LIFE
The Arjunayanas
are well

known from

the

Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta. They were defeated by the Gupta Emperor and
occupied the same rank as the Yaudheyas and the Malavas.

The
mine,

locality of this tribe

in

is difficult

to

deter-

the

absence of any record of

the

The only clue is obtained by find-spots of coins. the collocation of names in the Allahabad Pillar
It has been Inscription of Samudragupta. surmised that as the portion of the inscription is

written in prose, and the author was not guided by the exigencies of metre, the enumeration of the frontier kingdoms was made in the order
of geographical position.
1

This

is

certainly the

case with the Malavas, the Yaudheyas and the Madras, and the conjecture is not unjustified

that similar might be the case with the remaining member of the compound "Malav-ArjunayanaIf this be so, the Yaudheya-Madraka" be have to would placed between Arjunayanas the Malavas and the Yaudheyas, and we must

look about for their locality between Bharatpur and Nagar. Mr. V. Smith 2 places the Arjuna-

yanas

in

the tract

corresponding to modern

Bharatpur and Alwar States. This, however, does not agree with the Bijayagadh Stone Inscription according to
1

which the Yaudheyas must

;

J. J.

R. A. R. A.

S.,

1897, p. 886

C. A.

I,,

p. 90.

S.,

1897, p. 886.

CHAPTER

III

277

have pushed to the southern portion of Bharatpur State, not to say of Alwar which lies further
north.

IV.

The

Audumbams.

The

Audumbaras

and

their country are mentioned in Panini. In later period, coins are almost our only source of

information about them.

divided into three classes
(1)
(
:

These coins

may

be

Those

which

simply

bear the tribal

name odimibara?
(2)

Those which have the name of a king

as well as the tribal designation.

Those which bear the name of the king (3) without the tribal designation. These coins ha\e been referred on palseographical grounds to the first century B.C. by Mr. R. D. Banerji. This fully agrees with the conclusion of Rapson. who refers them to
1

about

100 B.C. 2

The beginning

of

the

first

century B.C.

may

therefore be accepted as

the

date of these coins.

The

coins

described by

Cunningham were

found in the Northern Punjab beyond Lahore, one in a field near Jwalamukhi and several in
the

Pathankot

District.

The

hoard

of

363

coins described
in the village

by Mr. R. D. Banerji was found of Irippal in the Dehra Tahsil,

4

Kangra
1

District,

Punjab.
-

These coins are also

R.
J,
Ic.,

J.

A.

S. B.,
I.,

1914, p. 249.

p. 11.
p.

C. A.

p. 66.

A. S. B., 1914,

247.

278

CORPORATE LIFE
on the
1

found

District.

The

Manaswal plateau, Hosyarpur coins thus cover an area bounded

by Ravi on the north and west, Kangra on the south and Kullu on the east. This may be
accepted
as
it

the

locality

of

the

Audumbaras
account of

specially as

fully agrees with

the

Biihat-Samhita, Markandeya Purana and Visnupurana, in which the Audumbaras are coupled with the Kapisthalas, Traigarttas and Kulindas.
(Kapisthalas

have

been

identified

with

the

modern Kaithals
early

home

living south of Ambala, the of the Trigarttas was near Kangra,

and Kulindas or Kunindas occupied both banks

of the Satlej.)

V.

The Kunindas.

Some

coins

the tribal

name Kuninda,' but

others bear

bear only the

tribal designation as well as the

name

of a king.

There are also other varieties which need not be

discussed
here.
It
is is

the

former
3

class

generally admitted that the earlier of the two. 2

Cunningham
B.C.

refers the latter class to about

150

while
4

100 B.C.

Rapson fixes their date at about The earlier coins may therefore be

referred to the second century B.C. The coins of the Kunindas were found in an

be roughly defined as being bounded on the east by the Ganges, on the south
area that

may

and south-west by a
1

line

joining
2

Hastinapur,

V. Cat.,

p.

161.
p. 134.

C. A. L, p. 71.

Arch. Snr, Rep., XIV,

R.

Ic., p. 12.

CHAPTER

III

279

Shaharanpur, and Ambala, on the north and

north-east by the slopes of the Himalayas and on the north-west by a line joining Ambala to 1 This area may be safely the Himalaya slopes.
laid

down

as
for

the

boundary of
evidence
of

the

Kuninda
coins
is

territory,

the

the
'

supported in this case by the independent testimony of Ptolemy in whose work Kulindrine*

means the whole of the upper tract between the That the Kunindas Bias river and the Ganges. or the Kulindas lived near mountain slopes also
appears

from the epithet Kulindopatyakas in " The Kulindas the Vishnu Purana meaning

'

along the foot of the hills." VI. The Vrishnis. A single coin has preserved the name of the Vrishni corporation. The
2 legend on it was first read by Cunningham as " Vrishni Raj a-j nay ana sy a bhubharasya" When

I fist
plate
it

examined the legend on Cunningham's

appeared
'

to

me

that

bhubharasya'

might well be Tratarasya.' I found afterwards that similar correction was suggested by Eergny
and accepted by EapsoD. 3
legend
as.

Bergny has read the

lr(a)-

"

Vrishnir(a)jojna-ganasya

tarasya"

RajajM,
is

as suggested
'

by Bergny and

Eapson,
1

equivalent to
of the

kshatriya/

The

coin

For details
C. A.
I., p. I., p.

find-spot,

cf.

Prinsep's Essays, Vol.

I,

pp. 84,

204;
2 3

C. A.
J.

Arch. Sur. Rep., XIV, pp. 134-138. 70, pi. IV71

;

R. A.

S.,

1900, pp. 416, 420.

280

CORPORATE LIFE
of the Vrishni

was thus issued by the corporation

kshatriyas.

Vrishni as the

name
the

of

a tribe occurs iu
2

Harshacharita
'

while

Kautilya

refers

to

the
the

Vrishni Samgha, or

corporation

of

Vrishnis.

(These however most probably refer to

the classic tribe to which Krishna belonged.) The coins may be referred, on palseographical

grounds, to the first or second century B.C. The Sibis.Iu 1872 Mr. Carlleyle VII.
discovered the ruins
of

an ancient

city called

Tambavati Nagari, 11 miles north of Chitore. He found some very ancient coins which he
has described in Arch. Surv. Rep., VI, p. 200. That the place was very ancient appears quite

from the fact that about 117 punchmarked coins of the most ancient type were
clearly

found there.
class

More

interesting,

however,
"

is

of

coins

bearing

the

legend

"tWRftTOnq*

according
to

Cunningham).

One
'

of the recognised
'

Janapada'

is

meanings of the word 3 It is used in this community'.

I.

sense in Yajnavalkya

361.

Transl. by Cowell, p. 193.

^^1^3,
St.

p. 11. voce.

Petersburgh Dictionary, sul

CHAPTER
" of the Sibi

III

281

The legend ma}' therefore be translated as community of Majhamika." Yajnavalkya contemplates the case of a "janapada" under a king but the issue of coins by the Sibi community shows that it formed an independent
political corporation.

The
having

coins

show that the

Madhyamika.
been

Patanjali refers

Sibis belonged to to this city as

besieged by the 'Madhyamikayas' as the name

of this

Greeks, and of a people

occur in Mahabharata and Bahat-Samhita.

identity

The Madhyamika with Tambavati

is

Nagari seems very probable on the evidence

of

the

coins.

It

true that specimens of this

were also obtained by Stacy at But Stacy says he purchased them at Chitoregadh and we learn from Carlleyle that ancient coins were brought to Chitore by the peasants or cultivators from some other place
class of coins
1

Chitore.

in

the

surrounding country.'

It

is

doubtful,

therefore, whether Stacy's coins, and the one found by Mr. Carlleyle at Chitore, really belonged But there is no doubt that this to that place. class of coins was found at Tambavati Nagari

as Carlleyle himself ruins of that place.*

collected

them from the

the place is coins found in

1

Besides, the antiquity of established by the punch-marked

its

ruins.
112.
-

Priusep's Essays,
Cf. also Arcli.

I, p.

Arch. Sur. Hop., VI,

p.

207.

Sur. Rep., 1915-16, p. 15.

36

282

CORPORATE LIFE
The
coins
of

the

Sibi

may
the

be referred on
first

palneographical grounds to century B.C.

or

second

These detailed historical notes prove the statement I have already made, viz., that within a century after the downfall of the Maurya

Empire we witness a number

those
of

of non-monarchical
1

states or political corporations in India

such as

Yaudheyas, the Malavas, the Arjunayanas, the Audumbaras, the Kunindas, The very fact that the Vrishnis and the Sibis.
the
coins

were issued in the name

' '

of

the tribe

and not by a king, and further that in some cases the word gana is used along with the tribal name, leaves no doubt on the point. The
real significance of the tribal

the legend is clearly demonstrated by the early coins of the Audumbaras and the Kunindas, the later classes
of

name on

which bear the name of a king. They evidently show a transition from the democratic
to a monarchical
state.

The second

class of the

coins described on p. 277 probably shows an intermediate stage, viz., a compromise

Audumbara

between the democratic feeling and the rising pretensions of a monarchy hence probably the
;

scrupulousness with which the name of the tribe

1

This

is

also

proved by the passage in Avadauasataka referred to

above on

p. 223.

The book was composed about the

to

first

century B.C.

and may be held therefore

have reflected the

political condition of

India after the downfall of the Muuryu empire,

CHAPTER
is

III

283

always associated with that of the king. Later on, however, we find the complete triumph of the

monarchy, and the

tribal designation is altogether

( '

omitted in the legends. The case of the Sibi probably illustrates the political corporation of a city-state like that of Nysa described by the

Greek writers (see ante, p. 248). We have seen that some of these
Causes of the final destruction of the non-

political

great possessed , T exand and resources power tended their sway over a vast

corporations

tract

of

country.

The Yaudheyas
political

established

their reputation as a great

power and

ruled over a considerable portion of the Punjab.

too were important enough to have given their name to a vast province. Both these nations again stood as bulwarks against the

The Malavas

intrusion

of the

foreign invaders, the Scythian

The struggle was probably of long Satraps. duration, for we have seen that the Malavas fought against the forces of Nahapana and the Yaudheyas, those of Eudradaman. In both the
instances the foreigners gained the victory. It is that the other probable political corporations also had to face these foreign invasions and met

with similar
tions

The decline of these corporaand the transition of some of them into a

fate.

monarchical state
these causes.
in

may
it is

be safely ascribed to

For

times

of

only too well known how national calamity, a successful

:Z8i

CORPORATE LIFE
may grasp the power that belonged and gradually establish his own individual

adventurer
to all,

sway over the state. The rise of the Gupta power is another factor to be reckoned with. We have seen, how from the days of Ajatasatru,
the empire- builders tried their best to extirpate these political corporations. The Gupta emperors
did not form

any exception

to the rule,

for

the

Allahabad Pillar Inscription informs us that the

mighty corporations like those of the Yaudheyas, the Malavas, and the Arjunayanas had to pay taxes and make obeisance to the great emperor
factors, invasion from without and the growth of empires within, account for the decline and downfall of these political corporations. They have been exposed to these trials, from the days of Alexander on the one hand, and Ajatasatru on the other. But still they continued to form a distinctive political factor

Samudragupta. Thus the two

in the country

down

to the time of the

Guptas.

During

period The updivided in their opinion about them. holders of Imperialism advocated their destruction

this

the political theorists were

and suggested means for the same, while other class had a sympathetic attitude towards them and laid down regulations by which they could thrive and prosper. From the fifth century onwards they ceased to be importhe

tant factors in Indian politics.

No

instances

of

CHAPTER
their

III

285

existence are
theorists

political

known to ignore them

to

history

and the

altogether.

No

trace

of

them

is

be found in the Puranas or

Dharmasastras to which monarchy seems to be the only conceivable form of government. Even
a professedly political writer, like the author of Sukranlti has not a word to say about them.

Gradually things have come to such a pass that it requires great effort to believe, even when
sufficient evidence
is

forthcoming, that

institu-

tions, which we are accustomed to look upon as of western growth, had also flourished in India

long long ago.

CHAPTER IV
CORPORATE ACTIVITIES IN RELIGIOUS LIFE
1
It
is

now
corpora-

a matter of
-r>

general knowledge that the followers of Gautama

,,, Buddha
,

Religious

tions in pre-Buddhist

evolved

,.

a
is

religious

corporation,

which
in

one of the
or

most perfect As country.

is

ever witnessed
it

any age

now

stands,

the

organisation

be looked upon as unique in the history of India, but there are grounds for the belief that like the religion of which it was an
liable to

external symbol
India.

its

roots lay deep in the soil of

The

'

'

ascetic

is

Indian history.

a familiar figure in ancient The houseless state is laid

c
'

down

as a regular state of life with distinct rules

1

and regulations, and although every one as a

matter of fact did not pass through all the stages laid down in the sastras, there can be scarcely

any doubt that many

We

hear so

them actually did so. frequently about a number of them

of

living together in
1

asrams that
Ch. Ill
Ap., IT.
9.

it

is

impossible

Cf. Ga.,

21-23.

CHAPTER IV
not to
look

287

upon
life.
1

it

as

an actual factor

in

ancient Indian

The Buddhist Texts themselves furnish

of
ascetics.

evi-

dence for the existence of these collective bodies

Thus we read

in

2 Vinaya Pitaka

that at the time of

in

Gautama Buddha

there lived

Uruvela three Jatilas, viz., Uruvela Kassapa, Nadl Kassapa and Gaya Kassapa who were
leaders

respectively of five hundred, three hunJatilas.

dred and two hundred

There can be

scarcely any doubt that the Jatilas were Brahmanical

Vanaprasthas?

same canonical texts two hundred and fifty Paribrajakas

4

Again we read in the that Sanjaya was leader of

at

Kaja-

griha.
to

There

are, besides, frequent references

ami their upon the Samgha.

Nirgranthas and Ajlvakas. These evidences leave no doubt that long before Buddha's time, larse
influence

Buddhist

numbers

of

ascetics

used to

live together

under some sort

That their organisation was guided by definite rules and regulations appears injunctions in the quite clearly from the
of

organisation.

Tradition such as

is

recorded in the opening verses of Mah&bharata

of these ascetics living together.

refers to the collected

body

Thus we
I.

read of the great assembly of the ascetics in Naimigharanya (Mbh.,

1
.

9)

where Saunaka was the

'

'

Kulapati.'

The

terra Kulapati is exI.

1.

plained as
-

one who maintains ten thousand' (Mbh.,

of Nilakantha).

and the

commentary
8

S. B. E., XIII. 118.

Ibid,
f,

n. 1.

S. B. E.,

XIII. 144, 148.

288

CORPORATE LIFE

Dharma-sutras, and the fact that the Buddhist

Samgha derived from

'

it

some
'

of their characteristic
'
'

laws and usages. Thus the uposatha ceremony and the Retreat during the rainy season,' two

symbols of corporate life of the Buddhist monks, were already current among the ascetic orders in India in the days of Buddha,

characteristic

and the
It

latter instituted

them
2

in his

own

Samg/ut-

in imitation of these orders.

may
of

thus be held that religious corporatiOI1S

The Buddhist Samglia, the most advanced type

corporations
religious in anci-

WOTe

alreftd 7

11-

kllOWll factor of Indian

ID

SOCiety

Buddha's time, and that the

celebrated

Samgha

of the latter

was not a new creation but merely a develop-

ment upon
materials

Sufficient existing institutions. are not at present available for the

the

study of the latter. The corporate activities of the ancient Indians in religious life will therefore

be best understood by a detailed account of the Buddhist Samgha which was undoubtedly the

most developed type

in ancient India.

of the religious corporations

I propose

to

study the organisation of the

Buddhist church under the following heads.

1.
2.

Membership.
Life in the church.
of

The general assembly

the ascetics, on particular days, to

recite

Dhamma.
S. B. E.,

For particulars see below.

XIII. 239, 298;
cf.

also Ga., III. 13,

and

C. V., X. 3.

CHAPTER IV
Organisation. 4. Characteristic ceremonies having rate character.
3.

289

corpo-

The membership
Detailed description of the Buddhist

of the Buddhist

church was
of

open *
.

to all irrespective

class or caste distinctions.

life of

any The

Samgha.

an

for

all

the

higher classes
is

ascetic is prescribed in the Brahmanical

books, but there

nothing to show that the

lowest

Sudras, had any right to it. Although the Buddha did not therefore introduce any radical innovation in this respect he certainclasses,

the

ly carried the principle a step further

1 ing the Sudras within his Church.

by includ-

There

were,
of

exceptions to the general principle and the follow-

however,
i

The membership
the Buddhist church.

mg

persons were excluded from the membership

classes

of

of the
(1)

Church 2 :-

One

affected with the five diseases, viz.,

leprosy, boils, dry leprosy,

consumption and

fits

(M. V.,

1. 39).
1. 40).

(2) (3)

One who is

in the royal service

(M. V.,

A proclaimed robber (M. V., 1.

jail

43), or one
1

who

has broken out of

(M. V.,

For Buddhist views on this subject see the texts quoted in the next chapter. Cf. also Fick, p. 39 ff
.

The reasons
texts.

for

the exclusion
references

are

stated in

detail

in

the

canonical

Of.

the

given against each of the dis-

qualifications.

37

290

CORPORATE LIFE
emblems
of his deeds

1.42), or wears the

41).
(4)

(M. V.,

1.

One who has been punished by scourging

1. 44),

(M. V.,
(7)
1

debtor (M. V.,

or branding (M. V.,. 1. 45). (5) 1. 46). (6) slave (M. V., 1. 47).

A
1.

One under
(8)

fifteen years

of

age (M. V.,

50).

deformed in

eunuch (M. V. 1. 61). (9) One person, or any of whose limbs was
1. 71).

cut off (M. V.

A person
JJetwo-:

who

did not fall under

any
2

of

the

Idordina-

could be categories initiated the Buddhist

above

church by pabbajja and upasam-

pada

ordinations.

The

oldest

form

of the ordi-

Those who desired it nation was quite simple. approached the Buddha and he conferred on

them the pabbajja and upasampada ordinations " by the formula Come, O Bhikkhu, well taught
lead a holy life for the sake of the complete extinction of suffering." (M. V., 1. As the samgha grew larger, the Buddha 6.32).
is

the doctrine

authorised the Bhikkhus

to

initiate

new mem-

The form of ordination was also changed bers. a great deal. The person who desired to receive
This refers to pabbajja ordination in general, although it could be conferred on cow-keeper boys even under fifteen years of age (M. V. The Upasampada ordination could not be conferred on anybody I. 51).
1

under twenty years of age (M. V.

a

I.

49).

must be remembered that these rules and exceptions were only gradually introduced and did not affect the first converts. * It simply denotPabbajja was the lower form of ordination. ed that the person is in a houseless state. The entry into the Buddhist
It

Order was solemnised by the Upasampada ordination.

CHAPTER IV
the ordination had his hair and

291

beard cut

off.

then put on yellow robes, adjusted his upper robe so as to cover one shoulder, saluted the feet of the Bhikkhus with his head and satdown squatting.

He

He

" I take

then thrice pronounced the formula: my refuge in the Buddha, I take my

refuge in the

Dhamma,

I take

my

refuge in the

Samgha."

A new
E

form was substituted at a

for the
1

later date

ordination.

upasampada ordination. The Upajjhaya from whom the

Saddhiviharika
the

new convert
received the
ordination

played

most im-

portant part in the system. He must be a learned competent Bhikkhu who has completed ten years
since his upasampada.

ing an Upajjhaya

is

The procedure of choos" Let laid down as follows

:

him (who
his

is

going

to choose

upper robe so as to the feet (of the intended

Venerable
or
sir,

an Upajjhaya) adjust cover one shoulder, salute

Upajjhaya),
sit

down
:

squatting, raise his joined hands, " be

and say
"

(thrice)
(If

my

Upajjhaya"
or,

the
or,

other answer)

"

Well,"

Certainly,"

"Good," Carry on (your " work) with friendliness, (towards me), or should he express this by gesture (lit. by his body), or
or,
1

"All right,"

"

and Antevasika.

The preceptor and pupil are sometimes spoken of as Achariya As Oldenberg observes, it is very difficult or rather
(S. B. E. ,XIII, p. 178,
f.

impossible to draw a sharp line of distinction between Achariya and

Upajjhaya.

n. 1).

292

CORPORATE LIFE
gesture and been chosen.

by word, or by
Upajjhaya has

word,

tben the

alone could confer

upon
1

his

Upajjhaya saddhwiharika the

The

upasampada

ordination

but the latter

must

be possessed of certain standard of education and moral practices. 2 Several formalities were
also required.

Thus

it

was necessary that the

candidate should formally ask for being ordained and provide himself with alms and robes. Then,
it

must be ascertained by formal questioning

an assembly of the Bhikkhus, whether he labours under any of the disqualifications menin

tioned above, and whether his parents have given their consent to his adopting the new life.

The candidate was instructed beforehand by a learned competent Bhikkhu as to the manner 3 in which to reply to these formal questionings. After the instruction was over, the instructor came to an assembly of the Bhikkhus, not less
than
ten in

number,

and asked

its

formal

permission for the candidate to appear, in the

following terms " Let the Samgha, reverend
: 1

sirs,

hear me.

N. N. desires to receive the upasampada ordination

A
particular individual,

not the

Samgha
persons

or a part of

it,

could
as

serve as Upajjhaya.

Several classes of

could
68.

not

serve

Upajjhaya.
2

These are described in detail in M. V., I. The details are laid down in M. V., I. 36. 2 ff.

The same

stand-

ard was necessary also for giving a nissaya or ordaining novice. 3 For details cf, M. V. I. 76.
*

Bhikkhus and a chairman (M.

In border countries, the assembly could be composed of four V., V. 13. 11).

CHAPTER IV
from venerable N. N.
me.
If the
;

293

Samgha

is

he has been instructed by ready, let N. N. come."

On

the permission being granted, the candidate appeared before the assembly, adjusted his upper

robe so as to cover one shoulder, saluted the feet

of the

Bhikkhus with

his head, sat

down

squat-

ting, raised his joined hands

and

thrice uttered

the Samgha, reverend sirs, for the upasampada ordination might the Samthe sinful gha, reverend sirs, draw me out (of
the formula:
:

"I ask

world) out of compassion towards me." Then a learned competent Bhikkhu

the following resolution
(natti)
;

" Let the

moved Sam-

This person N. N. gha, reverend sirs, hear me. desires to receive the upasampada ordination

from the venerable N. N. If the samgha is ready, let me ask N. N. about the disqualificaPermission being granted he addressed tions."
the candidate as follows
"
:

This is the time hear, N. N. ? for you to speak the truth and to say that which is. When I ask you before the assembly about that which is, you ought, if it is so, to answer
4

Do you

It is'

if it is

not

so,

you ought

to

answer

lt

is not.'

Then followed the

you
boils,

"Are string of questions afflicted with the following diseases ? leprosy,

:

dry leprosy, consumption and fits? Are you a man ? Are you a male ? Are you a freeman? Have you no debts? Are you not

294
in

CORPORATE LIFE
the

Have your father and royal service ? mother given their consent? Are you full twenty years old ? Are your alms-bowl and your rohes in due state? What is your name?

What

is your Upajjhaya's name ?" After satisfactory answers were received, a learned competent Bhikkhu proclaimed the " Let the following natti before the Samgha This person Saiiigha, reverend sirs, hear me.
:

N. N. desires to receive the upasampada ordination from the venerable N. N. he is free from the disqualifications his alms-bowl and
; ;

N. N. asks the Sariigha for the upasampada ordination with N. N. as

Upajjhaya.
If

robes are in due state.

the

Samgha

is

ready,

let

the
ordi-

Samgha

confer on N. N. the

upasampada
sirs,

nation with N. N. as Upajjhaya. " Let the Samgha, reverend

hear me.

This person N. N. desires to receive the upasampada ordination from the venerable N. N. The

Samgha

confers on N. N. the

nation with N. N. as
of the venerable

upasampada ordiUpajjhaya. Let any one

brethren

who

is

in favour of

the upasampada ordination of N. N. with N. N. as Upajjhaya, be silent, and any one who is not
in favour of
it,

speak.

"And
"

for the

second time I thus speak to

as before).

you: Let the

Saiiigha, (etc.,

And

for the third time I thus speak to

(etc., as before).

you

Let the Samgha,

CHAPTER IV
"N. N. has
received the

295
ordi-

Upasampada
of
it,

nation from the Sarhgha with N. N. as

Upaj-

The Samgha is in favour jhaya. it is silent. Thus I understand."

therefore

through an intermediate stage of discipline before being

formally initiated into the membership of the

Two

classes of persons

had

to pass

Church.

