USP Drug History Lloyd

History of the Vegetable Drugs of the U.S.P. - J . U.
Lloyd - Page 1
The Southwest School of Botani cal Medi ci ne http://www.swsbm.com
INTRODUCTION.
Together wi th hi s brother, Mr. C. G. Ll oyd, the wri ter began, i n 1884, a
quarterl y publ i cati on enti tl ed Drugs and Medicines of North America
1
,
wi th the object of consi deri ng, consecuti vel y, the Ameri can remedi al
agents then i n use by members of the vari ous professi ons of medi ci ne i n
Ameri ca. I t was pl anned to gi ve the hi stori cal record of every Ameri can
medi ci nal pl ant, as wel l as i ts pharmaceuti cal preparati ons, whether
Pharmacopei al or otherwi se. The l i terature on the subject bei ng l argel y
Ameri cana, the authors bel i eved that they were i n a posi ti on to do
passabl e justi ce to the subject, i nasmuch as they had, for a number of
years, gi ven much study i n that di recti on.
Thi s publ i cati on was ki ndl y recei ved by the medi cal and pharmaceuti cal
professi ons of Ameri ca, as wel l as by sci enti sts throughout the worl d.
However, notwi thstandi ng the cordi al recepti on of the work, i ts authors
became convi nced that, before goi ng further i n thi s di recti on, much
reference l i terature not then at thei r command shoul d be provi ded.
Owi ng to thi s fact, and to the i ncreasi ng cares of busi ness, and
notwi thstandi ng the addi ti ons that were conti nual l y bei ng made to thei r
l i brari es, the publ i cati on was rel uctantl y suspended wi th Number 5 of
Vol ume I I , whi ch appeared i n June, 1887.
Wi th the hope of agai n resumi ng the work thus temporari l y (as i t was
hoped) l ai d asi de, even more persi stent efforts were made to col l ect
books, pamphl ets, essays, travel ers' narrati ves, and other l i terature
concerni ng the Ameri can materi a medi ca, as wel l as forei gn
publ i cati ons, botani cal and otherwi se, connected wi th the di scovery,
i ntroducti on, or uses of medi ci nal pl ants general l y. But now, when the
l i terature on the subject i s at l ast passabl y sati sfactory, the authors
comprehend that i t i s too l ate for them to hope to resume, much l ess
compl ete, a work after the nature and pl an of Drugs and Medicines of
North America.
Thi s defi ni te abandonment of a pl an l ong so ardentl y cheri shed, i s due,
not to the cool i ng of enthusi asm, but to the mul ti pl i ci ty of duti es i n other
di recti ons, l i nked wi th the enervati ng touch of thi s wri ter's more than
threescore years. I t i s earnestl y hoped, however, that the connected data
brought together i n the Ll oyd Li brary through so many years of earnest
effort on the part of i ts founders, and now donated to the worl d of
1
Avai l abl e onl i ne at http://www.i bi bl i o.org/herbmed/ecl ecti c/dmna/mai n.html
History of the Vegetable Drugs of the U.S.P. - J . U. Lloyd - Page 2
sci ence, may some day be happi l y uti l i zed i n the resumpti on of thi s work
by persons younger and l ess burdened by cares.
Disappointment not Altogether Fruitless.However, the efforts of
the authors of Drugs and Medicines of North America were not
al together frui tl ess. The publ i cati on l ed to many del i ghtful
correspondences wi th men concerned i n l i ke di recti ons, both at home
and abroad. Among these may be named the renowned Professor
Fri edri ch A. Fl cki ger, (of Strassburg Uni versi ty) Germany, then,
perhaps, the foremost pharmacol ogi st of the worl d. Wi th Dani el
Hanbury, he had just compl eted the monumental work on European
and Ori ental drugs, (i ncl udi ng the pri nci pal drugs of other parts of the
worl d) known as the Pharmacographia, and was ambi ti ous to conti nue,
i n l i ke manner, wi th the medi ci nal products of North Ameri ca. I n Jul y,
1894, Professor Fl cki ger vi si ted Ameri ca, where he was the guest of
the renowned Ameri can pharmaci sts, Dr. Edward R. Squi bb, of
Brookl yn, and Dr. Frederi ck Hoffman, of New York Ci ty. He had
arranged to vi si t Ci nci nnati and consummate here a pl an for the
detai l ed study of the North Ameri can pharmacography, but a peri od of
i ntense heat then chanced to prevai l throughout Ameri ca, and the aged
professor was forced, rel uctantl y, to abandon hi s journey to thi s ci ty.
The wri ter then sel ected and forwarded to Professor Fl cki ger, for
revi ew, several cases of books deal i ng wi th the earl y Ameri can materi a
medi ca, such as domesti c wri ti ngs, earl y Ameri can travel s, Ecl ecti c and
Thomsoni an l i terature, as wel l as publ i cati ons of pri mi ti ve days
concerni ng fami l y medi ci nes and connected preparati ons. These very
much del i ghted and even surpri sed Professor Fl cki ger, both as regards
vari ety and contents. I t was then tentati vel y arranged that a
Pharmacography of North American Medicinal Plants and Drugs
shoul d be at once i naugurated, the responsi bi l i ty of the chemi stry and
the correl ati on of the chemi cal and proxi mate products deri ved from the
Ameri can materi a medi ca bei ng assumed by Professor Fl cki ger, as wel l
as the systemati c research of forei gn publ i cati ons i n those di recti ons. He
desi gned, al so, to i nsti tute a seri es of ori gi nal i nvesti gati ons i n hi s
l aboratory, at Strassburg Uni versi ty. The Ll oyd Li brary seemed, even
then, competent to furni sh the hi stori cal data suffi ci ent to establ i sh the
records of the pl ants consi dered, thi s wri ter (John Uri Ll oyd) accepti ng
the responsi bi l i ty of the hi story, i ncl udi ng the sophi sti cati ons and
descri pti ons of the parts used i n medi ci ne, whi l st the botani cal hi story,
rel ati onshi ps, and ki ndred descri pti ons were to be the care of Mr. Curti s
Gates Ll oyd. The publ i cati on was thus to partake of the pl an of both
Drugs and Medicines of North America, and the Pharmacographia of
Fl cki ger and Hanbury, so wel l known and so thoroughl y establ i shed.
The work was accordi ngl y commenced, and several hi stori cal arti cl es
were prepared by the wri ter, a few of whi ch were forwarded to Professor
Fl cki ger. The unfortunate and l amentabl e death of that worl d-
renowned pharmacol ogi st, wi thi n a very short ti me after hi s return to
Europe, termi nated the enterpri se, bri ngi ng to the wri ter one of the
greatest di sappoi ntments of hi s l i fe.
Of the drug arti cl es thus prepared for Professor Fl cki ger, two were
subsequentl y publ i shed i n the American J ournal of Pharmacy, one,
ti tl ed The California Manna
2
appeari ng i n Jul y, 1897, and the other,
The Destructi on of Tobacco i n Ameri ca,
3
i n November, 1897.
Discouragement Leads to Renewed Effort.Notwi thstandi ng the
bi tter di sappoi ntment i n connecti on wi th the death of Professor
Fl cki ger, the effort to compl ete the record of Ameri can drugs conti nued.
To thi s end every sacri fi ce was made i n the way of ti me, as wel l as of
money i nvestment, i n the earnest hope that younger men, more
favorabl y si tuated, educati onal l y and otherwi se, mi ght ul ti matel y take
up the work begun by the founders of the Ll oyd Li brary i n Drugs and
Medicines of North America, thei r publ i cati on of twenty-fi ve years ago.
Whi l e i n thei r own di recti on the accompl i shment of thi s object seems no
l onger possi bl e of attai nment, comes a no l ess hopeful and enthusi asti c
del i ght i n contempl ati ng what others wi l l yet enjoy i n a future day,
when the Ll oyd Li brary wi l l be a contri buti ng factor to another's
opportuni ty.
May not the wri ter, then, be pardoned for repeati ng that thi s struggl e of
the past has not been al together frui tl ess, i nasmuch as the addi ti ons to
the Ll oyd Li brary have been earnestl y studi ed as they were col l ected,
2 When Prof. Fl cki ger vi si ted Ameri ca (Jul y, 1894), he hoped to obtai n hi stori cal data that woul d
enabl e hi m to gi ve the records of several i nteresti ng Ameri can producti ons. I n thi s he fai l ed, and he
then associ ated i n hi s behal f the servi ces of the author of thi s paper. After much of the work had
been done, the death of Prof. Fl cki ger i nterrupted the i nvesti gati on.
These papers (some of them) passed i nto possessi on of Prof. Ed. Schaer, of Strassburg
Uni versi ty, who transl ated i nto German the accompanyi ng work by Professor Ll oyd on Ameri can
Manna, for the pages of the Berichte der Deutschen Pharmaceutischen Gesellschaft.
We present herei n, wi th the knowl edge and consent of Prof. Schaer and the author, the
ori gi nal paper on Ameri can Manna.Editor Am. J our. Pharm.
3 When Prof. Fl ucki ger vi si ted Ameri ca (Jul y, 1894), he hoped to obtai n hi stori cal data that woul d
enabl e hi m to gi ve the records of several i nteresti ng Ameri can producti ons. I n thi s he fai l ed, and he
then associ ated i n hi s behal f the servi ces of the author of thi s paper. After much of the work had
been done, the death of Professor Fl cki ger i nterrupted the i nvesti gati on. Thi s paper on Tobacco
was one of the subjects consi der ed. Editor Am. J our. Pharm.
thus affordi ng a recreati ve effort and a sti mul us that of necessi ty
enri ches knowl edge, broadens vi ews, and enl arges opportuni ti es ?
Credit Be to Whom Credit is Due.The foregoi ng, parti al l y
expl anatory remarks, touchi ng bri efl y upon the hi stori cal features of
the abandoned work to whi ch al l usi on has so frequentl y been made, wi l l
i ntroduce the text of thi s Bul l eti n of the Ll oyd Li brary. The hi story of
such vegetabl e drugs as are i ncl uded herei n embraces every Phar-
macopei al vegetabl e representati ve of the Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted
States, Ei ghth Decenni al Revi si on, 1900. I n prepari ng thi s work, the
wri ter has been conti nual l y i mpressed wi th the fact that the comforts
and the tri umphs of man, i n the present, are made possi bl e by the
struggl es and the sacri fi ces of men of the past. I t i s evi dent,
furthermore, that i f past events i ndi cate the future's trend, other l i nks,
yet to be added to the l engtheni ng chai n, wi l l l eave whosoever i s now
conspi cuous i n thi s moment of the passi ng al ong an empi ri cal pi oneer,
as contrasted wi th the man who stands i n the sunshi ne of the sci ences
of the future.
I n thi s connecti on i t may be recal l ed that, at the meeti ng of the
Ameri can Pharmaceuti cal Associ ati on i n Los Angel es, 1909, thi s wri ter
contri buted a paper put together on the spur of the moment, ti tl ed A
Plea for Empiricism, i n whi ch were embodi ed pl eadi ngs for justi ce i n
behal f of men no l onger upon earth, but whose pai nstaki ng work has
been far-reachi ng i n i ts effects. The vi ews then expressed are yet
entertai ned by the wri ter, and wi th no l ess earnestness.
The record of Ameri can as wel l as of forei gn drugs establ i shes that to
the so-cal l ed empi ri ci sts of the past must be credi ted the di scovery and
i ntroducti on of practi cal l y one and al l the remedi al vegetabl e agents
now i n use. To these i ndi vi dual s the professi ons of medi ci ne and
pharmacy are no l ess i ndebted than are the peopl e i n other wal ks of l i fe.
These facts al so permi tted the i nference (before menti oned) that from
the same cl ass, the empi ri ci sts, wi l l come other vegetabl e remedi al
agents, desti ned to serve the needs of sufferi ng humani ty.
Thi s wri ter, to-day, bel i eves wi th heartfel t eamestness, that even the
unl ettered abori gi nes of al l l ands whose products serve ci vi l i zati on, are
enti tl ed to ci vi l i zati on's l asti ng obl i gati ons. The story i s a common one.
Necessi ty of envi ronment, or acci dent, l ed pri mi ti ve man i nto a search of
nature's secrets. Observant pi oneers, or adventurers, appl i ed the
di scoveri es of the abori gi nes to thei r own domesti c uses. The man of
commerce served next hi s part i n the di stri buti on of such drugs and
foods, and fi nal l y systemati c, professi onal students further el aborated
these products that, but for the empi ri ci st of the past, preceded by the
abori gi nes i n the ti me beyond, mi ght not otherwi se be known.
The Pharmacopeial Vegetable Materia Medica.As before stated,
the pages that fol l ow carry the ti tl es of every vegetabl e drug of the
Pharmacopeia of the United States, 1900 Revi si on. Of necessi ty, onl y
enough i s chroni cl ed of each drug's begi nni ng to poi nt to the peopl es or
the i ndi vi dual s who i ntroduced them to medi ci ne and pharmacy, no
attempt bei ng made to fol l ow the detai l s of subsequent mani pul ati on.
Brevi ty i n the record i s a necessi ty. References to the Bi bl i ography
appended to the work, i ndi cate that an attempt at more than fai rl y
detai l ed hi stori cal credi t woul d have been i mpracti cabl e, the ai m bei ng
merel y to establ i sh the general i ntroducti on of each drug. Nor i s the fi rst
l i nk i n the chai n often seen. The begi nni ng of the use of most vegetabl e
remedi al agents antedates wri tten hi story. As a rul e, the earl i est
authori ti es ci ted herei n base thei r statements upon those of others, the
detai l s bei ng now l ost i n anti qui ty, or vei l ed by tradi ti on. Many worthy
compi l ers, hi stori ans, travel ers, expl orers, and authors, whose part i n
the passi ng al ong wi l l someti me be dul y credi ted, have unquesti onabl y
been overl ooked, and hence uni ntenti onal l y negl ected. I n thi s
connecti on, a revi ew of the Bi bl i ography of thi s Bul l eti n i ndi cates the
number of publ i cati ons ci ted that, seemi ngl y far from medi ci ne, poi nt to
others that are of hi stori c val ue.
Concerning the Bibliography.The wri ter has freel y accepted,
especi al l y as regards Ol d Worl d and Ori ental products, the statements
and references of authori ti es i n whom he has ful l confi dence, deemi ng i t
unnecessary to veri fy bi bl i ographi cal statements, even though the
ori gi nal documents were conveni entl y at hand, unl ess there were a
parti cul ar reason for so doi ng. For exampl e, Fl cki ger and Hanbury's
Pharmacographia, and si mi l ar works, are accepted as uni mpeachabl e i n
thei r reference facts.
The ti tl es onl y of authori tati ve works to whi ch reference mi ght have
been made woul d compri se a vol ume. The l i st has therefore necessari l y
been restri cted to such as are most i mportant. Whoever wi shes to
el aborate any subject herei n menti oned, wi l l probabl y fi nd the l i st
suggesti vel y ampl e, for each, as a rul e, carri es references to others
connected therewi th. I t wi l l be observed that travel ers and expl orers, as
wel l as hi stori ans, often fi rst refer to medi ci nes used i n the countri es
descri bed by them. I n thi s di recti on i t wi l l be seen that the Ll oyd Li brary
i s parti cul arl y fortunate, as concerns i ts compl eteness, there bei ng at
thi s date 32,434 vol umes on i ts shel ves, excl usi ve of pamphl ets.
The wri ter wi shes, i n concl usi on, to thank, especi al l y, the Li brari an of
the Ll oyd Li brary, Captai n Wi l l i am Hol den, to whose pai nstaki ng care,
both i n the way of procuri ng vol umes needed and of seeki ng references
as requi red, as wel l as of compi l i ng the Bi bl i ography, he i s much
i ndebted.
To the Assi stant Li brari an, Mi ss Edi th Wycoff, who has, i n thi s as i n
other di recti ons been exceedi ngl y hel pful , the wri ter expresses hi s
si ncerest thanks.
To the wri ter's secretary, Mi ss Margaret Stewart, M. A., are to be
credi ted the transl ati ons from Greek and Lati n authors, as wel l as
conti nued hel pful care throughout the enti re work.
Several of the arti cl es herei n i ncl uded (as those on Al oes and
Pomegranate) are condensati ons of papers previ ousl y publ i shed by the
wri ter i n the Western Druggist, Chi cago. To Dr. Si gmund Wal dbott,
then i n charge of the Ll oyd Li brary, who was of excepti onal servi ce i n
the producti on of these papers, the wri ter feel s no l ess i ndebted now
than at the ti me of thei r ori gi nal publ i cati on.
For the i nspi rati on of the Ameri can Pharmaceuti cal Associ ati on, the
author i s very grateful . A synopsi s of the work was prepared for the
soci ety at i ts Ri chmond (1910) meeti ng, but owi ng to i l l ness of the
undersi gned was not presented.
Thi s Bul l eti n on Pharmacopei al drugs expresses so i mperfectl y the
amount of l abor that has been expended i n i ts evol uti on, as to l ead the
author to admi t frankl y a degree of humi l i ati on because of the pauci ty
of returns for so great an outl ay of ti me, study, and l i brary research.
Ci nci nnati , May 19, 1911.
JOHN URI LLOYD.
Pharmacopial Vegetable Drugs.
ACACIA
Acacia has been an arti cl e of commerce si nce the most remote records
of hi stori cal anti qui ty. Representati ons of the Acaci a tree, (together wi th
heaps of gum, were pi ctured i n the rei gn of Ramses I I I of Egypt. Acaci a
was exported from the Gul f of Aden, seventeen hundred years before
Chri st. Menti on of the gum i s of frequent occurrence i n Egypti an
i nscri pti ons, where i t i s referred to as the Gum of Canaan. Theophrastus
(633), i n the thi rd and fourth centuri es before Chri st, descri bed i t, as
al so di d Di oscori des (194) and Pl i ny (514), under the name Egypti an
Gum. I t has been empl oyed i n the arts from al l ti me and i n domesti c
medi ci ne and commerce, as wel l as by the Arabi an physi ci ans and those
of the renowned school of Sal erno. Duri ng the Mi ddl e Ages i t was
obtai ned from Egypt and Turkey, bei ng an arti cl e of commerce i n the
bazaars of Constanti nopl e, A. D. 1340. The drug was di stri buted
through Europe from Veni ce, as earl y as A. D. 1521. Among the most
i nteresti ng and i nstructi ve recent contri buti ons to the subject are the
reports of the Wel l come Research Laboratory, Kartoum (678), 1904.
ACONITUM
Aconi te, Aconitum napellus, was fami l i ar to the anci ents as a
poi sonous pl ant, and was used by the anci ent Chi nese as wel l as by the
hi l l tri bes of I ndi a. I n a work publ i shed for the Wel sh MSS. Soci ety,
1861, enti tl ed The Physi ci ans of Myddvai , (507), aconi te was
desi gnated as a pl ant that every physi ci an shoul d grow.
4
I n 1763, Stork
(617), of Vi enna, i ntroduced the drug to medi cal practi ce, from whi ch
date i t crept i nto the practi ce of the domi nant school . Aconi te has ever
been a Homeopathi c favori te.
4 Physi ci ans of Myddvai . The domesti c physi ci an of Rhys Gryg, pri nce of South Wal es, who di ed
1233, made a col l ecti on of reci pes used i n medi ci ne at that date i n hi s country. He was assi sted by
hi s three sons, the col l ecti on bei ng a val uabl e hi stori cal record concerni ng remedi al agents and
methods of that date. Of these, two compi l ati ons have been i ssued, the two appeari ng together,
1861, wi th a transl ati on by John Pughe (470 pp). The ori gi nal manuscri pt i s i n the Bri ti sh
Museum. [See page 761 Pharmacographi a.]
ALOE
5

(ALOE SUCCOTRINA.)
The genus al oe compri ses a l arge fami l y of succul ent-l eaved pl ants
nati ve to tropi cal countri es. Most of the speci es have showy fl owers and
many are cul ti vated i n hot-houses. Al oe succotri na grows i n the I ndi es,
and especi al l y i n the I sl and of Soccotera (Lam.), but has l ong been
cul ti vated i n Engl and. I t i s a shrub fi ve or si x feet hi gh, wi th a stem
marked wi th the scars of the fal l en l eaves. The stem i s at fi rst si mpl e,
but when the pl ant i s ol d the stem i s usual l y di vi ded. At the top of each
branch i s borne a l arge cl uster of thi ck, crowded, fl eshy l eaves. Each
l eaf i s one and one-hal f to two feet l ong, rounded beneath, fl attened on
the upper si de, the margi ns bei ng each a row of whi te spi nes. The
fl owers are i n a l arge termi nal spi ke-l i ke raceme, proceedi ng from the
center of the l eaf cl uster. The fl owers are orange-red, noddi ng,
cyl i ndri cal , each borne on a short peduncl e, sl i ghtl y exserted. The pi sti l
has a three-cel l ed, many seeded ovary and a l ong si mpl e styl e.
The earl i est hi story of the al oe pl ant i s somewhat obscured by the fact
that the name al oe, for exampl e as i t occurs i n the Bi bl e, rel ates to a
substance enti rel y di fferent from the i nspi ssated jui ce of the vari ous
speci es of the modern al oe pl ant. The al oe of the Bi bl e i s the wood of
aquilaria agallocha (Roxburgh) or lignaloes, whi ch was used among
the anci ent nati ons as an i ncense, and was hel d i n hi gh esteem on
account of i ts scarci ty. Wi th modern catharti c al oes i t has nothi ng i n
common except the bi tterness.
