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, Bd. 40, H. 2 (1991), pp. 170-192 Published by: Franz Steiner Verlag Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4436189 . Accessed: 15/08/2013 13:35
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KLEON'SAMPHIPOLITANCAMPAIGN:AIMS AND RESULTS Kleon is recognisableas a new type of politicianin Athenianpublic life.' Labelled as a 'demagogue' by his contemporaries,he controlled policy throughhis speechesin the assemblyand, it will be argued,morecontinuously though less openly by his influenceover the juries,who were obliged to him for their rise in daily pay to three obols. This will have given him a hold over procedureat the end of their any magistrates who were subjectto the euthyna to the demoswas whose accountability termof office, includingthe strategoi, to become especially significantduringthe long years of the Peloponnesian war. Kleon did not belong to a family with landed wealth and a known its wealth was derived ancestry.His family backgroundwas nouveau-riche, from a tanning factory,his father being most probablythe Kleainetoswho contestin 460/59. Kleon,however, paid for the winningchorusin a dithyramb continued to employ the traditionaldynasticmethod of winning and using philoi. He probablymarried,about 450, a daughterof Dikaiogenes,son of Menexenos,a memberof an old and prominentfamily from his own deme, He laterused his son-in-law, Thoudippos,to proposethe great Kydathenaion. assessment decree of 425, generally acknowledged to implement Kleon's policy of increasingthe tribute of the Athenian Empire to three times its
Unlikehis contemporary Nikias,probablyalso a 'newman',but a colleague beforethe war,he does not appearto have aimedat of Periklesin the strategia of the older families, the strategia,which remainedin generalthe prerogative He was bornabout470,since he or, if he did aspireto it, he was unsuccessful.?
1 For Kleon as a new type of politicianand demagogue, Propertied see J. K. Davies,Athenian Families(no. 8674);cf. W. R. Connor, New Men in AthenianPolitics. 2 Thoudippos:Meritt and Wade-Gery,AJP 57 (1936), 392 note 36. That he marriedthe daughterof Dikaiogenes(Davies op. cit. p. 320) is less certainbut 'a very temptingpossibility'. of grounds.Butthe appearance F. Bourriot (Historia31(1982),404-35) on chronological Contra a 'Menexenosson of Kleon'on the boule in the 370'ssuggestsa close connectionbetweenthe two families from Kydathenaion.Bourriotalso doubts whether Kleon, son of Thoudippos of the (IsaiosIX c. 370)was Kleon'sgrandson.Butin view of the unlikelihoodof the appearance two uncommon names except through a marriageof Thoudipposto Kleon's daughter,the procedure plausible,seems virtuallycertain.For euthuna which is chronologically relationship, of Law,pp. 201-4. to the Sovereignty Sovereignty and the courtscf. M. Ostwald,FromPopular For trialsof generalssee Pritchett,TheGreekState at Warii c. 1.Cf. below pp. 186-187. 3 Plutarch,Nicias2.2; Eupolisfrg. 117K(Demoi)says that generalsused to be chosen 'from the great houses'. Cf. Connor, op. cit. p. 76 with note 69 and p. 144. In the 430's Kleon of Kydathenaion,in the city tittys of tribe III Pandionis,may have been blocked by strong candidatesfrom the same tribe who had Perikles'support,e.g. certainlyHagnon,less certainly of the Kalliasdecreesand general the proposer Phormioand possiblyKallias,son of Kalliades, in the late 430's,who (since there is a fourth centuryKallias Kalliadoufrom Pandionis)can
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only as a criticof Pericleanstrategyin 431. However.4 Kleon does not appearin Thucydides(who at 2.3. See D.65. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .but other competentcontendersfrom traditional backgrounds in the same tribewould makethe electionof a new man less likely. 35 says Idomeneusgave Kleon's name as accuserbut Theophrastos named Simmias and HeracleidesPonticus Lacratidas. disagreedwith it.37-48).Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 171 had a daughterof marriageable age before 425.118-9and Meiggs-Lewis GHI56 line 28.at the equallywell be restored as the generalof Pandionislistedin the Samossettlementoath of 439/8.Cf. 6nEp qtXt 61ukXo ntoutEv. Latertraditionaddedpossiblyunreliabledetails: Plutarch gives 1STas the lowestamountof the fine and SOT as the highest. 4 In 430 Plutarch ib. it is likely that he was prominentin the yearsbeforethe war.Thucydidesdoes not mention any. He may also have joined the attackon Perikleswhich led to his deposition from the strategiain 430 and made politicalcapitalout of the war-weariness and sufferingof Athensduring the plague.21 ignores his part in the criticismof Periklesin 431).59. and was politicallyopposed to Periklesin the first year of the war.implythat he was deposedbut leave unclearwhen and for how long he remainedout of office. . but this was late in his career.88.4). if he did understand it.88.The story of the trial and its resultwas evidentlyembroideredin the 4th century accordingto politicaltaste. 2.3) and (after they had fined him) 6CompOV 8'auOotb noX OytpattyC.but Kleon could well have exploitedPerikles'unpopularity and the generalwarweariness at the time of the plagueby supporting or participating in the accusation in the hope that he wouldtake Perikles' placeas prostatestoudemou. hoping to replace Penkles as the leading 'prostatestou demo'.65. Eventually. Lewis. Gomme'scommentary on Thuc.42 on Thu. He is introducedas 'most violent' and 'by far the most persuasive with the demos at that time' and the debate was concernedwith the empire and the democraticconstitution. atpaM&yv cTXovxo(2. There may have been more than one accuser. and was already active in of a comedyby Hermippoliticsbeforethe deathof Perikles.but we do not hearof him in any military office. Kleon eitherdid not understandthe principleof Perikles'sea strategy(the need for Athensto use her navy againstthe Peloponneseand avoid resistanceby land in Atticasince she was inferior to Sparta and her allies in hoplite warfare)or. This content downloaded from 65. during their first war (PlutarchPericles invasion of the Archidamian 33). Such criticismof a general'sstrategywas to be characteristic of his later political career. but he is reticentabout Perikles'deposition:ETt8' t (2.according to different authorities. Double representation of a tribewas of coursepossible. his influence over the assemblywas not completelyeffective.Even 15Tis a very largesum and the variationshows that one or both figuresmust be invented.JHS81 (1961).political ratherthan militarytopics.afterhis involvementin the occupationof Pylos in 425.since a fragment pos refersto 'fieryKleon' naggingat Periklesfor fightingthe war with words instead of resisting the Peloponnesiansin Attika in 431. M. Kleon was officiallyelected strategosfor 424/3.untilthe Mytilenedebateon the fate of the rebels (3. Given his age.since his proposalto put all the adult male Mytilenaeansto death was overturnedin spite of his forcefulpowersof persuasionby the milderpunishmentproposed by the otherwiseunknownDiodotos.