These were persons who

(1)

formerly
or,

belonged to a heretic

(Titthiya) school

(2)

were between 15 and 20 years of age.

A probation

(parivasrt) of four

months was

imposed upon the former by a formal act of the Order 2 on his making the threefold declaration If he failed to satisfy the of taking refuge.

Bhikkhus by
this period,

his character

and conduct

during

the

upasampada

ordination

was

refused him.

A
The

person between 15 and 20 years of age could receive only the pabordipabbajja bajja ordination by the threefold declaration of

fuge, and had to wait till the upasampada. The novice (Samanera), as he
1

taking rehis twentieth year for

Exception was made in favour of the

'

'

fire-worshippers/

the

and heretics of Sakya birth. They received the upasampada ordination directly and no parivasa was imposed upon them (M. V., I.
4

Jatilas,

38. 11).
i.e. the system described above upasampada ordination.

in detail in connection

with the

The

details are given in

M.

V.,

I.

38. 5-7.

296

CORPORATE LIFE
this intermediate period,

was called during

to live a life of strict discipline

had under an Upaj-

He had to keep the ten precepts, viz., jhaya. abstinence from (i) destroying life, (if) stealing,
(Hi) impurity, (iv) lying, (v) intoxicating liquor,
(vi)

eating

at forbidden

times, (vii)

singing,

etc., (viii)

garlands, scents, (ix)

dancing, use of

high

beds
I.

and
<U>).

(x)

(M. V.

He

accepting gold or silver. was expelled from the

fraternity

if

he
if

violated

any

of the first five

precepts, or

.he

the
false

Dharma
doctrines

or

spoke against the Buddha the Samglia, or if he held

had sexual intercourse with Bhikkhunis (M. V. I. 60). In five other cases he was liable to be punished (M. V. I. 57). The punishment could be inflicted by any
or

Bhikkhu, with the consent of the

(M. V.
I. 58).

TJpajjhaya.

As soon

as the

ceremony
.

of ordination
,

was

Proclamation of the four Resources of the

over, a prospect of the life he

,

was held out Bhikkhu. new The the before four Resources of the Brotherhood were prowas going
to lead

111

claimed to him, so that he might be prepared beforehand for the worries and troubles of the
life to

come.

"I prescribe,

Bhikkhus," said

" that he Buddha,

who

confers the

upasampada

CM AFTER IV
ordination

297

(on
:

Bhikkhu),

tell

him the four

Resources
"

The

in alms

religious life has morsels of food given " for its resource
religious life has the robe

"The

made

taken from a dust-heap for its resource " The religious life has dwelling at the foot
of a tree for its resource

of rags "

"

"The

religious life

as medicine for its

has decomposing urine " resource

"Thus must
live all his life
;

the

new Bhikkhu endeavour

to
it

better food, robes, etc., which

to

might be

his lot

being only

looked

enjoy from time to time upon as extra allowances

('atirekalabho')" (M. V. I. 77). An idea of the stern moral life he

pected to lead

was exwas at the same time conveyed to

him
"

in the shape of the following four Inter-

dictions.

Bhikkhu who has received the upasamfrom

all

pada

ordination, ought to abstain

sexual

intercourse even with an animal.

Bhikkhu ought to abstain from taking what is not given to him, and from theft,
even of a blade of grass.

"A

"A
or

Bhikkhu

to destroy the life

ought not intentionally of any being down to a worm

an

ant.

"A
38

Bhikkhu

ought not

to attribute to

himself any superhuman condition." (M. V. 1. 78).

298

CORPORATE LIFE

special

trail) ing

was necessary
to

to

accustom

one
with the preceptor.

these
It

new

ideas

and
or-

-^tS'LSe

habits.

was therefore

dained that the

first

new convert
1

should live for the

ten

years in absolute

dependence upon TJpajjhaya or Achariya. The relation between the two is described in
his

minute
7.
ff.,

detail in the

I.

32

i. ff.)

Vinaya Texts (M. V., I. 25. and may be somewhat under-

stood from the following general principle laid

down by Gautama Buddha.

"

The Upajjhaya,

Bhikkhus, ought
;

to con-

sider the Saddhiviharika as a son

the Saddhi-

viharika ought to consider the TJpajjhaya as a father. Thus these two, united by mutual reverence, confidence,

and communion of life, will progress, advance, and reach a high stage in this doctrine and discipline." (M. V., I. 25. 6.) The Saddhiviharika was to act as a personal
attendant to
The duties
of
'

Upajjhaya.

In

the

disciple.

the morning he will give him the teeth cleanser and water

mouth with) and his morning meal. He will accompany him in his alms-pilgrimage, offer him water to drink, prepare his bath, dry
(to rinse his
1

This was the general rule (M. V.,

I.

32. 1) but

it

was prescribed

on a later occasion that a learned competent Bhikkhu had only to live five years in dependence (on his Achariya and Upajjhaya), and an
unlearned one
all his life

was authorised

to live
V.,

(M. V., I. 53. 4). In some cases a Bhikkhu without a Nissaya (i.e., independent of Achariya
I.

and Upajjhaya) (M.

53. 5

ff.).

CHAPTER IV
his robe, clean his dwelling place, etc., etc.

299

He

would

also be a monitor
is

Upajjhaya by the words he

in

danger of

and helpmate. If the an offence committing

is

"

says, let (the Saddhiviharika)

keep him back."

of a grave offence
'

" If the upajjhaya

guilty

and ought
'

to be sentenced to

or penal discipline, let manatta, parivasa the Saddhiviharika take care that the Samgha

'

impose

it

upon him."

Again,

'if

the

Samgha

wishes to proceed against the Upajjhaya by the Tajjaniya Kamma (or other disciplinary proceedings mentioned in the first book of Chullavagga), let the Saddhiviharika do what he can
that the Samgha may not proceed the UpajjhayQ or may mitigate the proagainst Or if the Samgha has instituted a ceeding.
in

order

proceeding against him, let the Saddhiviharika do what he can in order that the Upajjhaya may behave himself properly, live modestly, and
aspire to get clear of his penance,

and that the

(M. V..
duties.

Samgha
1. 25).

may

revoke

its

sentence."

The Upajjhaya
The duties
preceptor.
of

too

had corresponding
i
>

He must
the
*.

n i and physical well- being of his Thus Saddhiviharikas. we

n
i

look to the spiritual

read

Let the Upajjhaya, O Bhikkhus, afford (spiritual) help and furtherance to the Saddhi:

"

viharika by teaching, by putting question to him, by exhortation and by instruction. If the

300

CORPORATE LIFE
(or robe or other

Upajjhaya has an alms-bowl

articles required for a

Bhikklm) and the Saddhi-

has not, let the Upajjhaya give the same to the Saddhiviharika or take care that he
viharika
gets one.
If the Saddhiviharika
arise betimes
is

sick

let

the

Upajjhaya

and give him the teeth

rinse
his

cleanser and water to

mouth with

(and so on with the other duties

The Saddhiviharika)." l away a Saddhiviharika for improper conduct but if the latter begged for pardon, he was
In case the Upajjhaya had gone forgiven. away, or returned to the world, or died, or gone
over to a schismatic faction, the Saddhiriharikas had to choose an Achariya> who stood in the
2

prescribed for Upajjhaya could turn

same

relation to

them

as the Upajjhaya.

After

the

Upajjhaya was
Life
in

the period with disciplinary full over the Bhikkhu became a

member
the

of

the

fraternity.

chch.

Henceforth his individual enand he tity practically ceased

of

became merely a part and parcel

the

great

His conduct, down to religious corporation. the minutest detail, was regulated by specific
ordinances, even the slightest violation of which was sure to bring down upon him the appropriate
1

What

is

understood by improper conduct

is

explained

in

detail

inM.V., I. 27.6-8. 2 M. In some cases the expulsion V., I. 27. and his rehabilitation was compulsory.

of the

SaddhivihSrika

CHAPTER IV
punishment.
to
It
is

301

tedious

task
it

to

narrate
suffice

these ordinances in detail, but

would
even
is

put on, the rugs he is to lie down upon, the couch on which he is to sit, 3 the bowl he is to use, 4 the
2

say that these touched upon l matters as the robes a Ehikkhu

such

to

food he

he

is

tions,
life of

and the manner in which The nature of these regulato bathe. and the extent to which they guided the
is

to

take,
6

monk, may be fairly conceived by one who remembers that the first great schism in the Buddhist church was occasioned by disputes
a

over no more important

following
(1)
:

questions

than

the

Whether
store

it

was permissible
in

for a

Bhik-

khu

to

salt

a horn

(2)

whether the

midday meal might be eaten when the sun's shadow showed two finger-breadths after noon (3) whether curds might be eaten by one who had already finished his midday meal (4) whether a rug need be of the limited size prescribed, if it had no fringe; (5) whether it was permissible to receive gold and silver, etc.
;

It
1

may

thus be said with perfect accuracy

(Nissaggiya
58-60),

Patimokkha

Pachittiya
V., VIII. 13-4

Dhamma,
ft.

1-10,

24-29;

Pachittiya
-

Dhamma,

M.

Nissaggiya Pachittiya
Pachittiya, 14.

Dhamma

(11-15).

3
*
5

?3chittiya, 31-46.
S. B. E.,

XI, p. 112.

Nissaggiya Pachittiya

Dhamma,

21-22.

302

CORPORATE LIFE
regulations
;

embraced the and according to the principle of the Buddhist church they could not perform even the most insignificant or the
whole
life

that these rules and

of

the

Bhikkhus

most

obviously

positive legal sanction.

necessary things without a This may be illustrated

by the following passage from Chullavagga (V,

14. 2) :at that time the Bhikkhus walked down on a cloister on uneven ground and up and their feet were hurt.
;

"Now

They
'

told this matter to the Blessed One.

allow

you,

Bhikkhus,

to

make

it-

level.'

The cloister had too low a basement, and was inundated with water.

They
'

told this matter to the Blessed

One.
it

I allow you,

Bhikkhus,

to

make

with a

high basement.'

The facing
'

of the

basement

fell in.

I allow you,

of three kinds

Bhikkhus, the use of facing brick facing, stone facing, and

wooden
6

facing.'
difficulty in getting

They found
of

up

into

it.

1 allow you,

Bhikkhus, the use of

stairs

three kinds
stairs.'

brick stairs,

stone stairs, and

wooden As they were going up them, they

e

fell off.

I allow

you,

Bhikkhus,

the

use

of

a balustrade.'

Now

at that time the

Bhikkhus,

CHAPTER IV
when walking up and down
fell

303
in

the

cloister,

down.

They
6

told this matter to the Blessed One.

to

1 allow you, O Bhikkhus, a railing for the cloister.

provide

Whatever we may think

incident

of

the particular

referred

to

in

the

testifies to

the rigidity

of

above passage, it the Buddhist canon

law, and abundantly illustrates the principle that there was very little scope for individual discretion, and in all things small and great,

the
laid

monks had to abide by the specific laws down by the illustrious Buddha.

We may

next take into consideration the

organisation
f

which

success-

hurch

fully

maintained
in

this

stern
It

discipline
is

the Church.

apparent that in the earlier days the word of

great

the

authority,

Buddha was law, and his supreme factor of the the main guiding
This, however,

Brotherhood.

could not be a

for two permanent arrangement, mainly In the first place, the Church had reasons.

gradually extended

over a stretch

of country

too big to be amenable to the personal administration of a single man, and secondly, provision

CORPORATE LIFE
be made for the management of the fraternity when the great Buddha would be no

had

to

was therefore slowly evolved, and although it was long before it attained the maturity, its first and important
distinct

more.

organisation

stages are clearly traceable during of the Buddha.

the life-time

In one respect, however, the old order continued. The Buddha remained
Gautama
Buddha.
the only law-maker.

the only law-maker, even atter his death. Indeed it was the

ji

cardinal principle of the Buddhist church that none but the founder of the sect could make

might formuexplain and expound them, but could not The idea seems late any new laws themselves.
fraternity.

laws

for

the

The

others

have been developed at a very early period, and, according to traditional account, the
to

principle resolution

w as
r

finally

established
at

by a formal
council of

of

the

Samgha

the

Buddha spoke to great Ananda When I am gone, Ananda, let the Samgha, if it should wish, revoke all the lesser " " When the permission and minor precepts. thus accorded to the Brotherhood was taken
Rajagriha.
:

The

<c

into consideration

opinions differed of the minor and lesser precepts. on the motion of Maha Kassapa,
*

by the council at B/ajagriha, widely on the interpretation

Thereupon,
the
council
as
laid

resolved to adhere to all

the

precepts

CHAPTER IV
down
in the

305
1
'

not ordaining what has not been ordained, and not revoking what has been ordained/ " 2
lifetime,

Buddha's

The

The Buddhist church consisted, at first, of two parts the various local *
:

local sariighas

absence of any central

co-

Community of and the monks, great Buddha ordinating them as a central authority. Any
organisation

SamgllCtS Or the

central
local

representing

the

various

communities

was

remarkable
the system

by

its

absence. vious

The

defects of

were ob-

and were experienced even in the lifetime of the Buddha. This is well illustrated by
the incidents that took place at

Kosambi
'

in the

Ghositarama (M. V., X.

1-5).

There the local

against
of

pronounced Bhikkhu. particular

latter

Samgha

'

expulsion

The

partisans

the

selves

defended his conduct and ranged themAs soon as the against the decision.

news reached the Buddha he exclaimed, " The Bhikkhu Samgha is divided the Bhikkhu Samgha is divided," and betook himself to the
!

contending parties. He tried to compose their differences but was met with the reply " Lord, may the Blessed One, the king of Truth, be
:

Lord, may the Blessed One quietly patient bliss he has obtained already in this the enjoy
!

life

The
1

responsibility

for

these altercations

Pachittiya 57,

C. V., XI.

1. 9.

39

306

CORPORATE LIFE
this disunion

and contentions, for

dcfects

will rest

and quarrel with us alone." Again

otlte^r

and again the great Buddha tried to bring them to their sense but he always met with the same reply, and in disgust left the place. The incident vividly exhibits the merit as
well as

the

defect

of

autonomy conceded

the system. The local to the Bhikkhus was no

doubt a healthy feature, and must have contributed in a great degree to the force and vitality

whole organisation. The deplorable weakness of the central authority was, however, such, that it had no means to enforce its decisions
of the

upon

the

constituent

parts,

even

when such

exercise

of

the benefit

authority was thought desirable for of the Church. Any one with a
in
it

common
not
fail

degree of prudence and foresight could

to

perceive

the

seeds

of

the

decline and downfall of the great Church. With the death of the great Buddha,

the

central authority, weak as it was, vanished altogether, as the great Master did not nominate

any
1

of his disciples as his successor, 1 nor

made

According to Kern the Buddha had designed Kasyapa the Great

as his successor, but the following speech attributed to the Master in the " It may be, Anauda, Mahaparinibbuna-Sutta is more to the point " The word of the Master that in some of you the thought may arise,
:

we have no teacher more " But it The truths and the that you should regard it. which I have set forth and laid down for yon
is

ended,

is

not thus

Ananda

rules of
all,

the Order

let

them, after

am

gone, be the Teacher to you."

(S. B. E., XI, p. 112.)

CHAPTER IV

307

any arrangement for a definite organisation to There was a great clanger that take his place. the whole Buddhist Church would be divided into
a

number

of independent local corporations.

But

several circumstances prevented this catastrophe. In the first place these local bodies could
not,
and

by any means, be reduced into a number of watertight compartments, for their remedies, any member of a local com, ,

munity could freely pass into another simply by change of his residence. It is permissible to conclude from the wandering habits of the
monks, that such interchange of membership was not of infrequent occurrence,
practically served in a great degree, to check the spirit of local autonomy.
this

Buddhist

and

must have

In the second place, great Buddhist emperors must have been looked upon as the head of the

Church and we know that the great Maurya emperor Asoka actually assumed such a position. Thirdly, the General Council that was sum-

moned from time

of

central

time served the purposes authority and kept alive the

to

traditions of

an undivided Church.

It was,

under

the

circumstances,

the most effective

method
unity

that could be devised for maintaining the

of the great

Buddhist Church, and

its

it

undoubtedly

shows,

at

best,

the

animated the people gether we hear of four such Councils, and the

corporate feeling that of ancient India. Alto-

308

CORPORATE LIFE
held at Vaisali,
1

one

of

which

we

possess

somewhat
type of the

detailed account,
rest.

may

be taken as a

These were not,

for purposes
of

however,

quite

sufficient

regular a measure of
_

co-ordination.
,

For, as

which were, however, far from being suffi.

practical utility,

the

first

could

expected
paratist
1

to

be hardly cope with the se-

tendency

that

must
is

have

steadily

The most circumstantial account Vinaya-Pitaka, Twelfth Khandhaka.

'

preserved in Chullavagga of
it

Kern sums

up as follows

century after the Lord's Parinirv3na the monks of Vriji lineage at Vaisali declared as permissible the ten points, to wit (For a general idea of these ten points see p. 301 above). At that time the
Sthavira Yasas, Kakandaka's son, came to Vaisall, and whilst staying in the Mahavana, witnessed the unlawful practices of the Vrijian

monks.

By

of the brethren,

addressing the laity he endeavoured to stop the iniquity who instead of dissenting from their wrong practices,

carried out against

him the act

of

making excuses

to the offended

Yasas protested and demanded that a companion should be laity. appointed to go with himself as a messenger, so that he might have the occasion of asking redress for the wrongs done to him. His

demand being vouchsafed, he entered with

city of VaisalT,

his

companion into the

where he

laid

his case

before the believing laymen.

He was

'laymen and son of 6akya. The Vrijian monks continued obstinate and carried out against Yasas the act of excommunication. But Yasas went to

after hearing

deservedly successful in his eloquent pleading, for the him declared that he alone was a worthy Sramana

Kansamb! and sent messengers

to

the brethren

in

the

western

country, in Avanti, and in the southern country, summoning them to an assembly. In response to his call the Buddhist monks, numbering

about

700

nocked together from

these regions.

When

the

legal

assembly

had

met

to

decide

the

question

Eevata proposed

resolution that the

Samgha should
at
Vaisall.

settle the

question at that place

brethren went to Vaisali.

The resolution being adopted, the In the subsequent meeting of the Samgha the proceedings did not succeed, which circumstances moved Revata
where
it

arose,

i.e.,

CHAPTER IV

309

developed in course of time. The second was an uncertain factor and could be counted upon only
at rare intervals
;

as a matter of fact, in course of

a thousand years,

prominently, viz., Lastly, the method of calling general councils, although most effective, must, on the whole, be looked upon as merely a desperate attempt to

only three figures stand out Asoka, Kanishka and Harsha.

remedy the defects of the constitution and could, by its very nature, be resorted to only in extreme and exceptional cases. The result of this state of things is clearly seen in the repeated schisms within the bosom of the Church, and the less and less representative
character of each
It
is

quite clear, universal Buddhist

succeeding general Council. however, that the idea of one

Church was never absent

in

either in theory or

popular ideas, although

the
local

we

must

admit

that

communities
all

were the only real

purposes.

entities

for

practical

to lay

submitted

a proposal before the assembly that the question should be So he selected a committee of eight to a committee.

monks of the east, and four of the west. The younger was appointed as regulator of seats. As the place of Ajita was chosen the ValikarSma, a quiet and of the committee meeting
persons, four

monk

undisturbed spot.

The proceedings of the committee were conducted in this manner that Revata put the questions, and Sawakamin delivered his authoritative replies. All the Ten Points were declared to be against the rules, and therewith the Vrijian monks were put in the wrong.
(Kern's

Manual

of

Indian Buddhism, pp. 103-5.)

310

CORPORATE LIFE
The
inscriptions faithfully reflect this double
of

aspect

the

Buddhist
1

church.

Thus while
a special

some
to

of

them record
of

gifts to the local or

community
the

whole

others explicitly refer monks, Buddhist fraternity (Samghasa

2

chatudisasa) as the object of their

gift.

The
strictly

local

corporations

were

governed

on

democratic principles.

The ultra-democratic

organisation of the

local

Samghas.

The general assembly of the monks constituted the sovereign authority and the procedure of its meetings was
exactness. 3
all

laid

down with minute

In the
first

place

the

fully

ordained

Bhikkhus

in a

The general assembly and its constitu.

community were members of the assembly. Every one of them. unless incapacitated for some
offence by

way

of penalty,

had

legal unless all entitled to vote were either preseat, 4 or, being absent, formally declared their consent, minimum number of members that must be

a right to vote.
the

No meeting was

members

Lud Nos.
Lud. Nos.

987, 1018,

1099,

1100,1105,

1123-1126,

1175,

1248,

1250.
2

5,

62b, 64a, 998, 999, 1006,

1139,

1007,
1146.

1016,

1020,

1024,

1106,1127,1131,1133,1137,
Nos.
3
4

1140,

Gupta

Inscriptions,

5, 62.

M. V., IX. 3. The formal consent

of the absent

members was

called

'

chhanda.'

CHAPTER IV
present
or,

311

in

order that

the

act

may

be

legal,

quorum are The number laid down in Mahavagga, IX. 4. Thus varied for different classes of official acts.
in

other

words,

the

rules of a

there were
four,
less

some acts which could be done by only

others

while

required the presence of no

than twenty persons. Any member present might protest if he thought that the constitution
of the

assembly was in any way irregular.

The assembly having duly met, the mover had first to announce to the assembled Bhikkhus the resolution he was going to
in the

Procedure adopted meetings of the

pFOpOSG

tlllS

announcement
After
the

was
nattl
to

called

iiatti.

the question (kammavacha) put Bhikkhus present if they approved the The question was put either once resolution. in the first case we have a or three times in the second case a nattin'lttldatiya Jcamma chatuttha Kant ma. Minute regulations were laid down as to what acts fell respectively under the first and second categories. Any deviation from tliis stereotyped form was liable to make the official act invalid. Thus we have in Mahathe
;

followed

vagga IX,

3.

"
:

If one performs,

Bhikkhus,

a nattldiAtiya act with one natti, and does not proclaim a kammavacha, such an act is unlawful.
1

If one performs,
S. B. E., Vol. X.III.
p.

O
f.

Bhikkhus, a nattidutiya
n.

169,

(2).

tion of this

form see the ceremony of ordination on

For the practical illustra. p. 294 above.

312

CORPORATE LIFE
two
nattis

and does not proclaim a one Jcammavacha and does not propose a nattl with two kammavachas and does not propose natti, such an act is
act with

Icammavachd

with

unlawful."

After the resolution was formally put before the Samgha once or thrice, as the case might be,

was automatically passed, if the members In case any one spoke present kept silent. of opinion, it and there was a difference against
it

the decision of the majority prevailed. Regular votes were taken, and a taker of the votes

was formally appointed by the samgha

1

for this

purpose. In case the matter of dispute was grave and complicated, it could be referred to another local

community
of

in

which there was a larger number

doing this is described in detail in Chullavagga IV. 14. 17. ff. The community to which the matter was thus
of

Bhikkhus.

The procedure

referred

first

that their

for, and obtained, a guarantee be accepted as final. would decision

asked

Then they proceeded to consider the subject in very much the same way as described above. If the matter was a complicated one and pointspeeches were uttered in course of discussion 2 they could refer it to a small committee. Only
less
1

C. V., IV. 9.

The reference
It

to

committee seems to have been a well established

to in the council of Vaisali
(

practice.

was resorted

C. V. XII. 2. 7).

CHAPTER IV
the

313

Bhikkhus

of highest repute

were selected for

these

committees and their appointment was made by a formal act of the Order. If the committee were unable to come to any decision
it

about the question, they handed

back
votes

to

the

Samgha which
majority.

settled

it

by the

of the

Although the votes

of the majority generally

decided the disputed points, the Buddhist texts make it abundantly clear that the binding force
principle was not uniformly we are told in Thus recognised. Chullavagga IV. 10. 1, that the taking of votes is invalid when the
of
this

general

taker

of

votes

knows that those whose opinions

be,

are not in accordance with law will

or

may

Again, there were " if the taker secret methods of taking votes and of votes ascertained that those whose opinion
probably be, in the majority.

was against the Dhamma were in the majority, he was to reject the vote as wrongly taken." It is difficult to explain these deviations from
the

general democratic spirit of the regulations.