The al oe pl ant i s consi dered by modern wri ters to have grown wi l d i n
I ndi a from a very remote peri od. I t was most l i kel y i ntroduced i nto that
country by the Arabs, who probabl y were the di stri butors of knowl edge
concerni ng the medi ci nal vi rtues of al oes. Thi s drug was empl oyed by
Gal en (254a), and l ater descri bed by the Greek and Roman wri ters of
the fi rst century, chi ef among whom are Di oscori des (194) and Pl i ny
(514), whose descri pti ons of al oes and i ts uses, however, bear much
resembl ance to each other.
Socotri ne al oes appears to have acqui red i ts reputati on at an earl y date.
Cl usi us (153) i n 1593 reports that Mesue, the Arabi an pharmaceuti cal
wri ter, the father of pharmacopei as, (who di ed about A. D. 1028),
knew of the Socotri ne ori gi n of al oes, menti oni ng Persi a, Armeni a, and
5 The l arger Al oe monograph by Ll oyd can be found at: http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther/Al oe-
Ll oyd.PDF
Arabi a l i kewi se as sources of al oes of commerce. I bn Bai tar (1197-1248)
(214) speaks of al oes from the i sl and of Socotra as bei ng superi or to that
of the Arabi an di stri ct of Yemen.
The name al oe socotri na was undoubtedl y deri ved from the i sl and of
Socotra off the entrance to the Red Sea. Yet, some authors mai ntai n
that thi s appel l ati on was by some gi ven to the i nspi ssated jui ce of al oe
(succus citrinus) on account of the l emon-yel l ow col or of i ts powder.
6

Not al l of the earl i er medi co-pharmaceuti cal wri ters who afterwards
consi dered the drug refer to Socotri ne or any other speci al ki nd of al oes.
Hi eronymus Bock (1556) (82) merel y al l udes to the drug bei ng brought
from I ndi a and Arabi a, a statement al ready found i n Di oscori des. He
rel ates an i nstance where the al oe pl ant i s cul ti vated i n Germany under
the name sempervivum as an i ndoor ornamental pl ant.
Samuel Purchas (1625) (527), however, i n hi s i mportant col l ecti on of
travel s, gi ves promi nence to Socotri ne al oes, and pl aces on record the
commerci al transacti ons of Bri ti sh merchants wi th the ki ng of Socotra.
One of hi s contri butors (Wi l l i am Fi nch, merchant) gi ves the fol l owi ng
i nteresti ng i nformati on whi ch he gathered about A. D. 1607, concerni ng
the occurrence and preparati on of al oes i n the I sl and of Socotra:
I coul d l earne of no merchandi se the i l and yeel deth, but Al oes, Sangui s
Draconi s, and Dates and, as they say on the shore of Aba del Curi a,
Bl acke Ambergreese. Of Al oes I suppose they coul d make yearl y more
then Chri stendome can spend, the herbe growi ng i n great abundance,
bei ng no other than Semper vivum, i n al l thi ngs agreei ng to that
descri pti on of Di oscori des i n seed, stai ke, etc. I t i s yet al l of a red pri ckl i e
sort, and much chamfered
7
i n the l eaves, so ful l of a rosi n-i uyce that i t
i s ready to breake wi th i t. The chi efe ti me to make i t, i s when the wi nds
bl owe northerl y, that i s, about September, and that after the fal l of
some rai ne, whi ch bei ng then gathered, they cut i n smal l pi eces, and
cast i nto a pi t made i n the ground, wel l cl eansed from fi l th and paved;
there i t l i eth to ferment i n the heat of the sunne, whereby i t fl oweth
forth. Thence they take and put i t i n ski nnes, whi ch they hang up i n
the wi nd to dry, where i t becommeth hard. They sol d us for 20 Ri al s a
Qui ntal l whi ch i s 103 pounds Engl i sh, but we were after tol d that they
sol d to others for 12, whi ch consi deri ng the abundance and easi e
6 Usage accepts that Aloe Succotrina i s the pl ant descri bed by Lamarck, and that Al oe Socotri na i s
the commerci al extract deri ved from certai n speci es of al oes. Excepti ons i n the spel l i ng of the l atter
word have occurred i n ol der pharmacopei as.
7 Grooved.
maki ng, may be credi bl e. El sewhere the statement i s made that the
Al oe of Socotra exceedeth i n goodnesse that whi ch i s gathered i n
Hadhramut of the l and of Jaman, Arabi a, or anywhere el se. 1800 l bs.
of Socotri ne al oes were bought at one ti me and 2,722 l bs. at another.
The anci ent trade of the i sl and has never i ncreased, and i n 1833, we
are i nformed, onl y two tons were exported, whi l e at present the
manufacture and export seem to have ceased al together. No doubt thi s
resul ts from unfavorabl e l ocal condi ti ons as wel l as the i ntrusi ve
competi ti on of other countri es. I n the si xteenth century or perhaps
before, the al oe pl ant was i ntroduced i nto the West I ndi es and was
especi al l y dwel t on by Li gon (1763) (383) as havi ng occurred i n Bar-
badoes as earl y as 1647-1650, whi ch i s onl y about twenty years after
the Engl i sh came i nto possessi on of thi s i sl and (365). I t soon became an
arti cl e of export, appeari ng i n the London market i n 1693 (239). I n thi s
connecti on, however, i t i s strange that J. B. Labat, a French monk and
careful student of nature, havi ng vi si ted the i sl and of Barbadoes i n
1700, fai l s to menti on Barbadoes al oes among the stapl es (365). He says
on thi s poi nt: Formerl y much tobacco was pl anted, and subsequentl y
gi nger and i ndi go; cotton i s now grown up i n some parts of the i sl and,
but sugar i s at present the onl y arti cl e to whi ch attenti on i s devoted.
That hi s omi ssi on coul d not be from i gnorance i s shown by hi s careful
reference to al oes when twenty-ei ght years afterwards (1728) he
refreshi ngl y descri bes the resources and the peopl e of Senegambi a on
the west coast of Afri ca (365), and strongl y advocates the use of al oes
that may be made from al oe pl ants grown i n abundance i n that di stri ct,
i n the pl ace of al oes from the i sl and of Socotra whi ch, i n hi s opi ni on,
possessed an i magi nary superi ori ty onl y because i t comes from afar and
costs much. The three commerci al forms of the drug then known,
Socotri ne, hepati c, and cabal l i ne al oes. Labat ascri bes to one and the
same ori gi n, the di fferences resul ti ng onl y from the mode of
preparati on, cabal l i ne or horse al oes, the l owest grade, bei ng made
from refuse materi al .
Yet, Barbadoes al oes i s not herei n referred to. Whether thi s negl ect i s
due to i nterrupti on of cul ti vati on or to some other cause di ffi cul t to
determi ne may never be settl ed. I t i s establ i shed, however, that
Barbadoes al oes was exported from the i sl and both before and soon
after these reports. Samuel Dal e, i n 1751, expressl y states (179) that
al oes i s brought to Engl and from the i sl and of Barbadoes i n l arge
gourds and that the i nspi ssated jui ce has the properti es of al oe suc-
cotri na.
From Cape Col ony, Afri ca, where i t was made at that date by Peter Van
Wett (239), al oes has been an arti cl e of export si nce 1773.
Curacao al oes was known i n the Dutch market i n 1847, and appeared
i n the Engl i sh market for the fi rst ti me as l ate as about 1876.
ALTHAEA
Thi s drug (Althaea officinalis,) known as Marshmal l ow, was
descri bed by Di oscori des (194) under the Greek name si gni fyi ng to heal .
I t has been used i n domesti c medi ci ne from the earl i est peri ods.
Charl emagne (A. D. 724-814), over a thousand years ago, demanded
that i t be cul ti vated i n hi s domai n. I t grows throughout Europe, Asi a
Mi nor, western and northern Asi a and adjacent di stri cts, bei ng
empl oyed more or l ess i n domesti c medi cati on i n al l l ocal i ti es. I ts
domesti c use i ntroduced thi s demul cent drug to earl y professi onal
medi cati on.
AMYGDALA AMARA
The seeds of Bi tter Al monds (Prunus amygdalus, var. amara),
known to be poi sonous i n the days of anti qui ty, were yet used
medi ci nal l y throughout the Mi ddl e Ages. Val eri us Cordus (169)
empl oyed them as an i ngredi ent of trochi sci . They are referred to by
Scri boni us Largus (589) i n the century precedi ng Chri st. Thei r
poi sonous qual i ti es were shown to depend on hydrocyani c aci d by Bohm
of Berl i n at the begi nni ng of the l ast century. Bi tter al monds have
never been a favori te i n domesti c medi ci ne, al though as stated, used i n
that di recti on. They have been scarcel y more a favori te i n l i censed
medi cati on.
AMYGDALA DULCIS
The Al mond, Prunus amygdalus, var. dulcis, i s one of the trees
menti oned i n the Ol d Testament. I n the Book of Genesi s the patri arch
I srael commands hi s sons to carry the frui t, as a producti on of Pal esti ne,
as a present to Egypt. Theophrastus (633) makes copi ous references to
the Al mond, and i ts name threads the stori es of the Arabi an Ni ghts (25
and 88). I t was menti oned wi th groceri es and spi ces a thousand years
ago, i n a charter granted the monastery of Corbi e, i n Normandy, by
Chi l peri c I I , ki ng of France (A. D. 539-584). Charl emagne, A. D. 812,
wi sel y ordered the Al mond tree i ntroduced on the i mperi al farms.
Al monds became an i mportant i tem of Veneti an trade i n the fourteenth
century. I n 1411, the Kni ght Templ ars of Cyprus (Fl cki ger) taxed
al monds, honey, and sesame seed. Medi aeval cookery consumed
al monds i n enormous quanti ti es, and as a nouri shi ng food i n the form of
an emul si on the frui t crept i nto domesti c medi ci ne, and thence i nto
professi onal use.
ANISUM
Thi s drug, Pimpinella anisum, i s among the ol dest known medi ci nes
and spi ces. Theophrastus (633) and l ater wri ters, such as Di oscori des
(194), Pl i ny (514), and Edri si (221), menti on i t. Charl emagne
commanded that i t be cul ti vated on the i mperi al farms i n Germany. I ts
anci ent source was the i sl and of Crete, and Egypt. I t was one of the
drugs enumerated by Edward I (1305), to be taxed when carri ed across
the Bri dge of London. Ani se i s menti oned i n the expenses of Ki ng John
of France (A. D. 1319-1364) duri ng hi s abode i n Engl and. The Grocers'
Company of London had i ts oversi ght (1453). The Royal Wardrobe of
Edward I V (A. D. 1480) was perfumed thereby. I t was used i n Engl and
as a pot herb pri or to 1542, and duri ng the rei gn of Charl emagne i t was
enormousl y taxed. Throughout al l thi s peri od ani se was empl oyed both
as a spi ce and as a domesti c medi ci ne.
ANTHEMIS
Anthemis nobilis has been cul ti vated for centuri es i n Engl i sh gardens
and used i n domesti c medi ci ne from the begi nni ng of the records. I t was
i ntroduced i nto Germany from Spai n about the cl ose of the Mi ddl e Ages.
I t now i s grown i n favorabl e l ocal i ti es throughout every secti on of
Europe and especi al l y i n Saxony as wel l as Bel gi um and France. The
name Roman Chamomi l e was gi ven the drug growi ng near Rome, by
Joachi m Camerari us (120) 1598.
APOCYNUM
Ameri can I ndi an Hemp, Apocynum cannabinum, i s the name
gi ven to vari ous speci es and vari eti es of thi s pl ant, i n contradi sti ncti on
to the true I ndan hemp of I ndi a, Cannabis indica. The root of apoc-
ynum has been used i n decocti on as an acti ve hydragogue catharti c,
and al so as a di ureti c, i n domesti c medi ci ne, si nce the days of the
earl i est settl ers, who l earned of i ts qual i ti es from the I ndi ans. Thus
i ntroduced i nto medi cati on, i t came to the attenti on of the professi on. As
a remedy i n dropsy apocynum has been extensi vel y used i n home
medi cati on, and thus became known to physi ci ans of Ameri can
educati on. Fi nal l y i t was i ntroduced to the pages of the Pharmacopei a.
The Ecl ecti c l i terature of Ameri ca for nearl y a hundred years has been
prol i fi c i n the prai ses of thi s remedy. (Drug Treati se by Ll oyd Brothers,
now i n process.)
ARNICA
Al l parts of thi s pl ant, (Arnica montana,) were popul ar remedi es i n
Germany at a very earl y peri od. The earl y botani sts, such as Mat-
thi ol us (414), Gesner (264), and Cl usi us (153) had a knowl edge of i ts
medi ci nal qual i ti es, as used by the common peopl e. Franz Jol (341), of
Grei fswal d, Germany, expressl y recommended i t i n the si xteenth
century. Duri ng 1678-79 arni ca experi enced an enthusi asti c crusade as
a new remedy i n the cure of fevers, the hope bei ng to suppl ant
Peruvi an bark by thi s domesti c drug. Col l i n (162), of Vi enna, reported a
thousand pati ents i n the Pazman Hospi tal cured of i ntermi ttents by the
fl owers, whi l st other physi ci ans were scarcel y l ess enthusi asti c. The herb
was thus recogni zed i n the London Pharmacopei a (1788) but fel l i nto
di suse, regai ni ng i n l ater years a posi ti on as an appl i cati on i n the form
of a ti ncture for brui ses, sprai ns, etc., i n thi s di recti on bei ng now
commended i n modern medi cal and domesti c l i terature.
ASAFTIDA
Under the name Laser a substance supposed to have been asafoeti da,
(Ferula foetida), has from al l ti me been used i n I ndi a and Persi a, and
thence l ong exported, a duty bei ng l evi ed thereon at the Roman Custom
House of Al exandri a. Under the name Hingu i t i s menti oned i n Sanscri t
works, as wel l as i n Susruta (622). Arabi an and Persi an travel ers of the
Mi ddl e Ages knew i t. Al t I stakhri (337), of anci ent Persepol i s, i n the
tenth century, states that i t was abundantl y produced between Si stan
and Makran of Bel uchi stan, and was used by the peopl e as a condi ment.
I t has ever been empl oyed i n Arabi c therapy. Matthus Pl ateari us
(513), nearl y a thousand years ago, menti oned i t i n hi s work on si mpl e
medi ci nes, "Circa instans." Otho of Cremona, near that peri od, states
that the more feti d the drug, the better i ts qual i ti es. The Physi ci ans of
Myddvai (507)
8
val ued i t hi ghl y. Bri efl y, thi s drug dri fted i nto
European conspi cui ty from the Ori ent, where i t had been empi ri cal l y
used from the remotest anti qui ty.
ASPIDIUM
The root of Aspi di um, Dryopteris filix-mas, was used by the anci ents
as a vermi fuge. Theophrastus (633), Di oscori des (194), and Pl i ny (514)
al l descri be i t. I t passed as a domesti c remedy through the Mi ddl e Ages,
was noti ced, 1790, by Val eri us Cordus (169), and had a pl ace as a drug
to be taxed i n Germany, i n the si xteenth century. Negl ected then, i t was
subsequentl y revi ved as a chi ef consti tuent, combi ned wi th purgati ves,
i n a secret remedy for tape-worm, one of the promoters bei ng Dani el
Mathi eu, an apothecary of Berl i n. Hi s treatment was so successful that
Frederi ck the Great purchased the formul a for an annui ty of thi rty
pounds, conferri ng on i ts ori gi nator the di gni ty of Aul i c Counci l l or.
Madame Nuffl er, the wi dow of a surgeon at Murten, Swi tzerl and, was
pai d 18,000 l i vres by Loui s XI V for a tapeworm cure consi sti ng chi efl y
of powdered fern root. J. Peschi er 1825, a pharmaci st of Geneva,
i ntroduced the ethereal extract, whi ch was not, however, empl oyed i n
Engl and to any extent unti l the mi ddl e of the l ast century. I ts empi ri cal
record i ntroduced mal e fern to the orthodox medi cal professi on.
AURANTII DULCIS ET AMARI CORTEX
Sweet and Bitter Orange. The orange, (Ci trus), was unknown to the
anci ent Greeks and Romans. The Arabs, (Gal l esi o, 255), are accepted as
havi ng i ntroduced i t i nto Europe, fi rst through Afri ca, Arabi a, and
Syri a, from i ts ori gi nal home i n Northern I ndi a. I n that country a wi l d
orange sti l l grows, supposedl y the parent of the cul ti vated frui t, be i t
sweet or bi tter. The fi rst speci men to fi nd i ts way i nto Europe was the
bi tter orange, cul ti vated i n Rome i n A. D. 1200, the sweet orange not
bei ng i ntroduced unti l the fi fteenth century, when i t was i mported by
the Portuguese. The fi rst oranges brought i nto Engl and, seven i n
number, were i mported by a Spani sh shi p i n 1290. An Arabi an
physi ci an of the twel fth century, Avi cenna (30), empl oyed the jui ce of
the bi tter orange i n medi ci ne.
8 (See Footnote to Aconi tum.)
BALSAMUM PERUVIANUM
Thi s drug, obtai ned from the Toluifera pereirae, came to the attenti on
of the earl i er Spani sh expl orers i n South Ameri ca as a substance
commonl y empl oyed by the nati ves as a remedy for wounds. I t
consti tuted a part of the tri bute pai d by the nati ves to the I ndi an chi efs
of Cuscatl an, to whom i t was presented i n curi ousl y ornamented
earthen jars.
9
On i ts fi rst i mportati on i nto Europe i t brought enormous
pri ces, as much as $45 an ounce, and i n Rome 100 ducats, or over $200
an ounce. Pope Pi us V permi tted the Bi shop of the I ndi es to substi tute
thi s Bal sam of Guatemal a for that of Egypt i n the preparati on of the
chri sm used i n the Cathol i c churches. Vari ous earl y descri pti ons of
travel ers refer to i t more or l ess enthusi asti cal l y, between the conquest
of Guatemal a (A. D. 1524), and 1628, at whi ch date Hernandez (314)
descri bed the tree. From the domesti c use of the drug i t crept i nto
German pharmacy i n the begi nni ng of the seventeenth century. I n
consequence of the fact that the exports of Guatemal a came through the
port of Li ma, Peru, the mi sl eadi ng name of Peruvi an Bal sam was i n
the earl y days affi xed to i t, paral l el i ng somewhat the record of Mocha
coffee, whi ch i s not grown i n Mocha or even thereabout, but was
exported therefrom i n the earl y days of Arabi an coffee.
BALSAMUM TOLUTANUM
Thi s South Ameri can and West I ndi an drug (obtai ned from Toluifera
balsamum), was i n use by the nati ves on the di scovery of those
countri es, bei ng to-day col l ected after the nati ve manner, as i s al so
Bal sam of Peru. Monardes (447) i n hi s treati se, 1574, on West I ndi an
producti ons, descri bes the I ndi an method of i nci si ng the bark and
affi xi ng shel l s of bl ack wax to recei ve the bal sam, i n a di stri ct near
Cartagena cal l ed Tol u, from whi ch i t takes i ts name.
10
He adds that i t
was much esteemed by the I ndi ans, and l ater by the Spani ards, who
transported i t to Spai n. Cl usi us (153) recei ved, 1581, a speci men from
Morgan, an apothecary to Queen El i zabeth. The pri ce l i st of the ci ty of
Frankfort, Germany, 1669, gi ves i t a pl ace, whi l e i n 1646 i t was noti ced
i n the records of the ci ty of Basl e. Notwi thstandi ng that Monardes (447)
fi gured a broken pod and l eafl et, and Humbol dt and Bonpl and (331)
9 Thi s remi nds us of the curi ous jars i n whi ch we observed Masti ch sol d on the i sl and of Sci o by the
col l ectors. These jars, hol di ng a few ounces of the purest and cl earest tears, have been thus an
arti cl e of l ocal commerce si nce before the Mosl em rul e.
10 Thi s remi nds one of the method, i n Asi a Mi nor, of col l ecti ng the jui ce of the Scammony pl ant i n
the hal f shel l of the cl am.
saw the tree i n New Granada (1799), i t was reserved for Wei r (1863), a
pl ant col l ector to the Royal Horti cul tural Soci ety, London, to obtai n the
fi rst good speci mens of the pods and l eaves, Gueri n, 1868, fi rst
obtai ni ng the fl owers. Thus a compl ete descri pti on of a drug known for
centuri es was fi nal l y authori tati vel y establ i shed. The i ntroducti on of
Bal sam of Tol u i nto medi ci ne and pharmacy fol l owed the track (as i s
true of al l other natural drugs of the Pharmacopei a), of i ts empi ri cal
record.