which is generally agreed to be hostile. See C. who.who was first.a failurewhich have to his For both we the led death. 61-2.g.at Pylos. 267). as was to become common in the fourth century.88.since he attributes This content downloaded from 65. an ambitious man from a traditionalfamily. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Normallyin the fifth centuryhowever. 313-5. 488-9.2-23 and 26-41. now acceptthe defenceof Kleon'sactionsin 6 Pylos:Thuc.the second. Grote'sanalysisof the episode on Thucydides cal Commentary c. esp.' That Thucydideshas deliberately is the partplayedby chance (tyche)at the expenseof intelligentpre-planning over-emphasized the Athenianlandingat Pylosto the stormwhichchancedto difficultto deny. testimony of Thucydides.6Athens held hostage the Spartan prisoners captured on 501 to Clouds584-7.esp.which will be analysedin detail.172 BARBARAMITCHELL age of at leastfifty.42 on Thu.By the fourthcentury.and to some extent in Nikias. in particular practice to look at Kleon only from the testimony of his opponents.'It has hithertobeen the his methodological view remainsvalid. G. though regularlyelected general.4. pp. should cease to be treated as a office becauseof its built-inpossibilityof continuity career-enhancing through re-election. Fornara. new ed.88.5Kleon'smilitary reputation is moredifficultto assessthan his political pre-eminence. Kleon'smilitarytalenthas to be judged by two Atheniancampaignsin the Archidamian war. still tried to combine a demagogicwith a militarycareer.to which re-election was regularlyallowed.his attemptto recapture Amphipolis.'Thucydides' was biasedagainstKleon.e.Kleon's careeris worthanalysingagainstthis background. which was undoubted(thoughnot unchallenged.but then he yielded to temptation.was an unsuccessful contender in the assembly.foremostand always a general. It became ever more essential that Athens should appoint the best militarycommandersavailable and that the strategia.TheAthenianBoardof Generalsfrom S Aristophanes 404. This separationcan also be recognized in Demosthenes. Woodhead.The length and seriousnessof the Archidamian hastened this process.The followingdiscussion is a re-examination of the variousclaimswhich have been made for him as a militarycommander. Most historians IV 13 Portraitof Cleon' Mnemosyne the Pylos campaign.the first. as the Mytilenedebate shows) afterPerikles'death. 478-9. Histori(1960).(sc. Thucydidesand Aristophanes)through whose testimony we know him. W. and in the late fifth centuryAlkibiades.a man prominentin politics would still hold the strategiaif he could.pp. A. III 468-9. pp. 52. 252-71.and revertedto combiningpolitics with militarycommand in the traditional Athenianway.a successfuloperation. Gomme admittedthatThucydides vol.thingshad changed took overin and the two kindsof careerdivergedas professionalism gradually war this as in other spheres. he lost both the Pylos and Sicilian expedition debates. Concerning Pylos it is generally accepted thatthe reinforcements which Kleontook to supportDemosthenes agreement in the late summer of 425 turned the fortunes of the Archidamianwar in Athens' favour. the suggestionwill be made that Kleon'scareercan be seen as a turning-point in politicalmethodin that he initially separatedthe militaryfrom the political role in Athenian public life. 1906)did not find universalsupportbut in my (Historyof Greece comment(p.cf.In the light of this re-assessment.
4.1-2).29. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Knights54-7. Eitherway. p.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 173 Sphakteria. wasthe meansof placingthem on his head. 4.ProbablyKleon'sreluctanceto lead the reinforcements himself was. Cawkwelldrewmy attention.4).p. but it is tempting to think that there is another source underlying Diodoruswhich simplyattributed the executionof the plan to Demosthenesand eitheromitted the stormor did not stressits significanceas Thucydides does. but either misunderstoodor misinterpreted by Thucydides. He is surelydetractingfrom the creditof Demosthenesby choosingto tell the storyin this way. exactlywhere Demostheneswanted. the archers and peltasts.3).3). and in includingtroops of appropriate type. (as Aristophanes represents in his comedyof the Knights).2) thatthe fortification of Pylos en routeto Sicilywas Demosthenes' reason for joining the expedition. carrytheir ships in there. genuine. cit.28.61)says: 'Demosthenesnow led an expedition against Pylos. Aristophanes' gibe that Demosthenesbakeda cake at Pylos and Kleon stole it accuses him of takingall the credit.who can hardlybe emphasizingjust for its own sake the of the stormwhich put an end to the generals' contemporaneity argument(so Gomme. 7Thuc. C p. which he could not allow. he showed strategicgood sense both in his insistenceon sending reinforcements. S.whilethe epiteichismos at Pylos allowed Messenian helots to desert and facilitatedmore effective raids on the Peloponnese. 267: 'Kleon.thoughhe at the same time deservedlysharedthem.88.Kleon either knew the aim of Demosthenes from the beginning or he was astute enough to realise that the investmentof Pylos must be made to succeed.3. by now in office.7 That Kleon knew of the plan fromthe beginningis perhapsmorelikely since Demosthenes could well have needed a politician's support in the assemblywhen he asked for permissionto use his ships aroundthe Peloponnese (Thuc.' This content downloaded from 65.but this could be a comic distortionof the truth. who consistentlyattackedKleon.Diodorusmay be summarizing Thucydides (his main source) carelesslyhere. op. 3.In any case.1).Co-operation betweenthe two men is the most likely scenario.which was the deciding factor for Thucydides.Thucydidesprobablyunder-estimatedDemosthenes'role and the decisivenessof the Pylosepisodein Athens'favourbecauseit necessarily did creditto Kleon as well. Grote.4. L. That the enterprisewas pre-plannedand not due to 'chance'as Thucydideshas it (4. so it was probablyhis brainchild.The choice of Demosthenesat Pyloswould be all the morenaturalif he had knownof his plan fromthe beginning.even if the stormwas historical. 133).Diodorushowever(12. Hornbloweraptly describes it as 'an early example of a fourth century phenomenon.Thucydidessays Kleon chose Demosthenes. Aristophanes.42 on Thu.Whatthe formalimplications of the choice wereis not clear. in addition to the hoplite klerouchs from Lemnosand Imbros(Thuc. Demosthenes. he relied on the general in the field.88. HCTIII. as Grote thought. a soldier-politician team workingin harmony. 29. G. thus preventing further invasionsof Attika. far from stealingawaythe laurelsof Demosthenes. as his associateat Pylosbecausehe knewhe intendedto land on Sphakteria (ib.like the fourth-century 'team'Charesand Aristophon'(7he GreekWorld 479-323 B.1.2.Cf. 488).a parallelto which Mr.but Kleonwill have needed one of the strategoito give orders.is suggestedby the factthat Demosthenes had Messenians(from Naupaktos)with him (ib.not being on the boardhimself. omittingthe debatebetweenthe generalsand the storm. intending to fortify this strongholdas a threatto the Peloponnese'. 3. Thucydidesexpressly says (ib. would readily have madea joke at his expense.
The Athenianinterestin Thracegoes back at leastto the mid-sixthcentury. Miltiades. Interestingly. and a friendly.4.Thracewas also a profitable buildingand maintenance source of slaves. This content downloaded from 65. in spite of the league.2). he recaptured heroic resistanceand self-sacrificeof Boges. this island. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . running east and west of Amphipolis. asked Darius for Myrkinoson the Strymonin the territory Edonians as a reward for saving the Danube bridge for him during his Scythian expedition. marriedto a ThracianprincessHegesipyle. to acquirefor Athens (Hdt.108.Herodotussays it was a Thraciancustom to sell their children as slaves (5.to more fertile plains inland.like the Tokes whose tombstone(datableto 525-490) shows he was he was fightingfor Paros. Probablyin 513 Histiaios. however.132)probablycame from some Pariandepentombstoneof dency in the Thracianarea. beyond the Pangaionmountain ridge. Leading the first expedition of the Delian Eion from the Persians.battlesagainstthem would providecaptives occasion not unsurprisingly In to be sold into slavery.Atheniansand locals. The economic and strategicimportanceof the Strymon valley and the colony. Pangaionarea. after the year of the armisticeof 423/2 had ended.as the local Edonians on were. 6. are not in doubt. probablyin 476. had collected revenuesfrom silvermines in Mount Pangaion for Peisistratos to finance his return to Athens in 547 after his ten-year exile. conversely. the Persiancommander(Hdt.1). in the seventhcenturythe founderof Thasos. addition.it must have been fromhis fatherand motherthat Kimon gained his interest in the area.Thracianswould also have provided cavalry. landowners.retainedan interest in the Thracianarea at least till the turnof the sixth-fifthcenturies. If the natives were unfriendly.daughterof king Oloros.88.numerouslocal population.showingthat killed defending Eion.5.23.88. acording to Herodotus made Megabazos advise Darius to remove him to Sousa . founded by Hagnon in 437.42 on Thu.7).6.Timberwas abundant for shipbuildingand there may well have been shipyardson the Strymon A prosperouscolony of before Brasidasbuilt triremesthere(Thuc.had led The gold he hoped an unsuccessfulexpeditionagainstParosafterMarathon. to judge by the above-mentioned Tokes.174 BARBARAMITCHELL differenceof opinionconcerningKleon'sattempt Thereis.tyrantof of the Miletos.were an ample supply of wood for shipbuildingand oars.silver-mifor the nes. attemptto recapture to the eel fisheries of lake Kerkinitisand. but the backgroundof the longstandingAthenianinterestin the areais worthrecapitulatingin orderto estimatethe damage done to Athens and her empireby Brasidas'captureof Amphipolis and.which.greater to recoverAmphipolis for Athens in 422. Silverand gold were mined in the Mt. dues payable to the nearby port Eion. would providerevenuesfor Athens from and therewould havebeen harbourindirecttaxes on producesold to traders.by the failureof Kleon's it.1. At any rate. The advantages he envisaged at Myrkinos . The Strymonrivergave accessto a fertilecoastalplain.hence the wherewithal of a navy(Hdt.