The texts are quite silent as to how the matter was to be decided if the decision of the majority were rejected, and on the whole there hangs a
mystery about these regulations which
present impossible to clear up.
it is

at

The

local corporation of

monks
of

carried on the

necessary secular business

1

the

monastery

C. V.,

IV. 14. 26.

40

311

CORPORATE LIFE
a

through the agency of

Q iness of

number
it

of

officers

appointed by
thfn'onaste 4

in

due form.
these
in

Th e names and number of

officers

naturally

varied

different

places,
:

but the most important among

rice

them were
ing fruits

(1) the distributor of food, includ-

gruel, (2) the keeper of stores, (3) the regulator of the lodgings, (4) the recipient of robes, (5) the distributor of robes,
(6) the

and

(7)

keeper of rain -cloaks and bathing clothes, the keeper of alms-bowls and (8) the
1

superintendent of the gardeners. were of course selected from

The

officers

amongst the brethren, and only the most eminent among them were entrusted with these important
charges.

The

local corporation

The authority of the sa&gha over individual member.

had extensive authority over the individual monks and

could
visit

their offences with

various degrees of punishment

such as (1) Tajjaniya

(2)

the

Nissaya
(3)

kamma kamma

(act of

rebuke),

(putting

under
(act (act

tutelage),

Pabbajaniya
to

kamma

of of

banishment),

(4)

making amends
pcvniya

Patisaraniya kamnia the laity), and (5)

TJkkhedetailed

kamma

(act of suspension).

account of the offences deserving one or other

of these punishments,
1

and the way

Manual,
p. 83.

in

which they

Of.

Kern

CHAPTER
were imposed,
Chullavagga.
is

IV

315

given in the first Khandhaka of Besides these, there was the

system of probation and penance (Parivasa and Manatta) which is described in minute detail in the second and third Khandhakas. Above all
there was the act of expulsion from the Community, the highest punishment contemplated

the Buddhist canon,

this

by and the offences involving

extreme measure are given in the Parajika section of the Patimokkha. The nuns (Bhikkhunls) formed a distinct
10

copporation

of

null

community in the Buddhist church. They had their own Samgha which was guided by

same rules and regulations as that of the monks. The Bhikkhunl Samgha was, however,
the
for all practical

purposes,

subordinated

to

the

Samgha. Bhikkhunl, although carried on in the Bhikkhunl Samgha in exactly the same way as that of a

Bhikkhu

The ordination

of a

new

Bhikkhu

in the

Bhikkhu Samgha, had

to be con-

firmed by the latter. The general tendency of the Buddhist canon law was to assign a distinctly inferior position to the Bhikkhunls, as
the great Buddha was of opinion that their admission into the Buddhist church was calculated

Many safeguards destory its purity. were devised to avert this evil but the essential
to

principles guiding the corporation of monks were equally applicable in the case of that of the nuns.

316

CORPORATE LIFE
appears

It
in

from
X.

Buddha's reply
3.

to

Ananda
1

Chullavagga

that other religious sects

also admitted

women

in their fraternity.

Buddhist foregoing account of the church is calculated to give a fair idea of the

The

now

may corporate character of the institution. dwell upon some special features of the

We

organisation which bripg out this characteristic in a more vivid manner.

In the
Relation the individual
18

place attention may he drawn to the fact, already noticed above, , ., , between ,. ., that the individual in the Bhikkhu
first
.

SSUi!

Buddhist church was merged

in the corporation. The individual had absolutely no freedom of his own, and his life was regulated even to the minutest

detail

by a

set

corporation.

ordinances enforced by the few specimens may be quoted

of
:

below just to give an idea of the whole thing Whatsoever Bhikkhu who is not sick, (i)
shall,

desiring to
fire

warm

himself, kindle a

tire,

or

have a
thereto

kindled,
is

without cause

sufficient

that

a Pachittiya (an offence requir-

ing expiation)
1

(S. B. E.,

XIII,

p. 44).

For the details of the Bhikkhuni saragha

cf.

C.

V.,

X, and the

JBhikkhuuI Patimukkha.

CHAPTER IV
(ii)

317
shall bathe

Whatsoever Bhikkhu
of
less

at

intervals

than half a month, except on

the proper occasion that is a Pachittiya ( ibid). In case people should offer a Bhikkhu, (lu)

who has gone

he chose of

to

some house,

to take as

much

as

Bhikkhu, three howls

that

sweetmeats and cakes, that should he so wish, may accept two or

their
full.
is

If he should accept
(ibid, p. 39).

more than

that

a Pachittiya

Bhikkhu shall have a rug or (iv) Whatsoever mat made with silk in it that is a Pachittiya
offence involving forfeiture (ibid, p. 24).
(v) When a Bhikkhu has had a new rug made, he should use it for six years. If he should have another new rug made within the six years, whether he has got rid, or has not got rid of the

former one,

unless
is

with the permission of the

Samgha

that
1

a Pachittiya offence involving

forfeiture.

The same

relation
is

between the individual and

the corporation

brought out by the general presumption in the Buddhist canon law that everything belongs to the Samtjhi and not to
any individual monk, and that the latter can only possess that which has been specifically
1

come home, that they might nurse him. He answered that he was too ill to carry his rugcould not get on without one, and could not have a new one made within six years. Then the Blessed One established this exception to
sick

"

The Vibhanga explains by a monk was asked by his

story,

why

the last clause was added.

relatives

to

the yoncrul rule

"

(ibid, p. 25, uiid footnote

).

318
allotted to him.

CORPORATE LIFE
Thus
it is

a general

rule

that

a Bhikkhu can possess only one bowl at a time and he can exchange it for a new one only when it has been broken in at least five Now places.

any Bhikkhu got a new bowl in violation of the above rule, that bowl was forfeited to the Samglia and given to the Bhikkhu who had the worst
if

Again, as a general rule, the Bhikkhus could not possess gold or silver, and if any of them should receive it or get some one to
bowl.

him, or allow it to be kept in deposit for him, he had to give it up for the use of the community. 2 Even when things were
receive
it

for

allowed to a Bhikkhu for personal use, they were considered as the property of the Samgha? It
is

on the death

perfectly in keeping with this doctrine that of a Bhikkbu, the Sariiqha became
4
:

the owner of his property " On the death of a

Bhikkhu, O Bhikkhus, the Samgha becomes the owner of his bowl and of his robes. But, now, those who wait upon
the
sick

are

of

much

service.

prescribe,

Bhikkhus, that

the set of robes and the bowl

are to be assigned by the

1

Samgha

to

them who

S. B. E.,

XIII,

p. 27.

2 3

No Bhikkhu had a separate personal ownership over his robes though nominally given to him for his own use, and really his own,

Ibid, p. "

26 and footnote.
;

subject to the rules, they were, technically speaking, the property of the whole Samgha (Ibid, p. 18, f.n. 1).
1

M.

V.,

V11I. 27.0.

CHAPTER
have waited upon the
sick.

IV

319
little

And whatever

property or small supply of a Bhikkhu's requisites there may be, that is to be divided by the Samgha that are present there; but whatever
large quantity of property Bhikkhu's requisites there

and large supply of a

may

be, that

is

not to

be given away and not to be apportioned, but to

belong
those
not."

Samgha of the four directions, who have come in, and those who have
to

the

The communistic theory

of property

is

also

beautifully illustrated by the following story. " Now at that time the Bhikkhus who dwelt
in

country residence, not far from Savatthi, were worried by having constantly to
a certain
for

provide sleeping accommodation

*

travelling

Bhikkhus who came in (from country places). And those Bhikkhus thought [This being so,]
:

let

us hand over
is

which
us),

the sleeping accommodation the property of the Samgha to one (of

all

and

let

us use

it

as belonging to him.'

And
:

they [did
;

so].

Then the incoming Bhikkhus said to them Prepare, Sirs, sleeping accommodation for us.'

There are no beds, Sirs, belonging to the Samgha. We have given them all away to one
of us.'

Have you then made away with property belonging to the Samgha ?
(

What,
That

Sirs ?

<

is so, Sirs.'

320

CORPORATE LIFE
The moderate Bhikkhus murmured,
etc.,

and

told the matter to the Blessed One.

Bhikkhus, as they say, that Bhikkhus make away with Samgha property ?
it

Is

true,

'

It

is

true, Lord.'

said

Then the Blessed One rebuked them, etc., and to the Bhikkhus These five things,
6
:

Bhikkhus, are untransferable, and are not to

of

be disposed of either by the Samgha, or by a

company
or
five ?

two or three Bhikkhus

site for

(a

Gana),
are the

by a single individual.

And what

A
the

park (Arama), or the

first

a park

untransferable thing, that cannot be disposed of by the Samglia, or by a Gana, or by an individual. If it be disposed of, such
this
is

disposal
it,

is

void; and whosoever has disposed of A Vihara or guilty of a thullachchaya.

is

the

site

for a Vihara

(as before).

the second, etc. bed, or a chair, or a bolster, or a

this
is

brass vessel, or pillow this is the third, etc. a brass jar or a brass pot, or a brass vase, or a razor, or an axe, or a hatchet, or a hoe, or a spade
}

Creepers, or bamboos, or munja, or babbaja grass, or common grass, or

this is the fourth, etc.

clay, or things

made

of wood, or crockery

this

is
1

the

fifth, etc.

(as before,

down

to) thullachchaya.'

Thus

it

was that the

individual

member

could occasionally realise the idea of the larger

1

c. v., vi. is.

CHAPTER IV
Brotherhood.

321

In view of the fact that there was

no central organisation of the Buddhist church, these peculiar theories and practices alone could
enable a

member

to realise that the various local

corporations were merely the parts of a larger one. If a monk of Kashmir, in course of his

claim by right, a bed at night in a convent at Pataliputra, he would certainly have

travels, could

realised the idea

of
else

the

greater

corporation

such as nothing
to do.

would have enabled him

Several institutions in the Buddhist church

T
nies in the

constantly kept alive the corPote feeling in the minds of

tne

Buddimt

Unnron.

mem bers.
of

may
the

assembly be mentioned first. It was at

The regular the local Bhikkhus

**

first

ordained
recite

that the

Bhikkhus should assemble and

on the
eighth,
of each half-month.
1

Dhamma

fourteenth and
c

On one of day the last two days took place the Uposatha service and the recitation of Patimokkha. 2 This
fifteenth
'

was looked upon regulations were

the ceremony.
1

as very important
laid

and elaborate
conducting

down

for fairly

M.
M.

V., II.

1. 3.

V., II. 3. 2, 3

II. 4. 2.

41

322

CORPORATE LIFE
The
service

was
this

to

be held by the complete

a
locality.

fraternity of
peri di "

For

Hes

P ur P ose the
a
local

boundaries

of

area
the

were clearly
Order.

defined

by a formal act

of

The

area was not to be too large, nor was it to consist of such natural obstacles, as a big river without any regular communication between the two

These precautions were evidently taken to ensure the possibility of the attendance of all the members.
sides

by means

of ferry boats,

etc.

There was

to

be only one

'

'

Uposatha

service,

on

a particular day proclaimed beforehand, and on a fixed spot arranged for the purpose.

When
ation

the brethren had assembled together, tho Patimokkha was recited 2

fthe

pJ^Vkkfa
of

by a learned competent Bhik-

khu with
the
5

the formal sanction

As the recitation proAssembly/ ceeded, and at the end of the description of each class of offences, the question was
put
to the

assembled brethren whether they were

pure with regard to it. The question was repeated thrice, and if the assembly remained silent, the recitation was continued for the silence was
;
1

If

no

specific

village or the

boundary was determined, the boundary of tho town where the Ehikkhus dwelt was accepted as the

boundary for the Uposatha service (M. V., 11. 12. 7). 2 The Patimokkha (a classified catalogue of various offences and
their appropriate

but

it
8

punishment) was usually recited in its could be abridged in times of danger (M. V., 11. 15).
V., II. 3. 3,

full

extent

M.

CHAPTER IV
tantamount
to

declaration

of

innocence.

other hand if any of the Bhikkhus was present guilty of any of these offences he had to confess his guilt and was treated according to the rules and regulations. After the recitation of Patimokkha was finished, various topics

On

the

connected with the church were discussed in the

2 and sometimes even official acts assembly were performed. 3 Usually the eldest Bhikkhu was the master of the ceremony but in case

ignorant and unable to recite the Patimokkha, the Bhikkhu who was most learned

he

was

and competent took his place. In case all the Bhikkhus of a particular locality were ignorant they had to send* instantly one Bhikkhu to
the neighbouring
to

community with

instructions

come back after having learnt the Patimokkha abridged or in its full extent. If he failed to do this the Bhikkhus had all to go to
a neighbouring community to hold the Uposatha service, and the recital of the Patimokkha.

The presence of all the members in the ceremony was specially insisted upon. If any one was absent on account of sickness he had to charge another Bhikkhu with his parisuddhi,' with the solemn declaration that he was i.e., pure from the offences specified in the Patimokkha. He had also to declare at the same time
'
1

M.

V., II. 3. V.. II. 15. 5-11.

V., II. 23.

M. M,

324
his consent to
1

CORPORATE LIFE
the acts to be performed in the Bhikkhu did not succeed

assembly.

If the sick

in conveying this parisuddhi, he had to be carried to the assembly on his bed or his chair. If the

nurses of the sick

man thought

that by removing
or he
to

him

would increase then the whole Samgha had man and hold Uposatha there.
his sickness

would
in

die,

go

to the sick

But

no case

were they

ceremony with incomplete congregation. Similarly if a Bhikkhu was seized by his relations or kings, robbers, etc., on the
Uposatha day, the Bhikkhus had at first to try to have him temporarily released for joining the

to hold the

Uposatha service. If they did not succeed, they were to request them to take* the Bhikkhu outboundary during the Uposatha ceremony so that the congregation might be technically
side the

complete. Failing in this, they should rather stop the Uposatha ceremony altogether than hold
it

with an incomplete congregation. Again, if a Bhikkhu turned mad, he was first to be granted
'

ummattakasammuti

by ceremony could be held without him. This insistence on the presence of all the members and the mutual confession of guilt must be looked upon as indicative of, and no doubt greatly conducive
to,

(i.e., the mad man's leave) of the act Order before the Uposatha a formal

'

the corporate spirit of ^the Buddhist monks. 2

1

M.

V., II. 23.

is

This account

taken from M. V.,

II.

CHAPTER IV
The Vassa
ea

or the

retreat during the rainy season was another institution

duriDS

the^lfsea s on

calculated to develop the corporate spirit among the Buddhist

for three

monks.
either

It

was ordained that

months

during the rainy season every year, commencing

from the day after the full moon of Ashadha, or a month after that date, the monks had to live in a settled residence. During this
1

period, they could not leave their place of residence, except in cases of emergency, specified in detail in Mahavagga III. Thus, for three

months, a number of Bhikkhus lived together in mutual amity and concord. We get a glimpse

from the following short account of the life " He led by a group of Bhikkhus who came back first from the village, from his almsof
it
:

pilgrimage, prepared seats, got water for washing the feet, a foot stool, and a towel, cleaned the
slopbasin and got
to)
it

ready and put there (water

drink and foods.

village,

He who came back

his

last

from the
if

alms-pilgrimage, ate, there was any food left (from the dinner of the other Bhikkhus) and if he desired to do so and
;

from

if

he did not desire

(to eat),

threw

it

place free from grass or poured it water in which no living things were

away at a away into put away

footstool,

the water for washing

1

the feet,

the

Usually the monks travelled from place to place during the rest

of the year.

CORPORATE
and the towel
put
it

slop-hasin the and water the food away, put

;
1

cleaned

the

and

away

and swept the dining-room, etc." At the end of the Vassa residence the assembled Bhikkhus held the cere(*) Pa varan a.

mony
(

of

Pavarana,

in

which

every Bhikkhu present invited the Samgha to charge him with any offence they thought him
guilty of an offence which they saw, or heard 2 so that he might atone for it. of, or suspected
'

Immediately after the Pavarana the robes

Kathina cere-

(it )

mony.

belonging to the local Samgha *i T i were distributed among its

j.

members.
'

This was
e

known

as

the Kathina ceremony. The Kathina? literally hard,' was the stock of cotton provided by the
faithful to be

made up

into robes for the use

of

ensuing year. By a formal act of the Order a Bhikkhu was placed

the

Samgha during

the

and sewing these clothes. When the new robes were ready for wear, he chose one for himself and pointed out the remaining robes to the Bhikkhus there present, specifying which he thought fit for the elder and which for the younger members of the
in charge of dyeing

Order.

Finally he called upon the

Samgha

for

their formal approval of his procedure. On the receipt of such approval the Bhikkhus took
1

M.

V.,

IV. 57.
cf.

For the details and formalities of the ceremony

M.

V., IV.-

CHAPTER IV
possession
of

3:>7

their

ceremony came

respective to an end.
1

robes,

and

the

The Buddhist
Religious corporations other than the

fraternity,

of
,

which a short

Buddhist Sarhcrhn.

sketch has been given above, , , may be looked upon as a type ., T of the religious corporations in
>

ancient India.

The Jaina

fraternity,

the only

other religious corporation of which some detailed account is known to us, clearly belongs to 2 this type. Of the rest we possess very little
definite information.

There can, however, be

any doubt that these religious corporations were always an important factor in ancient Indian society. It has been already demonscarcely
strated that there were

many such
arose.

corporations

at the time

when Buddhism

Their conti-

nued existence in later times is proved by the Dharmasastras and inscriptions. Thus the passage from Yajnavalkya quoted on p. 39 above, refers
to the
'

MlMfe

ing

down

or heterodox religious sects in layrules and regulations for corporations.

c
'

'

is also Pashandis corporation of the expressly referred to in the Narada Samhita in

The

the following passage

foif?r:

S. B. E., Vol.

XVII, pp. 148-152 and footnotes.

Considerations of space forbid a detailed account of the Jaina

church.

328
M q
(

CORPORATE LIFE

tk^ja ^RRsf

TT^fT

^T ^MM^'

cTOT

ll"

(X.

1. 2.)

An

inscription

of

the second

century A. D.

records a gift to the corporation (parshad) of the Charakas, probably a certain special category
(

of

Brahmanical

ascetics

M while another refers to

the holy assembly of the Aparajitas. 2

During the
Their continued existence till the latest period of Hindu India.

latter part of
.

the

Hindu
.

period,

religious corporations specially

or
<<-!

the various
,

vaishnava and
i

Sakta

sects,

largely flourished

in southern India.

pretty frequently in
leave

References to temples occur south Indian records and

religious or less well-defined charac-

no

doubt

that

these

local

corporations of
ter

more

were

associated

with

them.

They

nc

doubt corresponded to the ancient Buddhist monasteries to a certain extent but their corporate

organisation

never

stage of development. these institutions is not necessary for the purpose of the present work, however interesting it

reached the same high A detailed account of

might prove to the students of Indian The same remark applies to the similar
tions in northern India.
1

history.
institu-

tions of
-

Ep. lud., Vol. VIII, p. 79. Asoka and Dasaratha.

Also

c/.

the dedicatory

cave inscrip-

Lnd. No. 1163.

CHAPTEE V
CORPORATE ACTIVITIES IN SOCIAL LIFE
1

The corporate

activities

of the

ancient In-

dians

were

most remarkably
life,

manifested in their social

activity

and the 7 were carried

of

to a deis

unknown

gree perfection elsewhere in the world. The

which

institucaste,
is

tion variously

known

as varna, jati or

the concrete expression of those activities, and represents, in its highest development, the best

form of
is

social corporation

known

to history.

It

object here to trace the origin and development of the caste system as a whole, for

not

my

that

is

too big a

subject
I

and requires separate

should rather confine

treatment by

itself.

myself to those essential features alone which

the term corporation applicable to it, and bring out more prominently the corporate character of the institution.

make

begin from the earliest period of Indian history known to us, The origin and antiof the caste quity viz., that represented by the

We may

Bigveda. The point has often been discussed whether the caste system was

330

CORPORATE LIFE
to the people of that age.
differ

known
of

But the views

this

antiquarians

much on

question.

Aufrecht, Benfey, M. Miiller, Muir, Roth,

Weber

and Zimmer were

of opinion that the later Brah-

manical social organisation was unknown to the Vedic people. The view was endorsed by Senart,
Macdonell,
other

Von Schroeder and Kaegi. On the hand Haug, Kern and Ludwig maintain

the opposite view and they have been supported 1 It would be of no by Oldenberg and Geldner.

use to consider in detail the arguments advanced by each, but we may examine the facts so far as

they have been elucidated by these scholars.

There
celebrated

is

only one passage in Rigveda, the Purusha Sukta which refers to the
classes.

division of society into four

is,
Casfce system unin the Rigvedic
.
.

The Sukta
'

however, admittedly of late origin and cannot therefore be

as

accepted
the earliest
for

an

evidence

of

period.

There

are,

however, some
four
classes

grounds were not unknown

the belief

that the

to the earliest

Indo-Aryans.

The
into

earliest

Iranian

society

was

divided

four

those

corresponding to described in the Purusha Sukta. Thus

classes
(pishtrcts)
(priests)

the

Athravas

would

correspond

to

the

Brahmans,

the Eafhaesthas

(warriors) to

the Kshatriyas, the

1

Vastriyas Fskouyants (chief

cf.

For a summary of these views

ff.

A.

L., p. 186,

and V.

I.,

II,

p.

247

CHAPTER V
of

831

Vaisyas and the Huitis There is some force (labourers) to the Sudras.
family)
to

the

Ludwig's argument that as the religious ideas contained in the Rigveda reach back to the time
in

when the Iranians and the Aryans we have a right to take the social representative of the same period
admit the absence of similar

lived together

ideas
;

also as
if

that

we

class distinctions in

the age of Rigveda, we are bound to presume that the Aryans originally had the distinctions
in their society,

subsequently lost it and had built them up again at some future period. 2 It may thus be admitted that the four-fold
social division

of th different from distinctions.

contemplated by Sukta

caste

n the age

of

is,

however,

There Riffveda. o show to nothing

in an

that the four classes formed anything approach-

ing to four castes.

state of civilisation

Every people

advanced
into

may

be differentiated

The Engthe four (or possibly more) elements. into the be divided lish people, for example, may
clergy,

the

noble, the

middle

class,

and the

labourers.

There

is

no evidence

to

show that

the general division of the people into four classes in the age of Rigveda was more rigid than
1

2
'

Cf. Ludwig, Der Rigveda, Der Rigveda, III, 244.

III, pp.
'1

243-4

Senart,Caste,

p.

140
of

ff .

here

is

however no question

the
preII,

classen- unterschiede
Cf, Senart,
ff.

die

auf der geburt beruhten' as

p.

Ludwig

sumes.
p.

Caste,

142

Spiegel, Eran, Alterthumsk.

551

382

CORPORATE LIFE

that prevailing in England, the hereditary nohles in the latter forming a suitable counterpart to

the

more

or
It

less

former.

may
and

hereditary priest-hood in the be argued, that in the case of

India the later literature

rigid castes,
in the

shows these

classes

as

absence of any proof to the contrary, we might postulate the same with regard to the age of Rigveda. Apart from the illogical nature of the statement itself, the ex-

ample

of the Iranian

society clearly proves that

the class distinctions

mentioned above do not

connote any caste distinctions, and, what is more important, that they do not even necessarily
lead to the latter.

Let us next examine the point whether, and

if

so

how

far,

these classes partook of the nature

of corporations.

We
is is

only
of

when

there

can speak of corporation some link by which a

class of

people

tied together,

whether

it

be

profession, social status or something else. Now there is absolutely no evidence that any of

the four classes of which the existence

inferred from the

may

be

Eigveda ever formed a professional group or social unit. Excepbe taken indeed to the case of Brahtions may mans and Sudras. It may be argued that the priest-hood already formed a profession and that the Sudras or Dasas formed a distinct In the first case, however, there ethnic group.

hymns

of

Muir,

S. T., I. 259.

CHAPTER V
is

333

nothing to show that the profession was the

of

particular and definite class of people, or that those who adopted it formed any organised social group or groups by themselves.

monopoly

In the latter

case,

although the Sudras or Dasas

were ethnically distinct from the Aryas, there is no reason to suppose that they were a homovarious

geneous race, being composed, as they were, of aboriginal races, whom the Aryans had
Indian settlements.
It

to confront in their

may

be broadly asserted therefore, that although there were several classes among the Aryans in the
early

Vedic period
1

there

was

not

yet

any

question of caste.

We may
th(

next take into consideration the

later

Vedic age.

