Study investigated the use of'mama' or similar sounds by!, infants less than six months of age. Most parents thought that the infant wanted some formof attention, but a minority thought it indicated hunger. The'MAMA' cry appears to promote attention-giving behaviour by parents and other caretakers.
Study investigated the use of'mama' or similar sounds by!, infants less than six months of age. Most parents thought that the infant wanted some formof attention, but a minority thought it indicated hunger. The'MAMA' cry appears to promote attention-giving behaviour by parents and other caretakers.
Study investigated the use of'mama' or similar sounds by!, infants less than six months of age. Most parents thought that the infant wanted some formof attention, but a minority thought it indicated hunger. The'MAMA' cry appears to promote attention-giving behaviour by parents and other caretakers.
# zoo+ Cambridge University Press NOTE Parental reports of MAMA sounds in infants: an exploratory study* HERBERT I. GOLDMAN Associate Clinical Professor of Pediatrics, Albert Einstein Medical School, Bronx, New York (Received +8 March +ggg. Revised zo March zooo) \vs1n\1 This study investigated the use of mama or similar sounds (collectively referred to as MAMA) by infants less than six months of age. Parents were directed to listen for MAMA sounds and to note the sounds made, the age of onset, whether the sounds appeared to be directed to any person or persons and whether they appeared to have a purpose. MAMA began at a mode of two months, range two weeks to ve months, was usually part of a cry, and was always interpreted as a wanting sound. Most parents thought that the infant wanted some formof attention, but a minority thought it indicated hunger. Responses to a Structured Response Protocol indicated that some infants uttering MAMA were satised if a favourite caretaker approached and paid attention to them while the remainder were satised if they were both paid attention to and picked up. The MAMA cry appears to promote attention-giving behaviour by parents and other caretakers. 1noii1o The marked similarity of infant words for mother in languages has been reported (Murdock, +gg.) Based on Murdocks ndings, the well- known linguist Jakobson, who, as Ingram (+gg+) has noted, was unaware of the earlier work of Gheorghov (+g++), attempted to explain the similarity of infant words for mother as follows. Often the sucking activities of a child are accompanied by a slight nasal murmur, the only phonation that can be [*] I thank Lois Bloom for encouragement and for critiquing several versions of the manuscript. I thank Joan Goldman for many helpful suggestions. I thank the parents for their co-operation with the study. Sharon Katzenstein and Suzanne Riccobono assisted with the collection of the data. Address for correspondence: Herbert I Goldman, +zo Union Turnpike, New Hyde Park, New York ++oo, USA. e-mail : higoldman!aol.com; tel : +6 jz8 z8zz; fax: +6 jz8 z8j. g ooii\ produced when the lips are pressed to the mothers breast or the feeding bottle and the mouth is full. Later this phonatory response to nursing is reproduced [the nasal murmur plus a labial release producing the sound mama] at the mere sight of food and nally as an expression of discontent and impatient longing for missing food or absent nurser and any ungranted wish (Jakobson, +g6o:+jo). Jakobsons statement suggests an onset of mama in the rst few months of life. Jakobson presented no data of his own, but, to support his statement, he referred to three papers in which are presented careful observations on the early language development, starting at birth, of ve children. However in none of these papers is any special attention paid to mama, and only one noted mama in the rst few months of life. Smoczynski (+gj) reported hearing mama at one month of age upon the infant arising in the morning, which he interpreted as the infant demanding food. In the other two studies, mama was rst heard at eight and nine months of age (Gregoire, +gj; Leopold, +gjg.) No study has ever reported the use of mama by a cohort of infants to determine the age at which mama is rst heard and the circumstances surrounding the appearance of this sound. The present study attempts to do this. i1ioi Participants An unselected sample of infants in the authors solo private pediatric practice was enrolled. There were jg boys and j6 girls. English was the only language spoken in the homes of z infants. In the remaining homes the following languages were spoken in addition to varying amounts of English: Spanish (8), Hindi (z), Italian (z), Russian (z), Hebrew (j), Ibo (+), Chinese. (j), Spanish and Greek (+), and Spanish and Italian (+). Procedure The study design was inuenced by the results of pilot questionnaire and interview studies which revealed that some parents hear