BELLADONNAE RADIX ET FOLIA
11

The pl ant Atropa belladonna i s nati ve to Southern Europe,
extendi ng thence to the Cri mea, Caucasi a, and the northern parts of
Asi a Mi nor. About 1504 a book appeared i n Pari s ti tl ed the Grand
Herbier, whi ch carri ed the fi rst authenti c noti ce of bel l adonna, al though
the term sol atrum furi al e, used by Sal adi nus of Ascol i (570), about
1450, i s presumed to refer to i t. I ts effects, i nternal l y, were subjects of
treati ses by Amoreaux (20a), Pari s, 1760; Dari es (184), Lei psi c, 1776;
Munch (453), Gotti ngen, 1783 and 1785, and subsequentl y by al l who
wrote comprehensi vel y on medi ci ne. I n toxi col ogy, the German botani st,
Leonard Fuchs, (251) fi gured the pl ant as Solanum somniferum, 1542,
ful l y i denti fyi ng i ts poi sonous properti es, and J. M. Faber, Augsburg,
1677 (231a), wrote on i ts poi sonous acti on. But the peopl e i n the pl ant's
habi tat have al ways been aware that al l parts, even to the berri es, were
poi sonous. I n the eye, so far as we can l ocate i ts record, the fi rst study
concerni ng i ts l ocal effect i s that of Hi ml y (317a) of Pari s, 1802,
al though country peopl e i n the habi tat of bel l adonna, from al l ti me,
know that i t possesses the power of di l ati ng the pupi l . I n regul ar
medi ci ne bel l adonna has a more recent i ntroducti on, due to the
commendati on of the wel l -known pharmaci st, Mr. Peter Squi re (611), of
London, who about 1860 commended i t as the basi s of a useful l i ni ment,
for the rel i ef of neural gi c pai ns. The drug i s now used chi efl y i n the
maki ng of the al kal oi d atropi ne, and i n the preparati on of a bel l adonna
pl aster that i s exceedi ngl y popul ar, as wel l as havi ng a professi onal
reputati on. Johnson and Johnson, New Brunswi ck, U. S. A., now use
more than 150,000 pounds of bel l adonna yearl y i n the maki ng of
pl asters.
11 The l arger Bel adonna monograph by Ll oyd can be found at:
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Atr opa_bel l adona-Ll oyd.PDF
BENZOINUM
Benzoi num (from Styrax benzoin), curi ousl y enough escaped the
attenti on of the Greeks and Romans, nor, so far as i s known, di d those
energeti c tradesmen of the tenth to the thi rteenth centuri es, the
Arabi ans and Persi ans, carry i t to Chi na. I bn Batuta (333a) 1325-49,
menti ons Java franki ncense, whi ch under the Arabi an name became
corrupted i nto Banjawi, Benjui , Benzui , Benzo, Benzoin, and fi nal l y
even Benjamin. After a hundred years the sul tan of Egypt, Mel ech
El maydi , sent i t to the doge of Veni ce among other presents, and i n
1490 a second doge of Veni ce was presented wi th a l arger amount by
the same sul tan of Egypt. Consi dered sti l l a preci ous bal sam, i n 1476
Cateri na Cornaro, queen of Cyprus, recei ved from Egypt 15 pounds of
Benzui . Thence travel ers i n Si am and the Mal abar Coast, Veneti an
tradesmen, and others, gave i t due consi derati on, duri ng and after
whi ch ti me i t became regul arl y i mported i nto Europe. Bei ng submi tted
to dry di sti l l ati on i n rude paper cones over a pan, the condensed
di sti l l ate, or fl owers, under the name of Flores Benzos, i n the 17th
century, gave ori gi n to the now fami l i ar Benzoi c Aci d. Thus from the
empi ri ci sm of the past thi s grateful fl avori ng agent and preservati ve
was i ntroduced to the medi ci ne and pharmacy of to-day.
BERBERIS
The berberi s offi ci al l y recorded i n the Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted
States, (Berberis aquifolium, or mahonia), was i ntroduced to
medi ci ne by Dr. Bundy, an Ecl ecti c physi ci an of Cal i forni a, who brought
i t to the attenti on of physi ci ans (467) through the manufacturi ng
establ i shment of Parke, Davi s and Company, of Detroi t, Mi chi gan. Thi s
vari ety had previ ousl y been used throughout the Western States as a
domesti c remedy i n the di recti on commended by Dr. Bundy, and i n
many respects i t paral l el ed the domesti c and offi ci al uses of i ts near
rel ati ves i n the Ori ent and el sewhere.
The Pharmacopei a of I ndi a recogni zes three speci es of barberry under
the common name berberi s. These speci es of barberry have domesti c
records as toni cs dati ng from the earl i est ti mes, bei ng used i n decocti on
or i nfusi on i n i nfl ammatory di scharges, as wel l as i n appl i cati ons for
vari ous forms of ophthal mi c i nfl ammati on. The Arabi an physi ci ans
empl oyed thi s pl ant. Di oscori des (194), Pl i ny (514), Cel sus (136), Gal en
(254a), and others recogni zed i t. I t was one of the I ndi an drugs on
whi ch the Al exandri ans l evi ed duty, A. D. 176-180. Among Greek
anti qui ti es are preserved smal l vases of barberry, showi ng i ts val ue i n
anci ent ti mes. A certai n Heracl i des of Tarentum i s menti oned by Cel sus
as havi ng a reputati on for treati ng di seases of the eye, and among the
vases of barberry above referred to, i s one beari ng the l abel of thi s
person. I n formul as for eye di seases gi ven by Gal en (254a), barberry i s
authori tati vel y recogni zed. The nati ves of I ndi a use an extract made
from vari ous speci es growi ng i n Northern I ndi a, thi s extract bei ng sol d
i n the bazaars under the name Rusot, and used not onl y i n affecti ons of
the eye, but as a toni c and febri fuge. The qual i ti es of both the offi ci al
drug and i ts forei gn rel ati ves are si mi l ar and were i ntroduced by the
common peopl e.
BUCHU
The Hottentots of the Cape of Good Hope used the l eaves of the Buchu
pl ant (Barosma betulina) as a domesti c remedy, and from them the
col oni sts of the Cape of Good Hope deri ved thei r i nformati on concerni ng
i t. Reece (540) and Company, London, 1821, fi rst i mported i t and
i ntroduced i t to pharmacy and to the medi cal professi on, where, as wel l
as i n pri vate formul ae and domesti c practi ce, i t has ever si nce enjoyed
more or l ess notori ety. Perhaps no patent Ameri can medi ci ne has ever
enjoyed greater notori ety than, about 1860, di d the decocti on of the
l eaves under the term Hel mbol d's Buchu, whi ch, a weak al cohol i c
decocti on, commanded one dol l ar for a si x-ounce vi al , and sol d i n car-
l oad l ots. Duri ng the crusade of thi s preparati on the medi cal professi on
of Ameri ca, probabl y i nspi red by the press comments, prescri bed buchu
very freel y. I t i s sti l l i n demand and i s sti l l favored as a consti tuent of
remedi es recommended to the l ai ty.
CALAMUS
The use of Cal amus, Acorus calamus, i n the domesti c medi cati on of
I ndi a, i s recorded from the very earl i est ti mes. I t i s sol d commonl y i n the
bazaars, and Ai nsl i e (7) i n hi s Materi a Medi ca of Hi ndoostan, 1813,
states that i n consequence of i ts great val ue i n the bowel compl ai nts of
chi l dren, a severe penal ty was pl aced on the refusal of any druggi st to
open hi s door i n the ni ght to sel l cal amus, when demanded. The
anti qui ty of i ts use i s shown from the fact that i t was one of the
consti tuents of the oi ntment Moses was commanded to make for use i n
the Tabernacl e, (Ex. xxx), whi l e the prophet Ezeki el says of the
commerce of Tyre, Bri ght i ron, cassi a, and cal amus were i n thy
market. Theophrastus (633) menti ons cal amus, and Cel sus (136),
nearl y two thousand years ago, refers to i t as a drug from I ndi a. I n the
si xteenth century Amatus Lusi tanus (16a) reports i t as i mported i nto
Veni ce, and i n 1692 Rheede (547) fi gures i t as an I ndi an pl ant under
the name Vacha, the same name bei ng sti l l appl i ed to i t on the Mal abar
Coast. From i ts tropi cal home cal amus has spread unti l i t i s now found
i n al l temperate cl i mates sui tabl e for i ts growth, the market suppl y
comi ng mai nl y from Southern Russi a, through Germany. The
therapeuti c use of cal amus i n pharmacy and l i censed medi ci ne i s, as
wi th other l i ke substances, a gi ft of empi ri ci sm founded i n the far
di stant past.
CALENDULA
Mari gol d, Calendula officinalis, has been known, practi cal l y, from
the begi nni ng of documentary records i n sci enti fi c or medi ci nal l i nes. A
nati ve of Eastern Asi a, i t i s found under vari ous names, from Japan to
I ndi a, from the Ori ent to North Ameri ca, where European col oni sts
carri ed i t, accordi ng to Jossel yn (345), before 1670. I n earl y days of
Engl i sh medi aeval medi cati on i t was empl oyed i n decocti ons for fevers,
and as a hot dri nk, to promote perspi rati on. The jui ce was al so empl oyed
empi ri cal l y for sore eyes, and as an appl i cati on to warts. I ts popul ar use,
as hei red from a ti me l ost to hi story, l ed to i ts fi nal uti l i zati on by the
medi cal professi on, and to i ts posi ti on i n the medi aeval herbal s, as al so
i n many pharmacopei as and treati ses on European medi ci nes and
medi cati on.
J ATEORHIZA CALUMBA
1213
Persons fami l i ar wi th our common yel l ow pari l l a, Meni spermum
canadense, have a good i dea of the pl ant that yi el ds the cal umba root of
commerce. I ndeed, a casual observer woul d take an i l l ustrati on of one
for the other, so cl osel y do they resembl e each other i n shape of l eaf,
12 The l arger Cal umba monograph by Ll oyd can be found at:
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Jateor hi za_Ll oyd.pdf
13 Deri ved from the Greek words iater, physi ci an, and rhiza, root, evi dentl y i n al l usi on to i ts heal i ng
vi rtues. Most German and a few Engl sh authori ti es (e. g. Fl uecki ger, the German pharmacopei a of
1890, the U. S. pharmacopei a of 1880, and others) spel l the name "jateorrhi za," wi th the two r's,
notwi thstandi ng the fact that Mi ers, the author of the name spel l ed i t wi th a si ngl e r. I n thi s be i s
fol l owed by most authori ti es (except the Germans), i ncl udi ng the I ndex Kewensi s, and the V. S.
pharmacopei a of 1890. Mami e (Pharmacog-nosi e, 1886), suggests that the name jatrorhiza, shoul d
be used i nstead of jateor hi za, and so al so does Koehl er (Medi ci nal -pfl anzen, 140).
stem, and general fl oral appearance. One author, Roxburgh (559)
(Fl ora I nd., Vol . 3, p. 807) has pl aced the pl ant i n the genus
meni spermum. The genus jateorhi za as now consti tuted consi sts of three
speci es, al l nati ves of tropi cal Afri ca. I t bel ongs to the natural order
meni spermacese. The pl ant whi ch produces the Col ombo root of
commerce i s a herbaceous vi ne cl i mbi ng over trees i n the forests of
eastern tropi cal Afri ca i n the terri tory of Mozambi que and Qui l i mani .
The l eaves are al ternate, peti ol ate, cordate, and pal matel y l obed. As
previ ousl y stated, they l ook very much l i ke the l eaves of our common
yel l ow pari l l a. The fl owers are di oeci ous and borne i n pendul ous axi l l ary
pani cl es. The femal e fl owers have si x sepal s, si x petal s, si x aborti ve
stamens, and three pi sti l s. The mal e fl owers have the same fl oral
envel opes and si x perfect stamens. The anthers, as i n yel l ow pari l l a, are
four-cel l ed, a structure comparati vel y rare save i n thi s natural order.
The pl ants that produce the root of commerce vary much i n the shape of
the l eaves and i n the amount of hi spi di ty i n the stem, and were
formerl y consi dered as bel ongi ng to two speci es, Jateorhi za cal umba
and Jateorhi za pal mata, but l ater botani sts have uni ted them under the
former name.
Cal umba (al so col umbo) root has l ong been i n use under the name
kal umb among the Afri can tri bes of Mozambi que, who empl oyed i t as
a remedy for dysentery and other di seases (Berry) (63). Undoubtedl y
the drug was brought by them to the i mmedi ate knowl edge of the
Portuguese when they obtai ned possessi on of that country i n 1508.
Through the i nfl uence of thei r traders, knowl edge of the drug was
sl owl y di ffused among the Europeans duri ng the si xteenth and
seventeenth centuri es.
The fi rst defi ni te i nformati on regardi ng cal umba root, however, dates
from the year 1671, when Franci scus Redi , 1626-1697, (538), born at
Arezzo and physi ci an to the Duke of Toscana, descri bi ng i t under the
name calumba, made i ts medi ci nal vi rtues conspi cuous.
I n 1695 the cel ebrated Leeuwenhoek (376), i n hi s work Arcana
Naturae, recorded some chemi cal experi ments that he had made wi th
thi s root, whi ch he cal l s radi x i ndi ca, rays col umba. He al so i ntroduced
i l l ustrati ons of crystal s observed i n the study of thi s drug.
Contemporaneousl y wi th thi s physi ci st, J. C. Semmedus (592) (probabl y
i n 1689 or shortl y before) menti ons calumba i n hi s wri ti ngs as occurri ng
among drugs ori gi nati ng from I ndi a. Thi s author's work has become
more promi nent i n a l ater edi ti on (1722).
Val mont-Bomare (656c) i n the 1764 edi ti on of hi s di cti onary descri bes
cal umbe as the root of an unknown tree brought to us from I ndi a. He
adds that i n Bengal thi s root i s consi dered a speci fi c i n cases of col i cs,
i ndi gesti on, and agai nst the effects of mort-du-chi en, whi ch i s the ol d
French name for col chi cum.
Not, however, unti l i n cl ose successi on the treati ses on cal umba root by
Gaubi us (257a), 1771, Cartheuser (129), 1773, and Perci val (499),
1773, appeared, was there much general di stri buti on of knowl edge
concerni ng thi s drug. I n thi s connecti on i t i s perhaps of i nterest to note
that i n a previ ous transl ati on (dated 1755) of Cartheuser's Materi a
Medi ca cal umba root i s not to be found.
Through Perci val 's recommendati on especi al l y the drug rapi dl y gai ned
entrance i nto European materi a medi cas, and si nce about 1776 we fi nd
a record of i t i n many of the pharmacopoei as of European countri es.
However, the geographi cal and botani cal ori gi n of cal umba root as yet
remai ned a mystery. The Portuguese, as al ready stated, havi ng had a
monopol y of the trade i n thi s arti cl e, seemed to have been careful not to
di scl ose the ori gi n of the drug and made i t a custom to carry i t to I ndi a
and then to export i t to Europe from I ndi an i nstead of Afri can ports.
Hence, for a l ong ti me the general i mpressi on prevai l ed that the pl ant
was a nati ve of I ndi a and that the capi tal of Ceyl on (Col ombo) gave the
drug i ts name.
From about 1770, however, the suspi ci on that cal umba root was of
Afri can ori gi n had been gai ni ng ground. I n thi s year Phi l i bert Com-
merson, a French physi ci an, col l ected a speci men of a certai n pl ant
whi ch was growi ng i n the garden of M. Poi vre i n the I sl e de France,
whi ch Lamarck i n 1797 named Meni spermum pal matum, stati ng that
thi s meni spermum (of whi ch he descri bed the mal e pl ant onl y) perhaps
yi el ded the root that i s brought to us from I ndi a under the name of
cal ombo or Col ombo root. He adds, however, that i t seems to be
i ndi genous to I ndi a.
I n 1805 a di sti nct advance was made i n establ i shi ng i ts Afri can ori gi n.
M. Forti n i n thi s year brought the root of a mal e cal umba pl ant from
Mozambi que to the ci ty of Madras, where i t was rai sed and cul ti vated
by Dr. James Anderson. From thi s speci men Dr. Berry (63), i n 1811,
publ i shed a botani cal descri pti on i n the Asi ati c Researches, i n whi ch
he al so gi ves defi ni te i nformati on regardi ng i ts ori gi n and uses i n i ts
nati ve country. The speci men was transported l ater by hi m to the
Cal cutta botani cal gardens. De Condol l e i n 1818 named the pl ant
Coccul us pal matus. However, the femal e pl ant was sti l l unknown.
I n 1825 Captai n W. F. Owen brought a mal e and a femal e pl ant from
Oi bo, i n East Afri ca, to Mauri ti us, where i t was cul ti vated and observed
by Bojer. From thi s source, at l ast, Si r W. J. Hooker (324) i n 1830 was
enabl ed to descri be the whol e pl ant, both mal e and femal e, under the
name of Coccul us pal matus, Hooker.
The name of the genus jateorhi za was fi nal l y created i n 1849 by Mi ers.
(Hooker, Ni ger Fl ora, p. 212.) Chasmanthera col umba i s another
synonym for thi s pl ant proposed by Bai l l on (33). (Nat. Hi st. of Pl ants,
Vol . HI ., London, 1874.)
CAMBOGIA
Cambogi a (Garcinia hanburii) i s a producti on of a Si amese tree from
Camboja, from whence i t deri ved i ts name. Chi nese travel ers over a
thousand years ago menti oned i t, descri bi ng the method of obtai ni ng i t
by an i nci si on i n the stem of the tree, whi l st the Chi nese herbal Pun
tsao i ncl udes i t i n i ts pages, the drug bei ng regarded by the Chi nese as
poi sonous, i ts use bei ng chi efl y as a pi gment. Cl usi us (153) descri bed
(1605) a speci men of gamboge brought from Chi na i n 1603, after whi ch
i t dri fted i nto European medi ci ne as a purgati ve. I t was one of the
arti cl es of commerce of the East I ndi a Company, and was recogni zed
pharmaceuti cal l y i n the shops of the ci ty of Frankfort as earl y as 1612.
The date of the i ntroducti on of gamboge i nto Chi nese art and medi ci ne
i s beyond the records of establ i shed hi story.
CAMPHORA
Camphor (from Cinnamomum camphora) has been made i n Chi na
si nce the earl i est record. Marco Pol o (518), who vi si ted that country i n
the thi rteenth century, saw many of the trees produci ng i t. I t was
known to the Chi nese wri ters of the si xth century, as wel l as were i ts
qual i ti es as a val uabl e ti mber. The earl i est menti on of camphor occurs i n
one of the most anci ent poems of the Arabi c l anguage, by I mru-l -Kai s,
who l i ved i n the begi nni ng of the si xth century. Camphor was once
consi dered as a rare and preci ous perfume, bei ng menti oned i n
connecti on wi th musk, ambergri s, and sandal wood as treasures of the
Sassani an dynasty of the ki ngs of Persi a. Notwi thstandi ng al l thi s
camphor di d not, so far as has been determi ned, reach Europe duri ng
the cl assi cal days of Greece and Rome. Possi bl y the fi rst menti on of
camphor as a European medi ci ne was by the Abbati ssa Hi l degarde
(316), i n the twel fth century. Si nce i ts i ntroducti on, i t has al ways, been
an arti cl e i n domesti c medi cati on and as a perfume consti tuent.
CANNABIS INDICA
Thi s drug (Cannabis sativa) i s one of the Ori ental products, the
begi nni ng of whose use i s l ost i n anti qui ty. I ts name threads the
l i terature of Arabi a and I ndi a, hashi sh (or bhang) bei ng conti nual l y
menti oned i n the Arabi an Ni ghts (88); e. g., goi ng up to Ghari b, bl ew
the powdered Bhang i nto hi s nostri l s, ti l l he l ost hi s senses. (Burton
edi ti on, vol . vi i , p. 76. Hi story of Ghari b and Hi s Brother.) I mported i nto
Europe precedi ng 1690, i t passed i nto di suse unti l Napol eon's expedi ti on
to Egypt (1809-10), when i t was agai n revi ved by De Sacy and Bouger.
I ts i ntroducti on i nto European medi ci ne fol l owed (1838-39) the
experi ments of O'Shaughnessy i n Cal cutta (484), si nce whi ch date
cannabi s and i ts resi n have recei ved a pl ace i n most pharmacopei as.
From the begi nni ng of East I ndi an hi story hemp has been smoked as a
narcoti c i ntoxi cant, and when surrepti ti ousl y added to sweetmeats and
foods, has i n Ori ental l i fe been empl oyed as a narcoti c wi th the utmost
reckl essness. Thi s i s shown i n the exaggerati ons of the Arabi an Ni ghts,
whi ch portrays so many l i fe habi ts of those ti mes. Thi s wri ter found
hashi sh of several qual i ti es i n the bazaars of Asi a Mi nor and i n
Constanti nopl e, one speci men extra fi ne hashi sh costi ng i n a
Constanti nopl e bazaar over two dol l ars an ounce
14
.
CANTHARIS (CANTHARIDES)
Spani sh Fl i es (Cantharis vesicatoria). Thi s once popul ar remedi al
agent has l ost i ts posi ti on i n modern medi cati on. I ts use came hand i n
hand wi th medi aeval medi cal cruel ty, and was an hei rl oom of anci ent
heroi c medi cati on. Hi ppocrates (B. C. 375-400) val ued canthari des i n
dropsy and al so i n amenorrhea, and i t goes wi thout questi on that a
substance so heroi c i n i ts acti on woul d once have been popul ar i n both
domesti c and professi onal Ameri can medi cati on. I ts use i n erysi pel as
14 No commentMM
and as a pl aster, and to draw the nervous energy and the ci rcul ati ng
fl ui d to the surface, and thus agai n rel i eve i rri tati on and i nfl ammati on
of i nternal parts, are rel i cs of qui te recent Ameri can medi cal authori ty,
al l wri ters i n good reputati on (Regul ar) commendi ng i t hi ghl y. At
present, however, canthari s i s i n such di sfavor as to make i t a novel ty
for a canthari s pl aster to be prescri bed by a modern physi ci an of any
school , and to i gnore i ts use i s no l onger a mark of heresy. Thi s change
from extreme popul ari ty to practi cal di suse has come wi thi n the
experi ence of thi s wri ter.