Weber, who

period

has

special study of the data regarding caste contained

is

made a

that the caste system was fully developed during the period, and that we find here the system which was afterin these sources, of opinion

wards idealised in Manu's code, although he is constrained to admit that some laxity in the system is observable here and there. 2 That this view of the development of the caste system is
1

Senart, Castes, p. 149

ff.

Ind. Stud., Vol. X, p. 2,

334

CORPORATE LIFE
is

Withrecognised. out going into this question in detail we shall separately discuss the cases of Brahman, Kshagenerally
triya,

erroneous

now

Vaisya and Sudra

extent

any

of

those

just to find out to what partook of a corporate

of the

character.

Brahman.
ddUtto "

The pretension

Brahman

ofa^SL
Gods
with
2

has no doubt reached a high point. Already in Kausitaki

(p. 35).

they are called Gods and Gods of They are even held to he identical
(p. 37).

Brahma

offered in a sacrifice.

four privileges,

viz.,

They alone can take things They have a right to claim (1) Archa (veneration), (2)

Dana (present, gifts, etc.), (3) Ajyeyata (freedom from oppression) and (4) Abadhyata (immunity from capital punishment). They have also four
duties, viz., (1)
(2)

Brahmanyam

(purity

of blood),

Pratirupacharya (proper

way

of living), (3)

Yasah (fame through the study of Veda, etc.), (1) Lokapakti (intellectual and religious training of the people, as teacher, sacrificial priest and
3

purohita).

These duties and privileges belong to no other class of people, at least as a body, and as such
the

Bnlhmans must be looked upon

class.

as a distinct

privileged
1

There

were besides special

a
3

Hopkins, Caste, pp. 2, 108. These pages refer to Ind. Stud. Vol. X. For detailed account Ind. Stud. X. 4t.

of each of the

above

pri-

vileges

and duties

see, ibid, pp. 41-160.

CHAPTER V
rules
of a

335
for the

and regulations prescribed

as that
:

conduct

Brahman such

(1)

He

should not carry arms

(p.

96) (Kaus'i-

taki, 93.101.
(2)

He

should not speak in a vulgar tongue

should initiate his son at a particular

(p. 97).'

(3)

He
He

age

(p. 101).

(4)

should observe the rules laid

down for

taking food.
(5)

He

should observe Brahmacharya (chas-

tity) (p. 102).

was meted with punishment in the form of penance, and sometimes it even led to the exclusion from the

The

violation of these rules

Brahmanic
penances
It
is

fold.

The

out-cast,'

however, could

get back into his society by

(p. 102).

performing some

thus quite clear that the Brahmans

al-

ready

possessed a corporate It behoves us next character.

to take into consideration

the

nature of this corporation.

thing that strikes anybody is that the corporation is in the making, and that a

The

first

conscious attempt

is

visible to
first

make

more

perfect.

In the
1

place,

more and what is the

it

S. P. Br., 3. 2. 1. 24.

336

CORPORATE LIFE
The group
of people

basis of the corporation ?

who were

collectively called

Brahman was not

There
is

bound together by ties lutely nothing to show

but the son of a
class.

of birth.

abso-

that, as in later days,

none

Brahman
laid

could belong to the

Rules were indeed

down

that

nobody

should serve as a priest who could not prove his descent from three (according to Kausitakl
(according to Latyayana Sutra) But these very generations of Eishis (p. 70). rules prove distinctly that the unbroken descent
Sutra)
in a
or ten

Brahman

line

an actuality.

It

was as yet an ideal and not further shows the conscious

which

attempt towards a closer corporation to I have referred above.

We
tic

have, however, not to depend upon nega-

tive proof alone to establish our thesis.

Authen-

ancient texts repeatedly declare that it is knowledge, not descent, that makes a Brahman.

Thus we learn from Satapatha Brahman 11. 6. 2. 10, that Janaka became a Brahman through the
teachings
(6. 6. 1.
'

of

Yajnavalkya.

Taittiriya-samhita

4) declares

"m*
in

IT

CTBTO
is

He who

has learning

the

Brahman
30.
1,

rishi.

Again we have

Kathaka
9.

and

Maitrayaniya Samhita 48. 1; 107.

CHAPTER V
"

337

What

do you ask about Brahman father, what do you ask about Brahnot

Knowledge,

birth, the basis of the

man mother ?

Since one

who

knows the Veda is the father, These and similar passages the grand father." indicate that knowledge was looked upon as the
primary qualification, and heredity counted for little in the recognition of a person as Brah-

man.

If,

then, the

Brahmanhood depended

upon

the knowledge and learning mainly requisite for Vedic worship, there must have been some specific

method

by

which

it

was

obtained.

The

method is fortunately referred to in Kausitaki, 55, from which we learn that the teacher had the or Brahmanhood power to confer arsheyam
'
'

upon

apparently if the latter were inclined to adopt the profession of a priest, and had, in the opinion of the teacher, capacity
his student, for

required
illustrated

(VII-19),

beautifully in a passage Aitareya Brahmana by are told that quoted by Mui.r

the

same.

This

is

We

from the Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra and approached to Brahman. Wherefore
"sacrifice fled

now

also sacrifice

depends upon Brahman, upon

the Brahmans. Kshattra then followed Brahman,

1

Uud

so wird

derm auch sonst noch mehrfach das Wissen Abkunft liberhaupt

als

allein

als wesentlicli, die

ganz unwesentlich bezeichnet

it cf.

(Ind. Stud., p. 70).

-

For various
Muir,

details in connection

with

Ind. Stud.,x, pp. 71-72.

S. T., Vol. I ,p. 368.

338

CORPORATE LIFE
*

and

said,
5

invite

me

(too to participate) in this

*

sacrifice.

ing aside

Brahman replied, so be thy own implements (bow,

sacrifice

it

then lay-

arrows, etc.)

approach the

with the implements of of Brahman and having form Brahman, become Brahman.' Kshattra rejoined, Be it so,
in the
} '
5

and, lay ing aside his own implements, approached the sacrifice with those of Brahman, in the

form of Brahman and having become Brahman. Wherefore, now also a Kshattriya, when sacrilaying aside his own implements, approaches tbe sacrifice with those of Brahman,
ficing,

in

Brahman, and having become Brahman." There was thus no inberent distinction between Kshattra and Brahman, and the one might have been changed into the other by a change in the mode of life and profession. The same idea also occurs in Aitareya Brahmana
the

form

of

VII.

231

consecrated king, when enters into the condition of a Brah-

"

He,

man," and also in Satapatha Brahmana (III. 2. 1. 39 ff). On the authority of these and other texts " Thus Weber concludes every Rajanya and
:

Vaisja becomes, through the consecration for

sacrifice

Offer) a

Brahman during

its

continu-

" ance, and is addressed as such (p. 17). Again we have in Satapatha Brahmana (XIII. 4. 1. 3) " whosoever sacrifices, does so after having as it were become a Brahman." So too Katyayana
:

says in his Srauta-sutra, VI.

4.

12:

"

The word

CHAPTER V
Brahman
Rajanya
notates
:

389

is

to be addressed to a

also," "

Vaisya and a on which the commentator an'

The formula
'

This

Brahmana has
and not the
has been

been consecrated
of a Vaisya
1

is

to be

used at the sacrifice

;

and a Hajanya also

words 'this Rajanya, or

consecrated.'

this Vaisya,

The passage

in Kausitakl,

55,

thus gives a

probable clue to the basis of corporation which we have been trying to discover. It is the

knowledge and deportment requisite for priestly function, and the Brahman society in those days

may

thus be said to be a guild of priests. As new members could be admitted to a craft-guild only by some prescribed method (see ante, p. 49),
so one could be initiated into this guild of priests

only after an approved term of apprenticeship with a Master. This is expressly acknowledged by the Sutra writers. Thus Apastamba says
that " he (the Acharya) causes
to

him

(the pupil)

be born (a second time) by (imparting to him)

"
(S.

B. E., II, p. 3) ; also, that ' The father this (second) birth is the best "; " and the mother produce the body only (ibid). " Again, one whose father and grandfather have

sacred learning
"

not been initiated (and his two ancestors) are called slayers of the Brahman. Intercourse, eating and intermarriage avoided "; (ibid, p. 5).
1

with
'

them should be

No
1,

religious rite can be

369 and
f,

Gf. Muir, S.T., Vol.

p.

n.

340

CORPORATE LIFE

performed by a (child) before he has been girt with the sacred girdle, since he is on a level with
a $udra before his (new) birth from the Veda* Initiation, not birth, was thus (ibid, p. 10).
the real claim to Brahmanhood, and

a rational explanation of those monies which regulated the relation between a

teacher and a student.

get here elaborate cere-

we

The analogy with the guild may be carried a step further. As many of these guilds (like those of weavers, barbers, potters and oil-millers) had
guild ultimately developed into castes,' so the ' of the priests was also converted into the
' '

'

Brahman

caste.'

We

come

across those craft

guilds in ancient time, and their representatives, * forming so many castes,' in modern days. It

would be as much consonant

that

to reason to say,

membership of the primitive guilds depended upon birth, as to predicate the same of
the

the ancient
It is

Brahman

class.

necessary that

we should

divest

our

mind

of prejudices

and guard ourselves against

ideas with

associating
things.

modern The angle

little.
f

the old state of

of vision also requires to be

changed a
that the

We

are accustomed

to

say

priests, they alone could teach the Vedas,' whereas we should rather say that they alone were Brahmans who

Brahmans alone could be

possessed a knowledge of the Veda and could perform the function of a priest. One was a

CHAPTER V
Brahman because he was
priest,

341

a Vedic scholar and a

and

not the vice versa.

Again, the Brah-

of those days did not confine their activities As we have to the function of a priest alone.

mans

seen,

some

of

them were
to

fighters too,

and

it is

certain that

many

also followed other professions.

But the prohibition

find in Kausitaki
is

carry arms, which we probably a typical example

of the gradual restriction in this respect. Here again we find that conscious attempt towards

making the corporation a closer one to which reference has already been made. The corporation of priests had not as yet
'
'

ihe corporation, not yet a rigid one.

developed that social exclusiveness which is the chief characdescendants.

teristic of their

They

freely married

among

all classes of

from the udra class. was indeed looked upon with disfavour, as
,

people and took wives even The marriage with Sudras

is

evidenced by Gobhila, 3. 2. 42 etc., and, among others, the story of Vatsa, but it was not positively
forbidden (pp. 73-74).

thing

Weber concluded

After considering everythat there was in those

(

days no hard and fast rule regarding that purity of blood,' about which so many injunctions and
l prohibitions have been laid down in later days The corporation of priests was thus not a
.

close

or

rigid

one.

We

find indeed conscious

attempts to

make
1

it so,

but the regulations laid

Ind. Stud., Vol. X, p. 75.

342

CORPORATE LIFE
for

down

purpose sat lightly upon the members, and were not enforced with any amount of rigour. Slight penances only were imposed
the
for

any breach of customary duties, and although continued neglect of the same led to the expulsion
from the corporation, the means of re-admission to it were in many cases extremely feasible.
" along used the expression corporaIt would perhaps be tion or guild of priests."

\J^have

all

more correct to say " corporations or guilds of For we cannot very well believe that priests."
all

the

Brahmans

in different parts of the

country

formed only one corporation. Although there must have been some general similarity in their aims, pursuits, and manner of living, the more
coherent organisation only a limited section^ As a matter of fact we hear of various schools of Brahmans at this period, such
the Yajurvedis,

could

embrace

Madhyandins, Maitrayanis, Rigvedls, Apastambas, Apastamba Hiranyakesls, etc. These very names indicate that the differentiating factors were connected with the Vedic authorities relied upon by them, and this, in a

as

manner, corroborates what I have stated above

regarding the basis of these corporations, viz., that it is not birth but the knowledge required by a priest. The divisions of the Brahmans
according to Sakha and Charana same conclusion.
1

also lead to

the

tbid,

p. 102.

CHAPTER

The KsJuttriyas. The various texts quoted " by Weber under the heading Verbal tniss der beiden oberstenKasten" (Ind. St., X, pp. 26-35) leave no doubt that the Kshatriyas too had
themselves. by They are frequently mentioned along with the Brahmans as having enjoyed special rights and privileges
a
class

formed

apart

from

all

other classes.

They no doubt

represented the nobility, the descendants of the ancient tribal chiefs, but there is no reason to

suppose that their rank was a closed one, or that there was any social exclusiveness about them.
Ties of

rank

no doubt invested them with a

like

corporate character, but the corporation, that of the Brahmans, was not yet a rigid

one.

They developed

side

by

side

with the Brahmans

shall see later on, maintained for long and, as a contest for supremacy with the latter. As the

we

development of these two classes runs on almost

parallel lines
it is

not necessary to treat the case

of the Kshatriyas separately in detail.

The

Vaisyas.

mass

of

represent the the people at large from which the two

The Vaisyas
1

upper classes were recruited.

tions are laid

down

to

mark

Sundry regulathe distinctions of

upper classes from them. A few of them may be quoted below as types. In a sacrificial place,' a Brahmana is (1)
the two

addressed
1

with

'

Ehi

and

Vaisya

and
D.

a
M.

Cf. S. P. Br. 11. 2. 7- 16; 12. 7. 3. 8

also,

Oldenberg in Z.

G.,

Vol.

51, p. 280.

Senart

Castes, p. 153, and Fick, p. 163.

344

CORPORATE LIFE
witli ayah-i

Kshatriya

and

adi-ava

SatapaJia
wives,

Brahmana 1. 1. 4. 12). The Brahman can marry (2)

the

three

Kshatriya two, and

the

Vais'ya

only one

(3)
life
is

The

age

for
8,

beginning
11,

the
for

student

respectively

and 12

Brahman,
a gayatm,

Kshatriya and Vais'ya (ibid). (4) The savitrl of a Brahman

ajagati
(5)

is

that of a Kshatriya a trishtubh, that of a Vaisya

(p. 22).

The upanayana ceremony

of a

Brahman

takes place in spring, that of a Kshatriya in summer and that of a Vaisya in autumn (p. 22).

Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vais'ya students utter the word bhavant respectively at
(6)
6

The

'

the beginning, middle, and end of their speech, while begging for alms (p. 22).
(7)

White,

red,

and

yellow
spots

grounds
of

are

respectively the

building

Brahman

Kshatriya and Vaisya.

Different materials are prescribed for the upper garment, the holy girdle (mekhala), and the staff of the Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya
(8)

students.

These and other similar distinctive character-

had probably no more objective reality than Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya were respectively of white, red and yellow
istics

the assumption that

colour

(according to other authorities Vaisya

CHAPTER V

345

and Kshatriyas are respectively white and dark I) 1 (p. 10). They no doubt betray an attempt on the
part of the Brahmanical writers to erect barriers between the three classes but they at the same

time clearly prove that the existing distinctions were not very strong.

But although the Vaisyas were

and no doubt,
differentiated

theoretically,

a great from the

to

extent,

practically,

Brahmans

and

the

Kshatriyas, there is no reason to suppose that they ever formed a homogeneous group. They were too large in number and too varied in the nature

component parts to maintain a corporate character and although they were distinguished from the Sudra by birth, they remained a congloof their
;

meration of different groups of people following

different professions
It
is

and

different

rules of

life.

only in later periods that these groups developed a corporate character, and this will be
discussed later on.

The contrast between Arya and Dasa of the previous period is replaced by that between Arya and Sudra during the period under
The Sudras
review (for the expressions clearly bringing out the contrast and an account of the symbolical
This is conclusively proved (if such proofs were necessary) by the following passages of Apastamba, where, after describing the different
1

materials
"

fit

to

be used by Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya he says

some

declare, without

any reference
of the

to

caste,

that the staff of a

is fit

student should be
the sacrifice)
to be

made

wood
9
).

"
(

S. B. E., IT, p.

Again

of a tree "

(that

to

be used at
is
fit

the skin of a sheep

worn by

all castes

"
(ibid, p. 10).

44

346

CORPORATE LIFE

struggle between Sudra and Arya, seelnd. Stud., X, p. 5 ff.). Distinct attempts are made in order
to

accentuate the points of difference between the two. It is claimed that the udras have no
right to
sacrifice)

approach the sacred

or

fire (i.e.,

perform
(p.

read

the

sacred

texts

11).

There are however passages in the early texts which clearly assert these rights (p. 12). The

commentator remarks that

(Sudra
is

in these passages

the

to be taken in the sense of Rathakara.

This restricted connotation of the word Judra, as

Weber remarks,

merely of secondary origin and an evidence of the attempt to which I have

is

Again the Sudras are denied the just alluded. The ancient rite of burning the dead body.
texts,

however, have laid down the measureof the tumulii, respectively for

Brahmans, and Sudras. The scholiasts Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, not only explain it away by a similar argument, viz., that only the Rathakara is to be understood here, but some of them even proceed a step
further and boldly assert that the measurement of the tumulus for the Sudra is given merely as

ments

Parimana-prasangat (for the sake of measureI have already referred to the fact that a ment)
'
!

'

marriage alliance with the Madras was gradually being looked upon with disfavour.

These things point to a growing cleavage between the Aryas, including the Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas on the one hand, and the

CHAPTER V
^udras on
the other.

347

But the entire Arya folk

as

had as

little

claim to a corporate character

of

the motley group Sudras.

people designated as the

between the Aryans and the Sudras however went on increasing in the

The

social

harriers

succeeding centuries.
The distinction between the Brahmans andtheSudras gradnaccentuated ally later periods.
in

First, as

food. It is laid down in regards " /__ 1 Apastamha, that Sudras may
.

prepare the tood (or a householder which is used at the

1

Visvadeva ceremony) under the superintendence

of

men
'

of

the

first
*

three

castes."
is

It

is

expressly

stated

that

such food
*

fit

for the

gods
wife,

and was
the

eaten

hy the
the
that

husband
of

and
the

master and

mistress,

family.'

The

fact

shows

there was

time when the Brahmans freely took the food given by the Sudra. But then we find in the

same
"
of

text

such

injunctions

as

follow:

According to some (food offered by people)

any

caste,

who

for them, except that of Sudras,

follow the laws prescribed "2 may be eaten

practice

A
1

remnant
9

of the
104.

old

may however
;

S. B. E., II, p.

Ibid.

For similar injunctions

c/.

M.

IV. 211

Vasisfcha

XIV. 4;

V. XLI. 18-14.

848

CORPORATE LIFE
seen
"
If

be

in

which

Gautama, XVII, according to the means for sustaining life canoot

(be procured) otherwise, (they may be accepted) from a Sudra." These injunctions show the was gradual rigid line steps by which a

drawn between the Brahmans and the What was fully and freely allowed
is

Sudras.
at
first,

only conceded on emergent occasions, there being manifest a general tendency to gradually

The theory of the impurity stop it altogether. of touch also gradually gained ground. Thus " If during his (Brahman's) Apastamba says
;

meal a Sudra
leave
off
it

touches
2

him
Again,

(then
"

he

shall

eating)."

what has been

or not) by an impure brought (be Sudra must not be eaten." 8 It is also laid down in

touched

Gautama
that
is

that a

Snataka
4

"

shall not sip water

offered by a Sudra."

As we have Secondly, as regards marriage. seen above such marriage was not positively
forbidden,

upon with Positive disqualifications were howdisfavour. One whose only ever gradually attached to it. wife was a Sudra female was not to be fed on
but generally
looked
{

'

the occasion

of

According to the
1

funeral oblation (Sraddha)* same authority, son by a

Ibid, p. 265.
Ibid, p. 61.
Ibid, p. 60.

3
3 4

Ibid, p. 220.

Gautama, XV.

19, S.B.E., Vol. II, p. 258.

CHAPTER V
Sudra wife
is

349

only a provision for maintenance (out of the estate) of a Brahman deceased without (other) male issue. At last
to

receive

such marriage was forbidden altogether. Yasishtha

:

Says

"

Some

declare

(that

twice-born

men may

marry) even a female of the Sudra caste like

those (other wives) [Brahman, Kshatriya, Yaisya]

without (the recitation of) Yedic texts. Let him not act thus. For, in consequence of such (a marriage), the degradation of the family certainly
issues,

and after death the

loss of

heaven."

" A goes on in the same strain is not mentioned even in any 2 (ancient) story as the wife of a Brahman or of a Kshatriya, though they lived in the (greatest)

Manu also Sudra woman

distress.

wed wives
Sudras.

men who, in their folly, low (Sudra) caste, soon degrade their families and their children to the state of
Twice-born
of the

Atri and to (Gautama), the he who weds a Sudra woman son Utathya, becomes an outcast, according to Saunaka, on the birth of a son, and according to Bhrigu,

"According
of

to

who has (male) offspring from a (Sudra 3 A Brahman who takes a Sudra wife female).
he
1
-

S. B. E., Vol. XIV, pp. 5-6. The translator adds within bracket

'

first

'

before this word.

There

is, however, no authority for this in the text itself. 3 The word alone is added by the translator but there authority for this in the text.
'

'

is

no

350
to his bed,
if

CORPORATE LIFE
will (after

death)

sink

into

hell

he begets a child by her, he will lose the rank of a Brahman. The manes and the gods
not eat the (offerings) of that man who performs the rites in honour of the gods, of the
will

manes, and of guests, chiefly with a (Sudra wife's) assistance, and such (a man) will not
go to heaven.

For him who drinks the moisture

of a Sudra's lips,
1

who

is

tainted
her,

by her

breath,
is

and who begets a son on

prescribed."

no expiation

The Brahmans thus erected an impassable between themselves and the Sudras. barrier Marriage with the latter, and the food prepared by them were alike forbidden, and even their very touch was looked upon as impure. The social exclusiveness, to which the Brahmans thus committed themselves, carried them still
further, until

by extending the barriers further

and further they converted themselves into that rigid corporation which we now see before our
eyes.

The same principles of exclusiveness by which they were altogether separated from the Sudras were gradually extended to other classes of people (including Kshatriyas and Vaisyas),
till

of

they looked upon themselves as a unique type " men, and asserted the bold principle that it is
that

birth alone

makes a Brahman and

it."

no

people of any other class has access to

1

We

8. B. E., Vol.

XXV,

pp. 78-79.

CHAPTER V

351

shall therefore next take into consideration this

important

factor

that

ultimately

led to

the

crowning success of the Brahman.

4

The doctrine that

birth alone

makes one a

Brahman

is

one of slow growth. There is no trace of any such doctrine in

either the

Gradual advance of
the Brfihtnanic pretensions; birth becomes the basis of corpora-

Veda
as

or the Brah-

manas, and,
above,

we have

seen

some
it

texts

distinctly

assert that

was learning not

factor.

birth

that
ideas

was really the determining

changed
in this

How

illustrated

of by comparing Visvamitra and Janaka, with that of Matanga.

respect may the two stories

best be

It

is

related in

ancient

literature,

how

Visva-

mitra and Janaka, though originally belonging to the Rajanya class became Brahman by means of
austerities
is,

and learning.
all

The

story of

however,
of

expressly designed to

Matanga show the

futility

attempts,
classes to

people In course
"

of other

however great, by become a Brahman.

is

of

the story

Indra

that a Chandala can only become thousand births, a Sudra a Vaisya after a period thirty times as long, a Vaisya a Rajanya after

to say a Sudra in a

made

a period sixty
1

times the

length, a Rajanya a
I,

For

details see Muir, S. T. Vol.

p.

pp. 337-430.

Hid,

440

ff.

352
Brali man after

CORPORATE LIFE
a
so

duration and
this

times the period of sixty on." Muir comments upon

:

"

passage as follows The assertion here

of

made

of the impossi-

bility

Kshatriya

becoming a Brahman
series of

until

he has passed through a long

is

births

of course in flagrant contradiction with

the stories of Visvamitra, Vltahavya and others." The doctrine was gradually extended and it

was asserted that both the parent* must be

Brahmans
existence

in

order that
It

the issue
to

to that class.

is difficult

realise

may belong how the

mixed marriage was compatible with the doctrine. For what would be the condition of the child whose father is Brahman and the mother a Kshatriya ? The theoretical text books have of course no difficulty in answerof

ing such questions. They postulate a new caste for him as they do for the issue of each con(of. Gautama, Such fanciful theories do not, etc.). however, bear the scrutiny of evidence. The

ceivable

kind of mixed marriage

IV. ]6,

Yavanas, for example,

offspring
of

are

held

out as

the

Kshatriya father mother! (Gautama, IV. 21).

a

and Sudra

The truth is, that in this respect too, there was a gradual growth of Brahmanic pretensions. A verse in Mahabharata declares that the son
of a

Brahman

is

Brahman even though

or
a

the

mother be a Kshatriya

Vaisya

(XIII.