so Athens had strategicreasons in addition to her long-standingeconomic interestfor sending out a strongcolony.000 Athenian colonists were killed the settlementwas subsequently abandoned.1.3).112.3-4).2. theirrelations withGreece from theearliesttimesdownto the timeof Philipson of Amyntas (1926.with a 8 The best modernaccountof the historicalgeography of the Strymonvalley settlementsis thatof BenjaminIsaac.88. 183)and was impressed by the fertility of the well-populatedupper and lower Strymon valleys (pp.Cf. X.recoveredin 463 after the Thasianrevolt (Hdt. Athenian interestsin gold-mining continued in the Thasian Peraia at Skaptesule.or createthe conditionsfor internalstasisto betray the city.fromwhich as muchas 30. the Atheniansreturnedand with Hagnonas oikistfounded a colony at Amphipolison the high groundin the bend of the Strymonbetween Eion and Ennea Hodoi.where Thucydides'family inherited mining interests. However. Isaac. III pp.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 175 7.8 During Perikles'political ascendancy. 200-204).100. 161-4)says that in the 16thcenturythere were 500-60 furnacessmeltingsilverand gold frompyrites. becaAischines11(defalsa legatione)34).46)on the mainlandoppositeThasos. 4. The AthenianSophaneswas killed fightingEdoniansin the areaof Daton for mines.(Travelsin Northern Greece (1835)vol. the most commanding and defensiblepositionin the area.the Athenianssettled a colony at Ennea Hodoi (Nine Ways).1968). most of the Thraciantowns were under Athenian control and paying tributeto Athens. the early20thcenturydescription of S. if this was feasible.c.Thrace and Illyria. 164).pp.The city had a mixed population. Casson. as at Potidaia(Thuc. repr. 27-30. to be distinguishedfromthe Skaptesyle gold mine (or 'mines'according to Hdt. M.3). This content downloaded from 65. 9.42 on Thu. Pangaiongold and silver mines:Hdt.107. 1. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Thuc. It was therefore sound strategy on Kleon'spartto tryand recoverit. as had happened when an Argilian faction betrayed it to Brasidasin 424 (Thuc.TheGreek in Thrace Settlements untilthe Macedonian Conquest (Studies of the DutchArchaeological SocietyVol.Macedonia.ratherthan Drama.Though it is unlikelythat all 10. Eion thereafter me an Athenianbase and emporion (Thuc.The Mt.75.It may been have over-optimistic to try to stormit.His patronymic'Oloros'shows that he too was relatedto the Thracian king Oloroswhose daughterHegesipylewas marriedto Miltiades.2 and 101.Thuc. consideringthe naturalstrength and defences of the place and the undevelopedstate of siege-warfare in the fifth century.000gold ducatsannuallywent as profitto the Turkishgovernment. 4.about 465. 1986)pp.just north of Amphipolis.a siege mightlast long enough to starvethe defenders out. Leake.about 30 kms east.By now.103.In 1835silver and lead mines near Nizvoro were still being workedbut were due to be abandonedwhen exhausted(p. 1.70.6.in 437. 7. cit. 1. at the height of Kimon'sinfluence.Leake mentionsthe largeand prolificeels netted at the Strymondam above Amphipolis(p.op. When Brasidasstruckin Thracein 424 Amphipolis was his most valuableprize since its loss was a blow to the heartof Athens' empire economicallyand at the same time underminedthe strategicadvantages which she had gainedthroughthe occupationof Pylos.However. near the later Philippi). cf.98.102.Later.but were defeated by Edonians at Drabeskos(probablySdravik. 1-51.about 13kms NNE of Amphipolis. probably those lost afterthe Drabeskosdisaster. W.1).88.
Lists1II. Theirconclusionsweredisputedeffectivelyby and AthenianImperialism.AJA29 (1925). 192. 0 The Bottictreaty:see belowand note 18. recapturingnot only Torone (on the Sithonian prong of Chalcidice) and Galepsos (on the Thraciancoast. is hostile to Kleon: he is an incompetentcommander. 16 = Bulgare Archeologique P. but also the whole of the Sithonianpromontoryand severaltowns in As well as these Chalcidiantowns Kleon has been held additionto Torone. each and Trallos I tawas also tributeof Mekyberna lent. p.Bulletinde l'Institut 1 (1950). Meritt. Mekyberna. 303-6. whereasHeracleionand Bormiskospay 1000dr. probably422. Bengtson.42 on Thu.9 responsiblefor the returnto the Athenianalliance of some coastaltowns in Bottikewhich did undoubtedlymake a treatywith Athensfor whichwe have epigraphicevidence.59-69.88. Mekybernaand Gale are assessed at the nominal sum of 10 drachmas each. eithershortly before or just afterthe peace of Nicias.east of Eion). a Thasiancolony in the peraiaof Thasos beyond Amphipolis.acceptedwithout 26 (1973).tr.Wade-Gery Eng.for the following reasons: 1. de Romilly. K. shows how the West-Meritt Geschichte3 of the epigraphicevidence. Westand B.376-86. IG P 77 lines 214. cit.'? The argumentsfor the recoveryof both groups of towns are epigraphic. SinGale.op. Thucydides and McGregor.though H.The claimsfor conquestsby Kleon in Chalkidike severalplaces in Chalcidiceis based Ttheinferencethat Kleon recaptured on the survivalof identicalrecordsfor six Thraciantowns in the Assessment Lists of the Athenianempirefor 425 and for a year. Roussel. p. 5. cit.pp.88.AthenianTribute Meritt.'Lacampagnede Cleon en Thrace'.176 BARBARAMITCHELL minority of Athenians (ib. he had no intentionof stayingto fightbut fled at once and was killed while in flight by a Myrcinianpeltast (Thuc. W. Woodheadin his influentialarticle.p. G. Herakleion.9). and by Gomme.op.Griechische furtherconsideration (1965).The following discussion is an attemptto the stronghold. 108). both of which are mentionedby Thucydides.Singos. Pritchett. view was.he had manymoresuccessesthanThucyhe has been creditedwith dides recordsbefore the final battle.257-63. In particular. of which only three fragmentsand no prescriptsurvive. This content downloaded from 65. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ."The six listed in 425 are Of these. gos. But they were accepted Serta Karazoviana Mnemosyne laterby A. Trallosand Bormiskos.90-1. HCT1II.It has been arguedthat not only is this pictureof Kleon'srole unfairbut that. which look like normalrates(the pre-war 9 Arguedfirstby A. assumes that Roussel had alreadyrefuted the theory of West and Meritt (Pritchett.The names of the six Thraciantowns are restoredfromthe identicalsectionof the 422 list. D.note 2.in spite of his failureto recapture Amphipolis. amongothers. 11 IG P 71 lines 108-113(from 425 assessmentlist). re-assessKleon'sfailureto recapture accountof the Amphipoliscampaign Thucydides' As in the Pylosnarrative.10. 228 note 6. 376-7). 636.his troops have no confidencein him. followedby. J. They warrantcarefulexaminationbut in my view should be rejected. for the most part.