their infant uttering mama or a similar sound (collectively referred to as MAMA) as early as one month of age, while most parents did not. However, some of the parents who did not hear a MAMA sound prior to being asked, subsequently reported that such a sound v\s present which they had been oblivious to. As a result of these preliminary ndings, in the present study parents were instructed to listen for MAMA sounds and to do this starting when the baby was a few days old. At the rst oce visit of newly born infants, at j+8 days of age, parents (both parents were usually present at the rst oce visit) were told that the g8 \\ soiis 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 0;0 0;1 0;2 0;3 0;4 0;5 Age of onset of MAMA Age N u m b e r
o f
i n f a n t s Fig. +. Age at which MAMA was rst heard. author was attempting to study the MAMA sounds made by young infants and their participation in this study was requested. All parents who were asked agreed to participate. Parents were requested to listen for MAMA, and, upon hearing such a sound, to note the age of the infant, the circumstances (time of day, location of infant, location of parent, etc.), whether the baby seemed to want something and if so what, and to whom, if anyone, the sound appeared to be directed. At each subsequent well-baby visit, at approximately monthly intervals, until the age of six months, during the portion of the visit devoted to assessing development, parents were asked if their infant had made a MAMA sound since the previous well-baby visit. If so, they were questioned about the age of the infant when this occurred, the circumstances etc., and their replies were recorded. Parents were given sucient time to recall and recount their observations. Emphasis was placed on MAMAs that occurred within a few days of the visit. Babbled MAMAs, i.e. repetitive sounds reported as being made without any emotion or apparent purpose other than making sounds, were excluded by the author from the tabulated results. Structured responses Structured responses were carried out to help determine what it was the MAMAuttering infant wanted, since there were some dierences in parental interpretation of what the infant wanted in the rst z infants enrolled. Consequently, in the group of the nal zj infants, parents of the +g who gg ooii\ uttered wanting MAMAs ( infants did not) were asked to administer a Structured Response Protocol at the time a wanting MAMA occurred. Printed instructions delineating the procedure and forms on which to record the results were provided. In response to a wanting MAMA, parents were instructed to act as follows. +. Talk to the baby from wherever you are. If the baby is satised, i.e. does not continue to cry, fuss or whine, the Structured Response is completed. If not proceed to z. z. Go near the baby. Do not look at or speak to the baby. If the baby is not satised, proceed to j. j. Look at and talk to the baby. If not satised, proceed to . . Pick the baby up and pay attention to him or her. If not satised, proceed to . . Do whatever else you think might satisfy your baby. nisii1s MAMA sounds MAMA was heard by parents of out of the infants enrolled in the study. Figure + shows the age of onset, from two weeks to ve months with a mode of two months. Table + presents parents descriptions of the sounds 1\vii +. Wanting MAMA : sounds and their frequency Sounds made No. of infants mama zj ma + mommy ahmah j mummum z mmm z mamamama z mum + nana + meh + ehmah + mamama + they heard; mama and ma were the most frequent, accounting for j of the descriptions. At the time it was rst heard, j8 parents described the MAMA sound as part of a cry; z parents described it as a pre-crying sound; ++ a whining sound; a call. oo \\ soiis MAMA often occurred intermittently, rather than continuously, with periods of weeks or months when it was not heard. During the latter part of the six-month time period, the MAMA sound became more distinct and more easily recognizable. It was described more often as a whine or call, less often as a cry. It was more frequently directed only to the mother. Some infants began to extend their arms forwards toward the caretaker in association with MAMA, thereby asking to be picked up. Twenty infants were not noted to make a MAMA sound during the rst six months. At the end of this time period, parents of these infants were questioned about their infants attention-seeking behaviour. Eighteen of these zo infants had attention-seeking cries, whines or calls, containing an eheh sound, 6 an ahah sound (both of these are possibly MAMA with no lip closure), z dada, + lala, + heyhey and + ba. To whom MAMA was addressed or whom the baby was seeking In some cases to whom MAMA was addressed or whom the baby was seeking could not be determined. However, it was sometimes possible to come to a reasonable conclusion about this. For example, if the infant was held by the father, and the MAMA cry, whine or call would stop if the infant was given to the mother standing nearby, it was concluded that MAMA had been addressed to the mother; or if the infant crying MAMA was alone in the crib in his or her room, and would be satised if picked up from the crib by the mother, father or grandmother, but not satised if picked up by the grandfather, it was concluded that the baby had been seeking the parents or the grandmother. Using these methods, MAMA appeared to be directed to parents, grandparents, siblings, aunts and even the family dog (Table z). 