CHAPTER V
-17-17).

353

But we

find

in

Manusamhita (X.

6)

sons, begotten by twice born men on wives of the next lower castes, they declare to be

that

'

similar (to their fathers, but)

of the fault inherent in their

mothers

blamed on account "* This was

evolution
of the

then the

first

step

in

the

theory which ultimately denied the rank of to such the father children. The curious

manner

in

which these Brahmanic pretensions

were gradually established is best illustrated by Gautama, IV. 22. 23. The full purport of
as explained by the commenbe tators, may quoted in extenso (S. B. E., II, " If a savarna female, born of the p. 199).

these passages,

Kshatriya wife of a Brahman is married to a Brahman, and her female descendants down to
the

seventh likewise,

that seventh female descendant

then the offspring which bears to her

Brahman husband
In
like

is

manner, if Brahman and his Kshatriya wife, again marries a Kshatriya wife, and his male descendants down
seventh male descendant
is

equal in caste to a Brahman. a savarna male, the son of a

to the seventh likewise, then the offspring of that

Kshatriya. The to the offspring of Kshatriyas and wives of the Vaisya caste, as well as to Vaisyas and wives of the
says also that, according to other teachers, such changes of caste take place
1

equal in caste to a same principle must be applied

Sudra caste."

Gautama

S.B.E., Vol.

XXV,

X.

6,

45

354
in

CORPORATE LIFE

the fifth generation. This process o the change of caste whereby a Sudra attains the rank of a

Brahman, and a Brahman sinks to the level of a Sudra, is also referred to in Manu-Samhita X. 64-65. Here then we have a complete cycle of the There can be no doubt stages of evolution. that at first the issue of a Brahman and a Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra female, was looked

upon as Brahman then his position became lower though he still retained the rank gradually this was altogether denied, although a reversion to it was possible for his (or her) descendants, if
; ;

fortified

The
final

limit

by Brahman blood for five generations. was next extended to seven, and the step was reached when this provision was

omitted altogether.

Thus the gradual

establish-

ment

of the two co-ordinate doctrines, viz., (1) that none but the son of a Brahman can belong to that class, and (2) that none but the son of a

Brahman father and Brahman mother can become

a Brahman, ultimately led to the establishment of a rigid social corporation which can be properly

termed the Brahman Jati

5
It is
Evidence

(caste).

literature on the development of caste sys-

extremely fortunate that we have a note of time in this gradual process of of Buddhist
i
,

evolution of the

Brahman

,,.

caste.

The canonical text books of the Buddhists, the Pali Tripitakas, throw interesting

CHAPTER V
sidelight

355

and we have good means of approximately determining the age when they were written. I shall therefore next consider in
on
this question

some

bearings of this literature upon the point at issue. It will be well to begin with a short summary of the important texts.

detail, the

The Jdtakas.

I.

The long Introduction

to

Bhaddasala Jataka relates the story how the king of Kosala was married to Vasabhakhattiya,
daughter of a Sakya noble by a slave woman, and when the facts came to be known, the queen

and her son were degraded from their rank. The king reported this matter to the great

Buddha when he came

the latter said
"
:

to the palace,

whereupon

The Sakyas have done wrong, O great king If they gave any one, they ought to have given But O king, this I a girl of their own blood. say Vasabhakhattiya is a king's daughter, and
!

house of a noble king she has received the ceremonial sprinkling Vidudabha, too, was begotten by a noble king. Wise men of old
in

the

have

what matters the mother's birth ? The birth of the father is the measure and to
said,
1
:

a poor wife, a picker of sticks, they gave the and the son born position of queen consort
;

of

her

obtained
leagues
1

the
in

sovereignty of

Benares,

twelve

extent, and became King

47,
v.

Cf.

Mbh. Anusasana parva, Ch.

17.

356

CORPORATE LIFE
(The
.

Katthavahana, the wood- carrier." is told in detail in Jataka No. 7, 1

"

story

133-tf).

When

the king of Kosala heard this speech

he was pleased; and saying to himself, "the father's birth is the measure of the man," he
again gave mother and son the treatment suited to them.
1

II.

The

Introduction

to

Kummasapinda

Jataka relates how Mallika, the daughter of the

chief of the garland-makers of Savatthi, was made the chief queen of the King of Kosala (III. 405). It is narrated in III. Uddalaka Jataka

a Brahman, the chaplain of the king of Benares, fell in love with a light-skirts, and a son Uddalaka was horn to them. The boy,
(IV. 293)

how

when grown
as

up, visited his father, and as soon

his identity

by he acknowledged Uddalaka to be a Brahman and got him appointed as a chaplain under him.

the

latter

means

of

was convinced of the seal-ring he gave to

his mother,

IV. (a) It

how

Mataiiga Jataka sixteen thousand Brahmans were put out

is

narrated

in

by the other Brahmans for having tasted the leavings of a Chandala (Jataka IV. 388) (cf. also Satadhamma Jataka 11. 82-ff).
of caste
(b) It is related in

Chitta-Sambhuta Jataka
ladies

(IV.

390-ff)

how two

one a merchant's

daughter and the other a chaplain's came across two Chandalas while going out of the city gate.
1

Jatuka,

Vol.

IV, pp. 147- MS.

CHAPTER V
"

35?

to see !" they said, and with after washing their eyes perfumed water, multitude belaboured The returned back. they the two Chandalas and did them much misery

This

is

an

evil

omen

and mischief.

(Of.

also

the

first

portion
1
:

of

Matanga Jataka,
The

Vol. IV, p. 376.)

(Dlgha No. 3). Nikaya, Ambattha, a young Brahman visits Gotama Buddha and puts on the claim, that of the four
castes, the three, Kshatriya, Vaisya,

Sttttas.'V.

Ambatthasutta

are attendants to

and Sudra, wait on the Brahman. Buddha

of

haughty Brahman by reminding him that the Krishnayana clan to which he belonged, was descended from a slave
curbs the pride
the

woman
the

of a Kshatriya king.

We

are

told

that

slave-girl's

son

had become a great Bishi

and married the daughter of the Kshatriya king. Gotama then asked Ambattha, " If a man is
the son of a Kshatriya by a Brahman woman, " will he get seat and water among Brahman ?

"He
dish

will."

"And
?

be admitted to share their

Yes."
"

Will they admit " " Yes. " him as a student of the Mantras ?

and bowl

" "

" Will they give

him

Will
rank born
1

Kshatriyas
?

" " " No. "

(of

Why ?

' " Yes. their daughters ? to Kshatriya anoint him " " Because he is not
'

their

caste)

on the mother's
is

side."

The following summary

p.

of this Sntta

taken from Copleston's

Buddhism,

145

ft'.

358

CORPORATE LIFE
Brahman by
a

" Will the son of a

woman
dish

be received to seat and water,

"

Kshatriya bowl and

among Brahman ?" "Yes."

?

admit him as a student

" Yes." " Give

"Will they him

is

women ? him?" "No."

their

" " " " Yes. Will Kshatriyas anoint " "

Why ?"

Because he

not

born

(of their caste) on the father's side. " " " wheThen, Ambattha, says Gotama, ther you look at it from the woman's side or

"

from the man's, the Kshatriyas are higher and the Brahmans lower. Take the case of a Brah-

man who

expelled in disgrace by his fellow Brahmans will Brahmans receive him or eat " " with him, or teach him ? No. " Will they
is
;

give

him- their
is

women?" "No." But

Kshatriyas will

if

Brahexpelled, by " receive him, feed him, and teach him ? " " " Yes. " " Give him their "Yes. daughter ?
Kshatriya

mans

"Then even when

a Kshatriya is in the utmost disgrace the Kshatriyas are the superiors and the Brahmans the inferiors." It was a Brahman,

Ambattha, who uttered the verse

"

The Kshatriya is best among those who reckon family. But the man of perfect conduct " and knowledge is best among gods and men.

And

this, I think,

Ambattha,

VI.

The

Assalayana

very well said. Sutta (Majjhima

is
1

Nikaya No.
1

93).

The summary of this Sutta, as given below, is taken from " Indian Buddhism " by T. W. Rhys Davids (Hibbert Lectures, p. 51 ff).

CHAPTER V
It

359

opens by describing how a number of Brahmans at Savatthi were trying to find some
could controvert the opinion put forward by Gotama, that all the four castes were

one

who

In their difficulty they apply to equally pure. a young and distinguished scholar, named whom they think equal to the Assalayana,
contest.

Assalayana

goes

to

Gautama
say thus
:

and

asks

"The Brahmans, O Gotama,

Brahmans are the
other caste
is
:

The

best

caste

(vama)

every

white caste

The Brahmans are the every other caste is black. The

inferior.
;

Brahmans alone are pure those who are not Brahmans are not pure. The Brahmans are the
Brahma, born from his created mouth, sprung from Brahma, by heirs of Brahma. But what do you, Brahma,
(only) real

sons

of

sir,

say about this ? Then the Buddha asks him

"

whether the
all

wives of the Brahmans are not subject to

the
ills

and

disabilities of child-birth to

which

other
to

women

confess

are subject. Assalayana is obliged that this is so and that the Brah-

mans put forward their claims inspite of this. The Buddha then applying our modern comparative method of inquiry, asks whether
in adjacent countries

such as Bactria or Afgha-

nistan, there are not differences of colour similar

to those

between the Brahmans and other caste^

360

CORPORATE LIFE

and yet iii those countries whether slaves cannot become masters, and masters become slaves. Again Assalayana confesses the fact and that the Brahmans put forward their claims inspite
of
it.

Then

Gotama goes on

to

ask; 'Will

murderer, if he be a Kshatriya, Vaisya or a Sudra be born after death, when the body is
dissolved, into

some unhappy
if

state

of
?

misery
Assala-

and woe, but not

he be a Brahman

yana

replies that the

Brahman
by

is

in this respect

exactly on a
case.

par with the

others.

Gotama
contrary

elicits similar replies

putting the

Thus, still qqestioning, Gotama points out how, whereas when a mare is united with an
ass,

the offspring is a mule, different from both father and mother, the union of a Kshatriya
results in offspring

and a Brahman or vice versa

which resembles both the parents.

Finally, Gotama asks the young Brahman " To which of two brothers, one an scholar
:

initiated student,

and the other

not,

the

Brah-

mans themselves would, on sacred and solemn " To the inioccasions, give the precedence "? " But if the tiated student," says Assalayana.
bad character, and evil habits, and the other be of good character and virtuous habits," rejoins Gotama, "to whom
initiated student be of

then will the Brahmans themselves give the

CHAPTER V
precedence
"
?

361
is

"

To the uninitiated,"

the reply.

But

in the "

layana,

former answer you yourself, Assa" have says the Master, given up the
in

pre-eminence of birth, and

pre-eminence of acquaintance
words.

the

latter, the

with

the

sacred

And

in

acknowledged which I proclaim."

VII.

doing you that purity of

B.

so

all

yourself have the castes

Vasetthasutta

(S.

E.,

Vol. X, p.

108

ff).

A dialogue
come
a

arose

between two young men,

e

Bharadvaja and Vasettha,

How

does
:

one be-

Bharadvaja said "When one is noble by birth on both sides, on the mother's and on the father's side, of pure con-

Brahman?

ception up to the seventh generation of ancestors, not discarded and not reproached in point " one is a

Brahman. Vasettha of birth, in this way " When one is virtuous and endowed with said
(holy) works,
in
this

way he

is

Brahman ."

Neither

could convince his opponent and so they agreed to refer the matter to Gautama Buddha. The sum and substance of the latter's
reply was that not by birth is one a Brahman, nor is one by birth no Brahman ; by work one
(

is

a Brahman, by work one

is

no Brahman

for

whoever amongst men lives by cow-keeping he is a husbandman, not a Brahman, and whoever amongst men lives by performing .household ceremonials he is a sacrificer, not a
46

CORPORATE LIFE
Brahman and so on tions that make up
stanzas
'
.

(The positive qualifica-

Brahman

are narrated in

Gautama

27-54.) By a series of arguments also refuted the notion that there was

a difference of species hetween the castes. VIII. In Kannakathala Sutta (No, 90 of the

Majjhima Nikaya) the Buddha

as saying
:

is

represented

" There

are

these

four castes

Kshatriyas,

Brahmans, Vaisyas, and Sudras. Of these four the Kshatriyas and the Brahmans castes, two
are

given precedence, to wit, in salutation, l homage, obeisance and due ministry." IX. In the Madhura Sutta 2 Mahakach-

chana
that

is

asked the same question as was put to

in
is

Buddha
it

Assalayana sutta. He replies mere empty words to give it out

the

people that the Brahmans are the hest caste (etc.,, the whole question is repeated word The following five reasons are for word).

among

assigned by
(a)

him

in support of his view.

could

If prosperity attended engage in his service

a Kshatriya he

any Kshatriya,
Similarly any

Brahman,
rich

Vaisya 'and

udra.

belonging to any of the other three classes could employ a Kshatriya Brahman, Vaisya or Sudra and all of them would be
,
1

man

J.

R. A.

S.,

1894, p. 341.
this Sutta see J. R. A. S. 1894,

For the text and translation of

ff.

p.

349

CHAPTER V

36S

equally zealous in the services of their master irrespective of the caste to which he belongs. to taking life, (#) A Kshatriya addicted

given
bitter

to of

rapine,

licentious,

lying,

slanderous,

speech,

frivolous

of

conversation,

covetous, malevolent, holding wrong views, would pass after death to a state of suffering punishment so would a Brahman, a Vaisya and

a Sudra.
(<?)

Kshatriya,

who

abstains

from the

above vices would pass after death to a state of happiness and to a celestial realm so would a

Brahmana, Vaisya and a Sudra.

(d)
loots or

Kshatriya who breaks into houses or

commits burglary, or becomes a highwayman or commits adultery, would be executed, or burnt, or exiled

or dealt

with according
a

to

his

deserts

so

would

be

Brahman,

Vaisya and a Sudra.

Kshatriya, who becomes an ascetic Avould be treated with respect by the public so would a Brahman, a Vaisya and a udra.
(e)

After thus showing that the caste cannot affect in any way the material success in life,
the bliss and

ment
tion

of

punishment hereafter, the judgthe law courts, and the uniform venerato the ascetics,
:

extended

Mahakachchana
case be so, are
or

winds up by saying
these four
castes

" If

the

how

does

it

exactly strike you ?"

equal,

not

Or

364

CORPORATE LIFE
:

" His royal interlocutor could only reply Undoubtedly Kachchana, if the case be so, I perceive no difference between them."

The Buddhist
3
f

texts quoted above leave no doubt that although the theories

^
the

about

the

equality

of

castes,

and rational views about higher and lower castes, were

not entirely absent, the practical distinction between the Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Sudra, was already well established, though it

was not as rigid as obtains at the present day. The Brahman's rank was not a close one, as No. V clearly contemplates the case of a KshaIt is no doubt triya becoming a Brahman.
1

true that a

proud claim has been put up for Kshatriya that nobody can belong to that caste who was not born in it both on the father's and
side.

mother's
distinct
it

But

when we remember

the

Kshatriya bias of the Buddhist writers, will probably be conceded that this had no
real existence than the similar claims

more

put
is

forward by
1

the

Brahmans.
of the

Besides,

it

To what extent the discovery

Buddhist texts has contri-

buted to the enlargement of our views may be measured by contrasting the following statement made by Rhys Davids in 1881, about the social condition of India at the rise of Buddhism, with his views on
the subject contained in
'

Buddhist

India,'

Chap. IV.

"

Intermarriages

were no longer possible except between equal ranks. No Kshatriya " could any longer become a Brahman (Hibbert Lectures, p. 24). The texts quoted above unmistakably prove that the great Pali scholar was
undoubtedly in error.
C/. J. R. A. S., 1894, p. 343
f.

n., I.

CHAPTER V

365

hopelessly in conflict with the fundamental principle preached by Buddha to the king of Kosala " What matters the mother's birth ? (No. 1) The birth of the father is the measure." It
:

appears quite clearly from this principle as well as the texts cited above (I, III, V), that marriage

among

different

classes

was
caste
of

in

vogue,

although

several

passages in

the Jatakas show

that marriage within one's 1 ferred. One of the great

own

was prethe caste

signs

system is the restriction about taking food touched by others of this there is no evidence in the Buddhist texts whatsoever, so far at
;

least as the

upper classes are concerned.

The

remarks of Fick, who has made a special study of the Jatakas from this point of view, may
be quoted in
"
If
full.

we remember

that

the

Aryans always

attached great importance to the question of food in all religious matters, that the commensality

has always

been looked upon as the exthe

ternal

mark

for

community

of

blood,

it

would appear that the principle of excluding everything unclean from the common table was an old one that was carried from the family to the caste and there developed into a specially
rigid form.
1

Yet we should not conceal the fact

<

(*

+f*nfd *$raT3f*nf*3r
I.

*re

')

Jataka, III, 422

;

cf.

also similar

expressions in Jataka

199

II. 121.

225

III. 93. 162

(II.

IV. 22. Cf. also

the Introductory episodes to Asitabhu Jataka

229) and Suvannamiga

Jataka (III. 182).

These instances are collected by Fick (pp. 34-35).

CORPORATE
that
traces
of

LItfE

the

exclusion of lower persons

from partaking of food such as we observe in India to-day occur but extremely rarely, if at
all,

in the Jatakas."

The only instance quoted by Fick is the refusal of a Sakya chief to take food with a slave girl (IV. 144 ff). The Jatakas no doubt bear evidence to the fact that it was considered
a great sin for a Brahman to eat the remains of a Chandala's food (Text No. IV a). They also

show that even the sight of a Chandala was looked upon as impure (Text No. IV #), although

we

are told in Matariga Jataka,

that

the

mer-

chant's daughter who was offended by the sight of the Chandala ultimately became his wife. It

must be remembered, however, that this exceptional rigour marks only the relation with Chandala and there is absolutely nothing to show that there was any restriction about food and
touch so far as regards the relations
classes,

of

other

including the Sudras.

The distinguishing feature

however,
The straggle between
the Kshatriyas and the

of the period seems,

IP struggle tor
Fick, pp. 29-30.

to

have

ascendency D6tween the Kshatriyas and Brah-

it
been

the

mans

(of.

Texts V-IX).
1

The Brahmanical

texts

CHAPTER V
are apt to

367

lead

to

the

inference

that

such

never existed struggle oo

1

and that the Brahman's claim for supremacy was all along an undisputThe actuality of the contest for supreed fact. macy is, however, revealed hy some incidental references in ancient texts, which have been
subjected to a careful
had, however, to

He by Muir. texts Brahmanical depend upon

2

analysis

alone

which cannot be expected to reveal the whole truth in an impartial manner. The other
side
texts,

of

the

picture

is

depicted in the Buddhist

where an undisputed supremacy

claimed for the Kshatriya. This is the text No. V and the fact that the Buddhist
authors,

equally evident from

is

enumerating the four castes, invariably mention the Kshatriya before the Brahman. The Jaina texts fully corroborate the Buddhist
in

authors in this respect. Thus we read in Kalpa3 sutra, that it never has happened nor will happen
that Arhats,
etc.,

should be born in low families,

or

mean

families

Brahmanical

families.

In

consequence of Karman they might take the form of an embryo in the womb of a woman belonging to these families but they are never brought forth by birth from such a womb they are removed to high and noble families. The Sakra
the chief
of
to cause the venerable
1

kings and Gods resolved therefore ascetic Mahavlra to be

Cf. the texts

quoted by Weber in Ind. Stud., X, pp. 27-41.

pp. 337-371.

3 3

Muir, S.

T.,

S. B. E., Vol.

XXII, pp. 225-226.

568

CORPORATE LIFE

removed from the womb of the Brahman! Devananda, and to be placed as an embryo in
the

womb

of the Kshatriyanl Trisala.)

I have already admitted an amount of Kshatriya bias in the Buddhist writers and the same

might also be said would therefore be

of
as

the Jaina authors.

unfair to

It

accept their

version without any reserve as to fully admit all the Brahmanical pretensions recorded in their

own

the other hand, the acknowledged partiality of the Buddhist and Jaina authors does not justify us in absolutely rejecting their
texts.
for,

On

statements,

on the same ground, the Brah-

manical texts must also be held to be unworthy of any credence. Rather, the Buddhist and
Jaina authors stand in a more favourable light
ascetics, living outside the pale of society, and were not in any way personally involved in the question of the

in

this

respect.

They

were

supremacy of caste. The Brahmanical writers on the other hand were actually involved in the
contest for supremacy,
failure
of
1

upon the success

to a great

or

which depended,

extent,

their position in the world.

Their version

was

therefore liable to
partial to their
1

be more distorted and more

claims.

own

comparison of

Unless, of course,
is

but of this there

it be maintained that they too were hermits?, not as good evidence as in the case of the Buddhist

and Jaina

writers.

But even
;

if it

be

so, it

merely proves the equality

the supremacy of the

of their claims to be heard

it

does not prove

BrShmanical writers.

CHAPTER Y
the two classes of

369

texts thus leads to the infer-

ence that although both the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas contended for supremacy, the claim
of

them was universally recognised. The Buddhist texts, though upholding the cause of the Kshatriyas, never hide the real facts, and Nos. V, VI, VIII and IX broadly state the claims put up by the Brahman. The Brahmanone
of

nical texts, as a general rule, make no reference to the superiority of the Kshatriyas, but some

unguarded passages here and there betray the real position. Thus in Vajasaneya Sariihita (XXXVIII 19), the Kshatriyas are mentioned before the Brahman, while Kathaka 28, 5, clearly
states that

the
1

Kshatriya are superior to the

the train of a king
'

Brahmans.
'

According to ^atapatha Brahman

followed in
'

the

Brahman
and
'

(1.2.3.2)

he was an object of respect after

the king (V. 4. 2. 7). A contest for supremacy between the Brahmans and the Kshatriyas is

hinted at in a passage in Aitareya Brahmana (7. 22), and the enmity between the two is
clearly referred to
18.10.8. "
2

in

Panchavimsa Brahmana
also

Muir

has

given

in

detail

some legendary illustrations of the struggle which no doubt occurred in the early ages of Hindu history between the Brahmans and Kshatriyas" 3
1

Ind. Stud., X, p. 30.

Ibid, p. 28.

2 3

Muir, S.

T., Vol. I, p.

296

ff.

47

370

CORPORATE LIFE
The Buddhist
texts

quoted above, viz., the Introductory episodes of the Jatakas and the Sutta texts, may be referred to the fourth century
before Christ.
this period the

It is quite clear therefore that at

Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and the Sudras had not yet developed into those close
corporations which
1

we understand by
factors

the

term
'

caste.'

One

of its essential

had indeed
caste

gained theoretical recognition, viz., that the

of the father

determined the caste of the

above,
it

child,'

but, as
to pass

we have seen

was

still

possible

from one caste into another. Then, the marriage among different classes was still current, and there was no restriction about taking
food, so far at

the three higher classes were concerned. Last, but not of the least importance is the fact that the day of the undoubtleast

as

ed supremacy of the castes was not yet.

Brahmans over

all

other

The struggle

for

supremacy was however

at

des-

tined to be over

no distant

ofM^""*
rights
to

date.

Gradually but

the

Brahmans

steadily asserted their

and prerogatives, till at nence was above all dispute.

last their

pre-emi-

We

have no means

determine the gradual stages of this evolution as there is no independent testimony like that of
texts
to

the Buddhist

check the Brahmanical

CHAPTER Y
authorities.
It

371

he safely assumed, that the decline of Buddhism and the revival of

the Guptas set the final seal Brahmans. Buddhism, as

may however

Brahmanism under
to the

supremacy
its

of the

we have

seen, identified itself with the Kshatriya

claims and

contest with

Brahmanism served
between the two

indirectly as a trial of strength

contending parties.
to

It

is

trace

the

causes

which led
it

not possible at present to the decline

of

Buddhism, but down

it

went, and carried

along with

the party with which it was associated, leaving the field to the triumphant victors.