A. Cf.uncharacteristic the total tributewas trebled. cit.on which Singos and Gale also lie.may be due to the presence of a few Athenian loyalistsstill residingin these places or may simply indicatethat Athens still allies. 225-7.88. HCTIII635-6 and MoreEssays. Strabo reports. The most likely explanation of the nominal sums is that Singos.GHI69 pp.pace Gomme'sdoubtsad loc. afterall. Mekybema.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 177 1Talent).to the northwest of the Sithonianpeninsula. claimedthem as tributary The assessmentof these smallplacesfor a nominalsum both in 425 and 422 does not prove that they were under the control of Athens in 425.(VII 390 and frg. This inferencewas originallymade by Mentt and West and acceptedin ATLiii though not by Gomme.note 9 above. 672-4).88.29) the port of nearby in the year 425 when Olynthos. cf.1. AJP58 (1937).CR(1952).es. 383-4. 13 Westand Meritt. 115note 2.the great assessmentdecree of 425 laid down penaltiesif any Panathenaea should pass withoutan assessment. Cf.'5The 422 assessmentmust undoubtedlyhave been carriedout. 112-21. Cf. 15Assumingthat the Thoudipposwho proposedthe decree was Kleon'sson-in-lawand was actingunderhis instructions. there is no reasonto thinkthat the next assessment was not in fact made when it was due. 5. pp.'4 It was. 64-5.(HCTIII pp.though pointingout the bias of Thucydides' narrativeagainstKleon.thatthe assessmentof 422. West.99 in a reviewof ATLIII. The Second Battleof Amphipolis'.First.the assessment would not have been omittedand it would not have substantially loweredthe rate. lost to Brasidasin 424 and then recoveredfor Athensby Kleon in the late summerof 422. Kleon who had been principallyresponsiblefor the high raise in 425.58."3 It depended on two assumptions. B.delayed in fact until after peace had become a certainty. ContraGomme. agreeing with Roussel op. or earlierby Roussel. note 2 above. and if some rates 12 See endnote for the identification of Sane with Gale and the confusion of Gale with the better known Galepsos.esp.so afterthe Peace of Nicias.this view assumedthat all placesassessedunderthis delayedassessment actuallypaid their due amount of phorosin 421 and were under Athenian control.As Meiggs and Lewis point in out their commentary.6)still seem convincing. 14 Meiggsand Lewis.AJA29 (1925).. Pritchettop.This view has now been generallyabandoned. Mekybemaand Gale wereamongthe Chalcidiancoastaltowns whichThucydides says were persuadedby Perdikkasto revolt from Athens in 432 and synoecizewith Olynthosto make it a stronghold (Thuc.2). was at one time. Secondly. at the Panathenaea of 422. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 65.42 on Thu. 166-73. Meiggs. cit.for the following reasons: first.and reflectedthe mood of the peace with a rateof assessmentwhich was lowered to somethingmore like the 'Aristidean' (understoodto mean 'pre-war') level.'Thucydides and Kleon. was delayeduntilafterthe Panathenaea. p. on which paymentswere made in 421 at the Dionysia. whose argumentsfor 'Gale' instead of 'Sane'in the text of the peace of Nikias (Thuc.'2 The nominal assessments.18. At the time when Kleon had just taken commandas strategosfor 422/1 and was embarking on a campaign of re-conquest.
region.in the case of cities which had complainedof excessiveassessmentsunderthe provisionfor such Moreover.But they are evidentlynot in the same categoryas Skione.the tributequota list which used to complaintsin the 425 decree.Therefore.the group of Thraciancities which Athens These arethe possesses(or. as also the Olynthians is consistentwith theirnominaltributeof 10drachmasand.88. are now mainlyagreed. Gale) and Singos says thattheirinhabitants Mekyberna.or. in theirown cities. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . in Hekatombaion.39. (Thuc.is certainto possess shortly).5.it cannot be assumedthat all cities assessedin 422 were actually underAtheniancontroland paid theirassessedamountsof tributedutifullyat the following Dionysia. presenceof a few pro-Athenian of the two assessments. A little more informationabout the statusof these towns at the time of the peace can be derived from Thucydides.88.42 on Thu. 16 IG i3 71 lines 21-2. the late summerof that year. This and Acanthians 5.Butthe garrison the peace treaty. Spartolioi. since it includesboth Melos. quest of the Thraceward assessedbefore Kleon'scampaignand theirassessmentcannothave been the resultof his activitiesbeforehis attempton Amphipolis. and since their assessmentsare identical in 422. which was not even in the empire.6). they are surely nominal in 422 also.as epigraphists and before Kleon'sconquestsin the Panathenaeaof 422.18.178 MITCHELL BARBARA were lowered.which wereboth in revolt. Meigs-Lewis GHI69 lines. Secondly.'6 entries be assignedto 422/1 is almostcertainlythatof 418/17 and its surviving (for the Hellespont)do not suggest that even after the peace the Athenians of the 422 assessIn any case.and if Athens did not occupy them in 425.and Olynthos But the assessmentsfor Mekyberand Spartolos. This content downloaded from 65. the fragments loweredthe phorossubstantially. then she cannot have been occupyingthem in 422 either. perhaps. line 166. Melioi 15T. Olynthioi.'7 If these werenominalin 425. The assessmentlist for 425 was certainlyinflated. situationwas the same in both years. 17 IG i3 71 line 65. no in both lists.just as he was about to embarkon the re-conGale and Singoswere Mekyberna. in the case of Skione. they had been utterlyunrealistic. It is thereforeimpossibleto infer from the 422 list that all three places had been If their recoveredby Athensas the authorsof the originaltheorymaintained. line 167. perhaps. Torone and Sermylion.they will have been relaxedonly for pragmaticreasonsif. na. Gale and Singosareidentical more than a statementof Athens' claim to control them.with the the same situationas at the time inhabitants.for the following reason:the clause in the treatyconcerning should live Sane (sc. for example.whetheror not they were still inhabitedby a few Atticizers.must reflectthe situationbefore ment.6).That Mekybernawas occupied by Athens at some time before the winterof 421/0 is indicatedby his statement that an Atheniangarrisonwas expelled from there by the Olynthiansduring thereafter was probablyestablished this winter(Thuc.
i3 IG il 90.88.8).whereas Skione (even though not yet recaptured) does. perhapsat the same time as the recapture of Skione. it should have been in the list of places actuallyin Athenianhands and not along with Sane (Gale) and Singos.1)could have been establishedeither before or after the peace treaty.88. The Botticcities It has also been claimedthatthe recoveryat some time beforethe peace of a numberof small cities in the coastal areaof Bottikewas the resultof Cleon's operations en route for Amphipolis. If it had already been occupied. that Kleon was not responsible for the recovery of any Chalcidic cities in Thrace apart from Torone and Galepsos. Bengtson.so it must have fallen soon afterthe peace was signed. 2. SEG X 89.Thereis then no reasonto connectthe recoveryof Mekyberna with Kleon'sexpedition. but the fact of her revolt after the armisticeand Kleon's decree.It seems then thatthe narrative of Thucydidesand the text of the treatysupportthe interpretation of the epigraphicevidence given above. It thereforeseems likelythat Mekybemawas still only claimed by Athens and had not yet been occupied by her at the time of the treaty.passedby the assembly. If Mekybernahad been occupied before and not after the treaty it would probablyhave appearedin the same categoryas Torone. the provisionthat the inhabitantsof these three places should live in their own cities is also applied to Olynthosand Akanthos. namely. since it is listed with Torone and Skione in the treaty. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .enactingthat all adultmales should be put to death and the remaininginhabitantssold into slavery(the same harshprovisions as in the originaldecreewhich he had supportedagainstMytilene)must have made the Atheniansinsist that Skione should appearby anticipationin the list of places already in their possession.42 on Thu.The Atheniangarrison which occupied Mekybernaand was expelled by the Olynthiansduringthe following winter (Thuc. They actually carriedout the provisionsof the decree in the summerof 421 (Thuc. GHI 68. Furthermore.18. also on the Sithonianpeninsula.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 179 subjectsof a later clause which allows Athens to make what provisionsshe chooses concerningthem and any othercitiesin her possession(Thuc.1). This content downloaded from 65.but at what time is uncertain. 5. Tod. 5.39.presumablywas.and there is no evidence that Sane (Gale) or Singos were ever recovered. Skione was admittedlynot yet in Athenian hands.5.32.and that the garrisonwas put in as a resultof some action taken soon afterwards. but since it does not appear with Torone and Sermylion.which we know to have been taken for Athens by Kleon.places certainlynot in Athenianhands at the time of the peace.Sermylion. it seems much more likelythat it was occupied by the Athenians after the treaty.18 The cities of the Bottic league had 18 The treaty with Bottic coastal towns: IG 76.