1\vii z. To whom MAMA was addressed or whom baby was seeking To whom addressed or whom baby was seeking No. of infants Mother and father + Mother only +j Mother, father and two grandparents j Mother and grandmother j Mother, father and sibling z Mother, father and grandmother z Mother, grandfather and aunt + Mother and aunt + Mother and grandfather + Mother, father and the dog + o+ ooii\ 1\vii j. What parents thought infants wanted when vocalizing MAMA What parents thought infants wanted No. of infants To be picked up jz Food g Attention Parent to return to room To be cuddled Change of caretaker j To be taken out of the crib z Change of position z To be entertained z To be taken out of infant seat z Sleep + To be walked + To rewind the mobile + To be taken out of the bath + Total z* * Some parents gave more than one interpretation. 1\vii . Results of 6 structured responses to MAMA (+glno. of infants) Structured response Number of times it was successful (i.e. baby was satised) +. Talking to baby from a distance o z. Coming near to & ignoring baby o j. Coming near to & talking to baby + . Picking baby up & being attentive jo Total * * One infant was not satised by any part of the structured response. Interpretation of MAMA MAMA was always (\) interpreted as a wanting sound. Table j shows the caretakers interpretations of what the baby wanted. The most frequent interpretation, by far, was wanting to be picked up. Other types of attention such as, to be cuddled, parent to return to room, change of caretaker, attention, to be entertained etc., were alternative interpretations. Some parents (g) initially thought that MAMA indicated hunger. At later visits, ve indicated that, based upon further observation, they had changed their minds and that MAMA was not and had not been a request for food. The other four continued to believe that MAMA was a request for food, but, when questioned, all four indicated that the infant would stop the oz \\ soiis MAMA cry on being picked up inon to being fed, making the hunger interpretation questionable. One of these mothers thought that her infant stopped crying in this circumstance because he saw the bottle of milk in her hands. It was suggested that she pick her baby up without a bottle in her hands. To her surprise the MAMA cry stopped and the baby seemed satised. This mother experimented further and found that she could stop the MAMA cry without picking her baby up if she put her face in front of the babys face and talked to him. Structured response In order to provide additional information on what the infant who was uttering MAMA wanted, the administration of one or more Structured Response Protocols was carried out on the last +g infants enrolled who uttered a MAMA sound (a total of 6 Structured Responses, a range of + per infant). Table presents the results. In instances the infants were satised if they were spoken to up close or were picked up by an attentive mother, suggesting that it is this that the infant wanted. In the 6th instance, the infant was not satised by any part of the Structured Response or by being fed, given a pacier, changed, walked or anything else the mother tried and only stopped crying after + minutes. This mother thought that the Structured Response had upset her baby and made him angry. One mother, on her own initiative, in response to a MAMA cry, picked her baby up but ignored himand found that he was not satised. Subsequent to this, the nal four mothers carrying out Structured Responses were requested to rst ignore the baby after picking him up, before paying any attention to him. In each case the infant was not satised when he was picked up and ignored, suggesting that it is primarily the attention of a favourite caretaker that the infant wants, though some infants prefer that this attention be given while they are held. isisso The results of the present study must be considered preliminary as they are based on interviews with parents of their observations. These observations were carried out in a prospective manner according to directions provided by the study. To conrm and amplify these ndings, it will be desirable to record and analyse these sounds while, at the same time, observing the infants