A reminiscence
seems
to

have

of this struggle for been preserved in

supremacy Talagunda
1

Inscription of the 6th told that the Brahman

er of the

century A. D.
to

We

are

Mayurasarman, the foundthe

city of

Kadamba dynasty went

the Pallava lords, eager to study the whole sacred " lore. There enraged by a fierce quarrel with a

Pallava horseman (he reflected): Alas, that in this Kali age the Brahmans should be so much
'

feebler than the Kshatriyas Eor, if to one, who has duly served his preceptor's family and ear!

nestly studied his branch of the Veda, the perfection in holiness depends on a king, what can there

be more painful than this ?' And so, with the hand dexterous in grasping the Kus'a grass, the fuel, the stones, the ladle, the melted butter and the
oblation-vessel,
1

he unsheathed a flaming sword,

Ep. Ind., VIII., pp. 31, 34.

372

CORPORATE LIFE

eager to conquer the earth." The remaining verses describe how he defeated the Pallava forces

and carved out a principality for himself. The hattle was won by the Brahmans and the
citadel
Rigidity of the Brahcorporations carried to perfection.

fell

into

their
to

hands.

manic

The next move was

.,

make

it

barriers

around

it.

impregnable by erecting strong The means were within easy

reach.

They had a corporation which could be converted by a little modification into a rigid and
what we see to-day. Marriage with other castes was positively forbidden and restrictions about food and touch comHistory once more repeated pleted the scheme. The same means by which the proud itself. Aryans erected a barrier between them and the
this task.

exclusive one, and they eagerly set themselves to

The

result

is

Sudras were successfully handled by one class of them to impose upon the rest a permanent brand
of inferiority

which

differed only in degree

from

that which
It

fell to

the lot of the Sudras.

is difficult

to exactly determine

the period

when

Brahmans was carried to perfection. Epigraphic evidences seem to prove that the marriage between Brahmans and other castes took place even at a very Thus the Jodhpur Inscription of late period.
this social exclusiveness of

the

Pratihara

the belongs to latter half of the 9th century A. D. narrates that

1

Bauka

which

J.

R. A.

S.,

1894, p.

ff.

CHAPTER V
the

373

Brahman Harichandra,

tlie

founder of the

family, had married two wives, one aBrahmani and the other a Kshatriya. The issues of the former became the Pratihara Brahmans, and those of the

the Pratihara Kshatriyas. Whatever we might think of this concrete case, it certainly proves the prevalence of such mixed marriages
latter,

at the time
for,

when

the inscription was

composed;
to explain

no genealogist would have dared

the origin of the family by a process which was This conclusion altogether obsolete in his days.

by the accounts of the Arab Ibn traveller Khordadbeh who flourished in the
is

fully corroborated

latter half

of the

about 912 A. D.

9th century A. D. and died Speaking about Katariyas or

the Kshatriyas, he records that the daughters of the class of Brahma (i.e. Brahmans) are not

given in marriage to the sons of this the Brahmas take their daughters. India, too, we find the same thing.
1

class,

but

In south

The Taja-

2 gunda Pillar Inscription of Kakustha Varman which may be referred to about the first half of

the

6th

3 century A. D. proves that

although

the Kadambas, to which family the ruler belonged,

were Brahmans, he married his daughter to the Guptas. The Guptas were descended on the mother's side from the Vratya Lichchhavis, and
1

Elliot's

History of India, Vol.

p.

I,

p. 10.

Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII,

Ibid, p. 31.

24

ff.

374

CORPORATE LIFE
we
find that a ruler of the

yet

Kadamha

family,

possessing Brahmanic pretensions

to the fullest

degree, gave his daughter in marriage to them against the strictest injunctions of the Sastras.

Further, we learn from an inscription at Avani, that even so late as the 10th century A. D., Divalamba, horn of the Kadamba family was
the
chief

queen

of

Nolamha

chief.

The

Nolambas claimed descent from the Pallavas 2

who

Kshatriyas in the Talagunda inscription referred to above. These instances may be held to indicate that the social
are referred to
as

corporations of the Brahmans had not reached the final stage of development before, at any rate, the 10th century A. D.

I have already remarked that the corporation of Brahmans was, from the very beginning, subdivided into a number of minor corporations.

When
of

learning,

priest,

the functions requisite for formed the basis of corporation,

the

groups

were

formed

according

to

the

When birth took the special subjects of study. place of learning, there must have grown up disupon locality. Already in the Jatakas we meet frequently with the term Udichcha Brahmaiia' and phrases conveying distinct 3 This was the pride in birth in such a family.
tinctions based
' 1

Ep. Ind., X, pp. 61-62.

2
a

Hid,

p. 57.
II, 82-ff, 438-ff.; 1.356,
ff.,

Jataka

371-ff.

CHAPTER V
forerunner of the later Kanauj, nasth and Tailanga Brahmans.

375

Gaud, KankaWhen minute

regulations were established regarding food and marriage, it was inevitable that various other subdivisions

degrees in ent sections of the people. These various factors have contributed towards the formation of innu-

would occur, based on the varying which they were observed by the differ-

merable Brahman corporations, and the individual corporate character of each of them is so perfect
that
all
it is

not a
to "

belong
:

observes

little difficult to find out that they one grand corporation. Senart rightly Nous parlons couramment de la caste
;

brahmanique
faudrait dire.

brdhmamques Nous enveloppons dans un

1

c'est les castes

qu'il

seul

terme generique des castes chacune leur individuality.

multiples qui ont

8
If

even the Brahmans

.

who formed, commore

or
COllld thus

Gradna! formation of
other
tions. social

a paratively * J speaking, r
less

corpora-

definite ffl'OUp.

give rise to so
1

many

sub- sec tions

we
should

"

We
say,

ordinarily

rather

speak of a Brahmanical castes.

of

Brahmanical

caste,

We

include in
its

general term a

multiplicity
2

castes each of which has

individuality." (Senart

Castes, p. 139.)

X 8lt

but

it is difficult

Kshatriyas also must have been divided into similar groups, We have, however, to trace them at the present day.
'
'

such expressions as

Brahma-Kshatriya, inscriptions of the Sena kings of Bengal.

Karnata Kshatriya

'

in

the

876

CORPORATE LIFE

which were practically so many castes except in name, much more would we expect similar
from the Vaisyas and the Sudras (including the elements of population which were at first outresults
side the sphere of

Aryan influence but gradually

came within

its fold).

I have already remarked that the Vais'yas and the Sudras never formed any homogeneous people. Distinct groups must have already existed among them from the earliest period, and these

The ultimately developed into classes or castes. l alone the name of literature Vedic supplies a number of functional groups which correspond
to recognised castes of the

present

day.

few

of

them may be quoted

in

as types.

Functional groups recorded

Vedic literature. 2

Modern Caste.

Occupation.

Karmara
Kulala
Kaivarta

Karmakara

Smith
Potter

Kumar
Kaivartta

Fisherman
Astrologer

Ganaka
Gopala Takshan, Tashtri Dhaivara
Napita

Ganak
Goala
Sutar

Herdsman
Carpenter

Dhlvara
Napita

Eisherman
Barber

Malaga
Vayitri

Dhopi
Tanti
Suri
Specially
cf.

Surakara
1

Washerman Weaver Maker of sura

11, pp. 585-6-

V.

S.,

XVI, XXX.
I.,

The

list is

compiled from V.

CHAPTER V
It can be

377

wards their formation.

generally inferred that many of these had developed into recogThe different factors that contributed tonised classes even during the
.

Vedic period. This is shown by such patronymic forms as Dhaivctra, descendant of a dhlvara. We have already seen that many
of

__

them such

as the smiths, the potters, the herds-

men, the carpenters and the weavers had their own guild organisations. There can be scarcely

any doubt that these industrial organisations had

ultimately developed into social corporations. The ethnic factor also played an important
part in the
1

same
are

direction.

The Nishadas,

for

frequently mentioned as an important tribe in the Vedic literature (V. I. 1. 454) are referred to as a social corporation in

example,

who

Manusamhita (X.
social ones is best

8).

The tendency

of the politi-

cal corporations to be

gradually developed
of

into

shown by the example

(of.

the

Sakyas of Kapilavastu, who formulated distinct

rules about food
to

and marriage

Introduction

Bhaddasala Jataka IV. 145). It is possibly in similar ways that the Lichchhavis were ultimately
turned into
corporations, undoubtedly mentioned as such in
social

for

they are
(X. 22).

Manu

The examples of the Gosai and Bairagi of the present day show further that the religious organisations, too, contributed to the increase of social

corporations.
1

Cf. Oldenberg- in Z.

D. M. G., Vol. 51,

p. 289.

48

378
It
social

CORPORATE LIFE

may

thus be held that the vast number of

corporations of the present day were recruited from all sorts of corporate organisations, such as industrial, tribal, political, and religious.
It

impossible at present to trace each of the existing castes to one or other of the above orgais

nisations,

and

it

would be an equally hopeless task

to attempt to determine, even approximately, the period when they had developed as such from

some pre-existing

organisations.

passage Vinaya Pitaka indicates in a general way the period when, and the manner
in

snfo siw ^anfirat ^fai

anfh

qc\

^^E^
(IV.

?IW f%^'

l" Similarly

we

have

"

^H

'

TW

^^ff'

l"

Vinaya

Pitaka

p.

6,

ff.

Satta-vibhanga
:

Pachittiya, 11. 2).

"

No

Oldenberg observes on this passage as follows suggestion is made that there are other cases of jati which

can be regarded as high or low, any such possibility even is expressly repudiated wherefore naturally the existence of intermediate jati, between the high and the low, cannot be denied. (Z. D. M. GK, Vol.
;

LI, p. 281.)

The existence
also

of

the 'middle caste' which Oldenberg here contem-

plates, evidently to save his theory that the Vaisyas

and

udras were
Siidras,

well formed castes in those days,

is

doubtful.

The

had

they really formed a

definite caste like the

examples given, must have

CHAPTER V
in

379

which

this

metamorphosis
such as by his
c

place. in ten
1

It tells us that a

man may
'

gradually took revile another

e

ways,

caste,'

name/

industry/ etc. It then specifies occupation/ each of the above ten categories, saying, these
are

the

low

castes,

these
etc.

are the

names, occupations, etc., high castes, names, occupations,

except that of caste, it actually names a few specimens of high and low occupaall cases

In

tions, industries, etc.,

and then adds " and others

which are regarded as high or low in other In the case of caste we are simply countries."
told,

"Low

castes
'

such as
and the

Chandala, Vena,
krishi Vanijya

been mentioned among

hinajati,

and goraksha

'

which are the proper functions of Vaisyas,

relegated to the category of
distinct caste. Besides,
it is

would

not have been

karmma

if

the
line

latter really

formed a

hard to draw a

between the middle and

the higher or the lower caste.

parts of the country

many
etc,,

of

In any case it is certain that in different them would be recognised as the one

or the other, and the saving clause which

gotta,

we

find in connection with

in

kamma,

sippa,

would also have occurred

the case of the

jati

any such middle caste really existed. It is true that the Buddhist texts mention the four classes, Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and 6udra but then it should more properly be taken as generic names
if

used for the sake of convenience.

venient,
if

It

would have been highly incondetail,

not impossible,

if

one had to mention in

Vena,

Rathakara, Pukkusa and other motley groups,

to

every time he

had

general divisions of people. If Vaisya and oudra are not supposed to have comprehended all the different elements of population except the Brahmaa and Kshatriya, Buddha's conclusion about
refer to

left

the equality of castes in, e.g., AssalSyana Sutta, must be supposed to have out of consideration a number of them. This is impossible from

the very nature of the case, wherefore we must take it, that while the Buddhist texts follow the Brahmanical ones in mentioning Brfihman,
Kshatriya,

Vaisya and Sudra, they merely take these terms in a

generic sense.

380

CORPORATE LIFE
;

Nishada, Rathakara, and Pukkusa

high castes such as Kshatriyas and Brahmans." The significant phrase " and others which are regarded
as
" high or low in other countries is omitted only in the case of caste, wherefore we must

conclude that the

list,

here given, of the high

and low jatis,

It

is

exhaustive.

then follow from the above passage in Vinaya Pitaka that only the Vena, Chandala, Nishada and Rathakara have come to form
will
real

caste

groups

while

the

leather-workers,

potters and other groups of handiworkmen who are included in the categories of industry and

occupation have not yet undergone the change. Their sippa (handicraft), not jati, is still their
distinguishing factor. As the Vinaya texts, from which the above quotation has been made,

have been generally referred to the 4th century B. C. we may safely conclude that the metamorphosis of the ethnic (like Nishada and Pukkusa)

and

industrial (Rathakara, Vena, etc.) groups into

social

corporations had indeed actually begun, but not made much progress, by that time.

The gradual formation

of

these castes was

that incompatible with the Brahmanical theory Brahman, Kshatriya, of The theory 'mixed caste.' were the Sudra and Vaisya

four castes

into

which the society was divided.

CHAPTER V
The existence
of these

381

new

castes could not be

ignored while, on the other hand, the Brahmans could hardly modify the orthodox theory without
stultifying

themselves.

was

to

be done which

theory intact and at consideration these new factors in society.

l

Evidently something would preserve their the same time take into

The means by which they have sought to ' achieve this end is the theory of mixed caste which explains the origin of every caste other
than the four recognised ones by a system of The theory is met with in the cross-breeding.
earliest

Dharma-sutras and
in

its full

may

be noticed

Manu. 2

It

development would be an
if

insult to the intelligence of to explain the absurdity of

It
lies
it.

my

readers

I stop

the

whole thing.

on

read
tion

very face and he who runs may Senart rightly observes: "L'explicaits

des

castes

melees n'a

jamais
to

pu
the

faire

illusion

a personne. Des impossibility's flagrantes

3

la jugent."

Jolly also

remarks

same

effect

"
:

Am

Mischkasten

deutlichsten tragt das System der (samkara jati) den stempel der

Kunstlichkeit an der stirn." 4

1

Ga. IV. 16

ff.

M. X.
"

8-ff.

The

explanation of the

mixed caste
is

could

never
to

deceive
it,"

anybody. The utter impossibility of the thing

(Senart
*

enough

condemn

Castes, p. 121.)
of

"

The system

mixed caste bears most

it."

clearly the

stamp

of

artificiality

on the very face of

(Z. D.

M.

G., Vol. L, p. 507.).

382

CORPORATE LIFE
But although the theory
is

system

artificial to

the extreme,

it is

absurd, and the not without

It
first-

The historical importance of the theory.

great historical importance. c i ear ]y indicates in the

place, that the division of the Aryan Society into four castes was, from the very beginning,

a theoretical

one

that

the terms Vaisyas and

less

Sudras comprehended a number of more or

distinct

groups of people which ultimately came to possess almost all the characteristics of the
'
5

caste.

on the

Secondly, it shows the anxious desire part of the Brahmanical authors to

extend the social system they had developed to elements of the varied all population in
India.
1

This later phase of the question deserves more than a passing notice, specially as it
influence Outside upon the development of the caste.

explains to some extent the .* gradual evolution of the mdustrial

into

social

and various other groups often been It has corporations.

the
caste

asserted

that

system was a natural

evolution from within.

full consideration of

the whole circumstances seems to show, however, that this statement requires to be qualified a
great
deal.

Apart from the corporate

instincts

and the general trend of Indian intellect to introduce regular symmetry in every department of life, at least two powerful active elements
1

Cf.

Oldenberg's views in Z. D. M. G., Vol. LI,

p. 277.

CHAPTER V
may

383

be distinguished, which have contributed towards the development of these innumerable

corporations. classified as religious
social

These

may

be

broadly
tired of

and political. The Brahmanical texts are never

be acquired by t'ollowin S the dutieS f (0 Keligious propaOne's_OWn ganda caste. Thus we find in Apastamba "In successive births men of the lower
dilating

upon the merits

to

castes are born in the next higher one, if they have " fulfilled their duties also in Gautama 2 "(Men ;
:

of) the (several)

castes

live according to the rewards of their works, etc

and orders who always their duty enjoy after death

"
3

Kautilya

lays

down

that

the observance of one's

own

caste

duty leads one to heaven

according to

and

infinite bliss,' while

the people " will reach the most blessed state if they act according to the

Manu

duties of the

four castes in times of distress."

On

the other hand the Dharma-sastras predict, in

an equally positive manner, grave misfortunes, in the life to come, for those who neglect the " duties of the caste.' In successive births,"
(

5 " men of the higher castes are says Apastamba, born in the next lower one, if they neglect their

Ap.

II, 11.

10; also

of.

Ap.

II. 2--3

Ga. XI. 29.

Arthasastra, Bk.
I,

Ch. III.

The word

'

Sva-dharma

'

in the text

really

means the duties

of one's order (Caste).

M., X. 130.
5

Ap., II.

U,

11,

384 duties
"
;

CORPORATE LIFE
while according to
for

Manu
a

Brahof

man, Kshatriya, Vaisya and

respectively,

Sudra hecome
the
duties

neglecting

the

caste/

an Ulkamukha Preta
vomitted,
a
eats

who

feeds

on what has heen

Preta

who

impure

Kataputana substances and

corpses, a Maitrakshajyotika Preta on pus, and a Kailasaka Preta

who who

feeds

feeds

on moths.
[The BrahmanSj,. however, did not rely upon
(it)

Political

Autho-

these injunctions alone for the

rity-

due preservation

of caste laws.

They armed the royal authority with specific 2 powers to enforce the same. Thus Apastamba
enjoins

upon a king

to punish those

who have

transgressed the caste laws even by death. Gautama 3 also authorises the king to punish such 4 persons. Kautilya maintains that the king shall

never allow people to

duties.

swerve from their caste

"(The king) should carefully compel Vaisyas and Sudras to

for if perform the work (prescribed) for them those two (castes) swerved from their duties, they would throw this (whole) world into confusion."
;

Manu

also lays

down

that

Similar injunctions are laid

1

down also

in

Vishnu 6

M., XII. 71-72. Ap., II. 10. 12-16

Ga., XI. 31.
;

2 3
* 5

II. 11.

1-4; also

c/.

Ap., II. 27. 18.

Arthasflstra, Bk.

1,

Chap.

III.

M., VIII. 418.

V., III. 2.

CHAPTER V
1

385

and Yajnavalkya Samhitas. The Sukraulti, too, " states in the same strain Every caste should that have been mentioned as practise the duties belonging to it and that have been practised by
:

ancestors,
2

kings."

and should otherwise be punished by The execution of the Sudra Samvuka

by Rama, as described in Ramayana may be The Nasik cave cited as a typical instance.
a Inscription of Gautaml Balasrl also supplies in concrete illustration of royal interference the caste regulations. There the list of king
fact includes the Gautami-putra's virtues of the that 'he stopped the contamination
3 four varnas.'

caste regulations were thus enforced the people by terror of punishments both upon in this life as well as in the next. No wonder
:

The

then,

that unlike other

or
industrial,

political

corporations such as the social corporations

have gradually attained more and more perfection and have subsisted down to our own tima/

The sacrosanct character attributed

readily

to the latter

explains not only but all over the country

tenacity and
rigidity

its

rapid extension
its

also

by means

of

enduring which it

has long out-lived the Srenis or Ganas, although had their origin in the same all the three
instincts. '
1

Y.,

I.

360.
sect.

2 3

Ch. IV.

IV, 82-83.

Translated by Babu Binoyknmar Sarkar.

Ep. Ind., VIII, pp. 60-61.

49

386

CORPORATE LIFE

10

corporation <caste -'

have now completed the history of that evolution which ultimately reNature and organition of the social su it e d in the division of Indian called
.

We

people into a

number

of

more

and rigid social corporations. It only remains for me to add a few words regarding the nature and organisation of these corporations. The nature of these corporations is now a matter of general knowledge and there are reasons to believe that things have not changed
or less close

much, except

in the lax observation of rules in

recent days. The basis of the corporation was the tie of birth and its chief binding factors

were a number of prescribed regulations chiefly regarding food, marriage and intercourse with
the rest of the community, the violation of which brought punishment upon the offender, varying, in degrees, according to the measure of the guilt,

from slight expiatory ceremonies up to expulsion from the corporation. As many of these corporations evolved out of industrial groups, distinctive occupations also have come to be looked
Birth, not occupation the basis of these

upon

as belonging to their very

.

nature.

It

is

permissible to

doubt, however,

whether they

ever formed a binding factor, far less the basis, In other words, of these social corporations.
it is

probable, that, as in the present day, a

man

CHAPTER V
might cease

387

to follow the distinctive profession

even adopt other professions, but not have would thereby lost his caste. He would continue to belong to it so long as he followed the prescribed regulations alluded to above. On
of his caste, or

the other hand he would not be absolved from

the guilt of violating these by consideration of the fact that he faithfully performed his here-

This is proved by the oftditary occupation. quoted passages in Manu (III. 151 ff.) which

show that even the highest

so,

caste

was
;

quite

indifferent to this aspect of the system

so

much

that the
as,

Brahmans followed even such occu-

maintaining shops, selling meats, lending money, tending cattle, and acting in a retained their castes. It theatre, and still
pations

does not appear that they were

even looked

upon

as involving

cluded in the

any guilt, for they are not inlong list of offences involving

1 expiatory ceremonies (M. XI. 1-71). It is also ordained in Manu that one who is unable to

subsist

by the peculiar occupations of

his caste

may

follow those ordained for the lower ones.

Thus a Brahman could follow the occupations of a Kshatriya and Vaisya, the Kshatriya, those of a Vaisya, and the latter, those of a Sudra, while
a Sudra might,
1

under

similar circumstances,
X. 92, that by (selling) flesh a Brfththis rule can hardly be said to
III. 152.

It is indeed ordained in M.,

man

at once

becomes an out-cast but

;

have been practically enforced

in

view of M.,

388

CORPORATE LIFE
1

maintain himself by handicrafts.

These certainly

point to a mobility of industry and occupation which is hardly compatible with the idea
that

the

latter

formed the basis

or

even

binding factor of the social corporations. Although it cannot be denied that they maintained,
to a great extent, a fixity of occupation among a certain group of people, this characteristic is
to be attributed, not to the social corporations

as such, but to the primitive industrial organi-

sations out of

The
'
J

ancient

which they arose. Dharmasastras

2

associate

the

castes

with other corporations.

The organi-

sation of these social corporations seems to have

been modelled on the same plan as was adopted

by other corporations, the guilds for example. The subject has been fully dealt with in connection with the latter and need not be repeated The Gautama Dharmasutra (XI. 20) and here.
(VIII. 41. 46) refer to the authoritative nature of the regulations la$d down by the castes.

Manu

They served as one of the regular courts in the kingdom for the trial of offenders in the first instance 3 and a sacred character is also attributed to this class of corporation quoted on p. 43 (foot-note 2).
1

in the verse

M.,

X. 81-83, 98-99.
is

This

specially noticeable

in

Y.,

I.

361

"
l^flf^
5lT<ft:

SNfa

Tin*[ *fMMi Wf\"cf. also Ga., XI; M., VIII. 41. 219-221. 3 See quotations on p. 63. The Word Kula used in these
'
'

passages means only a subsection of

caste.

CHAPTER V
The most
connection
is

389

interesting thing, however, in this the fact, that we have, even at the

There

present day, reminiscence of the old organisation. is still the chief, the executive council, the

assembly, and the legal validity of the jurisdicA very intertion exercised by each of them.
esting account of this organisation, as
at present, has
it

obtains

been furnished by Senart, 1 and any one who goes through it cannot fail to be struck with the similarity it displays to the
organisation of corporations in ancient India, such as I have tried to depict in Chapter I.

11
Besides the formation
other forms of cor.
activity porate social life.
in

of

caste-groups,

the

f ested in

corporate activity was manivarious other ways in

social
life.

As

it

is

not in

keeping with the purpose of this

work

to describe each of

them

in detail,

I shall

few representative specimens. merely Eirst, in the matter of education, corporate activity was manifest everywhere from the big
refer to a

establishments like
to

the

Nalanda University humblest institution in a village.

down
Thus

we
institu-

^Educational

(J<

read

in

Losaka Jataka

^^

yillagers

appointed a teacher by paying his expenses and giving him a hut to live in.
1

Senart

Caste, pp. 73, 83

cf.

also p. 86 above,

390

CORPORATE LIFE

Similarly, in towns like Benares and Taxila, there were big establishments, mostly mainin the

Thus we read co-operation. same Jataka that the Bodhisatta was a teacher of world-wide fame at Benares with " In five hundred young Brahmans to teach.
tained by public
those times the Benares folk used

by day commons them taught free."

of

give day food to poor lads and had very good example of the

to

public co-operation as well as the corporate character of the institution itself is furnished
Tittira Jataka (III. 537). read that " a world-renowned professor at Benares gave instruction in science to five hundred young Brahmins. One day he thought " So long as

by

We

I dwell here,
religious
life,

meet with hindrances

to

the

and

in their studies.

my pupils are not perfected I will retire into a forest home

my
He
told his pupils,

on the slopes of the Himalayas and carry on

teachings there."

and, bid-

ding them bring sesame, husked rice, oil, garments and such like, he went into the forest and
building a hut of leaves took up his abode close by the highway. His pupils too each built a hut
for himself. Their kinsfolk sent rice

and
"

like,

the natives of the country saying,

professor,

and famous

they say,

is

living in

such and such a

and giving lessons in science," brought presents of rice, and the foresters also
place in the forest,
offered
their
gifts,

while a certain

man

gave a

CHAPTER V
milch cow and a
milk."
Similar
calf,

391

to supply

them with

corporate educational institutions are frequently referred to in the Jatakas,

in IV.
;

e.g..