CAPSICUM
Thi s drug, Capsicum fastigiatum, i s of Ameri can ori gi n, i ts home bei ng
i n the West I ndi es, Mexi co, and other tropi cal countri es of Ameri ca,
where i t, at the ti me of the di scovery of Ameri ca, was used by every one
as an i mportant pepper i n prepari ng food. I n domesti c Ameri can
medi ci ne capsi cum has ever been an i mportant remedy, bei ng al so a
promi nent drug i n the Thomsoni an school (638) of Ameri can medi ci ne.
I t was i ntroduced i nto the Pharmacopei a and used pri nci pal l y i n the
form of a ti ncture, and i s now a member of most materi a medi cas
throughout the worl d. By far the l argest amount of capsi cum, however,
i s consumed i n cul i nary di recti ons.
CARDAMOMUM
Cardamom (Elettaria repens) has been used i n I ndi a from a remote
peri od, bei ng menti oned i n the wri ti ngs of Susruta (522). I t appears i n
the l i st of I ndi a spi ces l i abl e to duty i n Al exandri a, A. D. 176-180. The
Portuguese navi gator Barbosa (39) fi rst defi ni tel y descri bes i ts ori gi n as
a product of the Mal abar Coast. Si nce i ts i ntroducti on from the Ori ent
cardamom has been used, as i t has been i n i ts home from al l ti me, as a
fl avor and a stomachi c. Several forms of the cardamom are found i n the
bazaars of Turkey and Arabi a, where i t i s brought by means of
caravans. I t i s l argel y cul ti vated at the present ti me as an arti cl e of
commerce. Thi s wri ter found (1907) l arge cardamom seeds strung on
stri ngs and sol d by number i n bazaars i n Asi a Mi nor.
CARUM
Al though the home of caraway (Carum carvi) appears to have been i n
the northern and mi dl and parts of Europe and Asi a, i t was known to
the Arabi ans, and at an earl y date was i ntroduced i nto Engl and. I n
German domesti c medi ci ne of the twel fth and thi rteenth centuri es the
word cumich occurs, whi ch i s sti l l the popul ar name for caraway i n
Southern Germany. At the cl ose of the fourteenth century caraway was
much used i n Engl and, where i t was l argel y empl oyed i n cooki ng. I t was
not used i n I ndi a ei ther i n cooki ng or i n medi ci ne, nor does i t appear i n
the record of the earl y days among I ndi an spi ces. I t has a domesti c
reach that domi nates i ts every use.
CARYOPHYLLUS
I ndi genous to the Mol ucca I sl ands proper, cl oves (Eugenia
aromatica) have been an arti cl e of I ndi an commerce si nce an earl y
date. Known to the Chi nese wri ters of the Han dynasty, B. C. 266 to A.
D. 220, cl oves became known i n Europe about the fourth century, after
whi ch they became i ncreasi ngl y an arti cl e of commerce, al though, for a
l ong ti me, very expensi ve. The ori gi nal home of the cl ove, the Mol uccas
or Cl ove I sl ands, now produce no cl oves at al l . The aromati c nature of
cl oves made of them a great favori te, and they were therefore used to
perfume the breath and to fl avor food, as wel l as bei ng empl oyed i n
domesti c medi ci nes, such as stomachi c cordi al s. The wel l -known
Bl ackberry Cordi al of Kentucky i s l argel y spi ced wi th cl oves and
ci nnamon, i ts bl ackberry part bei ng the jui ce of the ri pe berri es, i ts
al cohol i c part bei ng whi sky. The domesti c use of thi s pl easant
carmi nati ve cordi al gave i t a pl ace i n the Pharmacopei a.
CASSIA FISTULA
Gal en (254a) menti ons a cheap cassi a cal l ed fi stul a, seemi ngl y
referri ng, not to thi s drug, but to a coarse ci nnamon, rol l ed up as a tube.
The frui t now known as Cassi a fi stul a was noti ced by Joannes
Actuari us (4), of Constanti nopl e, duri ng the thi rteenth century, who
mi nutel y descri bes i t. The drug i s al so menti oned by wri ters of the school
of Sal ernum. I t was a fami l i ar domesti c remedy i n Engl and at the ti me
of Turner (656), 1568, and as i t i s cartharti c, i t natural l y appeal ed to
heroi c medi cati onal i sts. Al though carri ed i n the Pharmacopei a, i t has
never been much used i n Ameri can medi ci ne.
CHIMAPHILA
Wi ntergreen, or pi psi ssewa, Chimaphila umbellata, i s a creepi ng-
evergreen vi ne nati ve to northern l ati tudes of Europe and Asi a, and
found i n the Uni ted States i n shady woods, where i t prefers l oose, sandy
soi l . The I ndi ans of North Ameri ca consi dered chi maphi l a of i mportance,
usi ng decocti ons of i t i n nephri ti c, scroful ous, and rheumati c di sorders.
Mi tchel l (441), i n hi s I naugural Address, 1803, (Uni versi ty of
Pennsyl vani a) gave the drug parti cul ar attenti on, whi l st i n domesti c
medi ci ne i t was i n favor as a tea, i n the secti ons of country i n whi ch i t
was nati ve, i ts use bei ng especi al l y i n rheumati c and nephri ti c
affecti ons. I n these di recti ons i t crept i nto some favor wi th the medi cal
professi on, and thus anti ci pated the uses of sal i cyl i c aci d and the
sal i cyl ates, whi ch i n structural form are consti tuents of thi s pl ant.
CHIRATA
An annual herb of the mountai nous regi ons of Northern I ndi a, chi rata
(Swertia chirayita) has l ong been hel d i n esteem by the Hi ndoos,
bei ng frequentl y menti oned by Susruta (522). I t di d not attract
attenti on i n Engl and unti l 1829, and was i ntroduced i nto the
Edi nburgh Pharmacopei a i n 1839. I t was fi rst descri bed by Roxburgh
(559) i n 1814. No record of i ts i ntroducti on i nto I ndi an medi ci ne nor to
i ts ori gi nal usage i s possi bl e, other than that i t i s a gi ft of nati ve
medi cati on and i s descri bed i n Sanscri t wri ti ngs.
CHONDRUS
I ri sh Moss, Chondrus crispus, has been known from an earl y peri od,
i ts use bei ng chi efl y as a domesti c medi ci ne. The London or Bri ti sh
Pharmacopei a never gave i t a posi ti on. Todhunter at Dubl i n 1831,
i ntroduced i t to the noti ce of the medi cal professi on. The method of i ts
empl oyment i s yet i n decocti on or i nfusi on, no attempt bei ng made to
i mprove upon i ts domesti c form.
CHRYSAROBINUM
Thi s substance, formerl y supposed to be i denti cal wi th crude chrys-
ophani c aci d, i s deri ved from Goa Powder, a deposi t found i n the cavi ti es
of the trunk of the Andira araroba, a South Ameri can tree. I t i s used i n
ski n di seases i n the same manner as the crude Goa powder, from whi ch
i t i s si mpl y a separated materi al . Goa powder was empl oyed i n nati ve
medi cati on as a remedy i n ski n di seases, whi ch brought i t to the
attenti on of physi ci ans and l ed to i ts i ntroducti on i nto medi ci ne, as wel l
as i ts fi nal i nserti on i n the Pharmacopei a.
CIMICIFUGA (MACROTYS)
Ci mi ci fuga i s abundantl y di stri buted i n ri ch woodl ands over the greater
porti on of the Uni ted States east of the Mi ssi ssi ppi Ri ver, except i n New
Engl and and the extreme South. I t i s al so found i n Mi ssouri and
Arkansas. Ci mi ci fuga was observed by the earl i est European travel ers
i n Ameri ca, bei ng carri ed to Engl and i n 1732, and fi rst descri bed by
Pl ukenet (514a) i n 1696. Al l pre-Li nnan wri ters cl assed the pl ant wi th
acta, mostl y under Tournefort's (649) name, Chri stopheri ana.
Li nnaeus (385) gave i t the name Acta racemosa, under whi ch i t was
cl assed unti l Pursh (528) referred i t to the genus ci mi ci fuga. Rafi nesque
(535), 1808, by reason of the fact that the frui t of the pl ant does not
accord wi th that of ei ther acta or ci mi ci fuga, proposed the name
Macrotys actoi des, changi ng the name i n 1828 to Botrophi a
serpentari a. Eaton (211) i n the fourth edi ti on of hi s Manual fol l owed
Rafi nesque, cal l i ng the pl ant Macrotys serpentari a.
Ci mi ci fuga was hi ghl y val ued by the I ndi ans, who empl oyed decocti ons
of the drug for di seases of women, for debi l i ty, to promote perspi rati on,
as a gargl e for sore throat, and especi al l y for rheumati sm. These uses by
the I ndi ans i ntroduced the drug to earl y Domesti c Ameri can medi ci ne,
and i t was consequentl y gi ven much attenti on by the earl i est wri ters, e.
g., Schoepf (582), 1785; Barton (43), 1801; Peter Smi th (605), 1812;
Bi gel ow (69), 1822; Garden (256a), 1823; Ewel l (230), 1827; Rafi nesque
(535), 1828; and Tonga and Durand's (222) addi ti on to Edwards' and
Vavasseur's Materi a Medi ca, 1829. None of these authori ti es, however,
added anythi ng not gi ven by the I ndi an, so far as the fi el d of acti on of
the drug i s concerned, excepti ng perhaps the statement of Howard
(329), 1832, who was an enthusi ast i n favor of macrotys i n the
treatment of smal l pox, a cl ai m supported forty years after by Dr. G. H.
Norri s, 1872, i n a paper read before the Al abama State Medi cal
Associ ati on. He reported that duri ng an epi demi c of smal l pox i n
Huntsvi l l e, Al a., fami l i es usi ng macrotys as a tea were absol utel y free
from smal l pox, and that i n those same fami l i es vacci nati on had no effect
whatever, so l ong as the use of macrotys was conti nued. (See Ll oyd
Brothers' Drug Treati se No. XI I I , Macrotys.)
CINCHONA
Tradi ti on states that the medi ci nal qual i ti es of ci nchona (Cinchona
calisaya) were known to the abori gi nes of South Ameri ca from the
earl i est ti mes. Arrot (Phi l osophi cal Transacti ons, xl , 1737-8, p. 48) states
that the qual i ti es and uses of the bark of ci nchona were known to the
I ndi ans before the days of the Spani sh conquest. Others decl are that
the Peruvi ans di strusted the drug, consi deri ng i t dangerous; Markham
(406) asserti ng that the nati ve doctors di d not empl oy i t. Precedi ng
1739, a Jesui t mi ssi onary, however, was cured of fever by the bark,
admi ni stered to hi m by an I ndi an; a l i ke i nci dent bei ng recorded
concerni ng the Spani sh corregi dor of Loxa, i n 1630. I n 1638, the wi fe of
the Vi ceroy of Peru, the fourth Count of Chi nchon, bei ng attacked by a
fever, was cured wi th the powdered bark, whi ch bei ng commended by
her, gave to i t the name, The Countess' Powder, or ci nchona.
I ntroduced i nto Spai n under the name Jesui t bark, or powder, as wel l
as ci nchona, i t passed thence i nto other European countri es, bei ng
l argel y di stri buted by the Jesui t Fathers.
Acri moni ous di scussi ons, too numerous and too personal to attempt to
record, fol l owed the i nroads of thi s once rankl y empi ri cal drug, whi ch,
however, was possessed of qual i ti es suffi ci ent to establ i sh i t fi nal l y i n
the favor of regul ar medi cati on. I t was i ntroduced i nto Engl and about
1656, commandi ng then a pri ce many ti mes above that of opi um.
CINNAMOMUM CASSIA
Probabl y thi s i s the fi rst spi ce sought i n the commerce of the Ori ent or
from the I ndi an Ocean, i ts earl y record bei ng l ost i n anti qui ty. I t i s
menti oned as a preci ous spi ce i n the Psal ms, Proverbs, Ezeki el ,
Revel ati on, etc., and by the anci ent hi stori ans Theophrastus (633),
Herodotus (314a), Gal en (254a), Di oscori des (194), Pl i ny (514), Strabo,
and others. No di sti ncti on was then drawn between ci nnamon and
cassi a, the di fference bei ng consi dered one of qual i ty onl y. Ci nnamon
and cassi a are menti oned as ranki ng i n val ue wi th gol d, i vory, and
franki ncense, and as bei ng among the most costl y of the offeri ngs i n the
templ e of Apol l o i n Mi l etus, B. C. 243. No menti on i s made i n any ol d
hi stori cal document of i ts bei ng deri ved from Ceyl on. I t i s accepted as
bei ng menti oned i n the Chi nese herbal s from 2700 B. C. to 1200 B. C.
Many vari eti es of the tree are found i n I ndi a, as wel l as i n Ceyl on, i n
whi ch country, however, no menti on of ci nnamon i s made pri or to the
thi rteenth century. Cassi a and ci nnamon were empl oyed as spi ces and
remedi es, especi al l y by the abori gi nes, and i n the rel i gi ous servi ces of
the earl y peopl es of the countri es menti oned. The aromati c drugs dri fted
i nto Europe as exceedi ngl y rare and val uabl e products some ti me before
the date of the East I ndi a Company. Cassi a was one of the i ngredi ents
of the embal mi ng mi xtures used by the Egypti ans (see Myrrh).
COCA (THE DIVINE PLANT OF THE INCAS)
15

Erythroxylon coca i s a tree nati ve to the eastern sl opes of the Andes,
where, especi al l y i n Bol i vi a, l arge pl antati ons are cul ti vated. The l eaves
have been hi ghl y val ued, from the earl i est records, by the nati ves of
Peru, Chi l i , and Bol i vi a, by whom the tree was cal l ed The Di vi ne Pl ant
of the I ncas. I n 1569, Monardes (447), of Sevi l l e, publ i shed an arti cl e
on the drug, reproduced, 1577, i n London. (Dowdes-wel l (196a).) Thi s i s
among the fi rst references to the drug i n pri nt, known to us, and i t was
fol l owed by the botani cal descri pti on, by Cl usi us (153), i n 1605.
The hi story of coca, i n i ts many phases, i s most exhausti vel y presented
by several travel ers and authors, a l arge i l l ustrated work of near 600
pages by W. Gol den Morti mer, M. D., under the ti tl e Peru. Hi story of
Coca, bei ng of exceedi ng i nterest (451a).
That coca was honored i n thei r sacred ceremoni es by the nati ves of the
l ands produci ng i t, i s evi denced by the fol l owi ng reci tal (451a),
addressed to the soverei gn:
Oh, mi ghty l ord, son of the Sun and of the I ncas, thy fathers, thou who knoweth of the
bounti es whi ch have been granted thy peopl e, l et me recal l the bl essi ngs of the di vi ne
Coca whi ch thy pri vi l eged subjects are permi tted to enjoy through thy progeni tors,
the sun, the moon, the earth, and the boundl ess hi l l s.
A pl ant so regarded necessari l y fel l under the adverse cri ti ci sm of the
devoutl y rel i gi ous, earl y Spani sh expl orers, who natural l y di rected thei r
efforts agai nst everythi ng that, i n thei r opi ni on, consti tuted a part of
heathen worshi p and di verted the nati ves from the true God. Thi s i s
shown by the fol l owi ng quotati on from Morti mer:
I n 1569 the Spani sh audi ence at Li ma, composed of bi shops from al l parts of South
Ameri ca, denounced Coca because, as they asserted, i t was a perni ci ous l eaf, the
chewi ng of whi ch the I ndi ans supposed gave them strength, and was hence: Un
delusio del demonio.
15 A l onger monogr aph by Ll oyd can be found at: http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Coca.pdf
I n thi s connecti on the fol l owi ng quotati on wi l l i ndi cate how di stasteful
are the methods of the nati ves, even yet, to those whose fi rst duty
consi sts i n suppressi ng such ceremoni es as are therei n descri bed:
When the peri od for departure (on a dangerous journey.L.) actual l y arri ves, the
I ndi ans throw Coca i n the ai r, just as di d the I ncan pri ests of ol d, to propi ti ate the
gods of the mountai ns, who, presumabl y, do not wi sh thei r domai ns i nvaded.
The nati ve I ndi an use of coca was exhi bi ted where i t was necessary for
men to make the most exhausti ng physi cal effort, as the I ndi an
runners of the Andes, carryi ng wi th them a modi cum of food or other
burdens. A few coca l eaves suffi ced as a hunger paci fi er, and upon thi s
as a basi s the runners underwent the most exhausti ng and exacti ng
journeys. I t was accepted by observi ng travel ers that the l eaves, bei ng
chewed, woul d yi el d an abundance of "vi tal strength." The endurance of
peopl e thus empl oyi ng the drug i s noted al so by the Jesui t Father Bi as
Val era (656d) under the name Cuca. After observi ng the methods of the
Jesui t expl orers, he wri tes as fol l ows:
I t may be gathered how powerful the Cuca i s i n i ts effect on the l aborer, from the fact
that the I ndi ans who use i t become stronger and much more sati sfi ed, and work al l
day wi thout eati ng.
Notwi thstandi ng al l thi s, forti fi ed by repeated experi ences of travel ers,
the worl d of sci enti fi c medi ci ne i gnored, or even ri di cul ed, the drug,
unti l i ts emphati c i ntroducti on i n the l atter part of the l ast century
(about 1870, i n Engl and), forced those concerned i n authori tati ve
medi ci ne to gi ve i t some recogni ti on. Numerous experi mentati ons on i ts
composi ti on had been made by Dr. Weddel l , i n 1850 (671), and others,
succeedi ng as wel l as precedi ng that date, who tri ed vai nl y to di scover
an energeti c consti tuent of the drug. I t was at fi rst bel i eved that the
l eaves owed thei r i nherent qual i ti es (i f they had any, whi ch was
questi oned) to some vol ati l e pri nci pl e, a supposi ti on that proved a
fal l acy, other than i n the di scovery of the vol ati l e base named by them
hydri ne, whi ch di d not at al l represent coca and whi ch i s no l onger
menti oned. However, the persi stent reports concerni ng the use of coca
and i ts reputed powers as an empi ri cal substance that was creepi ng i nto
the use of practi ci ng physi ci ans, l ed such chemi sts as Hesse, Ni emann,
Stani sl as, Marti n, Mai sch, Lossi n, Woehl er, and many others, to
repeated chemi cal exami nati ons of the drug and i ts qual i ti es, resul ti ng
i n a number of products, such as coca-wax, coca-tanni c aci d, and even
of several al kal oi dal bases, i ncl udi ng one named cocai ne, thi s al kal oi d
bei ng di scovered i n 1860 by Ni emann, an assi stant i n the l aboratory of
Professor Woehl er, of Gotti ngen, Germany.
But notwi thstandi ng the i denti fi cati on, hal f a century ago, of i ts now
wel l -known al kal oi d, coca was l ong thereafter authori tati vel y
consi dered as i nert, or si mpl y a mi l d sti mul ant, l i ke tea. I ts al l eged
properti es were deemed l egendary and i magi nary, i ts al kal oi d si mi l ar to
caffei ne, both i n consti tuti on and qual i ti es. Thi s vi ew prevai l ed unti l
Rol l er, i n 1884, confounded the professi onal worl d, as wel l as that of
sci ence, by announci ng thte marvel ous qual i ti es of cocai ne as a l ocal
anestheti c. I n thi s connecti on we may further anti ci pate by sayi ng that
previ ous i nvesti gators of coca had al ready empl oyed the physi ol ogi cal
method of i njecti ng the al kal oi d cocai ne i nto the vei ns of the l ower
ani mal s, as wel l as the uti l i zati on of other sci enti fi c methods of
determi ni ng i ts val ue, such authori tati ve i nvesti gati ons bei ng accepted
as concl usi ve evi dence of the fact that coca, other than as a mi l d
sti mul ant, l i ke tea or coffee, was worthl ess and i nert, and that i ts
al kal oi d, cocai ne, was si mi l ar i n effect to caffei ne. Physi ci ans usi ng coca
were thus becomi ng subjects of ri di cul e, as bei ng i ncapabl e of judgi ng a
remedy's qual i ti es; pharmaci sts maki ng preparati ons of the drug were
ti nctured wi th the odi um of bei ng concerned i n a fraud, whi l e the
nati ves who empl oyed i t i n thei r dai l y l i fe, as wel l as travel ers i mpressed
thereby, were regarded as bei ng i nvol ved i n i gnorance and i mbued wi th
supersti ti ous i magi ni ngs. I nto these cl asses were thrust such men as
Poeppi g, von Tschudi , Scherzer, Stevenson, Weddel l , Spruce, Markham,
and others, sci enti sts and travel ers, who spoke from personal
observati on or experi ence. Al though other pessi mi sts contri buted i n the
same di recti on, the most authori tati ve i nvesti gati ons to di scredi t coca
appeared i n the London Lancet, 1876 (106a), and i n the Gdi nburgh
Medi cal Journal , Vol . XI X, 1873 (55b), whi ch may be summari zed as
fol l ows:
G. F. Dowdeswel l , B. A., of London, Engl and, bei ng conversant wi th the
record of coca and much i nterested i n the subject, determi ned to
establ i sh i ts posi ti on unquesti onabl y, by personal experi mentati on i n a
sci enti fi c way. Wi th thi s object, he made a careful study of the record of
coca (i 96a) and i ts reputed acti on. He took pai ns to credi t those who had
previ ousl y made reports, descri bi ng i n detai l the processes of the nati ve
coca users, and i ncl udi ng the experi ments of Dr. Al exander Bennett,
1873 (55b), i n whi ch the physi ol ogi cal acti on of cocai ne on frogs, mi ce,
and rabbi ts gave no therapeuti c promi se of i ndi vi dual characteri sti c
other than the suggesti on that i t paral l el ed caffei ne, thei ne, and
theobromi ne, the summary (Bennett) bei ng as fol l ows:
When we compare thi s cocai ne wi th thei ne, caffei ne, and guarana, we fi nd that i f i t i s
not i denti cal wi th these substances, i t i s i nti matel y rel ated to them i n chemi cal
composi ti on; (p. 324).