would normally be expected to head the list.88.they could equallywell have been recovered by the successfulexpeditionof Nikias in 423 whichresultedin the recapture of Mende(Thuc. explain the omissions as the resultof the bias of his narrative Thoughbias can be detectedin the accountof Kleon'smotives.kingof the Odomantian Thracians. since his joint expedition with Brasidas of Lynkoshad failed)and the understanding againstArrhabaios with Polles may all owe somethingto Nikias' success.which are to be allies of neitherside. as things turned out. Gazetteers.2). 2.his cowardly flight and death. without reason) it does not seem to be manifested in deliberate suppressionof factsaboutthe campaign. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .He took fifty ships and would have been operatingin the Thermaicgulf opposite the Bottic coastal cities but would not have threatenedSpartolosinland. v.who was already allied with Athens.4.Theseswingsin favourof Athensaretoo earlyto be due to Kleon'sown expedition and the effect of Nikias' presence late in 423 may have been underestimated. Kleon arrivedin Chalcidikein the summerof 422.1) and had probablybeen disaffectedthroughoutmost of the war. Spartolioi(p. was thwartedby the interventionof a force from Olynthos(Thdc. A treatybetweenthe Atheniansand Bottiaeans made at about the time of the peace would thereforenot includeSpartolos.as head of the league.(though not. Although it is chronologicallypossible that the returnof the coastal cities to alliancewith Athens was due to Kleon'spresencein the area. It is named in the peace of 421 as one of the six cities still resisting Athens in the north. which. but was able to summon to Eion(Thuc. inland.88.as well as to local and personalrivalries.42 on Thu. however. GHI i 68. and perhaps in the historian'sevident approval of the hoplites' reasons for mistrustingKleon as a commander. 556).Furthermore. of a numberof It is thereforenot possibleto creditKleonwiththe recapture Thracian towns for Athens other than those Thucydides records. v.132.1).79).124-132).An attemptby an Athenianexpeditionin 429 to recoverSpartolos. The epigraphicevidence for their returnto the Athenian alliance at around the time of the peace is. he not only summoned Perdikkas.180 BARBIAR MITCHELL revoltedfromAthensat the same time as Chalcidikein 432 (Thuc.6. Tripoai Staatsvertrdge (p.Butwas Kleon necessarily an incompetentgeneral?He capturedTorone. and to againstKleon.convincing. the leadingcity of the Bottic league.1 58. to bringmercenaries 5. 550) and s.Tod.The return of the Bottic cities to Athens. ATLi. This content downloaded from 65.That Nikias' successhad repercussions is suggestedby Perdikkas'readinessto break off his alliance with when Spartaand revertto Athens late in 423 (Thuc. 4.The text of the treaty which lay betweenAthensand these smalltowns does not mentionSpartolos.which had servedBrasidasas 187. the change in Perdikkas'alliance (albeit from personalmotives. Polles.includingOlynthosand Akanthos.
Hereward (AJA 67 [19631.at leastnot until afterhe had dealtwith Amphipolis. 556 (same location). the places Thucydidessays Kleon took or attemptedto take were all threeconnectedwith the main objectof his expedition. ATL i Gazetteer s.They had been found in the monastery grounds. not sound strategy. 377).mistakewas to give in to the restlessnessof his troops. 191. From a strategicpoint of view. and major. The guardian of the site gave him 8 coins. 1900.thatany city listed in it must have paid. east of Amphipolis.on the Thraciancoast beyond Amphipolis. (Bulletin tpigraphique no.88.Moreover. cit. op. Perdrizet had identified it as Trailos in the report of the Congres Numismatique de Paris. reviewing Koukouli's excavations of a heroon at the site.But this dependson the same unlikelyassumption aboutthis list as the argument aboutthe Chalcidiccities. near Aidonochori rather than the later Philippi.1 of Alexanderand 5 of Tragilos. seems conclusive. p. which would have been useful in case of intervention but by the Akanthians. 409-10. That he aimed at capturingother towns to the east of Galepsos and even had some success theretoo has been suggested.about 111/2 kms west northwest of Amphipolison the oppositeside of the Strymon. Kerdylion.and a dangerousplace to leave in enemy hands when he moved forward. succeededin occupyingGalepsos. Cf. I p. arguably. where almost no other types apart from regal Macedonian issues appear. v.42 on Thu.Trailosis now thoughtto be situatednot on the latersite of Philippibut at Aidonochori. including 1 of Philip 11. 153-4.He had to abandon an attemptto take Stageiros (probablyalong the coast beyond Akanthosin the directionof Amphipolis). J. summarize the evidence for the identification.To have delayedhis attackby besieging all the small and unimportant towns on the Sithonianpeninsulawould havebeen not only out of character with his hastytemperament. but. No coins of Tragilos or Trailos have appeared anywhere else. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 181 base in 424 and was by its position a good springboard in the rearof Eion for an attack on Amphipolis. and L.'9 The re-sitingof Trallosalso strengthens the view that Kleon was directinghis expeditionsimplytowardsAmphipolisand was not aimingat the recoveryof the whole areafor Athens.The evidence from the number of Trailos coins found at Aidonochori. and thereforehave been broughtback into the Athenianempire. John Prodromos 3 kms south of Aidonochori.so were not acquired through the antiquities trade. see Pritchett.it is clearthat Brasidaswas able to outmanoeuvre him.73-4) reported remains at the site. His first. Robert REG 83 (1970). northof Mt. 380-1. D. It is described as an extensive site near the monastery of St. It is possible to assess Kleon more fairlyas a generalif it is borne in mind thatthis was his objective.Whatever the precisemovementsand positionsin the battleoutside Amphipolis.who found 19For the location of the site of TraYlos(Tragilos). This content downloaded from 65.His inadequacylay in the spherenot of strategy but of tactics. Cf.becauseof the appearanceof Trallosin the 422 assessment.88. Fig. which would have been likewisestrategically in case any attack advantageous came from that directionagainstthe Atheniansduringtheir attempton Amphipolis.namely.the recapture of Amphipolis.
however.9).42 on Thu.in spite of its detailedtopographical though the readerwas as familiarwith the terrainas Thucydideshimselfwas.Gomme'scareful everyrespectwhen we haveno othercontemporary has to be updatedon some pointsof topographyin the analysisof the battle20 that but he demonstrated light of the surveysof Lazaridisduringthe 1970's21 convict about Kleon'sactionsdo not necessarily thefacts Thucydidesnarrates shaftsof malice. back towardstheiroriginalpositionon the 6Mpo. 10.It is. to fight in the first place' would not alone imply cowardice. hence in the SE. It has every indication of being based on an eye-witnesssource.182 BARBARAMITCHELL their inactivityirksomeand thoughthim incompetentas a commandercompared with Brasidas.it is writtenas ties because.no doubtderived him of cowardicein spite of the historian's arrived from his sources.however.6-10. This content downloaded from 65. Kleon's of id. probablyone of the hoplites or their officers.5. The peltast'sjavelin may not have struck him in the back. as has often been assumed. HCT III pp. following the left wing which had already got away safely.?pci5yov and his death from the Myrcinian action of the peltast'sjavelin throw and contrastedwith the brave rearguard and made theirway ranks AthenianhoplitesagainstKlearidasas they closed (I takethis to (Thuc. Such is the outline accountin 5.which. he led them out on a reconnaissanceexpedition without waiting for the reinforcementswhich might have enabled him to encircle and retake Amphipolis.3-4). 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .7.10.Kleon did not intendto fight before reinforcements intended he had not 'since (5.raisesproblemsof interpreof Thucydides' in the light of tation in detail.4.6-10) of the positionsand movementsof Brasidas and Kleonbeforeand duringthe battleis full of difficultiesand uncertaininfonnation.his original intention if it were not followed by the loaded ?V50ix. 648-9.88.88. and one hostile to Kleon.7. What follows is a discussionof his narrative surveysand discussions. 5. 21 See note 23 below.Eye-witness accountsof battlesare notoriouslydifficultto makesense of at any periodand to dangerous these chaptersare no exception.so Thucydides'referenceto this at 5. but from the side or side front. recenttopographical 3. since the Myrcinianswere with 20 Gomme.methodologically in dismissthe accountas hopelesslybiased againstKleon and untrustworthy account.)On this interpretation be the same as Hill 133. It would be consistent with a strategicwithdrawal.In order to keep them occupied. and so gave Brasidashis chance to make a sortie and catch the Atheniansbefore they could retireto the safetyof theirbase on the coast at Eion.the X6(pog to disengagehis men and retreat 'flight'was in realityno morethanan attempt to Eion.9.6 to be the first to Athenians coming from Eion. Thucydides'accountof the battleoutside Amphipolis Thucydides'description(5. takes 'the first gates'of c.10.