391

I.

317, 402, 447, 463, 510

III.

122

II.

48; V. 128, 457.

lived as

The

first

two of these

instances

clearly prove that the students

common mess and

had a an organised corporate

body under the teacher, while the last three examples show that these institutions were partly maintained by honorariums paid by the sons of
wealthy members of the society.
of It
is

worthy

note that not only religious treatises like the Vedas, but various secular arts and sciences

were also subjects of study in these centres of

education. 1

The account of the Jatakas is in entire agreement with the information supplied by the Brahmanical texts. The rules and regulations
about the
as laid
life of

a student in his teacher's house,

down

in the ancient Dharmasastras, fully

harmonise with the corporate character of the educational institutions as deduced from the
Jataka
tutions
stories.
insti-

There can be scarcely any doubt that

like

the

University

of

Nalanda

had

developed out of the system depicted in the Their origin is probably to be Tittira Jataka. a to referred very ancient period. The Brihad-

aranyakopanishad refers to the

1

'

Samiti of the
p.

Fick, p. 130

ff.

J.

A. S. B., 1916,

17

ff.

392

CORPORATE LIFE
5

Panchalas

and the context proves that

institution.

it

was

an educational

the age of the Upanishads down to the destruction of Nalanda and Vikramasila, many other universities had flourished in India, but

Erom

unfortunately we know very little of them. Reference has already been made to vast
1

educational establishments in

South India, and

such examples are by no means rare. But the crest-jewel of Indian educational institutions

was the university at Nalanda of which we possess a somewhat detailed account from the
2 writings of contemporary Chinese pilgrims. This great corporation with ten thousand

justly be looked upon as one of the best specimens in the field of education, and

members may

one of the most fruitful achievements of the

corporate instincts of the ancient Indian people. The same instincts are also observable in
lighter
ciab-houses, gatherings, etc.
social

men t

amuseand merry-making, even

things, such as

from the remotest

Zimmer

has shown

how

the

Sabha

antiquity. in Vedic

period served as the modern club-houses after In the post- Vedic the serious business was over.
period
1

we come
ff .

across

an

institution

called

Pp. 200

above.

Life of Hiuen-Tsiang translated

by Beal,

pp.

105-113,

c/.,

also

Watters
slated
3

On Yuanchwang, Vol.
J.

II,

pp. 164-169; I-tsing'a account tran177-78.

by
A.

Takakusu, pp.
172
ff.

65, 86, 145, 154,

L., p.

CHAPTER V

393

'Samaja' or 'Samajja' which seems to have served similar functions. It is clear from Chulla-

and Sigalovada Suttanta, that besides dancing, singing and music, something like a dramatic performance (akkhana)* and acrobatic and magical feats were included in the programme of these popular institutions. That these were regularly held at some definite places follow quite clearly from some passages in Jaina 3 and Brahmanical texts. 4 These social gatherings were known in later 5 times as Goshthl,' which has been described
vagga V.
2.
1

6,

'

This resembled by Vatsyayana. very much the modern institution called club. It took place in a definite house where people used to meet in the evening to amuse themselves with music, dancing, drinking, and various discourses on literature and arts. Sometimes there were garden parties and drinking bout in
in
detail

some

a
1

member's residence.
Grimblot's
Cf.
'

These institutions were

p.

3 3

Sept Suttas Palis,' Buddhist India, p. 185.

'

'

300.

Samaja

is

included in the

list

of places

which a Jaina monk

of localities
v. 11.)

is

permitted to visit (Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, II, p. 177).

*

Bhlshma includes
is
'

'

'

Samaja
(
'

in

the

list

where a

foreign spy
5

to be looked for.

Santiparva, ch. 69,

'

Amarakosha gives Samnjya as one of the synonyms of GoshthT. This seems to be the Sanskrit form of Pali Samajja Thus GoshthT Samajjas of the Pali books in more than one sense. represents the The popular character of these institutions is quite apparent from the derivations of tho two words. Thus according to Kshlrasvamin
'
' '

*'

^iT^fa
a

Ch a p. IV, Kar Kamasutra,

p.

47

ff.

(Chowkhamba

Edition).

50 '

394

CORPORATE LIFU

apparently meant for healthy amusement and relaxation, and care was taken that they may not be converted into
assemblies.

This

is

learned or vulgar from the quite clear

too

following

The next verse shows that due safeguards were taken to prevent them from being reduced
to centres of jealousy or hatred.

It appears

from

the

use

cf

the

word
and

qfu^t that the more respectable Goshthls,

like

the

modern

clubs,

laid

down

rules

regulations for the guidance of members. There was another aspect of these institutions.

the villagers to start a Goshthl, in imitation of the citizens, so that they might not only amuse the people (by music,

Vatsyayana advises
*

dramatic performances,

etc.),

but

also

assist

them
fore,

in

their undertakings,
1

and render various

there-

other benefits to them.

It is apparent,

that the corporate tution was also utilised for

character of the instivarious

services

of

public utility.

(p. 57).

CHAPTER V
Indeed
this

395
of the

was an important feature

corporate
life in

ancient India.

Social service.

The passages quoted above from Arthasastra clearly indicate (pp. 140-41) how men in those days were in the habit of
doing work for the common good. The following account of the activity of thirty villagers

under

guidance of Bodhisatta may be looked upon as a typical illustration of the

spirit

the

which characterised the people

of ancient

These thirty men were led by the Bodhisatta to become like-minded with himself he established them in the Eive Commandments, and
;

India. "

thenceforth used to go about with them doing good works. And they, too, doing good works, always in the Bodhisatta's company, used to get

up
and

early and sally forth, with razors and axes With their clubs they clubs in their hands.
roll

used to

out of the

way

all stones that lay

on

the four highways and other roads of the village ; the trees that would strike against the axles of rough places they made chariots, they cut down
;

smooth causeways they and built a hall; they

;

dug water tanks showed charity and kept the Commandments. In this wise did the body of the abide villagers generally the Bodhisatta's and by teachings keep the Commandments."
built
; 1
1

Jat., Vol.

I,

p. 199.

896

CORPORATE LIFE

In course of the story we are told that the men built a large public hall and wanted a
pinnacle to put on it. They found it in the possession of a lady, but could not buy it of her
for

any money.

"

If

you

will

make
"

me

partner in the good

work," said she,

I will

give it you for nothing." Consenting, they took the pinnacle and completed their hall.

This

episode
else

exhibits

more

vividly
feelings

than

anything
inspired

the

corporate

which

men and women

alike in ancient India.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

PAGE.

Abhandlungen der Bayer. Akad. der W.

Aitareya Brahmana
Aiyangar, S. K.
... ...
...

... ... ...

...

218
369
182

15, 218, 337ff,

...

... ...
... ...

Amarakosha

...
... ...

...
...

...
...

393
357

Ambattha Sutta
Apastamba

6, 9, 339, 347ff, 383ff

...

Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, Arthasastra ... 7, 8, 25, 27ff,

43, 45

73ff, 85, 127, 139ff,

149, 155, 249ff, 383ff, 395

Assalayana Sutta, Atharvaveda

Atri
AfcthakathS,
...

...

...

...

358, 362

...

15, 98, lOOff, 104, 116ff, 217,

...
... ...
...

220
349

...

... ...
...
...

... ...
...

Aufrecht

...
...

... ... ...

233,258 330
223 217 223

Avadana Sataka
Avesta
...

...

...

...

Ayaramga Sutta

Banerji,R.D. Basak, R.G.

...
...

... ...
... ... ...

...
...

... ...

277

64
6, 7,

Baudhayana,
Beal

...

... ...

...
...

Life of Hiuen-Tsiang
...
... ... ...

392 330
279
47

Benfey

... ...

...
...

Bergny Bhamati

...
...

...

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
PAGE.

Bhandarkar, D. R. Bhandarkar, Sir R.G.

28, 44, 216, 221, 235, 238, 240, 275

7,

272, 274ff.

Bhrigu Bloch
Bloomfield
...

349 45
98, 119

Bombay Gazeteer
Brahmanas
Brihad-Aranyak-opanishad
Brihaspati
7, 12, 16,

6
391

6, 9, 46ff, 51ff, 63ff, 69, 74, 76ff, 154ff

Brihat Samhita
Biihler

278, 281
7, 36, 37,

48
36

Burgess

Carlleyle

273,280,281
223

Chanda, Ratnaprasad Chandesvara

51,55,57,78
117, 118
82, 138, 244ff, 299, 302, 312ff,
...

Chhandogya Upanishad
Chullavagga

393

Cunningham

36, 269, 273, 277ff

Davids,

Rhys Rhys

...
... ...
...

... ...

3, 8, 139,
...

215, 224, 234ff, 238

...

Davids, Mrs.

80,84
381

DharmasSstras

6, 32, 39, 142ff, 148ff, 154,

... ...

383, 388, 391

Dharmasutras
DIghanikaya
Diodorus
I..

6, 24, 142ff,

112, 357

...

...

...

129

Elliot's

History of India

373

Fick
Fleet

4, 8, 20, 21, 80, 83, 246, 365,,

366

48, 153, 275

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

399

PAGE.

Gautama
Geldner
Gobhila

...

6, 7, 9, 16, 18, 24, 33, 83, 84, 142, 152ff, 348,

349, 352ff, 383ff, 388

... ... ...
...

... ...
... ...

...
...

... ...

98,104,330
... ... ...

341

Grimblot
Gundert, Dr.

...
...

...
..

393
95

Harivamsa
Harshacharita

...

...

...

... ...

43

280

Haug
Hillebrandt

...

<

...

...

...
...

...

330

...
...

... ...
...

...
...

117, 123

Hiuen-Tsiang

...

112,392
...

Hopkins Hultzsch

...

...

...

3,

196

Inscriptions

Alangadi Allahabad Pillar

...
... ... ... ...

... ...
...

...
... ...
...

185, 191

230, 270ff, 276

...

Amaravati

145
195, 214

Ambasamudram
Avani
Baligami Basinikonda

...

...
...

...
... ... ...

...

374

... ...
... ...

... ...

90
90
87
145, 156
144, 146

...
... ...

Belganm
Bhattiprolu Casket Bhita Seal

...

...
...
...

...
...

...
...

Bijaygadh Pillar

230,270,276
...

Brahmadesam Burmese
Ceylon Chola
Cochin

..,

...

...

178

...
... ...

...
...

...
...

...
...

90

90
214
95

161, 168, 178, 189ff, 195, 197, 199,

...
... ... ...

...
...

...
...

DSmodarpur

64

400

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
PAGE.

DeopSrS

... ...

... ...
...

... ... ... ...

71
198

EdayarpSkkam
Girnar

...
...

112, 269ff
...

Gupta
Gwalior

...

...

52
44, 155

...
...

Haraha

... ...
...

... ...

...

70
208
65

Hoysala Vira Vallala Indor ...

... Jagadekamalla II Jatavarman Vira Pandya

...
... ...
...

... ...
...

...
...
...

88
87

Jodhpur Junnar
Kamarasavalli

...

... ...

... ...

372
36,

...

...

52

...
... ...

...
... ...

....
...

...
...

207

Kanarese
Karitalai

88

...
... ...

...

70
90, 91

Kasakudi

...

...
... ...

113, 213
...

Kattur

...
... ... ...
...

Khalimpur Korukkai

...

...

112

...
...

...
...

...
... ... ... ... ... ...
... ...

94

Kottayam
Krishna II

95,96
165

...

..

Kudummiyamalai
Kulasekharadeva

...
...
...

... ...
..

... ...

207
184
177

Kulottunga

... ...
... ...
...

Kumbhakonam
Lakshmeshwar
Madakasira
Managoli Manalikkarai

...

...

205
85, 165

...
...

...
...

204

...

...
... ...

88, 166, 208

163, 192
30, 52,
...

...

...
...

Mandasor

...
...
...

66

Manur Marudadu
Masulipatam

161

...

...

205
169, 214

...
...

Mathura

146
...
...

Mulgund
Nasik

...
...

86

34, 35, 145, 273, 385

Nattam
Nidagundi
Pallava
...
...

169

20?

Pandya

183,209,214

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
Parautakal
...
...

401
PAGE.

...

...

208
70

Pehoa
Polannaruwa
Rajadhiraja

...
... ...

...
...

...
...

...
... ...

32
86, 184

...

...

Rajakesarivarman Rajaraja Chola

Rajaraja III.

...

...

...

...

152

....
...

31, 168, 180, 197, 198, 213,

... ...
...

214
184

...

Rajeudra Chola Sanchi

Siyadoni South Indian

...

... ...

31, 89, 200, '.208

...
...

...

... ... ... ...

37, 145 70, 147

.,,

...

... ...

...
...

15 iff, 156ff
...

Sundara Pandya
Talagunda Tamil
Tirukkalakkudi
Tirukkovalur

209

...
...

....
...

...

371, 373ff

86,91,164,195,210
...

... ...

...

...
...

210
196
181

...

...
...

Tirnmalpuram
TirumeyftSnaui

...
...

...

...

...

...
...

...
...

205
161

Tirnmukkudal

...

...

Tirumuruganpundi
Tirunaiuanallur
Tirupattur

...

...

...

88
...

,..

...

...

196

... ... ... ...

... ...

...
...

...

206
211

Tiruvarangulam Tiruvallam
Trailokyamalla Travancore

...

...

...
... ...

... ...

180
165

...
...

...
...
...

132, 182, 183

Tribhuvanamalla
Trichinopoly

...

...
...

164,166,213
...

...
...

92, 188

Udayeudiram Ukkal
Uttaramallur
Uttattur
Vaisali Seal

...

...

211, 212

...
...

157, 167, 180, 182, 185, 186ff, 194,

... ...

214

169, 182, 188

...
...

,,, ...

...

.-.,

92
146

...
...

...
...

Vaillabhatta 8 vamin Temple Vikrama Chola ... ... Vikramaditya VI

52,68,146
...

...

...

194
86, 164

...
...

...
...

...

Vlra Rajendra Vriddhachaiam

...

... ...

182

...

... ...
...

...
...

93 87 392

Yewur
It- Sing
...

... ...

... ...

...

402

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

403

PAGE.

Kaegi
Kalpasutra

... ...
...

...
...

...

...
... ...
...

...

330
231, 367

...
... ...

Kamasutra

...
...

...

393
130

Kanakasabhai,
KasikS

... ...

Kannakathala Sntta
...

...

...
...

...
...

362

...
...

138,222
336, 369

Kathaka

...

...
...

...

Katyayana (Dharma-gffstra)
Katyayana (Srauta-Sutrn)
KausitakT
...

6, 50, 55, 57ff, 223,

...

231

...

...

338
341

15, 98, lOOff, 118ff, 334, 336ff, 339,

Kautilya (See Arthasastra) ... Keith, A.B.

... ...

...
...

...

8,

219

Kern
Kriste

...

...

306, 330
...

...

...

...
...
...

Kshirasvamin
Knllukabhatta

*
... ... ...
... ... ...

393
33

Latyayana Sutra
Liiders
...

...

... ...
... ...

... ...

336
36,37

...

Ludwig

14,134,330

Macdonell

...

...

...

...

...

7,

330 362
281

Madhnra Sutta
Madhyamikayas MahabhSrata ...
Mahaparinibbana Sntta

... ...

...

...
...

...

...

...

...

7, 29, 42,

107, llOff, 128ff, 257, 259,

266ff, 281,
...

352
...

...
...

224, 228

Mahavagga MahSvamsa Mahidhara

Maisey

...

...

82, 105, 231, 241ff, 244ff,

... ... ...
...

311
107

... ... ... ...

...

... ...
...

...
... ...

134

34
336

MaitrSyanTya Samhita

... ...

...

...

Majjhima Nikaya

...

...

358,362
333, 353ff,

Mann

Smriti

...

...

6, 7, 9, 33, 41, 141ff, 149,

377-381,383,384, 387

404

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
PAGE.
Purflna!
.Tohii

Markandeya
Marshall, Sir

278 144
33
156, 245, 246
40, 51, 55ff

MedhStithi

Megasthenes
Mitramiera'

Modern Review
Mookerji, R. K.

216,218
15
220, 330, 337, 352 367, 369
:

Muir
Muller, M.

330

Narada

6, 9, 30, 41, 46, 49, 55, 61, 73ff, 78, 142,

144, 149, 155, 327

'

Oldenberg

3, 4,

139, 239, 336, 378

Pafichaviriisa Brahrnana

...15,
...

369

Panini
Patanjali

7, 138,

221 ff, 268ff, 272, 277 281

...

Payyanur Pattola
Pischel

95,96
36

Ptolemy

279

Qnintua Cm-tins

247

Earn ay ana
I?

7, 30, 107ff, 126,

3S5

apson Kecht nnd Sitte

..

269, 273, 277ff

6
14, 106, 123, I33ff, 216, 329ff
...

Bigveda Roth

16,

330

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX
S

405

PAGE.
'

Sarhhitas

...

...

...

...
...

...

6
12

6ankaracharya
Satapatha Brahmana ... Schroeder
Senart
...

...

...

...

...

15, 104ff, 117, 336, 338, 344,

... ...
...

369

...

...

...

330

...

4,330,375,381,389
... ... ... ...

Shamasastry, R. Sigalovada Suttanta

...
...

251

...

393

Smith, V.
Spiegel
St.

...

...

..

...

269,273,276
...
... ...

...

...

...
...

...
...

218
16

Petersbnrgh Dictionary
... ...

Strabo
Sukraniti

...
... ...

...
...

248

... ...

...

285,385
89,-370

Suttas

...

...

Sutta Vibhant'n

25

Taittiriya Samhita

...
...

...
...

... ...

...

15,

336
392 218

Takakusu
Taraporewala,

...

... ... ...

...

I..I.S.

...

... ...

...
...

Thomas, Dr.
Tripitnka

F.

...

274ff

...

354

Vachaspati Misra

47
... ... ...

Vajasaneya Saml.ita VSsettha Sntta

Vasishtha
...

118,134,369
...

...
... ...

...

361

...

...
...

6,7,9,143,349
...

Vatsyayana
Vedic Index

...

393

14ff, 98, 117, 135.

...

219
96

Venkayya
Vijfianesvara

...

...

...

... ...

...

...

138, 142ff

Vinaya Pitaka
VTramitrodaya Vishnu Pin ana

8, 9, 25,
...

126, 138ff, 287, 378, 380

...

51,138,142,223,231
...

...

...

Vishnu Smriti
Vivadaratnakara

... ...

..

6, 33, 141, 142, 149, 349,

278,279 384

...

50, 51, 55. 57

406

BIBLIOGRAPHIC INDEX

W
PAGE.

Watterg

...
... ...

...

...

235, 392

Weber
Whitney

4, 98, 330ff, 338, 341, 343,

...
...
...

346

...

...

220

Yajfiavalkya

...

6, 33, 39, 41, 49, 58, 74, 138, 142. 280ff, 327,
...

384
14

Yaska

...

...

...

...

Yasna

218

Z. D.

M. G.

...

...

...

...

4,378,381
392

Zim-mer

97ff, 100, 115, 117, 133, 216ff, 219ff, 330,

GENERAL INDEX

PAGE.

Adhikarana
Africa, northern

...

...

...

...
...

64
14

...

...
... ...

...
...

Agrahara
Ajatasatru

...

153, 166. 178

225, 23 8ff, 250, 258, 265, 284

...

Ananda
Ajlvakas

...

...

...
...

... ... ... ...

...

225
287 22
357ff
95ff

...

...
...

... ...
...

Alderman
Ambatfcha

...

...

...

... ...
...

... ...
...

Afijuvannam
Aparajitas
...

... ... ...

... ...

328
14

Arabia

...

...
...

...

Arjunayauas Arminius
Arrian

...

... ...

256, 270, 272, 275ff, 282ff

... ... ...

...

...

...
...

217
246ff

...

... ...
...

...

Articles of Association

...
...
...

...

39
17,

Artisans

... ... ... ...

...

...
...

...
...

20

Aryans Asoka
Assalayana

...

14 307
359ff

...
...
...

...

...
...

...
...

...

Assembly

113ff, 123ff, 147ff, 151ff, 156ff, 161,

164ff, 167ff, I79ff, 186ff,

212

Audumbaras
Avesani

...

... ...

... ...

...

256, 277ff, 282

...
...

...

...

36
222ff

AyudhajTvisamglia

...

...

...

408

GENERAL INDEX
PAGE.

Balanji

^)

Bananja
Banafiji

...

...

...

88ff,

96

Basarh
BhandagSrika
...
...

...

...

43, 45

... ...

...

23
361
290ff 315ff

Bharadvaja Bhikkhu

... ...

...
...
...

... ...
...
...

...

...
...

...
...

Bhikkhuni

...

Blameless Five Hundred

...

...

212

BrShmanas

...

...

...

5, 12, 13, 128,

332, 334ff

Buddha
Bhaggas
Bulis

... ...

225ff, 238ff, 242ff, 253, 258, 286ff, 355, 3o7ff

... ...
...

...

224
224

Caste

...

2, 4, 5, 8,

329ff

Chandala

...

...

...

351, 356, 357, 366, 379ff

... ...

Chandragnpta, Maurya ... Charakas

... ...

...
...

...
...

328
342

Charana
Chata
)

...

...

M
...
...

ttt

...

...

48
217
31

Chaura

>
...

Cherusci clan

...
...

Chola kings
Cleistheuian constitution

...

... ...

... ... ...

...

230
207
307ff

Corporation of large areas ... Council, Buddhist

Council of Elders
Cultivators
...

... ...

...
...

^..
...

129
17

...

...

Desa-samgha Devananda
District

...

...

...

...
...

33

...
...

...
...

...

368

Assembly Divalamba

...
... ...

...
...

...

...

207,212 374
42

Duryodhana

...

...

GENERAL INDEX
E

409

PAGE.
Election of kings
...

...

...

97ff, 107ff,

HOff

Five great Assemblies

Five Hundred

...

...

...

...

130ff

166

Gamabhojaka ... Gana

Ganasah

...

...

...

...

155

...

12, 15, 16, 138ff, 142ff,

221f, 230ff,

261ff, 275, 385,

...

387
...

...
...

... ...
...

...
...

12

Gautami Balasrl
Gantamlpntra
Goshthi
...

...

385

...

...

... ...
...

385
393

...

... ... ...

... ...

Govarddhana
Gramadrohins

...

34
205
JKK

...

...

...

Gramadhipa Gramakuta
Gramani
Gramapati

|
*

... ...

...
...

...

... ...

102ff, 133,
...

155 155

...

Guild (Spe also Sren!)

...

15, 18, 20, 22ff, 28, 29, 3J, 32, 37, 40, 42,

46, 47, 52, 62, 69, 70, 85ff, 146, 149, 388

Guptas

...

...

...

371, 373

Hansa League
Harichandra

...

...
...

...

...

84
373
309

...

Harsha

...

...

... ... ...

... ...

Headman

of the District

212

Ibn Khordadbeh
Idangai
...
... ...
>

373
31, 92ff

Isvarasena

35

410

GENERAL INDEX
J
PAGE.

Jaina

... ...

...

...

...

..

327
351

Janaka
Jati-Dharma
Jetthaka

...

...

...

...

Jati (see Caste)

... ... ... ...

...
...

...

86

...

...

20,21,24
7lff

Jflapti (see Natti)

Joint-Stock

Kadamba Dynasty
Kalamas
... ... ... ...
... ...

...

...

371, 373ff
...

... ...
...

...

224
21

Kammaragamo Kammavacha
Katnsa

...

...
...

...
...

311ff

... ...
...

... ...

43
309
377

Kanishka
Kapilavastu

... ...
...

... ... ...

...

...

22 i,

234ff,
...
...

Kathina

...

...
...

326

Katthavahana King-makers King of the French

Koliyas
... ...