The i nvesti gator had not enough cocai ne to gi ve compl etel y i ts acti on on
temperature and the gl andul ar secreti ons, but adds that (p.235) (55b),
as compared wi th caffei ne, thei ne, and so forth, i n every other respect
cocai ne had si mi l ar acti on, thus gi vi ng i t no qual i ty of i ts own (55b).
Havi ng revi ewed the l i terature on coca (i ncl udi ng Bennett's
physi ol ogi cal i nvesti gati ons on cocai ne), Dowdeswel l fi rst obtai ned
speci mens of the drug, of unquesti oned qual i ty. He then i nterested i n
hi s work such authori ti es as Ri nger (who furni shed i nstruments of
perfectl y accurate resul ts) and the conspi cuous Professor Murrel l , of
Uni versi ty Col l ege. The preparati ons empl oyed were made by the wel l -
known Engl i sh chemi st Mr. Garrard, referred to by Dowdeswel l as
fol l ows:
Al l of whi ch were wel l prepared by Mr. Garrard, of Uni versi ty Col l ege Hospi tal , who
has taken much i nterest i n the subject, and who has al so very successful l y obtai ned
the al kal oi d and the vol ati l e consti tuent of the l eaf, and i s sti l l conti nui ng an
i nvesti gati on of i ts pharmaceuti cal properti es, for whi ch hi s ski l l ful preparati ons of
other previ ousl y unknown al kal oi ds, as of jaborandi , emi nentl y qual i fy hi m.
The preparati ons made by Garrard were not onl y such as paral l el ed the
products of the nati ve users of coca, but al so i ncl uded others, suggested
by hi s own chemi cal and pharmaceuti cal knowl edge. The
experi mentati on consi dered, i n detai l , bodi l y condi ti ons, rate of pul se,
temperature, uri ne, urea excreti on, etc., etc., as i nfl uenced by coca. Two
detai l ed tabl es (p. 666) (196a), gi ve the resul ts, whi ch, to the utter
di sparagement of coca, are summed up by Dowdeswel l as fol l ows:
I t has not affected the pupi l nor the state of the ski n: i t has caused nei ther
drowsi ness nor sl eepl essness; assuredl y i t has occasi oned none of those subjecti ve
effects so fervi dl y descri bed and abscri bed to i t by othersnot the sl i ghtest
exci tement, nor even the feel i ng of buoyancy and exhi l arati on whi ch i s experi enced
from mountai n ai r, or a draught of spri ng water. Thi s exami nati on was commenced i n
the expectati on that the drug woul d prove i mportant and i nteresti ng physi ol ogi cal l y,
'and perhaps val uabl e as a therapeuti cal agent. Thi s expectati on has been
di sappoi nted. Wi thout asserti ng that i t i s posi ti vel y i nert, i t i s concl uded from these
experi ments that i ts acti on i s so sl i ght as to precl ude the i dea of i ts havi ng any val ue
ei ther therapeuti cal l y or popul arl y; and i t i s the bel i ef of the wri ter, from observati on
upon the effect on the pul se, etc., of tea, mi l k-and-water, and even pl ai n water, hot,
tepi d, and col d, that such thi ngs may, at sl i ghtl y di fferent temperatures, produce a
more deci ded effect than even l arge doses of Coca, i f taken at about the temperature
of the body.
The resul t of the i nvesti gati ons of these emi nent authori ti es, i n
connecti on wi th the physi ol ogi cal experi mentati ons wth cocai ne,
demonstrated to the sati sfacti on of the worl d of sci ence and the
professi ons that thi s drug was, at the very best, merel y a somethi ng i n
the l i ne of the caffei ne-beari ng sti mul ants, such as tea and coffee, and,
next, that i nstead of bei ng of any val ue whatever, or of possessi ng any
i nherent qual i ty whatever, i t was posi ti vel y i nert, havi ng (196a)
an acti on so sl i ght as to precl ude the i dea of i ts havi ng any val ue, ei ther
therapeuti cal l y or popul ar;
that i t has no greater effect on the pul se than
tea, mi l k-and-water, or even pl ai n water, hot, tepi d, and col d;
that i t
occasi oned none of those subjecti ve effects so fervi dl y descri bed and ascri bed to i t by
othersnot the sl i ghtest exci tement, nor even the feel i ng of buoyancy and
exhi l arati on whi ch i s experi enced from mountai n ai r, or a draught of spri ng water.
To thi s may be added the si mi l ar resul ts obtai ned by Professor Roberts
Barthol ow, M. D., to the effect that i t acts l i ke thei ne and caffei ne as an
i ndi rect nutri ent, etc. (Therapeutic Gazette, Jul y, 1880, p.280) (564).
Just at that ti me the Ameri can New Remedy Craze of the 70's was at
i ts hei ght. Among the substances eul ogi zed was coca, whi ch had
recei ved thereby a posi ti on i n the Pri ces Current of al l the Ameri can
manufacturi ng pharmaceuti cal establ i shments, as wel l as the eul ogi sti c
commendati ons of physi ci ans i n Ameri can medi cal pri nts.
Paral yzi ng to such as these were the adverse authori tati ve reports
concerni ng the worthl essness and i nertness of the drug (106a). Al l thi s,
together wi th the vari ati ons i n the qual i ty of the commerci al arti cl e
(such vari ati ons i n qual i ty bei ng confi rmed l ater by Professor H. H.
Rusby, M.D.), very much di sturbed the tal ented, careful , and
excepti onal l y consci enti ous chemi st, the l eadi ng Ameri can
manufacturi ng pharmaci st of that date, Dr. Edward R. Squi bb, of
Brookl yn, N. Y. I n the hei ght of the commerci al demand for coca he
determi ned to sacri fi ce hi s commerci al opportuni ti es to hi s professi onal
i deal s, and to accept the provi ngs of sci enti fi c authori ty, by excl udi ng
al l coca preparati ons from hi s pharmaceuti cal l i st, commendi ng tea and
coffee i n thei r stead. He wri tes as fol l ows i n hi s Ephemeris (610a), Jul y,
1884:
Al most every purchase (of the crude drug.L.) has been made on mental protest, and
he (Squi bb) has been ashamed of every pound of the fl ui d extract sent out, from the
knowl edge that i t was of poor qual i ty; and there seems to be no more prospect of a
suppl y of a better qual i ty than there was thi s ti me l ast year, because so l ong as an
i nferi or qual i ty sel l s i n such enormous quanti ti es at good pri ces, the demands of trade
are sati sfi ed.
Under thi s condi ti on of the markets, the wri ter has fi nal l y deci ded to gi ve up maki ng a
fl ui d extract of Coca, and has l eft i t off hi s l i st, adopti ng a fl ui d extract of tea i nstead,
as a superi or substi tute, for those who may choose to use i t, and regrets that thi s
course was not taken a year ago.
Dr. Squi bb, however, wi th even more than hi s usual careful ness and
desi re to extend professi onal courtesy to one and al l , perhaps gui ded
al so by a l atent questi oni ng of the possi bi l i ty of paral l el i ng the acti on of
a drug i n abnormal condi ti ons of the human bei ng by a study of the
acti on of that drug on the l ower ani mal s or even on a man i n heal th,
refers to the fact that authori ti es are often i n error or opposed i n
opi ni on, forti fyi ng thi s statement i n the fol l owi ng words:
Confl i cti ng and contradi ctory testi mony from competent authori ty i s not uncommon
i n therapeuti cs, and the reasons for i t are wel l recogni zed i n the i mpossi bi l i ty of an
equal i ty i n the condi ti ons and ci rcumstances of the i nvesti gati ons, and hence the
general deci si on commonl y reached, i s upon the pri nci pl es of averages.
And yet, the i nvesti gati ons of Dowdeswel l seemi ng i ncontroverti bl e, Dr.
Squi bb adds as fol l ows:
But there has been no observer on ei ther si de whose researches have been anythi ng
l i ke so thorough, so extended or so accurate as those of Mr. Dowdeswel l . I ndeed, no
other account has been met wi th, wherei n the modern methods of preci si on have been
appl i ed to the questi on at al l ; the other testi mony bei ng al l rather l oose and i ndefi ni te,
often at second or thi rd hands, or from the narrati ves of more or l ess enthusi asti c
travel ers. But i f Mr. Dowdeswel l 's resul ts be accepted as bei ng concl usi ve, the annual
consumpti on of 40,000,000 pounds of Coca, at a cost of $10,000,000, promotes thi s
substance to take rank among the l arge economi c bl unders of the age.
Now came the i rony of fate! Scarcel y had the i nk dri ed i n the
publ i cati on (Ephemeris) aforenamed, recordi ng Dr. Squi bb's fai th fore i t
was announced i n a l etter to Dr. Squi bb, dated September 19, 1884,
from Dr. Henry D. Noyes, a physi ci an of New York then i n i n the resul ts
of the i nvesti gati ons of Bennett and of Dowdeswel l , be-Kreuznach,
Ger many (Ephemeris, Nov., 1884, p. 685), that a medi cal student named
Kol l er, of Vi enna, had di scovered that a sol uti on of hydrochl orate of
cocai ne was possessed of marvel ous qual i ti es as a l ocal anestheti c.
Thi s l etter of Dr. Noyes was i mmedi atel y gi ven a setti ng, or reference
was made thereto, i n every pharmaceuti cal and medi cal journal of
Ameri ca. Such an authori ty as Dr. D. Agnew, of Phi l adel phi a, wrote as
fol l ows i n the Medi cal Record, October 18, 1884:
We have to-day (Oct. 18, 1884), used the agent i n our cl i ni c at the Col l ege of
Physi ci ans and Surgeons, wi th most astoni shi ng and sati sfactory resul ts. I f further
use shoul d prove to be equal l y sati sfactory, we wi l l be i n possessi on of an agent for
the preventi on of sufferi ng i n opthal mi c operati ons of i nesti mabl e val ue.
Came al so l eadi ng edi tori al s i n the vari ous publ i cati ons on medi ci ne and
pharmacy, of whi ch that from the pen of the then edi tor of the
Druggists' Circular, Mr. Henry B. Parsons, brother of the present edi tor
of the Practical Druggist, i s typi cal . From i t we quote as fol l ows:
For the past month Ameri can medi cal journal s have fai rl y bri stl ed wi th reports from
vari ous hospi tal surgeons, and i t i s pl easi ng to note that, on the whol e, the cl ai ms fi rst
made for thi s remedy have been sustai ned. I t seems to be proved that, i n the
majori ty of cases, the appl i cati on to the eye of a few drops of a 2 or 4 per cent sol uti on
of thi s sal t wi l l produce a more or l ess compl ete, but transi ent, i nsensi bi l i ty to pai n,
wi th enl argement of the pupi l . Operati ons upon the conjuncti va and cornea ordi nari l y
requi ri ng the use of chl oroform or ether have been performed upon pati ents consci ous
of everythi ng bei ng done, but saved from pai n by the appl i cati on of a weak aqueous
sol uti on of thi s sal t. I n several operati ons for removal of hard cataract, the pati ents
compl ai ned of no pai n whatever, the enti re conjuncti val surface bei ng i nsensi bl e to
repeated pi nchi ngs wi th the surgeon's forceps. The onl y sensati on descri bed was that
of numbness and hardness. After a ti me the eye returns to i ts normal
sensi ti veness, and there seems to be no troubl esome l ocal after-effects.
Let i t be observed that i n the begi nni ng cocai ne was commended i n
operati ons on the cornea of the eye, i ts l atest appl i cati on i n mi nor
operati ons i n surgery, denti stry, and el sewhere bei ng at that ti me not
even a theoreti cal possi bi l i ty.
Turni ng hi s face to the future, and accepti ng the facts of the present,
Dr. Squi bb now threw al l hi s efforts i nto a new i nvesti gati on of coca and
i ts al kal oi d, hi s process of manufacture bei ng yet a standard, and hi s
wri ti ngs on cocai ne bei ng yet authori ty. These need but be referred to as
occupyi ng many pages i n the Gphemeri s, 1884-5. They stand as a
l asti ng memori al to the man who took pl easure i n publ i cl y correcti ng an
error, and whose record i n Ameri can pharmacy i s monumental .
The di scovery of the anestheti c qual i ti es of coca marked the begi nni ng
of an epoch i n medi cati on whose story, i n connecti on wi th the past,
pl eads i rresi sti bl y for tol erance of thought and acti on toward men who
know that whi ch they know by reason of personal experi ence and the
art of empi ri cal experi mentati on. Perhaps i n no other i nstance has the
al most hopel ess cry for recogni ti on of the facts devel oped by empi ri ci sm
been more promi nentl y i l l ustrated than by the struggl e of thi s drug.
One of the greatest bl essi ngs to humani ty, i t was for nearl y three
centuri es negl ected by men of sci ence and subjugated by professi onal
prejudi ces. At l ast the emi nent botani st and pharmacol ogi st Henry H.
Rusby, M. D., was l ed to undertake a journey to South Ameri ca i n
behal f of sci ence, coca bei ng a domi nant factor, i n whi ch enterpri se the
great pharmaceuti cal house of Parke, Davi s & Co., of Detroi t, who
fi nanced the expedi ti on, deserves great credi t. The resul t of Dr. Rusby's
study i s presented i n The Therapeutic Gazette (564), 1886, pp. 14-18,
and 1888, pp. 158-303, and i t may be added that thi s excepti onal l y
val uabl e treati se i s at thi s date not l ess i mportant than when wri tten.
Needl ess i s i t to do more than refer to the marvel ous reacti on that
fol l owed Rol l er's di scovery of the power of cocai ne as a l ocal anestheti c.
A l i brary woul d be requi red to shel ve the works devoted, eul ogi sti cal l y,
to the new di scovery. A vol ume woul d scarcel y pri nt the names of the
enthusi asti c converts to cocai ne, formerl y so di scredi ted, and the ti tl es of
thei r contri buti ons.
Let us now do tardy justi ce to the propheti c words of the seer-l i ke poet,
who so often foresees that whi ch others ei ther negl ect or do not
appreci ate. The poet Cowl ey, 1618-1667 (170a), i n hi s Book of Plants,
publ i shed i n 1662, not onl y menti ons coca, but sets forth that marvel ous
drug i n terms that, negl ected and di scredi ted for nearl y three centuri es,
need to-day no apol ogy, as evi denced by the fol l owi ng transl ati on:
Eulogy of Coca
From Cowley's Book of Plants,
16
V: 783-838.
Translated from the Latin by Margaret Stewart, M. A.
The vine departs; and all the deities of the old world applaud, and with
purpled hands seize the clusters. Bacchus, in jesting mood, brings a generous
cup of wine, pressed from many grapes, to thee, Omelochilus. Come, drink,
comrade, he said. If thou dost taste this wine, no other of the gods will be
more fit than thou to tempt the crude appetites of the cannibals.
And Omelochilus, not accustomed to the acid Grecian wine, drinking it,
rages in frantic wrath, and would doubtless repay the jest with blows, but
fears the well known strength and courage of the European deity. Therefore
(to be quits with his tormentor.S.) he bids the fruits advance to strife less
cruel. They all stand forth in beautiful array, displaying their various
products, and like Amazons they advance, with pictured armor.
First in line, dishonored from lack of fruit,
17
stands Coca, a little tree,
gleaming with slender stem. And Venus scoffs. Truly, the race of American
husbandmen have chosen with little judgment, coming into a contest as
regards fertility with a dwarf eunuch as their leader. The gods shout with
laughter. But Mother Pachamama rebukes the bold goddess, and defends
her loved Coca. How greatly dost thou err, Cytherea! Truly, the lustful
fertility of lovers is alone known to thee. Here, thou art a bad judge. My
realms, lacking sex, are an unknown country to thee. Beyond all others,
everywhere, the land is fertile. This tree at which you scoff, is perennially
fertile, and ever swells with unnumbered fruits. Do you still laugh? See how
full of leaves it is! In every leaf it bears a fruit. Nor will these leaves yield in
usefulness to any fruits from any tree. These, by the wonderful gift of
Pacchamacus Virococha (who was moved to pity by the coming hardships of
the land, reduced to poverty because of its too great wealth), remaining for a
time in the mouth, the juice trickling thence continuously to the stomach,
restore the weak, made languid by long continued hunger and lengthened
toil, and give back vigor to the limbs and strength to the weak body, tottering
under its burden, in a manner such as you, Bacchus and Ceres, deities both,
could never do. The Quitoita, carrying three of these as supplies for their
journey, will sometimes endure for twice three days, and feasting
16 I n thi s porti on of the poem, Cowl ey descri bes a feast of the gods, i ncl udi ng the dei ti es of both the
New and the Ol d Worl ds. Venus presi des, and Bacchus offers wi ne to Omel ochi l us, a South
Ameri can dei ty. Pachamama (the "ski n mother") i s a l eadi ng dei ty of the I ncas. The "Qui toi ta,"
"Vi cugni ," and "Paci " are tri bes of I ndi ans, now obscurel y known. The transl ati on i s i n most cases
stri ctl y l i teral , but i n a few l i nes the sense requi res a somewhat free renderi ng. Several edi ti ons of
Cowl ey's "Sex Li bri Pl antarum" are on the shel ves of the Ll oyd Li brary. The one from whi ch the
tr ansl ati on i s made was pr i nted i n London, 1678.S.
17 The shrub coca bears a creamy whi te fl ower, and a berry somewhat l i ke a smal l cranberry, red
when i mmature, but darkeni ng to nearl y bl ack. Of thi s Cowl ey was evi dentl y unaware.S.
abundantly upon these, will traverse the dreadful Andes, a frightful land,
situated among the highest clouds, the home of winds and rain and winter
storm, and likewise thine, brave Coca, whom the warlike goddess Venus
derides as an insignificant leader. Nor shalt thou be less esteemed for thy
admirable qualities, illustrious Coca, than for thy services to mankind. The
merchant fears not to seek thee here, to bear thee hence. Yearly he loads the
groaning Vicugni and Paci in countless numbers with thy leaves, bringing a
pleasing commerce to the wretched world.
Thus speaks the mother Pachamama, her skin painted with numberless
figures, and with a nod she bids Hovia to advance, Hovia, bearing fruits stony
and despised, but ranking next in value (to those of Coca.S.) though of
different kind.
COCCUS
The cochi neal i nsect, Pseudococcus cacti , i s nati ve to Mexi co and tropi cal
Ameri ca, where i t feeds on certai n speci es of cactus. These i nsects were
thence i mported i nto the Canary I sl ands, where they are rai sed i n l arge
numbers, as wel l as i n the West I ndi es and other countri es. They are
sources of great profi t to the Mexi cans, who, so far as known, have
al ways been acquai nted wi th thei r qual i ty of i mparti ng a red col or to
confecti onery and pastry, for whi ch purpose (and as the source of
carmi ne) they are sti l l chi efl y empl oyed. I n domesti c medi ci ne they have
been commended i n whoopi ng cough and neural gi c affecti ons, but have
never been seri ousl y consi dered by the medi cal professi on.
COLCHICI CORMUS ET SEMEN
Col chi cum (Colchicum autumnale) was known i n very earl y days,
Di oscori des (194) menti oni ng i ts poi sonous properti es. I t was used as a
rheumati c or gout remedy by the Arabi ans, as noted i n the wri ti ngs of
Tragus (650), 1552, who warns hi s readers agai nst i ts use i n gout. I t
was empl oyed empi ri cal l y i n these di recti ons i n domesti c Engl i sh
medi ci ne, but was, however, i n di sfavor wi th the medi cal professi on,
bei ng cal l ed by them Colchicum perniciosum, and consi dered very
hurtful l to the stomacke. Wedel (672), i n 1718, hel d col chi cum i n great
di sfavor, as i ndi cated by the fol l owi ng quotati on: Vel ut i n fame
habi tum et damnatum fui t col chi cum, i ndi gnum habi tum i nter herbas
medi cas vel offi ci nal es.