facial and body movements as well as the parental reaction. Keller &Scholmerich (+g8) studied the vocalizations of infants during the age period two to eighteen weeks. Crying and whining were both considered to be negative vocalizations, as were sighing, fussing and sounds of dis- comfort. (Most parents in the present study described MAMA as a cry or whine.) In the Keller & Scholmerich study, infant negative vocalizations led to: +. Changes in parental tactile behaviour (either beginning to touch the oj ooii\ baby or withdrawing a touch or touching a dierent part of the baby); z. Changes in parent vestibular behaviour (initiation or cessation of parent movement, change in tempo of movement, or a dierent kind of movement); j. Parental vocalization. In the present study MAMA was most often interpreted as a request for the parent to go to (vestibular behaviour) and pick the baby up (tactile behaviour). No data were collected on how many parents spoke to their infant at this time. Many types of infant cries have been described, including hunger (Brennan & Kirkland, +go, +g8z, +g8; Gladding, +g8; Seitamo & Wasz-Hockert, +g8+; Freeburg & Lippman, +g86; Fuller & Horii, +g86, +g88; Ginsberg & Kilbourne, +g88), birth and pleasure (Brennan & Kirkland, +go, +g8z, +g8), pain (same as hunger, plus Grunau & Craig, +g8; Zeskind, +g8; Zeskind &Marshall, +g88), fussy ( Fuller &Horii, +g86, +g88), and tired and angry (Freeburg & Lippman, +g86). Malatesta (+g8+) has analysed the cry literature (prior to +g8+) to determine the reliability of the discrimination between dierent types of cries by both mechanical and human analysis and concluded that, except for the very young infant, during the rst days of life, dierent types of cries representing dierent aective and motivational states can be somewhat reliably discriminated by acoustic properties and also by human listeners. Malatesta has further concluded that the early patterns of infant vocal emotional expression are probably biogenetically determined and that there may be certain universal vocal signals. Our results suggest that MAMA may be one such signal. The vocalizations of the very young infant have been described as vegetative and reexive, but, by the second month, coos and goos appear (Menn & Stoel-Gammon, +gg8). These are happy sounds, often ac- companied by eye contact and smiles (Lenenberg, Rebelsky & Nicholas, +g6) and therefore appear to be social in nature. MAMA, appearing at a similar age is similarly social, calling for the attention of a favourite caretaker. The study of DOdorico (+g8) is of considerable interest with regard to the present investigation. Four infants were followed from o; o; 8. Recordings were made of infant sounds while the experimenter or mother played with the infant with and without a toy, and while the infant was alone with a toy. Three types of sound categories were described discomfort, request and call. The call sound occurred when the infant was alone and had lost interest in the toy and, the experimenter concluded, was looking for and calling his or her mother. Spectrographic analysis revealed that this pattern of sounds was, for each infant, specic to the situation. In many respects, therefore, this call cry is similar to the MAMA cry. Future study should help clarify whether they are identical. The articulation of MAMA changes as the infant ages, becoming clearer and more easily recognizable as the infant reaches o; 6 or older. Major o \\ soiis changes in the anatomy of the vocal tract take place during this time frame (Kent & Miolo, +gg8) and are likely part of the reason for the change in the sound. If conrmed, our results would indicate that, at the early age of o;z, a pattern of behaviour develops, often, but not always, accompanied by a MAMA sound, which promotes attention giving behaviour on the part of the parent or caretaker; attention that is important for the infants de- velopment. REFERENCES Brennan, M. &Kirkland, J. (+go). Discrimination of infants cry-signals. Perceptual -Motor- Skills q8, 68j6. Brennan, M. & Kirkland, J. (+g8z). Classication of infant cries using descriptive scales. Infant Behaviour and Development j, j+6. Brennan, M. & Kirkland, J. (+g8). Comparison of perceptual dimensions uncovered from infant cry-signals using the method of pair-comparisons and the semantic dierential. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology z6, +zzo. DOdorico, L. (+g8). Non-segmental features in prelinguistic communications an analysis of some types of infant cry and non-cry vocalizations. Journal of Child Language 11, +z. Freeburg, T. & Lippman, M. (+g86). 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Karen Lahousse, Stefania Marzo - Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2012 - Selected Papers From 'Going Romance' Leuven 2012 (2014, John Benjamins Publishing Company)