...

356
112

...

...

102ff, 109, 111,

... ... ...

...

... ...

...

106
224, 236

Kosha
Krishna

...
...

...
...

...

49

...

...

43, 266ff
...

Krishnayana
Kshatriyas

...

... ...
...

...

...

357

... ...
...

..

12, 13, 128, 334, 343ff

...

Kukuras

... ...

250ff,
...
...

266
231

Kula
Knlarikas

...

...
... ...

...

...
...

...
...

35

Kulika

...

...

44

Kunindas

...

256, 268, 278ff, 282

Kurus

250ff

Lekha-kriya Lichchhavis

...

...

...

...

50

...

221, 224ff, 232, 238ff, 25 Off, 373, 377

GENERAL INDEX

411

PAGE.

Madhyastha Madrakas
Mahajanas

... ... ...

...

...

...

...

50
276

... ...
..

...

250ff, 272,

...

153, 165ff, 208

...
...

Mahakachchana
Maha-Kassapa

... ... ...

362ff

... ... ...

...

...
...

304
107
21

Mahasammata
Mahavaddhakigamo Mahavira
Malava
Mallas
..

... ...

...
..

...

...

...

232

...

...

230, 256, 268, 272ff, 282ff

... ...
...

...
...
...

...

221,224, 250
...
...

Manatta

...
...

...
...

315
95ff

ManigrSmam
Matanga

Mantri-Parishad

...

...
...
...

...

...
...

126ff

...
...

... ... ...

...

351
371

Mayurasarman
Money-lenders

...
...

Mercantile Corporations in South India

...
...

87
17

...
...

... ...

Moriyas

...

...

224

Nahapana
Nalanda
Nanadesis
Natti

...

...
... ...

...

...

34

...

...
...

389,391,392
...

...
...

...

...
...

88ff

...
...

...

24Cff, 311ff

... Nigama Nigama sabha

... ...
... ...

44,45,82,145,146
... ...
... ...

...

145

Nirgranthas Nishadas

... ...

...

...

287

...

377, 380
... ...

Nissaya kainma

... ...

...
...

... ...

314
374

Nolambas

...

Non-monarchical states

...

... ...

215ff, 221, 224ff, 245ff

...

Nysa

...

...

248, 283

Odayantrikas
Oilmillers, guild of

...
...

...
...

... ...

...

35 36

...

412

GENERAL INDEX
PAGE.

Pabbajaniya
Pabbajja
Pachittiya

kamma
...

...
...

... ...

... ...
... ... ...

...

314

241, 290ff, 295ff

...

...
...

...

... ... ...

...

316ff 37lff

Pallava

...
...

... ...

Pamukha
PafichSlas
Panchftli

...

21

...

...

...

250ff,

392

Panchalika

v
j

ttl

i((

tt9

9t9

Io3

Panchamandali
Pafichayat
J
... ... ... ... ...
...

Pani
Paribrajakas

...

... ... ...

...

14

... ... ... ... ... ...

...

...
...

...

287
129

Parishad
Parisuddhi
Parirasa
Pataliputra

...
...

... ...

...
...

323
295, 315

...
...

45
..

Patimokkha
Patisaraniya
Pafctakila

...
...

321ff

kamma
...
...

...

314
155

...

...
... ... ...

PavaranS
Pishtras

...
...

...
...

326 233

Paveni pustaka
...

...
...
...

...
...

-.
126ff,

330
131

Privy Council

Puga Pukkusa

...

...
...

138ff,

142,222
38

...

"

Rathakara

...

346, 380

Retreat during rainy season

Sabha gakha

(see

Assembly)
...

Il7ff, 132ff, 134, 151ff

...

SaddhivihSrika

292ff

... ... ... ... ...

342

gakhotaka
gakyas

...

62

224 234ff 355ff 366 377

>
> '

Samaja

...

393

GENERAL INDEX
Saraaya
)
->

413
PAGE.

41

Samayika

Sambhuya-samutthSna

...
...

... ...

...

73

6ambuka
Samgha
Saraskaras

... ...

...

...

385
286ff

... ... ...

...
... ... ... ... ... ...

...
...

9, 221ff,

Samiti (see Assembly)

...

Il7ff,
... ...

216
51

...
... ... ...

Sainvid-vyStikrama

...
...

41, 46ff

Sarthavaha

...

... ... ...

44,

69

getthi (see Sreshthi)

Sibis
... ...

...

182
280ff

...
... ... ...

...
... ... ...

Six

Hundred

...
...

...

132

Sreni (see Guilds)

2. 3, 17, 29.

385 33

Srenidharma,

...

Srenimukhyas
grenivala
Sreshthi
|
...

...
...

...
...

29
...

28

t<

ij

41j

44

69} 82ft, 88, 96

Sreshthin

>

6udras

...

...

... ...

12. 128, 289, 332ff, 345ff

Superintendent of Accounts

26

Tajjaniya

kamma
...

...

...

... ...

Traders

299,314 17, 20
80

Traders' League

...

...

...

Ukkhepaniya Union of two

UpajjhSya

kamma
-village
...
...

...

...

...
...

314
211

Corporations
... ...

241, 29 Iff
241ff, 29Qff

Upasampada
Uposatha UshavadSta
Uttara Kurus

...

...

288,321ff
...

...

34

Uttara Madras

...

>

218ff

4-H

GENERAL INDEX
PAGE.

VairSjya
VaisSli

... ...
..

...
...
... ...

...
... ... ...

... ...

...
...

218ff

43

Vaisyas

12, 16, 128, 334, 343ff

...
...

VSitahavyas

220

Vojjians (see Lichohhavis)

Valangai

...

...

...

...

...

31, 92ff 8gff

Valanjiyam)
Valafijiyar
>

fi

Q6

Varna

(see caste)
... ... ... ... ...

Vasabhakhattiya Vasettha ...

355
361
288, 325

...
... ...

...

...

Vassa
Vatsa
VelaikkSras

...

...
...

... ... ...

...
...

...
...

341
31, 32

...

...
...

... ...

Vena
Videhas

...
...

...
...
...

379ff

...
...

... ...

...

224
355
32

Vidudabha
VijayabShu Vikramasila
Village

...
...

...

...

...
...

...
...

...
...

...

392

Headman

... ... ... ...

136ff, 142ff, 145ff, 154ff, 164,

... ... ...

209
96

Vira Valafijika Visvamitra

88ff,

...
...

351, 352

Vitahavya Vrata
Vfishnis

... ...
...

352 222

...

...
... ...

...

...

...

...
...

256, 266, 279ff

Vyavahara

...

...

64

Weavers, guilds of

Yaudheyas Yavanas

...

223, 230, 256, 268ff, 282ff

... ...
...

352

Z
Zarathustra
...

...

...

...

...

218

I.

EXTRACTS OF LETTERS RECEIVED BY THE AUTHOR FROM DISTINGUISHED

SCHOLARS.
1

DEAR
I

SIR,

am much indebted to you for the nicely bound copy of your Corporate Life in Ancient India, which is
a

good book
I

agree

with

your theory of the Brahman group of

castes..

I agree about the date of Panini

I hope you will continue your careful studies and you can make any use you please of my favourable opinion of your scholarly book.
I

remain,

DEAR

SIR,
truly,

Yours
(Sd.)

VINCENT

A.

SMITH.

DEAR
I

SIR,

obliged for your letter of the 1st of ' February and for the copy of your work on Corporate Life in Ancient India/

am much

have read your book with pleasure and profit. Its much enhanced by the abundant and most useful citations of authorities, ancient and modern, and every student of the political and social life of ancient India will have to reckon with the suggestions made by you. I desire also to congratulate you on the admirable temper and courtesy shown in discussing views which you do not
I

value

is

accept.

Your work

is

undoubtedly a valuable and original

CORPORATE LIFE

contribution to the study of questions which are too funda-

mental to permit of any final solutions, but which by their importance and intricacy offer every temptation for
scholarly investigation

With renewed thanks

for

your interesting work,

Yours
(Sd.)

truly,

A.

BERREIDALE KEITH.

DEAR
I

SIR,

am greatly obliged to you for your kindness in sending me your book on the Corporations of Ancient India. I have read it with much pleasure and profit, for it seems to me that you have handled your theme with skill and sound judgment. It is very gratifying to us to see the growth of a really scientific historical method among Indian scholars.
Believe me,

Yours very
(Sd.)

faithfully,

L. D.

BARNETT.

4
SIR,

indebted to you for your kind presentation copy of the admirable Corporate Life in Ancient India. I have read it through with the greatest interest and regard
I
as a very useful addition to our knowledge of Indian history, a field in which accuracy and certainty are difficult to obtain
it

am much

Thanking you

for your

book again,
I remain,

Yours very sincerely,

(Sd.)

E.

WASHBURN HOPKINS.

REVIEW

II.
1.

REVIEWS.
J.

Review in
in

R. A.

S.,

1920.

"Corporate Life

Ancient India.

By

Rarueshchandra

Majumdar, M.A., Calcutta^ 1918. Local Government in Anr-ient India By Radhakumud

Mookerji, M.A., Ph.D., Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1919. These two books cover almost the same ground, both dealing with corporate life in ancient India, the title of the first describing its -cope rightly, while the second has assumed too ambitious a title.
Corporate activities manifested themselves in trade and in popular assemblies from the village council upwards, in religious bodies, and in the manifold development of caste. Mr. Majurndar deals with all these subjects under the heads of economic, political, religious and social life. Dr. Mookerji 'reatsthem according to their organisation as guilds, etc., their functions administrative, judicial and municipal, and their constitution, with special notice
industry,

some important .corporations and public institutions. Both base themselves on much the same materials, drawn from Sanskrit and Buddhist literature and inscriptions and both give good accounts of the various forms in which But when they deal with what may corporate life existed. be called the constitutional history of those forms, the two
of

books

differ widely.

to explain his subjects as Indian problems without bringing them into too close comparison Dr. Mookerji's treatment with their English counterparts.
is less

Mr. Majumdar seeks

satisfactory
treats his subjects chronoas far

Mr. Majumdar on the whole

logically,

tracing

their

nature and modifications

as

possible with regard to historical sequence. Dr. Mookerji throws historical con&istency aside

But

Both authors speak of the popular assemblies or councils as " democratic," but the constitutions do not warrant that It is highly improbable that the lower classes description.
ever

had

elective

power along with the upper

classes,

4
after

CORPORATE LIFE
the

especially

brahmans established

their

theories
elect

about the degradation of the lower castes. that the people generally ing, however,

!ven supposdid

the

members
and

of those assemblies, the rules that defined the qualifications of members required a knowledge of sacred
legal books that could rarely have been found outside the brahmans, and so must have given the brahmans an assured preponderance in those assemblies. Brahmanic

claims and real democracy would have been a strange couple. This brings us to a subject of essential importance. Mr. Majumdar treats of the castes historically, and offers evidence and makes many sound comments about them, and especially about the brahmans and their claims, though he has hardly scrutinised popular corporate life with Dr. Mookerji practically ignores this reference thereto. subject, and a perusal of his pages would rather suggest This that caste had little bearing on such popular life. and differences and Dravibetween possible subject Aryan dian require more elucidation. It seems that the northern evidence of marked corporate activities is most copious before brahmanio power became supreme (both authors drawing largely from Buddhist sources), and fails about the time when brahmanism finally established its sway in

North India, and similar coincidences seem

South India. assertion but

discernible in

This comment is not put forward as a definite to suggest a line of further investigation.

Both authors quote Sanskrit passages, and those in Mr. Majumdar's book are not free from mistakes, but those in Dr. Mookerji's book contain many errors thus on
;

117, in one note of four lines there are three errors. Mr. Majumdar's book has the serious defect that it has Dr Mookerji's book has been printed at the no index Clarendon Press and possesses all the perfections of the products of that Press (except those errors), and it has received Mr. a too commendatory foreword from Lord Crewe. all was those book at and Calcutta lacks printed Majumdar's outward advantages nevertheless, it is certainly the better and more trustworthy treatise, written more sanely and with no political flavour, such as is perceptible in the other book.
p.
;

F.
N.B. book.
'

E.

PARGITER."

The portions marked with dots above

refer to Dr. Mookerji's

REVIEW

2.

Review

in

"

The English Historical Review,

January, 1920."

"

The

treatise entitled

Corporate Life in Ancient India

(Calcutta, Surendranathen, 1918), by Mr. R. C, Majnmdar, The author is written in a detached and historical spirit. knows German and has arranged his material in a German
rather than an English fashion.

Mr. Majumdar's discus-

sion of the kingless states of ancient India in Chapter II is full and excellent. Such states were numerous in the

Panjab at the time of Alexander's invasion in the fourth century B.C., and their existence in various parts of upper India may be traced until the fifth century after Christ. Some of them were oligarchical. The author appropriately illustrates the system of Government in the Lichhavi state of Tirhut by comparison with the Cleisthenian institutions at Athens. We believe that the peoples who maintained more or less republican forms of government in India for so many centuries were non-Aryans, probably in all cases

Himalayan tribes of the Mongolian origin Mr. Majumrepresented by the Gurkhas and the like. dar ascribes tbe decline and ultimate extinction of the republics to the effects of foreign invasions and the levelling enforced by the more powerful paramount dynasties which to time. These causes undoubtedly arose from time operated, but the gradual absorption of the large Mongolian element which existed in the early population of northern India must have had much to do with the failure of the republican constitutions to survive or to become the source of further developments. The author justly observes that " it requires great effort to believe, even when sufficient evidence is forthcoming, that institutions, which we are accustomed to look upon as of western growth, had also flourished in India long long ago/' Chapter IV, dealing with corporate activities in religious life, gives a valuable analysis of the constitution of the Buddhist Church, "one of the most perfect ever witnessed in any age or country." The weak point in the organisation was the lack of any effectual central authority, but that statement, generally correct, should be qualified by the observation that for a few years about 240 B.C. Asoka openly assumed the The examination of the position of bead of the Church.
related to the

now

CORPORATE LIFE

is illuminattheory of the evolution of caste in Chapter The Vedic Brahmans were " not bound together by " ties of birth and " authentic texts repeatedly declare that it is knowledge, not descent, that makes a Brahman." The

ing.

Vedic
has

''

guilds of priests

"

developed slowly into the close

Brahman

been thousand years.

caste, or, more accurately, so prominent in India

Marriages

in

group of castes, which during the last two princely families between

Brahmans and ladies of otht-r castes are recorded as late as in the ninth and tenth centimes after Christ. The author is to be congratulated on his freedom from the literary and
other prejudices which have often obsc-ured the storv of the origins of the caste institution. In his concluding

pages he quotes interesting passages which prove that the Indians of the olden time knew how to combine for charitable and social purposes, including public amusements. Mr. Majumdar's book gives promise of further well-designed researches calculated to throw much light upon the history
of ancient India."

VINCENT
3.

A.

SMITH.

Modern Review, March 1919.

a thesis which has earned for Professor the Doctor's Degree of the Calcutta University this year. lhe scope of the work has been clearly " The indicated by the author in the Introduction spirit of co-operation was a marked feature in almost all tields of activity in ancient India and was manifest in social and religious as well as in political and economic life. The well known jati (caste) and the Samgha (the community of the Buddhist monks) are the most notable The products of this spiiit in the first two spheres of life.
is

This

Majumdar

however, played an equally important part remaining ones, and its effect may be seen typified in Gana (political corporation) and Srerii (guild)." Dr. has the reviewed Economical, Political, Majumdar Religious and Social life of Ancient India from the standpoint of corporate activity which supplies the unifying
spirit,

same

in the

principle through the four isolated

monographs embodying
of Indian research where first rank*

the thesis.

The work

points

to

field

we

find

up to

this time very

few workers of the

REVIEW

Analysis of the concrete archaeological data (e.g., of the domain of Architecture and Sculpture, Epigraphy and Numismatics) has no doubt advanced to a certain extent ; but the synthetic presentation of any aspect of Ancient Indian Life has met with few attempts and fewer successes. have no doubt the privilege of recounting the works we mean Sir. R. G. Bhandarkar's of two hoary veterans monograph on Indian cults and Dr. Brajendranath Seal's treatise on the Positive Sciences of the Ancient Hindus but these master craftsmen have not as yet given us a single disciple who could apply their technique in the

We

same
their

So we leave these Bhismas of Indology in Of the next Himalayan heights generation, Mr. K. P. Jayaswal is the most brilliant
field.

inaccessible

worker. By his penetrating historical vision he has not only thrown a flood of light on the political and socioeconomic life of Ancient India but roused a genuine enthusiasm in the study of her institutional history. But
this is a line of inquiry which is as fruitful for a genuine scholar as it is futile for unripe or over-ripe enthusiasts

who are every day being lured into the discovery of false fundamentals and flimsy foundation of Indian life. Hence while in department of objective study we get really like Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar's valuable monographs " " in Indian Elements and Mr. R. D. Population Foreign " Baner jee's Scythian Period of Indian History/' the votaries in the temple of Indian culture history are, with the single exception of Mr. Jayaswal, as a whole marked
by a
but scholarly.
that is anything watch painfully the materials for a short paper puffed up into a ponderous volume and cheap patriotism and premature generalisations
spirit

of

precarious

self-assertion

Hence we have

to

Thus parading under the cover of Indian culture history. Indian Politics is partisan, their Indian Economics ethereal, and their Indian Art polemical and problematic. Not that we do not believe in the reconstruction of Indian culture history but that we demand severer canons of
their

and profounder vision of .-.ynthesis. Before the establishment of the norms of Indian life and the valuation of those norms in the light of comparative culture history of Humanity, we absolutely require the scientific descriptive survey and sound well grounded interpretation of the facts thus collected and co-ordinated. Unfortunately with characteristic oriental transcendentalism we are attempting
criticism

CORPORATE LIFE
neglecting

to take our stand on

life,

normation and valuation of Indian the indispensable preliminaries of description and interpretation. Thus our descriptions are hasty and haphazard, our interpretations precarious, our norms arbitrary and our valuations parochial and false.
It
is

in

such

crisis

of our study of culture history

Majumdar. Since " Introduction to Jayaswal's brilliant " in Hindu Polity the pages of this Review six years ago (191 8), we have had not the pleasure of presen tingbefore the students of Indian culture history such a sober, well-balanced and stimulating treatise. With the characteristic candour and humility of an earnest student of the " I have avoided, on objective school Dr. Majumdar says
the publication of
:

that

we welcome the

dissertation of Dr,

principle, all philosophical disquisitions throughout this aim rather to simply present the work. It has been

my

connected manner with a view to illustrate, as far as possible, the gradual development of the various Thus he disarms all criticism from the institutions/' more ambitious school, while he presents us with a class descriptive work on Indian culture really first
facts
in

history.

acute student of epigraphy and numismatics as he is. has collected the data of our corporate with a thoroughness and marshalled them with a life that would do credit to any scholar. critical acumen

An

Dr.

Majumdar

Indeed in almost every page we feel th( impress of the personality of a dispassionate historian who examines an economic organisation (e.g., the Sreni), a political institution (e.g., the Samiti), or a social phenomenon (e.g., the of detachment and objectivity Jati), in the same spirit of judgment, as is manifest when he deciphers a mutilated rare numismatic evidence. Herein inscription or analyses a
strength as well as limitation as a historian of miss the subtle bio-psychological interactions that are at the genesis and progression of every phenomenon of culture history we also miss the magic transfacts by the synthetic genius of a figuration of concrete social philosopher ; but we gain a full and accurate description of our cultural structures and a thoroughly reliable reading of the fluctuations in their functioning achievements, which, by themselves, entitle him to the dignity of a Doctorate,
lies

his

culture.

We

REVIEW
Apart from its scholarly worth the thesis chances to appear in a very opportune moment ivhen we are struggling with reactionaries in politics and society. By a curious coincidence it is a crushing answer to those who are at present
is

struggling to establish against- history that self-government the chartered monopoly of the western nations or that
ethnic purity, the monopoly of the Brahmanic hierarchy. Without the least tinge of polemical acrimony Dr. Majumdar completely demolishes the pretensions of both the school of

picture

obscurantists by positive presentation of the wonderful of the self-governing life of the Ancient Iidians while, with the relentlessness of a true historian, he exposes
the intricate history of the growth of Brahmanic pretensions the fiction of their immaculate heredity. He proves

and

beyond all doubt that race mixture icas as much a fact of our social life as self-government, that of our political
l

history.

4.

The Amritabazar Patrika, 20th February,

"

1919.

CorporatejLife in Ancient India." By Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, M.A., Premchand Roychand Research Scholar

and Lecturer on Ancient Indian History, Calcutta UniverChandra Nath Chattel's sity. Published by S. N. Sen, 16, Price Rs. 4. Street, Bhawanipore, Calcutta. This book has for its object a critical and comprehenstudy of the corporate activities in public life in Ancient India. The expression public life is taken in its widest sense and includes political and economic as well as It is indeed an ambitious taskreligious and social life.
sive
to

deal

with

the

corporate
this

activities

in

all

these varied

spheres

and we congratulate

the

author

on

the

manner in

which he has handled

great question.

The book gives in the first chapter an account of the have in this corporate activities in economic life. connection a most interesting account of the rise and development of the institution called Sreni, a corporation of artisans similar in nature to the guilds of mediaeval The gradual growth of the rights and privileges Europe. of this body is an eminently interesting and instructive

We

The

italics are

our own.

10
study.

CORPORATE LIFE
We
notice

distinct

a it gradually came to possess with large executive and judicial powers recognised by the law of the land, and how, at the same time, it served the purposes of the Municipality and Other forms of corporate the Banks of the present day. activity such as Traders' League, Joint Stock business, etc.,
constitution

how

are also treated at

some length.
deals with the

The second chapter

in
life

corporate

activities

and discusses such all-important topics as political the election of kings, the function and importance of the popular assemblies controlling royal authority, and the self-governing institutions like village community and
village union, etc.

The special feature of this portion of the extensive quotation of passages from contemporary literature and inscriptions, supporting each statement of the author. Attention may also be drawn to the very exhaustive and masterly treatment of the village More than a hundred inassemblies in Southern India. scriptions have been laid under contribution to give an idea of the nature and functions of these popular assemblies wielding high executive and judicial powers.
the work
is

third chapter deals with the republican states of India, the most notable product of the corporate instincts of the people. The author has collected togethei a mass of evidence from all possible sources, and even the most sceptic reader is bound to accept, as a historical fact,

The

ancient

the

existence

of these republican forms of

Government

in

Ancient India.

The fourth chapter

deals

with religious corporations

and gives an interesting description of the corporation of Buddhist monks. The detailed account of the meetings of the Buddhist fraternity is an interesting surprise to us, inasmuch as it proves that even as regards formality of procedure in council meetings, the modern age has not made much further progress than India did more than two
thousand years ago. The fifth and last chapter deals with the rise and ' development of the social corporations called castes/ It describes how the primitive simple social corporations were gradually developed into rigid castes which we find at the The orthodox section of the people may not present day. agree with the author in all views put forward by him but
they are worthy of
being seriously considered by
all,

REVIEW
specially those institutions.

11

who

seek for a rational basis of our social

The brief sketch given above is but an imperfect account of Prof. Majumdar's masterly work, but we hope it is sufficient to indicate its nature and importance. It will be impossible to ignore its bearing upon some of the most vital problems of the day. To take only one example, it will furnish the most convincing reply to the reiterated arguments of our Anglo-Indian friends that India is quite For Prof. unfit for experiment of democratic institutions. Majumdar has sufficiently demonstrated that the plant of
self-government is of indigenous growth in the east. It has been well said that an ounce of fact is worth a ton of Professor Majumdar 's name is a sufficient theories. the accuracy of facts recorded in this book for guarantee and they strike at the very root of all theories about the incapacity of Indians for political progress on modern lines. We welcome this book not only as a scholarly treatment of the cultural history of India, but as a unique record of the political advancement of the ancient Indians proof their surest guarantee for the capacity successors to advance on progressive lines in modern times.

viding the

In the same manner the book has direct bearing on some of the most important social and economic problems of the day and every Indian who seeks to improve the condition of his country in any ivay, will do well to give the book a
careful reading ; for, a nation's past to a great extent" 1
1

determines

its

future

The

italics are

our own.

14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED

LOAN
This book
is

DEPT.

due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall.

C
LOAN
1966
EEC,

< O
"Ik

RECEI
MAR

20

'67

-5
1978

LOAN

DEP"

APR

LD

21A-60m-7,'66

(G4427slO)476B

General Library University of California Berkeley

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