Col chi cum was menti oned i n the London Pharmacopei a, second edi ti on,
1618, and was gi ven an occasi onal pl ace i n subsequent edi ti ons, but
was al together omi tted i n the edi ti ons between 1650 and 1788, after
whi ch, owi ng to the i nvesti gati ons of Storck (617), i t was agai n gi ven an
authori tati ve pl ace.
COLOCYNTHIS
18

The col ocynth pl ant occupi es the vast area extendi ng from the west
coast of Northern Afri ca (Senegambi a, Morocco, and the Cape Verde
I sl ands), eastward through the Sahara, Egypt, Arabi a, Persi a,
Bel uchi stan, and through I ndi a, as far as the Coromandel Coast and
Ceyl on, touchi ng northward the Medi terranean and Caspi an Seas. At
the Red Sea, near Kossei r, i t occurs i n i mmense quanti ti es (239-240). I t
i s al so found here and there i n Southern European countri es, e. g.,
Spai n and the i sl ands of the Greci an archi pel ago. I sol ated speci mens
occur i n the Cape of Good Hope, Japan, Si ci l y (57), and i t i s suggested
that bi rds of passage have much to do wi th the di stri buti on of the seed.
Even from our hemi sphere we have recent reports of i ts successful
cul ti vati on on a smal l scal e.
I n the i sl and of Cyprus the rai si ng of col ocynth has been a source of
revenue si nce the fourteenth century, and i t sti l l forms an arti cl e of
export at the present ti me.
Col ocynth, as al ready stated, i s a characteri sti c desert pl ant. Hooker and
Bal l (323a) met wi th i t i n the oasi s of Sheshuaua i n Morocco, and state
that thi s characteri sti c pl ant of the desert regi on i n North Afri ca rarel y
approaches the sea shore. The frui t i s used i n Morocco for the purpose of
protecti ng wool en cl othi ng from moths; but accordi ng to the testi mony of
these observers the purgati ve qual i ti es of col ocynth do not seem to be
known to the nati ve doctors.
Vol kens (664a) enumerates ci trul l us col ocynthi s (L.) Schrader, among
the pl ants growi ng i n the Egypto-Arabi an deserts, poi nti ng to i ts
exceedi ngl y rapi d devel opment, especi al l y the frui t, whi ch attai ns a
di ameter of ten centi meters. After the vi ne has wi thered away the frui ts
may be seen l yi ng i n the sand of the desert, ten to fi fteen i n number,
about each pl ant. Vol kens saw the pl ant i n bl oom i n May as wel l as i n
December, and reports that when the pl ant i s torn from the ground i t
wi thers i n a short ti me, owi ng, he thi nks, to the del i cacy of the
mi croscopi cal structure of the l eaves.
18 A l arger monograph by Ll oyd can be found at:
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther/Ci trul l us%20col ocynthi s-Ll oyd.PDF
A bri ef account of the growth of col ocynth i n Pal esti ne by E. S. Wal l ace
has more recentl y appeared i n the Uni ted States consul ar reports
(1895), from whi ch we abstract the fol l owi ng poi nts of i nterest:
The frui t grows abundantl y between the mountai ns of Pal esti ne and
the eastern shore of the Medi terranean, from the ci ty of Gaza
northward to Mount Carmel . The pl ant thri ves wi thout any attenti on
whatever on the part of the husbandman, si nce the cl i mate and soi l are
al l -suffi ci ent for i ts perfect growththe natural requi rements bei ng
merel y a sandy soi l , warm cl i mate, and l i ttl e moi sture. The frui t whi ch i s
known i n commerce as the Turki sh col ocynth i s col l ected by the nati ve
peasants (fel l aheen) i n Jul y and August, before i t i s qui te ri pe, and i s
sol d to Jaffa deal ers, who peel i t and dry the pul p i n the sun. I t i s then
mol ded i nto i rregul ar smal l bal l s, packed i n boxes and exported, mostl y
vi a Engl and. The average annual shi pments are stated i n the consul ar
reports to be ten thousand pounds, but these must have fal l en off
consi derabl y duri ng recent years. The reason for thi s, as we l earn from
another source, l i es undoubtedl y i n the export tax. The report suggests
that probabl y col ocynth may be profi tabl y cul ti vated i n certai n parts of
the Uni ted States.
I n thi s connecti on we may poi nt to Prof. L. E. Sayre's paper (Am. Journ.
Pharm., 1894, p. 273) on Ameri can col ocynth, and the cul ti vati on of
col ocynth i n Montreal as reported i n 1895 by Prof. T. D. Reed (Montreal
Pharm. Journ., 1896, p. 334).
The drug i s i mported from Spai n, Tri est, Smyrna, Mogador, and
el sewhere (501).
CONIUM
Conium maculatum i s nati ve to Asi a Mi nor and the i sl ands of the
Medi terranean. I t has been natural i zed i n North and South Ameri ca
and throughout Engl and and other si mi l ar l ocati ons. I t was known to
the Greeks, who are sai d to have used i t to execute cri mi nal s. I t was
l ong known under the name Cicuta, but to avoi d confusi on wi th Cicuta
virosa, Li nnaeus (385) i n 1737 restored i ts cl assi cal name, Conium
maculatum, or poi son heml ock, the word heml ock bei ng Saxon,
meani ng leek of the border, or shore. Storck (617), of Vi enna, i n 1760,
i ntroduced Coni um i nto regul ar medi ci ne. Tradi ti on has i t that the
decocti on of thi s pl ant was the drunk by Socrates (334).
CONVALLARIA
Li l y of the Val l ey, Conval l ari a majal i s, i s recorded as one of the earl i est
of domesti c remedi es, bei ng accepted by Dr. Squi bb (610a) as
conti nuousl y used i n medi ci ne for several hundred years (Ephemeris,
January, 1884). I n The British Medical J ournal, November, 1883, Dr.
Edward Drummond, of Rome, states that i n a book of Commentaries on
the Materia Medica of Dioscorides, Veni ce, 1621, Dr. Pi etro Andrea
Matthi ol i (414) speaks as fol l ows of i ts use i n cardi ac di seases:
The Germans use l i l y of the val l ey to strengthen the heart, the brai n, and the
spi ri tual parts, and al so gi ve i t i n pal pi tati on, verti go, epi l epsy, and apopl exy, etc.
Thi s arti cl e l ed Dr. Squi bb, i n connecti on wi th some pri vate i nformati on
i n a l etter from a very careful and cl ose observer (Squi bb), to favor the
drug as a hopeful remedy that i n speci fi c and restri cted di recti ons woul d
be better empl oyed than di gi tal i s. To such an extent was he i mpressed
i n i ts favor as to l ead hi m to wri te (1879) :
I t i s to be hoped that the revi si on commi ttee wi l l recogni ze i t i n the forthcomi ng i ssue
of the U. S. Pharmacopei a.
The commendati ons of Dr. Squi bb were probabl y i nstrumental i n
obtai ni ng for conval l ari a thi s honor, for i n 1900 i t obtai ned offi ci al
recogni ti on.
I n Russi a conval l ari a was i nvesti gated by the medi cal professi on as
earl y as 1880, havi ng l ong before been used i n dropsy by the peopl e.
About 1883, as al ready stated, i t became fashi onabl e el sewhere, bei ng
general l y commended as a substi tute for di gi tal i s i n certai n speci fi c
di recti ons.
A study of the chemi stry of the drug antedated authori ty i n medi ci ne,
for i n 1858 G. P. Wal z publ i shed an anal ysi s i n the N. J ahrbuch f.
Pharm., descri bi ng two most i mportant consti tuents, vi z., conval l ari n
and conval l amari n. He states that hi s experi ments were made l ong
before thei r publ i cati on. I t i s to be seen that the empi ri cal use of
conval l ari a unquesti onabl y prevai l ed centuri es before i ts expl oi tati on as
a fashi onabl e remedy by the l i censed professi on of medi ci ne (1883),
the chemi st al so anti ci pati ng i ts probabl e empl oyment i n orthodox
therapy.
COPAIBA (COPAIFERA OFFICINALIS
1920
)
Copai ba (popul arl y known as bal sam of copai ba) i s obtai ned from South
Ameri ca, pri nci pal l y from Brazi l and Venezuel a, bei ng produced by
numerous speci es of the genus copai fera. Thi s genus bel ongs to the
suborder of csesal pi ni ese, of the vast order of l egumi nosse, and di ffers
from the ordi nary type of the order, as we usual l y know i t, i n havi ng
more regul ar fl owers (papi l i onaceous), resembl i ng i n thi s respect our
honey-l ocust (gl edi tschi a tri acanthos) and coffee-nut (gymno-cl adus)
tree.
The vari ous speci es of copai fera whi ch grow i n tropi cal Ameri ca are
usual l y smal l trees (someti mes shrubs).
Fl uecki ger traced the record of what i s probabl y the fi rst pri nted
statement regardi ng a resi ni ferous tree other than the pi ne, dati ng back
to the l ast decade of the fi fteenth century. He quotes from Mi chael Herr,
Di e Neue Wel t der Landschaften und I nsul en, Strass-burg, 1534,
whi ch contai ns a report made by Petrus Martyr of Anghi era to Pope Leo
X, wherei n thi s tree i s menti oned under the name copei.
The next avai l abl e record dates from a publ i cati on of the year 1625,
wherei n a Portuguese monk, probabl y Manoel Tri staon (651a), of the
convent of Bahi a contri butes an extensi ve chapter on Brazi l and i ts
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Copai ba-Ll oyd.pdf
20 ON THE SPELLING OF THE NAME COPAIFERA LANGSDORFFII.
FROM A LETTER BY CHARLES RI CE, NEW YORK, TO JOHN URI LLOYD.
I can not refer to Desfontai nes' ori gi nal (Mem. Mus. Pari s, VI I . (1821), 377), but to judge
from the Kew I ndex and some other authori ti es, Desfontai nes spel l ed the speci es name Lansdorfi i .
And from Desfontai nes the mi stake passed i nto many succeedi ng books. Even Bentl ey and Tri men
took up the mi stake, parti cul arl y emphasi zi ng that Langs-dorfi i i s wrong. The mi stake was poi nted
out l ong ago i n the Pharmaceuti cal Journal , I X (1879), 773, and al so by Fl uecki ger i n
Phar macogr aphi a (see ad ed., p. 228, footnote).
Some of the botani cal authors who happened to know better corrected the mi stake wi thout
maki ng any remarks. Thus, for i nstance, Bai l l on has i t ri ght i n al l hi s works, for exampl e, i n
Hi stoi re des Pl antes, I I , 163; al so, Rosenthal i n hi s Synopsi s FI antarum Di aphori carum, p. 1046,
etc. They wri te Langsdorffi i (wi th g and two f's).
George Hei nri ch, Frei herr von Langsdorff, was born on Apri l 18, 1773, at Woel l stei n i n
Rheni sh Hesse, studi ed medi ci ne i n Goetti ngen, then went to Portugal , where he remai ned from
1797 to 1803. He then parti ci pated i n Krusenstern's Russi an expl ori ng expedi ti on, after whi ch he
became Russi an charge d'affai res i n Brazi l . I n 1831 he returned to Germany and di ed at Frei burg i n
the Brei sgau on June 29, 1852. He wrote an account of Krusenstern's expedi ti on, under the ti tl e,
"Bemerkungen auf ei ner Rei se um di e Wel t," 2 vol s. Frankfurt o. M., 1812.
products. On page 1308, i mmedi atel y fol l owi ng the descri pti on of
Cabueriba (or Peru bal sam tree) he says: Cupayba. For wounds.
Cuypaba i s a fi g tree, commonl y very hi gh, strai te and bi g; i t hath
much oi l e, wi thi n; for to get i t they cut the tree i n the mi ddest, where i t
hath the vent, and there i t hath thi s oi l i n so great abundance that
some of them doe yi el d a quarterne of oi l e and more; i t i s very cl ear of
the col or of oi l e; i t i s much set by for wounds, and taketh away al l the
skarre. I t serveth al so for l i ghts and burne wel l ; the beasts knowi ng the
vertue thereof doe come and rubbe themsel ves thereat. There are great
store, the wood i s good for nothi ng.
The fi rst expl i ci t descri pti on and i l l ustrati on of one of the trees yi el di ng
copai ba i s to be found i n the joi nt work of Pi so and Marcgrav (511)
(1648), whose statements form the basi s of the subsequent l i terature on
the subject. I n thi s connecti on i t appears rather remarkabl e that the
Pharmacopoei a Amstel odamensi s, si xth edi ti on, whi ch antedates thi s
publ i cati on, bei ng of the year 1630, di sti nctl y menti ons Balsam copae
yvae. Some of the statements of Pi so and Marcgrav have gi ven ri se to
di scussi on; the fact that Pi so fi gured and descri bed the fl owers wi th fi ve
sepal s, whereas they are now known to bear onl y four, bei ng one of the
poi nts. The pod, however, i s fi gured and descri bed correctl y, and the
statement i s made that i t contai ns an edi bl e nut; whi ch the monkeys of
the forest are very fond of eati ng. As regards the mode of col l ecti ng the
bal sam, Pi so rel ates that an i nci si on i s made through the bark deep i nto
the pi th, at the season of the ful l moon, whi ch causes such an abundant
fl ow of fatty and oi l y l i qui d that twel ve pounds may exude i n three
hours. I n case no oi l shoul d appear, the openi ng i s at once cl osed wi th
wax or cl ay, and after two weeks the yi el d i s suffi ci ent to make up for
the del ay. The fact that the resi ni ferous ducts i n these trees often attai n
a di ameter of one i nch, as has been observed more recentl y by Karsten,
seems to be qui te i n harmony wi th the statement regardi ng the
abundant yi el d. I t i s al so rel ated that frequentl y the bal sam
accumul ates i n these ducts and exerts pressure enough upon the
encl osi ng wal l to burst the tree wi th a l oud report. Accordi ng to Pi so, the
copai ba tree i s not very frequent i n the Provi nce of Pernambuco, but
thri ves l uxuri antl y i n the I sl and of Maranhao, whi ch, he says,
furni shes the bal sam of commerce i n great quanti ty. He al so
enumerates the many medi ci nal vi rtues of the bal sam, maki ng the
curi ous statement that i ts heal i ng vi rtues are al so experi enced as an
effi ci ent means to check the fl ow of bl ood i n the Jewi sh practi ce of
ci rcumci si on.
Labat (365) reports that i n 1696 he had an opportuni ty to observe for
the fi rst ti me the tree yi el di ng copai ba i n the I sl and of Guadel oupe. He
rel ates i n detai l the manner of col l ecti ng the bal sam, whi ch he cal l s
hui l e de copau. The vessel s i n whi ch the bal sam i s col l ected are made of
the frui t of the cal abash, a ki nd of gourd. The col l ecti on, he states, takes
pl ace about three months after the rai ny season; that i s, i n March for
the countri es north of the equator, and i n September for the countri es
south of thi s l i ne. The bal sam, he states, cl oses al l ki nds of wounds
except those i nfl i cted by gunshot. He decl ares i t to be a powerful
febri fuge, havi ng been used wi th al most marvel ous effect i n the fever
epi demi cs at Rennes and Nantes i n 1719.
Ni c. Jos. Jacqui n (338a), a noted Vi ennese botani st who travel ed i n the
West I ndi es i n Li nnseus's ti me, fi rst observed the tree yi el di ng copai ba
i n cul ti vati on i n the vi l l age of Le Carbet at Marti ni que, and
subsequentl y (1760 and 1765) descri bed i t under the name of copai va
offi ci nal i s. He states that thi s tree was i ndi genous to the conti nent,
where i t grows frequentl y around the town of Tol u near Carthagena
promi scuousl y among trees yi el di ng bal sams of Tol u and Peru. Jacqui n
descri bed the fl owers of thi s tree as havi ng four petal s, and the cal yx as
bei ng nonexi stent; yet he consi ders i t i denti cal wi th that of Pi so and
Marcgrav, whi ch i s, however, emphati cal l y deni ed by De Tussac (656a)
i n Di cti onnai re des Sci ences Naturel l es.
Li nnaeus (385), i n 1762, gave Jacqui n's pl ant the name Copai fera
offi ci nal i s.
Unti l 1821 i t was general l y bel i eved that copai fera offi ci nal i s was the
onl y tree yi el di ng copai ba; i n thi s year, however, Desfontai nes (189a)
added two new speci es, C. gui anensi s and C. Langsdorffi i . At the same
ti me Desfontai nes changed the name of C. offi ci nal i s to C. Jacqui ni , i n
honor of i ts di scoverer. The fact that Jacqui n's pl ant was forei gn to
Brazi l and yi el ded a bal sam of i nferi or qual i ty woul d i ndi cate that i t
coul d not wel l have been the offi ci al bal sam tree, whi l e by reason of the
publ i cati on of Pi so's account Brazi l had been general l y consi dered the
geographi cal source of the offi ci al bal sam. However, the name C.
offi ci nal i s, Li nn., has subsequentl y been uphel d, al though the offi ci al
copai ba bal sam i s now consi dered as bei ng mai nl y deri ved from C.
Langsdorffi i , the speci es named by Desfontai nes i n 1821 i n honor of Mr.
Langsdorff, the Rusi an consul general at Ri o Janei ro, from whom the
speci mens were obtai ned. Thi s name was erroneousl y spel l ed
Lansdorffi i by Bentl ey and Tri men (57), who thus perpetuated what
was undoubtedl y an error of pri nt i n Desfontai nes' ori gi nal memoi r.
Soon thereafter the recorded speci es of copai ba i ncreased rapi dl y. I n
1826 Hayne (305a) (Arzney-Gewaechse) publ i shed and descri bed
si xteen di fferent speci es, whi ch, however, al l bear resembl ances, thei r
di sti ncti ve features resi di ng mai nl y i n the form and the arrangement of
the l eaves. Hayne especi al l y endeavors to pl ace the speci es made known
by Pi so, the di ffi cul ty bei ng that thi s anci ent work stated that the wood
i s col ored as i f wi th mi ni um. The onl y speci es that, i n the opi ni on of
Hayne, woul d answer that descri pti on i s C. bi juga, the wood of the
branches of whi ch i s pal e-red, whi ch col or may appear as red i n the
trunk of the tree. Hayne al so states that copai va i s gathered from al l
speci es known to the nati ves, and concl udes that most of the bal sam i s
yi el ded by C. mul ti juga i n the provi nce of Para, a speci es, however,
whi ch i s now questi oned.
Accordi ng to Fl uecki ger (239, 240), the fol l owi ng speci es are the
pri nci pal sources of the copai ba of commerce:
1. Copaifera officinalis, L. (Gui ana, Venezuel a, Col ombi a, Tri ni dad).
2. Copaifera guianensis, Desf. (Lower Amazon, l ower Ri o Negro,
Cayenne, Suri nam).
3. C. coriacea, Marti us (Bahi a and Pi auhy).
4. C. Langsdorffii, Desf. (Conti nental provi nces of Brazi l ). The number
of known speci es has steadi l y i ncreased unti l now the I ndex Kewensi s
recogni zes twenty-three Ameri can and fi ve Afri can speci es.
The copai ba obtai ned from the vast terri tory of the Brazi l i an conti nent,
al ong the Amazon and i ts tri butari es, i s col l ected i n the shi ppi ng port of
Para. Maranhao I sl and i s al so a pl ace of export. Other shi ppi ng ports
are Maracai bo and Angustura i n Venezuel a, Tri ni dad, Demerara
(Bri ti sh Gui ana), Cartagena (Col ombi a), and Ri o de Janei ro.
CORIANDRUM
Coriandrum sativum i s i ndi genous to the regi ons of the
Medi terranean and the Caucasus, from whi ch i t has spread throughout
the temperate parts of the whol e worl d, even to the Ameri cas. I t was
menti oned by earl y Sanscri t wri ters and i n the Mosai c books, Exodus
and Numbers, and occurs i n the famous Egypti an papyrus Ebers (213).
I ts frui t was used by the Jews and the Romans as a medi ci ne, as wel l as
a spi ce, i n very earl y days. Cato (132) notes i ts cul ti vati on; Pl i ny (514)
states that i t was obtai ned i n very fi ne qual i ty i n Egypt, and i t i s
frequentl y menti oned i n the book of Api ci us Coel i us (24), about the
thi rd century A. D. I t i s al so i ncl uded i n the l i st of val uabl e products of
Charl emagne.
CROTON TIGLIUM
21

The genus croton, establ i shed by Li nnaeus i n 1737, i s extensi ve, 625
speci es bei ng recogni zed i n the I ndex Kewensi s. We have a number of
herbaceous speci es i n thi s country, but none of any economi c
i mportance. The croton pl ant i s a nati ve of I ndi a and i s grown al l
through the East I ndi es. I t i s a smal l tree fi fteen to twenty feet hi gh.
Croton ti gl i um i s consi dered i ndi genous to Mal abar, Ceyl on, Am-boi na
(of the Mol ucca I sl ands), the Phi l i ppi nes, and Java. Joannes Scott
(588a), i n hi s di ssertati on on the medi ci nal pl ants of Ceyl on
(Edi nburgh, 1819), states that the seeds of Croton ti gl i um under the
name of gayapal a are a most powerful purgati ve, and al so that the
l eaves are very acri d, causi ng an i ntol erabl e burni ng i n the mouth and
throat.
Dr. I rvi ne, i n 1848, gave a short account of the materi a medi ca of Patna
(part of the provi nce of Bengal ) menti oni ng jamal goota, whi ch he
stated i s deri ved from croton ti gl i um and several other speci es of croton.