carriedout in the 1970's. Catling's annual reportsof archaeologyin Greece (AR).pp. 43. basedon personalobservationand the excavationsand surveysof D. PAE (I1paKTE1Ka Tun. mentshave thereforeto be regardedas a strategic imply cowardice. whose when he commentary summarizes the views of earlierscholars. This content downloaded from 65.but may indicatethat an alternative as a coward.p. His moveKleon's intention not to fight without reinforcements which does not withdrawal. This mustbe the locationof the bridgeby which Brasidas enteredthe city in 'EtatpEtaq) 1976 (1978).Even if availableto Diodorusin which Kleon was not portrayed such a version did exist and was given a carelessconventionaltreatmentby Diodorus.88.but it has to be examinedin the understanding light of the topography of Amphipolis and its defences. 1 (1965)and the importantrevisionsin pt. AR 1979-80. Kleon is not a coward and this althoughthe battle scene is entirelyconventional. CRAI1977.'AmphipolisRestudied'. both datableto the classicalperiod. Thucydides'account remainsbasic to our of whathappenedin the battle. including. 26-38. This archaeologicalevidence was not of course availableto Gomme.on the northside likelyto be the 'first'for those approaching of Amphipolis. 'ApXttokoytKlq 22 Diodorus12. B. who emergedfromthe Thracian towardsEion.On this point. C.42 on Thu.p. as manyhistoriansincludingGomme have thought.which.74. pp. should not be disregarded. It thereforeadds nothingto ourknowledge both commanders dyingbravely. 48.'(Catling.7.Studies in Ancient GreekTopography pt. In Diodorus' account of the battle. its walls and gates. that is to say.as Gomme has shown. Lazaridis. also of the classicalperiod.22 version was of what actuallyhappened.88. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . In spite of its anti-Kleonbias.and on his own observations.Referencesto the latterare given in H.77 wooden piles belongingto the earlierphase of construction. 1979-80. To Ergon 1977 (1978).as I shallattemptto an rightafterBrasidasand thereforefurther show. One of the gatesin the NW led to a bridgeclose to the wall. 194-212. Lazaridis' surveys and excavationsmade duringthe 1970's.pp. 1978-9. III (1980). it does not mean that the details given by Thucydidesabout the battlehave necessarily to be rejectedexceptfor the 'flight'of Kleon.The crucial discoveryof Lazaridiswas the remains of a bridge across the Strymonto the north and of a gate leading towardsit. 1200treetrunksand posts from its foundationswere found. though perhapsonly on this point. the conventionalaccountin Diodorusmay be right.23 Amphipolis. the 'first'from the point of view of the Athenians This coming from Eion. with largerdimensions. Cf.the one Brasidashad crossed in 424.3-4). and not a gate in the south east. 23 For the topographyof pp.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 183 gate and engagedwiththe AtheniKlearidas. in particular1977-78. 29-30.p.this is probablythe 'Thracian gate'throughwhich Klearidas made his attack.The 'firstgate' from which Brasidasmade his sortieis fromthe bridge. 43). which have been re-examinedby Pritchett(1980) in a study based on the excavations and surveysof Lazaridis.in the NE angleof the wall. can be contradictedfrom his own earlierstatementof (5. 88-98. W. 'LaCite grecqued'Amphipolis'. datedby rf potteryto the end of the 5th-beginning of the 4th cent.norto Pritchett first studied Amphipolis (1965). see Pritchett.Anothergate was discoveredto the east of this one.
explainsKleon'spuzzlingorder I believethatthe Athenian'ataxia'partially and be relatedto the palisadeand gate fromwhich he made his 424 (Thuc.Papastavru's long causeway-bridge found a 300-yard 24 (1936)was thus proved right. crossing back by the same northernbridge. Althoughit is likelythatthere wereothergates in the circuitof the AmphithatThucyPritchett in his second studyhas arguedconvincingly polis walls. He then instructedKlearidasand his men to prepare for a sortie.4.since the point of the settlementwas access to Thraciangold and timber.3). 24LazaridisCRAI1977p.197. 648-50).3)and immediately confirmthe report(tRfXOEV. the Atheniansto retreat.88.The Athenianswere not.This was probablythe Thracian as a wide (It has been identifiedby Lazaridis attackas instructed by Brasidas. and thereforethe attackwas. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .) Kleon then went forwardhimself to ordered KaCi X5 d?icv .These were evidentlynot the 'Thraciangates' under which they had observedthe readinessof men and horses. The 'Thraciangate' through which Klearidascame as instructed. which for securitywould have been the only access to the town from beyond the river.1) III pp. so Brasidastold his men. Greece in Northern sortieto attackKleon in 422 (Thuc.24 sense if makes better retreat the Athenian and of of the battle dides' account Kleon's position was on and aroundHill 133and if Brasidasmade his sortie from the northerngate leading to Lazaridis'northem bridge. This content downloaded from 65. gate in the NW sector of the walls. Brasidastook his force back to join Klearidasand the rest of his army inside Amphipolis.all the more unexpected.from where he could keep an eye on the movementsof the Atheniansat Eion (Thuc.was probablyalso in the northern sector of the wall (as its name implies).6. as Brasidashad planned.Leake.againstthe surmiseof Gomme. wherethe Atheniansfirstattemptedto found a colony in 4188.8.131.52).88. Brasidashad placed himselfwith his force on Kerdilion.4-5and 108.184 MITCHELL BARBARA of the hill (X6(po) to whichKleon locationis consistentwiththe identification finds suggestwas also the site of advancedas Hill 133which archaeological Ennea Hodoi. about 2 km NNW of Amphipolis. 191.When he saw that Kleon had led his troops out. where Lazaridisidentified remains of a Hellenisticgate.10.5. Kleon meanwhilehad observedhis movementsand was also told that a sortiewas imminent by a scout who was far enough forward to be able to see the movementof the legs of men and animalsthroughthe gap beneathone of the made his gatethroughwhich Klearidas gates. in any particularorder while on reconnaissance(5.42 on Thu.9. who puts the bridgeon the westernside nearthe modernone and the 'firstgate'in the SE towardsEion (HCTIII. 5.with those on the left moving towards Eion in a southerlydirection.3) and were demoralizedas much by their own &Tcata as by the daringof Brasidaswhen he attacked them unexpectedlyat a runfromthe 'firstgates'.a hill just acrossthe StrymonSW of Amphipolis.The northernaspect towardsThracewas the importantone for Athens. 210f.10. Travels olderview (Clio Beiheft in the same place.
42 on Thu.to the enemy. 191. This content downloaded from 65.was thenattackedby Brasidas. Thucydidesimplies.The two kinds of 25 Thucydides' tone at c.as a resultof obeyingit.the inexperienceof Kleon as a general is undeniable. who received his death wound in this engagement.who were firstroutedby Brasidas.whose sortiewas followed swiftlyby Klearidas'from the Thracian gate' as instructed(5.probablyintendingthem to make a quarterturnto the left. since it was one of Klearidas'Myrcinian peltastswho killed him with a javelin.p. and led to casualties on the right (rear) because Kleon did not foresee the effect of his command.to the north. is consistentwith the hostile reactionof the chorusto Kleon'selectionas general in Aristophanes' Clouds 584-7. reflects what musthave been genuineunwillingness of his men to be led by him. Thinkingmistakenly thattherewas time for the movementto be carried out.and at the rearof his force as it retreated towards Eion.as politicianshad traditionally done at Athens.88. This changeof directionwould have takenthem furtherfrom the NE cornerof the Amphipoliswalls and over slightlyhighergroundacross the low saddle at the base of Mt. though guilty of bias.(See sketchmap.2. by good judgement. 7.Hill 133. cut off from the centre and right. Carryingout the orderwould have ensureda more orderlyretreat. As a memberof a family which had not traditionally held the strategiahe had.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 185 to the rightwing to swivel round(5. he orderedthe rightto turn. Kleon would naturally be withthe rightwing. The right. However.They may well have been right.Made over-confident by this success. This was. now unprotectedby their neighbours'shields. as arguedabove.4).on the left of the rightwing. describingthe hoplites'mistrustof Kleon's capacitycompared with Brasidas.25 Thucydides' judgementmust have been sharedby the hoplites.9. 'right'.Thucydides'narrative. and this may have been the main purposeof it.the positionof most danger and gloryin a hoplitebattle.the double role of generaland statesman. they exposed theirright sides. Those on the right offered some resistanceto Klearidasbefore they were overwhelmed.)As strategos.10.88.and Kleon must have been with them. Whetheror not Kleon'sinabilityto get the rightwing out of dangerwas due to his ignoranceof the righttype of command.'centre'and 'left'being the termsrelevantto an attackon Amphipolisfrom the NE.7 and ib.his failureat Amphipoliswas the resultof tryingto combine. 10. succeeded at Pylos. Pangaionand more directlyto Eion than by following the valley closer to the E walls of Amphipolis.escaped to Eion.The left wing. It was therefore the Atheniansin the centrewho were attacked'fromboth sides' by Brasidasand Klearidas. but more likelyretreating accordingto plan. Kleon's fault. not 'in flight' as Thucydidessays. the directionof the Athenianposition on the k6(pog.unobservedby the Athenians.7). They would have been the rearof a stragglingcolumn afterhis orderto retreat. where the experienced Demosthenes was alreadyin command. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .It was the Atheniansin the centre.
3). M.He was probably at the beginningof the campaigning his successesat Idomeneand Olpai and so strategos-elect he was alreadygeneral. if complaints were raised by anyone against the generalsat the euthynaprocedure.to bring charges.In such cases(e.The assemblycould act procedurein the same way as other magistrates.1 (d68E6aTLpCt1 KA4o5o.568-9.62-66.28 Here was the opportunityfor an accuser. 1. However.42 on Thu. On their returnto Athens Pythodorosand Sophokleswere exiled and Eurymedon fined (Thuc. in mid-term. e. which was evidentlyfearedby them duringthe Archidamian war. Sophoklesand Eurymedon. Thuc. co-operation 40 (1971). against Laches.4. 3. p.Demosthenes' reluctanceto returnto Athens after the Aetolian disasteris a relevant example.perhapsembezzlement. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 173and note 7 above. 28 Pritchett. who had been in command in Sicily in 425. but the referenceto generals here must refer specificallyto the euthynaprocedure.The mock trial of the dog Labes for 'stealinga Sicilian cheese' in Waspsis a parody of some kind of charge.114. to deposea strategos directlyif necessary.and would inevitablylead to moreseriouscharges.1)and season 425/4. 'Rhetores 27Thuc. When Kleon 'chose'him as his collaborator evidently had not attackedhim for his defeat in Aitolia.88. This content downloaded from 65. In Aristophanes'Knights164-7.as the followingindicationsshow.This is the in the obviouslink betweenKleon and the dikastswhichis parodiedin Wasps 26 For the separation of politicalfrom militaryroles in the 4th centurysee MogensHansen. 4. the typical 'dem- agogues' or 'rhetores'not usually aspiringto the strategiain the fourthcenThe firstsignsof this divisionof function. Periklesin 430. wouldbe broughtforward for the euthyna Demosthenesin 426) the normaltime and procedure if a generalwas recalled. the Sausage-seller is promisedthat as a demagogue he will be able to trample over the boule and imprison the generals. op.27 Further examplesare Pythodoros.they could be brought for trial before the appropriate dikasterion. His returnwas made less dangerousby his subsequentvictoriesat Olpai and Idomene and the three hundredpanoplies he broughtback with him as spoils.TheGreekState at Warii c. 4.GRBS24(1983).maybe an ambitious politician like Kleon or the young Alkibiades.88.(4.149-77.however.186 BARBARAMITCHELL career were to become gradually more and more separated. The euthynoiwere officials appointed by the boule and if they and the logistai were satisfied with the generals' account of their actions and finances nothing furtherhappened. cit. Presentationof their accounts formed part of the euthynaprocedureand sometimes led to chargesof embezzlement. afterthey had made the unpopularpeace of Gela with Hermokrates in Sicily.65.26 fifth centuryand become moremarkedwiththe almostcontinuousfightingof the Peloponnesianwar years.The courtsand juries are a familiartargetfor Aristophanes.LAntiquiteclassique Ostwald. g. g.cf.arenoticeablein the tury. At the beginning of the Pylos campaign permissionwas grantedto him 6VTr [5trirtq after his returnfrom Akarnaniato use his ships after deposedafterhis defeatin Aitoliabut re-elected aroundthe Peloponnese. and Strategoiin FourthCenturyAthens'.). I accept Ostwald'sview that the generals were subject to euthyna but with variations. Pierart. Perhapsthis was the origin of the betweenDemosthenesand Kleonin the followingyear.29.
often be generals.88.i. the whom he nourishes.for his failureto save Amphipolisfrom Brasidas in 424. 30 Xen.Amongthose threatened become morefrequentduringthe Archidamian was presumably Thucydides. Fearof prosecutionby Kleon to the historian's is likelyto have contributed personaldislike. To summarise:As Aristophanes'Knightsshould be enough to show.It is an extreme example of the way in which controlover generalscould be exercisedby the politiciansand Xenophon'snarrative supportedby Diodorus(probablyusing the Oxyrhynchus historianhere(who is at leastas earlyas Xenophon))reveals clearlythe role of the demosand the demagogueKallixenosin the trial.detectablein his narrativeof the Kleon episodes in spite of his impersonalaccount of these events (4. 31 Xen.his fellow-phrators.30 This trial was a substitutefor the normal and legal euthynaprocedurewhich would have ended in a trial before the appropriatedikasterion. 1. enjoy condemningthe accused. Diod.but thereare enough to show that they were a featureof politicallife.88.104-7)and his dispassionatereferenceto his long exile (5.29 Obviouslythe chorus.and as we have seen. 7. implying that he was responsiblefor the rise in the dikastikosmisthos threeobols for each day served.It is possiblethat Perikles' in 430 may have been due depositionfromthe strategia to a similaraccusation.The accusationof Erasinidesby Archedemosfor embezzlement beforethe main trial showsthat the generalswere required to go throughwhat must have been partof any normal euthynaand presenttheir accounts(probably to the logistai).as in the play. Kleon's careerbefore Pylos had been closely linked to these trials.The illegalityconsisted.as Socratessaw (ib. The other five presumably cannot have facedany financialcharges. The Arginusaitrialshows how farthe accountability of strategoihad gone by 406 when the assemblytried en bloc and executed six generalsfor failing to pick up shipwreckedcrews afterthe battle of Arginusai. too Knights 255.26. to help him against conspirators. This presumably gave ambitious politicians like Kleon and Alkibiades their major opportunitiesfor 29 Cf. The lengthand seriousnessof the war will have contributedto the demands of the demosto be satisfied that their generals were doing theirjob as effectivelyas possible and euthynatrials must have war.101-3. TpolP6Xou This content downloaded from 65. Hell. which occasionedhis self-imposedexile. That such trialsshould have become more frequentin wartimewas perhaps inevitableto ensurethat generalswere both honest and competent.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 187 name 'Philokleon'and the mock trial of Labes.8-16 and 55. Hell.7. ? IS). in tryingthe generals en bloc and not individually. The catalogueof known accusationsagainstgeneralsduringthe Peloponnesian war is presumably incomplete.42 on Thu.31 The responsibility for the disasterhad to be saddled on the generals.who triedto shift it on to Theramenes and Thrasyboulos.portrayed as wasps with stings.in which a privatecitizen could act as accuserat any time.who had been presentas trierarchs at the battleand been orderedto pick up the crews. who would in reality. pp&Tope.5). 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . theirformercolleagues. 15. Kleon may have had a hand in this too. where Paphlagon(Kleon) calls on the dicasts.