The croton seeds furni sh a vi ol ent purge and are made i nto pi l l s wi th
gi nger and kutkaranja or kath karanja seeds, whi ch he expl ai ns are
known as bonduc nut (the febri fuge seed of caesal pi ni a bonducel l a, or
ni cker tree).
More recentl y, Mr. O. Weynton (682) cal l s attenti on to the occurrence of
croton ti gl i um i n al l parts of the ferti l e and weal thy provi nce of Assam,
especi al l y i n the dry di stri cts. He states that the demand for the drug i s
smal l and that the pl ant has a tendency to spread. Hence efforts are
bei ng made to restri ct the growth and keep i t wi thi n certai n bounds.
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther/Croton%20ti gl i um-Fel ter.pdf
The anci ent Hi ndu physi ci ans were not acquai nted wi th the drug,
whi ch seems to have ori gi nated i n Chi na, from whence at an earl y day
the seeds were al so i ntroduced i nto Persi a (where they are now cal l ed
dand), by way of the caravan routes of Central Asi a. Subsequentl y the
Arabs deri ved thei r knowl edge of the seeds from the Persi ans, thei r
name, hab-el -kathai (Cathay seeds), bei ng i n turn suggesti ve of the
Chi nese ori gi n (209). Some of the vernacul ar I ndi an names, accordi ng
to Dymock, seem to i ndi cate that the pl ant reached I ndi a through the
Hi mal ayan provi nce of Nepal (209).
The drug was i mported i nto Europe by the Dutch duri ng the si xteenth
century. The fi rst account of the croton ti gl i um pl ant i n European
l i terature, however, must be credi ted to the Portuguese physi ci an
Chri stoval Acosta, who i n 1578 descri bed the wood as l i gnum pavanse
(or L. panavse 01 L. mol uccense), and the seeds as pi ni nucl ei mol uc-
cani (3). The promi nent wri ti ngs of Rheede (1678), who gi ves the
Mal ayan name cadel avanacu (547), Ray (1688) and others
subsequentl y, gave the drug due consi derati on, whi l e C. Bauhi nus
(1671) di fferenti ated between several synonyms of the seeds and woods
that were then i n use. To Caspar Commel yn (1667-1731) i s attri buted
the fi rst use of the name cataputi ae mi nores for the seeds, whi l e the
wel l -known synonym grana ti gl i i i s al so stated to have been ori gi nated
i n hi s ti me. And yet thi s author's work on the Fl ora Mal abari ca (1696)
does not record the fi rst term, al though the name grana ti gl i i i s therei n
accredi ted to Samuel Dal e's Pharmacol ogi a, (the fi rst edi ti on of whi ch
appear ed i n 1693) (179).
As regards the use of the oi l deri ved from the seeds, E. von Hi rschheydt,
i n the exhausti ve hi stori cal i ntroducti on to hi s di ssertati on (318a),
menti ons that Peter Borel l us, a French physi ci an (1620-1689), i n 1657
l auds the catharti c vi rtues of the oi l whi ch i n as smal l an amount as two
drops caused purgi ng even when merel y rubbed i nto the ski n. Si mi l ar
menti on of i ts vi rtues i s made by Rumphi us (Herbari um Amboi nense,
1750). Geoffrey (260) i n hi s Materi a Medi ca (1756) reports that the
nati ves of I ndi a use thi s oi l to make what they cal l the royal purgi ng
appl e (poma catharti ca), the mere odor of whi ch i s sai d to purge persons
of del i cate consti tuti on. The di recti ons for maki ng thi s potent appl e are
as fol l ows:
Macerate an orange or l emon i n oi l of ti l l i (croton oi l ) for one month.
Remove i t, hol d to the nostri l s and i nhal e the breath; soon afterwards
the bowel s wi l l move.
About 1750, Cohausen, accordi ng to several authori ti es, empl oyed the
oi l wi th success i n cases of teni a.
Al though duri ng the seventeenth and ei ghteenth centuri es the remedy
had been frequentl y used, i t seems that toward the end of the
ei ghteenth century i t fel l i nto obl i vi on, probabl y on account of the
dangers attendi ng i ts admi ni strati on. However, i ts use was revi ved
when i n 1812 several Engl i sh physi ci ans, among them Drs. Whi te and
Marshal l , observed the acti on of the seed i n medi cal practi ce i n I ndi a,
and brought the drug agai n to the noti ce of the professi on i n Europe
(209). Ai nsl i e i n 1813, and Conwel l i n 1819, by thei r publ i cati ons gave
i t further promi nence. I n connecti on wi th i ts rei ntroducti on we note the
i nteresti ng fact that a Mr. Short then brought the drug to Europe and
was so fortunate as to secure the ri ght (l i cense) to i ts excl usi ve sal e i n
Engl and. That i t at once became an i mportant drug i s shown by the
attenti on then gi ven i t i n medi cal l i terature. An extensi ve l i st of
references to the l i terature on croton ti gl i um coveri ng the peri od from
1820 to 1835 al one, may be found i n Hi rschheydt's di ssertati on (318a).
Accordi ng to the l atter authori ty (1890) the seeds and the oi l are sel dom
used i n Europe other than i n veteri nary practi ce, as he states, on
account of the uncontrol l abl e i nfl uence exerted by the presence of the
powerful l y toxi c ri ci n (an al bumi noi d body) i n the oi l .
As al ready stated, the genus croton was establ i shed by Li nnaeus i n
1737, the name bei ng adopted from the Greek synonym for ri ci nus
communi s, the seeds of whi ch, as al so those of croton ti gl i um, have a
resembl ance to a ti ck (dog-ti ck, kroton i n Greek). As to the ori gi n of the
term ti gl i um, some authori ti es ascri be i t to the Mol uccan i sl and of Ti l ho,
whi l e others (696) bel i eve i t to be deri ved (by Dal e?) from the Greek
word ti l os, meani ng di arrhea. The botani cal and vernacul ar synonyms
antedati ng the name gi ven by Li nnaeus are numerous and are
general l y carri ed by the ol der botani co-medi cal works, e. g. by Dal e
(179), Bauhi nus (47) and others. The post-Li nnaean synonyms recorded
i n the I ndex Kewensi s are rarel y i f ever seen i n pharmaceuti cal pri nt
and may wel l be reproduced. They are as fol l ows:
(1) C. acutus, Thunberg-, 1784.
(2) C. jamal gota, Hami l ton, 1825.
(3) C. pavana, Hami l ton, 1825.
(4) Kurkas ti gl i um, Rafi nesque (Syl va Tel l ur.), 1838.
(5) Hal ecus verus, Raf., 1838.
(6) Ti gl i um offi ci nal e, Kl otzsch, 1843.
(7) Croton muri catus, Bl anco, 1845.
(8) Ani sophyl l um acuti fol i um, Bouv., 1860-61.
CUBEBA
Cubebs (Piper cubeba) i s the berry of a shrub i ndi genous to Java,
Southern Borneo, and Sumatra. Masudi (413) i n the tenth century
refers to cubebs as a product of Java. Edri si (221), 1153, menti ons the
berri es as among the i mports of Aden. That they were known i n Europe
as earl y as the el eventh century i s evi dent from the wri ti ng's of
Constanti us Afri canus (165), of Sal erno, whi l e Abbati ssa Hi l degarde
(316) of Germany menti ons them i n the thi rteenth century, at whi ch
ti me they had become an arti cl e of European trade. They were sol d i n
Engl and i n 1284, and at that ti me, or thereabout, were known to
European countri es general l y. The pri ce i n 1596 was equal to that of
opi um or of amber. Cubeb berri es were i ntroduced i nto medi ci ne by the
Arabs of the Mi ddl e Ages.
CUSSO
The cousso tree (Hagenia abyssinica) i s nati ve to Abyssi ni a, where i t
i s general l y pl anted about the vi l l ages on the hi gh tabl el ands, from
3,000 to 8,000 feet above the sea l evel . Bruce (105) observed i ts uses,
1768-1773, duri ng hi s expedi ti on to di scover the sources of the Ni l e, and
Wi l l denow (385), 1799, descri bed i t under the name Hageni a. I ts use as
a vermi fuge was deri ved from Abyssi ni an domesti c practi ce, the
decocti on bei ng used for thi s purpose. I n earl y European record an
extraordi nari l y hi gh pri ce was asked for thi s substance. I t was
i ntroduced i n 1850 by a Frenchman, who demanded i n the
nei ghborhood of $9 per ounce. Thi s l ed to i ts i mportati on i n quanti ti es,
when the val ue soon fel l to a normal standard.
CYPRIPEDIUM
Lady's sl i pper (Cypripedium pubescens) i s found i n several vari eti es
throughout the Uni ted States, where i t i s i ndi genous to ri ch woods and
meadows. I t has been val ued as a domesti c remedy and was once a
home favori te i n the form of a decocti on for nervous condi ti ons of
women and chi l dren. I t was thus uti l i zed by the earl y settl ers as a
substi tute for val eri an, whi ch fact gave i t the name Ameri can val eri an.
Creepi ng thus i nto domesti c therapeuti c use, i t natural l y recei ved the
care and attenti on of the I ndi an doctors, and came gradual l y to the
attenti on of the medi cal professi on. To gi ve the references necessary to
i ts Ameri can record woul d ci te al l the domesti c wri ters on Ameri can
medi ci ne of the ni neteenth century as wel l as such authori ti es as Ki ng,
Wood & Bache, etc.
DIGITALIS
Digitalis purpurea occurs throughout the greater part of Europe,
bei ng, however, general l y absent from l i mestone di stri cts. I t was used i n
domesti c medi ci ne i n earl y days, and by the Wel sh (see note, page 8) as
an external medi ci ne. Fuchs (252) and Tragus (650), 1542, pi ctured the
pl ant, but remarked that i t was a vi ol ent medi ci ne. Parki nson (492)
commended i t i n 1640, and i t was i nvesti gated i n 1776-9 by Wi theri ng
(693), through whose efforts i t was i ntroduced i nto l i censed medi ci ne.
Di gi tal i s was ori gi nal l y empl oyed as a remedy i n fevers, i n whi ch
di recti on i t i s no l onger used. I n 1799, J. Ferri ar (233), of Manchester,
Engl and, contri buted a treati se concerni ng the medi ci nal uses of thi s
drug, whi ch was al so descri bed by Wi theri ng (693), Bosch (89), Moore
(450), and other authors of that peri od. At present i t i s l argel y val ued
for i ts poi sonous acti on and i s by some standardi zed by i ts physi ol ogi cal
qual i ti es when i njected i nto the vei ns of l ower ani mal s, the Uni ted
States Government havi ng i ssued a bul l eti n on the subject.
The Ecl ecti c uses of Di gi tal i s are based on i ts ki ndl y i nfl uence, i nstead of
i ts poi sonous acti on, the ai m bei ng to avoi d heart shock. Consequentl y
the Ecl ecti c Speci fi c Medi ci ne Di gi tal i s has not the physi ol ogi cal
poi sonous acti on that bases the ol d school drug val uati on.
ELATERINUM
El ateri um i s the dri ed jui ce of the frui t of Ecballium elaterium,
common throughout the Medi terranean regi ons, from Portugal to
Southern Russi a and Persi a, as wel l as through Central Europe. The
method of prepari ng el ateri um, as descri bed by Di oscori des (194), i s
practi cal l y that of the present day. The drug i s al so menti oned by
Theophrastus (633). El ateri um i s a powerful hydragogue catharti c,
paral l el l i ng Croton ti gl i um i n i ts vi ci ous acti on, and has been
empi ri cal l y known from the earl i est ti mes to the nati ves of the countri es
i t i nhabi ts. Cl utterbuck (154), (1819, London Medi cal Reposi tory, xi i , p.
1-9) recommends a process of obtai ni ng el ateri um i n i rregul ar cake-l i ke
fragments, whi ch i s now the form i n whi ch i t i s empl oyed i n medi ci ne,
hence the common term Cl utterbuck's el ateri um.
ERGOTA
Thi s drug, from the earl i est peri od, has been known as a di sturber of
fl our, i t havi ng been l ong si nce observed that fl our made of rye
contai ni ng ergot gave ri se to the di sease now known as ergoti sm. When
we consi der that many of the mal i gnant epi demi cs and fri ghtful
pesti l ences recorded i n the hi story of medi aeval Europe, i ncl udi ng an
epi demi c occurri ng as l ate as 1816, were ascri bed to spurred rye, i t can
be seen that such ol d terms as convul si vus mal i gnus and morbus
spasmodi cus, once appl i ed to the ergot di sease, were wel l chosen. Not
ti l l 1838, however, was the nature of ergot authori tati vel y determi ned
by Quekett (529) i n hi s paper read before the Li nnan Soci ety, ti tl ed
Observati ons on the Anatomi cal and Physi ol ogi cal Nature of Ergot i n
Certai n Grasses. Before that date, al though recogni zed as a fungus,
the stage known as ergot was consi dered a di sti nct speci es.
As wi th al l natural drugs, so wi th ergot. I t i s a gi ft of domesti c medi ci ne,
and was fi rst menti oned by Adam Loni cer (394), Frankfort, Germany,
who (1565) ascri bed to i t obstetri c vi rtues, on the authori ty of women
who consi dered i t of remarkabl e and certai n effi cacy. The Engl i sh
botani st Ray (536) al l udes (1693) to i ts medi ci nal properti es; a Dutch
physi ci an, Rathl aw, empl oyed i t i n 1747; Desgranges, of Lyons (i 89b),
prai sed i t i n 1777; whi l e Dr. John Steams
22
(611a), of Waterford, N. Y.,
1807, under the name Pul vi s parturi ens, hi ghl y commended i t i n a
paper contri buted to the Medi cal Reposi tory, whi ch gave ergot the
22 Dr. John Steams, the man who i ntroduced Ergot to Ameri can practi ce, was born i n Wi l braham,
Massachusetts, May 16, 1770. He graduated from Yal e i n 1789, studyi ng medi ci ne wi th Dr.
Erastus Sargeant, of Stockbri dge, unti l 1792. He then attended the Uni versi ty of Pennsyl vani a, but
probabl y di d not graduate, as i n 1793 he began to practi ce medi ci ne near Waterford, New York,
marryi ng i n 1797 the daughter of Col . Hezeki ah Ketchum. He became enthusi asti c i n behal f of
medi cal soci eti es, and was a l eadi ng spi ri t i n the passi ng of the New York Medi cal Law, 1806.
When the Medi cal Soci ety of the State of New York was establ i shed. Steams, bei ng a l eadi ng spi ri t,
was el ected Secretary, fi l l i ng the posi ti on for several years. I n 1812 the regents of the Uni versi ty at
Al bany (where he then resi ded) conferred on hi m the honorary degree of Doctor of Medi ci ne. He was
el ected Presi dent of the Medi cal Soci ety of New York four ti mes successi vel y, 1817, 1818, 1819, and
1820. I n 1819 Dr. Steams moved to New York Ci ty, where i n 1846 he was a l eadi ng spi ri t i n
organi zi ng the New York Academy of Medi ci ne, bei ng el ected the fi rst Presi dent. He di ed of bl ood
poi soni ng, the r esul t of a wound, Mar ch 18, 1848.
Ameri can i ntroducti on that, supported by other authori ti es, pushed the
drug i nto promi nence. Ergot i s a gi ft of home obstetri c practi ce
establ i shed over three centuri es ago by the German mi dwi ves. (See
Ll oyd Brothers Drug Treati se No. XI I on Ergot.)
EUCALYPTUS
Eucalyptus globulus, and other speci es of eucal yptus, are i ndi genous
to Austral i a, where the l eaves are empl oyed by the nati ves as a remedy
for i ntermi ttent fever. I t was thus i ntroduced to Europeans towards the
mi ddl e of the ni neteenth century. Possi bl y i ts empl oyment by the crew
of the shi p La Favorite, who i n the vi ci ni ty of Botany Bay were nearl y
deci mated by fever, from whi ch they recovered through the use of an
i nfusi on of the l eaves of eucal yptus, fi rst gave the drug conspi cui ty,
through the efforts of Dr. Eydoux and M. de Sal vy. Dr. Ramel , of
Val enci a, however, has the credi t of i ntroduci ng the remedy to the
Academy of Medi ci ne, 1866, thus bri ngi ng the drug to the attenti on of
the medi cal professi on, by whom i t i s now used i n extract form, i n other
di recti ons than that for whi ch i t was ori gi nal l y commended. The di sti l l ed
oi l of eucal yptus has now an extended reputati on and use. The date of
i ts fi rst use by the nati ves of Austral i a i s unknown.
EUONYMUS
Euonymus atropurpureus and Euonymus americanus are
probabl y col l ected i ndi scri mi natel y, both vari eti es bei ng known by the
common name Wahoo. The bark of the root i s the part used. Thi s
remedy, i n the form of a decocti on, was once a favori te i n domesti c
medi cati on, and was i ntroduced from thence to the regul ar medi cal
professi on, as were other Ameri can remedi es of l i ke nature. I t occupi ed a
pl ace i n al l the earl y domesti c works on medi ci ne, and seems to be al i ke
credi ted to the Ameri can I ndi ans and the earl y settl ers. I n Ecl ecti c
medi cati on wahoo has been a favori te si nce the days of Dr. Beach.
Under the names ni ne barks or seven barks i t has a domesti c record
transpl anted to propri etary remedi es that use these ti tl es. The Ecl ecti c
concentrati on euonymin has been conspi cuous i n Engl and, but has
si nce fal l en i nto di suse. (See Bul l eti n of the Ll oyd Li brary, No. XI I , The
Eclectic Resins, Resinoids, Oleo-Resins, and Concentrated Principles.
23
)
23 http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther/Ecl ecti c_Al kal oi ds-Ll oyd.pdf
EUPATORIUM
Eupatorium perfoliatum, boneset, or thoroughwort, i s i ndi genous to
the temperate regi ons of the Eastern Uni ted States, and i n the form of
an i nfusi on or tea was very popul ar wi th the settl ers; bei ng found i n
every wel l -regul ated househol d. As a bi tter toni c i ts uses became known
to the earl y members of the Ameri can medi cal professi on, and was
handed therefrom to physi ci ans of the present day. I ts Ameri can hi story
i s probabl y paral l el ed by the record of thi s herb i n other countri es.
FICUS
The fi g tree (Ficus carica) i s nati ve to Asi a Mi nor and Syri a,
extendi ng i nto Afri ca and Ori ental countri es, the Medi terranean
i sl ands, and el sewhere. I t i s now cul ti vated i n the temperate countri es of
the enti re worl d. The fi g tree and i ts l eaves are repeatedl y menti oned i n
the Scri ptures, where they are symbol i cal of peace and pl enty.
Charl emagne, i n 812, ordered i ts cul ti vati on i n Central Europe, and i n
the rei gn of Henry VI I I fi g trees sti l l standi ng i n the garden of Lambeth
Pal ace were brought to Engl and, though the fi g was unquesti onabl y
cul ti vated i n Engl and before that date. The fi g has been used from al l
ti mes as a food and as a confecti on, and i t i s repeatedl y menti oned i n
the Arabi an Ni ghts. I ts tri -l obed l eaf i s synonymous wi th pri mi ti ve
rel i gi ons and has occupi ed a more or l ess conspi cuous pl ace i n symbol i c
worshi ps from the earl i est date.
FOENICULUM
Fennel (Foeniculum vulgare) i s i ndi genous from the Caspi an Sea to
the Greek peni nsul a and other Medi terranean countri es, growi ng wi l d
over a l arge part of Southern Europe, especi al l y i n the vi ci ni ty of the
sea. I t i s al so cul ti vated i n favorabl e l ocal i ti es, as i n Saxony, France,
and I tal y. Charl emagne encouraged i ts cul ti vati on. I ts empl oyment i n
Northern Europe has been from al l ti me, as i s i ndi cated by the fact that
Angl o-Saxon domesti c medi cal reci pes dati ng from at l east the el eventh
century gi ve i t a pl ace. The use of the seeds i n domesti c medi cati on i n
the form of i nfusi on as wel l as i ts empl oyment i n bread-maki ng i s too
wel l establ i shed to need more than a menti on.
FRANGULA
Buckthorn, Rhamnus frangula, grows i n wet pl aces throughout
Europe, Si beri an Asi a, and the Northern Afri can Coast. From a very
earl y date i t has been known as a catharti c as wel l as a col ori ng agent.
A decocti on of the bark has been i n domesti c use both as a dye for
cotton, wool , and si l k fabri cs, and as a catharti c, i n whi ch (l atter)
di recti on i t i s very effecti ve. No wri tten professi onal record antedates i ts
domesti c use, and perhaps as a rheumati c remedy i t has no domesti c
superi or.
GALLA
Oak gal l s (Quercus infectoria) are menti oned by Theophrastus (633)
and other anci ent wri ters, and they were prescri bed by Al exander
Tral l i anus (11) as a remedy i n di arrhea. They are deri ved from vari eti es
of the oak, Smyrna bei ng one of the export poi nts. I n that ci ty we have
seen them i n l arge quanti ti es, i n process of sorti ng for exportati on. As
an astri ngent, gal l s have l ong been empl oyed i n decocti ons i n domesti c
practi ce i n the countri es where they are obtai ned as excrescences on the
oak.