Generally.1).are likelyto have had the supportof Periklesand would have made election for this tribedifficult. 2.38.The echoes must be dissociates in Perikles' obituary inventions. Kleon was an unworthyimitatorof Periklesin the politicalsphere.The assemblyhad insistedon sendinghim with the when Nikiasrefusedto go.3 when he persuadesthe Atheniansnot to make peace when the Spartansare besiegedon Sphakteria.the generalin the field (Thuc. He gained a militaryreputationthroughthe are characteristic Pylos campaignlargelyby relying on Demosthenes. He does not appear to have aspired to the strategiauntil after Pylos. the audiencehavingtakenhis taunt reinforcements Kleon's reluctance of Nikias and the generalsliterally.His role. in this year. cf. 4. especially for a 'new man'.37. 3.36. but his swift recoveryof confidento take on the commandis understandable forces once he had takenon the task ce and decisive requestfor appropriate of the man.The obviouslywell qualified Phormioand Hagnon. 6.33 directionand his militarycareerbegan only because of the turn events had takenin the Pylos debate. the courts will have provided him with more continuous political opportunities.188 BARBARAMITCHELL in the Mytilenedebate may have been Kleon's participation public action.42 on Thu. a storyevidently succeededPerikles.CompareAristoof Demos. but serviceon occasionedby his membership the boule was not repeated more than once.probablyboth from Pandionis. claimsto be the 'lion'who to the surprise phanes Knights1036-44wherePaphlagon.In the circumstances.1. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .2). knownto Aristophanes. This content downloaded from 65.88. whichhad broughthim unexpectedmilitary of other candidatesfor electionas strategoi have been due to the availability for his tribe(III Pandionis)in the 440'sand 430's.29.His own position at Pylos was unofficial.cf.88. electedgeneralbeforehis departure success of Pylos was responsiblefor Kleon'sfirstelectionas generalin spring 425 for the year424/3. apartpresumablyfrom hoplite service. Thiscould fame late in his career.3. him from the demagogueswho succeededhim (2.ratherthanThucydidean so would not have inventedthem.32 of the councilin the year428/7. and was never consecutive. 3.21. 32 Alkibiadesis labelledas a youngaccuserof oldermen (assuminghe is the 'sonof Kleinias') 716. For him.sinceThucydides genuine.62. since he was not The nor did Nicias resignhis generalship.as a lion in his mother'spropheticdream (Hdt. 2.Hence he is characterized the in Thucydidesas pithanotatoswhen he is introducedfor the first time Mytilene debate (Thuc.61.dependingon whetheror not there was a double representation.2 and 40.6) and again at 4. Although he wished to supplant Periklesand Kleon's ambitionstook him in a different inherithis control of the demos.3.131. He may or may not have been on the boardof 423/2. He is seen as the patternof a demagogueboth by Thucydidesand Aristophanes.was by that of a rhetorin the assemblyand the courts. in Acharnians 33 Kleon claimedthe politicalinheritanceof Periklesin the Mytilenedebateby echoing his phrasesdeliberately(Thuc.10-11).65.2).then. since anothermemberof his tribeheld the strategia the year of the armistice.4.
even thoughthereis ironyin Thucydides' commentat 5. His failureand death at Amphipoliswerethe result.Origin of Ostracism. generalshave to be judged by success. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . His family backgroundtherefore would have not excluded him from the strategia.It is ironicalthat Kleon's failureshould have been occasioned by his attemptto combine a militarycareerwith politicalleadership of the demosin the assembly and in the courts. M.Hesperia21 (1952). political and military.since his father. Thomsen. mainlyused politicalmethodsand the courtsto the exclusionof the strategia.Kleippides. Baldwin. two notable examples being Hyperbolosand Kleophon.Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 189 which of coursedid sometimesoccur.42 on Thu. 114-15.who tried to emulate Periclesand combine both roles. ActaClassica 17 (1974)35-47. This content downloaded from 65. Vanderpool.howeverjustified. of whom the latter had a fatherwho had held the strategiaand could thereforehave aspiredto it himself.3. Fornara.That Kleon himself thoughthis good fortunetherewould be repeatedat Amphipolisis statedby Thucydidesand is psychologically convincing.In becomingprominent in politics without being elected general. cit. 76.note 3. Endnote: Gale has been convincinglyidentifiedas the same place as 'Galepsos'.88.2) and he could presumablyhave emulated him. For double representation in the strategia see D. followingBrasidas' successesin the northand his election loss of for 422/1 must have depended on the the Amphipolis.35 The divergence between the two kinds of career. See E. success of his political pressurefor the renewal of the war and recoveryof Athens'alliesin the northrather than on his militaryreputation.with the exception of Alkibiades.Cf. The patronymicis given by an ostrakonon him.TheAthenianBoard of Generalsfrom 501 to 404.standingas it does just before Brasidas' successfulsortie.34 Whetheror not Kleon was droppedin the morepacificclimateof 423.93and 100. becameeven moremarkedin the fourthcentury.7. Lewis.and not by apology for failure.88. he failed to follow it. perhapsthrough force of circumstances (sinceit is possiblethathe would not have shunnedthe offi1ce if it had been within his grasp earlier). Kleon had. op. havingsignpostedthe way. was general in 429/8 (Thuc. 61-2. 35 Avoidanceof the strategia by Kleophonis particularly significant. It was natural that the Atheniansshould re-appoinfhim generalin recognitionof his successfulstrategic and imperialpolicy and expecthim to succeedas he had done earlierat Pylos.he failed because he abandoned it in his attemptto revertto the traditional dual role of militaryleaderand statesman.3. W. Having devised a new method of political ascendancy. The traditionin the scholiaston Frogs679 that he was strategos is probablyunsound. B. See C.discovered a new political method. Historically.but. The demagogueswho followed Kleon as prostataitou demou. 3.one of the places in Sithoniafromwhich Xerxes'navypickedup men and ships in 34 Kleon'sfirstelection:AristophanesClouds584-7. 'Noteson Cleophon'.p.
It does not affectthe northernand easternline of the wall or the topography of the battle. K. following the contoursin the west and south. Pritchett s map in Stundies in GreekTopographyIII (1980).slater excavationsand survreys (1979-81).--nTa"1" Gath ~ * | Moulnt Kerdylion Pangaion Fig. Lazaridis described. 31-38). on the basisof hi. since no map is given and the 5th century datingappears at presentto be conjectural. 306. which he took to be part of the originalcolonial plan of pp. on W. over 7 kms. in all. Centre Nationale de la Recherche Colloque international 614.88.a much widercircuitof walls. Shortlybefore his death in 1982D.42 on Thu. D&eembre 1982 (Valbonne). Leriche et Treziny. ScienItifiquwe.Hill 133 The Loplhos 0000m at 40 m intervals Contours - 49 CS ' / a -. ed.p.88. I have not attemptedto reproducethis. This content downloaded from 65.190 <4< BARBARA MITCHELL \ To Myrkinos ". 2. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Hagnon (La Fortification dans l'Histoire du Monde Grec. The physicalfeaturesand walls arebasedf with his kindpermission. Map to illustratethe movementsof Kleon and Brasidas.
15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . ' .. 0~~~~~~~~ CPOz This content downloaded from 65.42 on Thu.88...Kleon'sAmphipolitanCampaign 191 c~ M~~~.88.
6. an Andriancolony on the Acte peninsula.42 on Thu.JeanDunbabin me froma numberof errors. it is likely that the clause in the Peace of Nikias mentioning Mekybema. StephenMitchellalso read it and made useful suggestionsleadingto improvementsof presentationand clarity. St.109.Stephen Mitchell kindly assisted with the maps.122).18. of Gale alongwith Singosand Mekybemain with Gale. Fromthe appearance the 422 assessment list.had remained and loyal to Athens.5. Dr. pace Gomme'sdoubts(HCTIII pp. 5.Sane.G. Galepsos. As A. 672-4).Sane and Singos (Thuc. he must have knownwherethe real Galepsos was.Oxford Barbara Mitchell This content downloaded from 65.88.His sharpeye saved aremy own. L.88.which was perhapslikewisea copyist'salterationfor the less familiar'Gale'.Since Thucydideshad local knowledgeof the area throughhis familyconnectionwith gold mining there and throughhis own commandin 424. West convincinglyargued(AJP58 and Singoseithergeographically (1937). suggeststhat he was aware of a confusion 6intotKiav.4. 15 Aug 2013 13:35:54 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .resistingBrasidasalong with Dion in 424 (Thuc. had probablynot rebelledin 432.the Thasiancolony on the Thraciancoast beyond Amphipoliseast of Eion capturedby Kleon afterTorone (Thuc.192 BARBARAMITCHELL 480 (Hdt.PerhapsThucydides'description of Galepsosas T-v OactiOv the colony of Thasos.5).it does not fit with Mekyberna or politicallyand should be emended to 'Gale' from the 422 assessmentlist.apparentlyconfusingGale with the real Galepsos. Sermyle. thereforeit is eitherHerodotusor a latercopyistwho has made the error.Mekybemaand Olynthos.).Anne'sCollege. B.6)should read 'Gale' and not 'Sane'. Cawkwellfor readingan earlier of this articleand for some acute and helpfulsuggestions.166f.1). version I am especiallygrateful to Mr. 7. Those remaining and Dr. Herodotus lists them in the order Torone.
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