GAMBIR
Gambi r (or gambi er) (Ourouparia gambir) i s a shrub nati ve to the
countri es borderi ng the Strai ts of Mal ucca, bei ng found al so i n Ceyl on
and I ndi a. The dri ed jui ce of an I ndi an tree (Acaci a catechu and Acaci a
suma) i s often confused wi th gambi r, and i ts extract (catechu or cutch)
i s onl y too often substi tuted therefor. Gambi r has been obtai ned from
the Ori ent from the begi nni ng of hi stori cal records, and i n those
countri es, mi xed wi th other substances, seems ever to have been used as
an astri ngent i n domesti c medi ci ne. Both gambi r and catechu, as these
products are often cal l ed i ndi fferentl y, have ever been arti cl es of export
to Chi na, Arabi a, and Persi a, but were not brought i nto Europe unti l
the seventeenth century. They are si mi l arl y astri ngent, and al though
the U. S. P., 1900 edi ti on, drops the word catechu, i t i s questi onabl e as to
whether i n commerce a cl ose di sti ncti on i s drawn i n the product.
GAULTHERIA (THE OIL)
The fi rst record of the therapeuti cal use of thi s oi l , as i s often the case
wi th val uabl e medi ci nes, i s to be found i n empi ri cal medi ci ne. The
propri etary remedy, very popul ar about the begi nni ng of thi s century
under the name Panacea of Swai m, or Swai m's Panacea, i ntroduced
it.
Thi s remedy gave added i mpetus to our Compound Syrup of
Sarsapari l l a, havi ng become so popul ar as to force i tsel f to the attenti on
of the professi on. The Sarsapari l l a Compound of the name Si rup or Rob
Anti -Syphi l i ti ca was cl osel y associ ated wi th Swai m's Panacea and El l i s,
1843, after gi vi ng the formul a of Si rup Rob Anti syphi l i ti ca i n hi s
Formul ary, p. 67, says: The above preparati on has been asserted, by
the New York Medi cal Soci ety, to be nearl y i denti cal wi th the noted
Panacea of Swai m.
That oi l of gaul theri a was a consti tuent of Swai m's remedy and that i t
was brought i nto conspi cui ty therei n, may al so be seen from an anal ysi s
of Swai m's Panacea (by Chi l ton) recorded i n the Am. J. Med. Sci ences,
1829, p. 542. The fol l owi ng repri nt from an anonymous wri ter i n the
Ameri can Journal of Pharmacy, 1831, establ i shes the subject more
cl earl y i n that i t gi ves a very fai r descri pti on of oi l of gaul theri a as wel l
as maki ng a statement to the effect that i t i s the same as sweet bi rch oi l ,
and showi ng further that many di fferent pl ants yi el d the same oi l .
Oi l of Gaultheria procumbens: Thi s i s the heavi est essenti al oi l of whi ch we have
any knowl edge, for I have found i t to be 1.17. Thi s furni shes us wi th an easy mode of
testi ng i ts puri ty. The wonderful success of Swai m's Panacea has brought thi s oi l i nto
great vogue wi th al l venders of Cathol i cons, Panaceas, and Syrups of Sarsapari l l a.
I t appears to be a vegetabl e pri nci pl e secreted i n pl ants very wi del y separated by
thei r natural affi ni ti es. The Betula lenta, or Sweet Bi rch secretes i t i n i ts bark; the
Pol ygal a pauci fol i a i n i ts roots; the Spiraea ulmaria
24
the Spiraea lobata and the
Gaultheria hispidula i n thei r roots and stal ks.
But that oi l of wi ntergreen was used somewhat i n domesti c medi ci ne
about that date, and al so by Dr. Wooster Beach, the forerunner of
Ecl ecti c medi ci ne, i s evi denced, for Dr. Beach i n hi s Ameri can Practi ce of
24 Pagenstecher descri bed oi l of Spira ulmaria i n the Repertori um f. d. Pharmaci e, 1834, p. 337,
and i s credi ted by Procter wi th i ts di scovery. But we have i n thi s paper a reference that antedates
hi m three years. Sti l l , thi s anonymous wri ter i s preceded thi rteen years by Dr. Jacob Bi gel ow, as
shown i n our hi story.
Medi ci ne, Vol . I l l (1833, p. 201), concerni ng Gaultheria Gaulthera
repens, states that The oi l rel i eves the tooth ache.
Antedati ng thi s paper, I have not succeeded i n fi ndi ng any reference
whatever to oi l of gaul theri a bei ng used i n medi ci ne, al though the
pl ants that contai n i t were general l y recogni zed i n pharmacy, the oi l
bei ng di sti l l ed by pri mi ti ve methods and known to druggi sts. Thus, as
showi ng that even i f used at al l i t coul d not have been i mportant I need
onl y to refer to a few of the many authori ti es who woul d not have
overl ooked i t.
AMNI TATES ACADEMI CS; I I I , P. 14, 1787.
Gaultheria, Kal m. (385) (Gen. 487).Usus fol i orum i n i nfuso, l oca
Theae. Dixit pl antam Cl . Kal mi us a. D. D. Gaul thi er, Medi co Canadensi ,
Botani co exi mi o. No reference to the oi l .
BENJ. SMI TH BARTON. COLLECTI ONS (43), ETC.
PHI LAD., 1798, p. 19.
The Gaultheria procumbens, whi ch we cal l Mountai n Tea, i s spread
very extensi vel y over the more barren, mountai nous part of the Uni ted
States, etc. Does not menti on the oi l .
PHARMACOPEI A OF THE MASS. MEDI CAL SOCI ETY (503).
BOSTON, 1808.
No menti on of the oi l or pl ant.
W. P. C. BARTON, MAT. MED. I , P. 171, 1817. (43a)
Al though he descri bes the medi ci nal vi rtues of Gaul theri a i n detai l , he
does not menti on the oi l . However, as showi ng that oi l of gaul theri a was
di sti l l ed precedi ng 1818 I wi l l ci te,
BI GELOW., AMER. MED. BOTANY (69), I I , P. 28. BOSTON, 1818.
Pyrol a umbel l ata (p. 15) i s herei n cal l ed Wi ntergreen.
Gaultheria procumbens (Partri dge Berry) : The aromati c fl avor of the Partri dge
berry, whi ch can not easi l y be mi staken by those who have once tasted i t, may be
recogni zed i n a vari ety of other pl ants whose botani cal habi ts are very di ssi mi l ar.
I t exi sts very exactl y i n some of the other speci es of the same genus, parti cul arl y i n
Gaultheria hispidula; al so i n Spiraea ulmaria and the root of Spiraea lobata. I t i s
parti cul arl y di sti nct i n the bark of sweet bi rch, Betula lenta, one of our most useful
and i nteresti ng trees.
Thi s taste and odor resi de i n a vol ati l e oi l , whi ch i s easi l y separated by di sti l l ati on.
The essenti al oi l of Gaul theri a, whi ch i s often kept i n our druggi sts' shops, i s of a pal e
or greeni sh-whi te col or, and perfectl y transparent. I t i s one of the heavi est of the
vol ati l e oi l s, and si nks rapi dl y i n water, i f a suffi ci ent quanti ty be added to overcome
the repul si on of the two heterogeneous fl ui ds. I ts taste i s aromati c, sweet, and hi ghl y
pungent.
The oi l appears to contai n the chi ef medi ci nal vi rtue of the pl ant, si nce I know of no
case i n whi ch the l eaves, depri ved of thei r aroma, have been empl oyed for any
purpose. They are neverthel ess consi derabl y astri ngent, etc.
The l eaves, the essence, and the oi l of thi s pl ant are kept for use i n the apothecari es'
shops.
The oi l , though somewhat l ess pungent than those of peppermi nt and ori ganum, i s
empl oyed for the same purposes, etc.
I n thi s connecti on, as i ndi cati ng that the oi l was uni mportant, perhaps
si mpl y an arti cl e of curi osi ty to pharmaci sts, i t may be poi nted out that
the American Dispensatory of J. R. Coxe, 1825, menti ons oi l of
gaul theri a, but does not say anythi ng wi th regard to i ts val ue or use i n
medi ci ne.
The edi ti on of 1818 does not menti on the pl ant or oi l at al l .
I n studyi ng the pharmacopei al record of thi s oi l , i n connecti on wi th i ts
materi a medi ca and di spensatory hi story the fact becomes apparent
that: oi l of gaul theri a was made i n a pri mi ti ve way by country peopl e
(as i s sti l l l argel y the case) about the begi nni ng of thi s century.
I t was i ntroduced i nto the l i st of known essenti al oi l -beari ng pl ants of
Ameri ca i n the fi rst (1820) Pharmacopei a, but was not descri bed.
Fol l owi ng thi s, such works as the Ameri can Di spensatori es and
Ameri can Materi a Medi cas gave the oi l a compl i mentary posi ti on, but i t
was of no i mportance unti l brought forward by the anal ysi s of Swai m's
Panacea. Not unti l l ong after 1820 di d any European di spensatory or
pharmacopei a gi ve i t posi ti on.
Summary: Oi l of Gaul theri a was di sti l l ed for druggi sts previ ous to 1820,
but no publ i c descri pti on of the apparatus or method was pri nted.
The Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States, 1820, gave the fi rst
authori tati ve method of maki ng i t.
I t was promi nentl y i ntroduced to the professi on by the New York
Medi cal Soci ety, 1827, under whose auspi ces the oi l was establ i shed as a
characteri sti c consti tuent of Swai m's Panacea, the report bei ng
publ i shed i n 1829.
We know of no pharmacopei al di recti on for maki ng oi l of gaul theri a
from any source whatever whi ch precedes the fi rst (1820) Pharmacopei a
of the Uni ted States, and no reference to i ts bei ng made from gaul theri a
or sweet bi rch precedi ng Bi gel ow, 1818.
Thus i t i s evi dent that whi l e the pl ant gaul theri a has the advantage
concerni ng conspi cui ty of name, the same date of i ntroducti on and same
reference (Bi gel ow) must be ascri bed to both oi l of gaul theri a and bi rch.
Swaim's Panacea.The i mportant fact el uci dated by the foregoi ng
hi story of oi l of Gaul theri a, to-wi t, that i t fi rst recei ved recogni ti on i n
thi s once popul ar remedy, l eads to a few words concerni ng thi s
compound. I n the begi nni ng of the present century a French
propri etary remedy Rob de Laffecteur was very popul ar throughout
France and her col oni es. I t was i nvented by a French apothecary
Boi veau, who affi xed to i t the name of Laffecteur to make i t popul ar. I n
1811 certai n New York physi ci ans used thi s Rob de Laffecteur wi th
success and Dr. McNevi n, who obtai ned the formul a from a French
chemi st, M. Al l i on, made i ts composi ti on publ i c.
Mr. Swai m, a bookbi nder, was treated by Dr. A. L. Quacki nboss and
experi enced great benefi t from the remedy. Procuri ng the formul a from
Dr. Quacki nboss, hi s physi ci an, he modi fi ed i t consi derabl y and put the
mi xture on the market under the name Swai m's Panacea. Thi s became
very popul ar and at l ast attracted the attenti on of the medi cal
professi on, and by the anal ysi s of Mr. Chi l ton (1829), under the
auspi ces of the New York Medi cal Soci ety, i t was posi ti vel y shown that
Swai m had repl aced the sassafras of Quacki nboss' formul a by
wi ntergreen oi l and had al so i ntroduced corrosi ve subl i mate i nto the
mi xture.
Persons i nterested i n thi s formul a and subject wi l l fi nd detai l reports as
fol l ows:
Ameri can Journal of Pharmacy, 1827, p. 123.
Ameri can Journal of the Medi cal Sci ences, 1829, 4, p. 530.
Ameri can Journal of the Medi cal Sci ences, 1829, 5, p. 542.
GELSEMIUM
25

Common Names.Yel l ow jessami ne, jessami ne, Carol i na jessami ne, wi l d
woodbi ne, whi te poi son-vi ne, whi te jessami ne.
Gelsemium sempervirens i s a nati ve of the Southern Uni ted States,
bei ng abundant i n the swamps, woods, and thi ckets, from Vi rgi ni a to
Fl ori da. I t i s a handsome cl i mber, twenty to fi fty feet i n l ength,
bl oomi ng i n earl y spri ng, i ts fl owers bei ng overpoweri ngl y fragrant. The
name, gi ven by Jussi eu, was made from the I tal i an word gelsomino,
meani ng jasmi ne. But i t i s not a jessami ne, and i nasmuch as there i s a
true jessami ne wi th yel l ow fl owers, E. M. Hol mes, of London, consi ders i t
unfortunate that the term yel l ow jessami ne has been appl i ed to i t. Thi s
common name, however, i s now fi rml y establ i shed. I ts I tal i an name,
gelsomino, possi bl y l ed Ecl ecti c authors to use the name gel seminum
i nstead of gel semium, a term found i n earl y Ecl ecti c l i terature and but
recentl y di spl aced. I n thi s connecti on i t may be sai d that Professor
Scudder i nvari abl y used the word gelseminum.
26

Medical History.Barton and hi s co-l aborers di d not menti on gel -
semi um, but Rafi nesque (535), 1830, gave i t a pl ace, stati ng that root
and fl owers
27
are narcoti c, thei r effl uvi a may cause stupor, ti ncture of
the root i s used for rheumati sm i n fri cti ons, a statement taken al most
l i teral l y from El l i ott's (227) Botany of South Carolina and Georgia,
1821. The medi cal record (King) (356) had i ts ori gi n through the
mi stake of a servant of a Southern pl anter who was affl i cted wi th fever.
Thi s servant by error gave hi s master a decocti on of gel semi um root
i nstead of the garden pl ant i ntended. I mmedi ate l oss of muscul ar power
and great depressi on fol l owed, al l control of the l i mbs was l ost, the
eyel i ds drooped and coul d not be vol untari l y opened. Death seemed
i mmi nent. But the effects fi nal l y wore away and the man recovered,
free from fever, whi ch di d not recur. An observi ng physi ci an took thi s
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26 I n an Engl i sh botani cal work i n the Ll oyd Li brary, whi ch I can not now l ocate, a l ong di scussi on
appeared concerni ng the two words. I f memory serves me correctl y, the deci si on was i n favor of
Gelseminum.J. U. L.
27 The statement has been made and possi bl y establ i shed that honey from the fl owers of thi s pl ant
i s narcoti c.
experi ence as a text and prepared from gel semi um a remedy whi ch he
cal l ed the El ectri cal febri fuge, whi ch attai ned some popul ari ty. Fi nal l y
the name of the drug concerned was gi ven to the professi on. Thi s
statement i s found i n the fi rst edi ti on of Ki ng's American Eclectic
Dispensatory, 1852, whi ch work actual l y presented gel semi um to the
worl d of medi ci ne, al though, as wi l l be shown l ater, the pl ant had a
recorded posi ti on much earl i er. Ki ng's arti cl e on gel semi um was copi ed
i n substance by the United States Dispensatory, 1854, none of the
precedi ng ni ne edi ti ons of that work havi ng menti oned the drug. But
the fact i s that Porcher (520) commended gel semi um i n hi s report to the
Ameri can Medi cal Associ ati on, 1849, and, concerni ng i ts restri cted l ocal
use i n gonorrhea and rheumati sm, referred to Frost's Elements of
Materia Medica (250) (South Carol i na) as wel l as to several l ocal journal
articles.
For a l ong ti me fol l owi ng 1852 (at whi ch date King's American
Dispensatory appeared) gel semi um remai ned an al most excl usi ve
remedy of the Ecl ecti c school , but i n 1860 i t attai ned a posi ti on i n the
Uni ted States Pharmacopei a, al though not unti l 1880 di d that work
gi ve pl ace to any preparati on of gel semi um. At present the drug i s i n
much favor wi th many physi ci ans of al l school s, but i s general l y cl assed
as one of the Ecl ecti c remedi es, bei ng one of the most i mportant i n
Ecl ecti c therapy.
GENTIANA
Genti an (Gentiana lutea) i s i ndi genous to the mountai nous parts of
Mi ddl e and Southern Europe, bei ng found i n the Pyrenees, the I sl ands
of Sardi ni a and Corsi ca, the Al ps, and el sewhere. I t i s ri ot, however,
found i n the Bri ti sh I sl ands. I t i s menti oned by both Pl i ny (514) and
Di oscori des (194), i ts name bei ng deri ved from Genti us, a ki ng of I l l yri a,
B. C. 180. Throughout the Mi ddl e Ages genti an was used as a domesti c
medi ci ne and to anti dote poi sons, and i n recent ti mes i t has been
commended as an anti dote or substi tute for tobacco. Tragus (650)
empl oyed the root A. D. 1552 for the purpose of di l ati ng wounds.
GERANIUM
Cranesbi l l , Geranium maculatum, i s found nati ve to the l owl ands
and open woods throughout the temperate Eastern Uni ted States. Bei ng
one of the astri ngent domesti c remedi es used i n the form of i nfusi on or
decocti on i n di arrhea, dysentery, sore mouth, and si mi l ar di seases, i t
thus came to the attenti on of physi ci ans, whose use of i t fi nal l y l ed to i ts
pl ace i n the pharmacopei a. I n Ecl ecti c medi cati on gerani um i s much
val ued, the drug occupyi ng a wel l -establ i shed posi ti on i n al l the
publ i cati ons of that school of physi ci ans.
GLYCYRRHIZA
Li cori ce, the dri ed rhi zome and root of glycyrrhiza, i s menti oned by
Ori basi us (479a) and Marcel l us (404) i n the fourth century, and by
Paul us gi neta (494) i n the seventh. I t was known i n the ti me of
Di oscori des (194), and was commonl y known i n Europe duri ng the
Mi ddl e Ages. I ts pri ce i n Engl and, i n the day of Henry I I I , was equal to
that of grai ns of paradi se. I t was one of the arti cl es payi ng duty to ai d i n
the repai ri ng of London Bri dge i n the day of Edward I , 1305. Sal adi nus
(570), i n the fi fteenth century, menti oned i t as an I tal i an medi ci ne, and
i t was commonl y known i n the ci ty of Frankfort i n 1450. Matti ol i (414),
1574, states that the jui ce, i n the form of pasti l l es, was brought every
year from Apul i a. I ndeed, the record of thi s substance i s to the effect
that i t has been an arti cl e of domesti c use, as a sweet wood for
chewi ng, as a consti tuent of medi ci nal pastes, and i n the form of a
common water extract, si nce the earl i est ti mes. I t i s found i n l arge
quanti ti es i n the l ocal i ti es where i t i s cul ti vated, i n Si ci l y, I tal y, and
Spai n, whi l e i n moderatel y recent years we have seen i mmense
amounts of l i cori ce roots annual l y col l ected i n the val l eys of the Hermes
and the Kayster, where probabl y i t has grown wi l d from al l ti mes.
GOSSYPII CORTEX
Cotton Root Bark, Gossypii radicis cortex, i s used as a sti mul ant and
emmenagogue, the decocti on bei ng consi dered, i n the days of Ameri can
sl avery, capabl e of produci ng aborti on. I t was thus i ntroduced
empi ri cal l y by the Negroes, and came from thence i nto the hands of the
professi on, bei ng fi rst empl oyed by physi ci ans of the Southern Uni ted
States. Fol l owi ng thi s i ntroducti on, Wal l ace Brothers, of Statesvi l l e, S.
C., at the request of the wri ter (Eclectic Medical J ournal, February,
1876, p. 70), forwarded to hi m a barrel of fresh cotton root bark,
preserved i n al cohol . Thi s was made i nto a fl ui d extract, and di stri buted
to Ameri can practi ci ng physi ci ans, wi th a request that the resul ts of i ts
use be reported i n contrast wi th the dri ed bark deemed by some to be
i nert. A summary of more than forty reports from practi ci ng physi ci ans,
together wi th remarks concerni ng the preparati on of gossypi um
empl oyed, was read before the Twenty-fourth Annual Meeti ng of the
Ameri can Pharmaceuti cal Associ ati on, 1876. The paper, i n ful l , ti tl ed,
Fl ui d Extract of Gossypi um Herbaceum, was publ i shed i n the Eclectic
Medical J ournal, December, 1876, pp. 537-547. Thi s treati se, together
wi th the i ncreasi ng demand from physi ci ans throughout Ameri ca for
pharmaceuti cal preparati ons of gossypi um root bark, l ed to i ts
i ntroducti on to the Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States. The credi t for the
di scovery of i ts uses, as before stated, must be gi ven to the Negroes of
the South.
GRANATUM (POMEGRANATE)
28

Punica granatum has been i n cul ti vati on from the earl i est hi stori cal
ti mes. I t i s now found i n al l warm countri es of the worl d, and frequentl y
as an ornamental pl ant i n thi s country and abroad, where i t requi res
protecti on duri ng the wi nter season, as i t wi l l not endure the col d. I t i s
recorded, e. g., that i n 1838 the pomegranate trees i n the nei ghborhood
of London were ki l l ed by the frost. The form general l y grown as
ornament i s the doubl e vari ety, and consequentl y barren. The frui t of
the pomegranate has been esteemed a del i cacy from the most anci ent
ti me, and we often see i t offered for sal e at our frui t stands. I n the West
I ndi es, where the pl ant woul d thri ve natural l y, i t i s not extensi vel y
cul ti vated, and the wri ter of thi s botani cal hi story (C. G. Ll oyd), who has
vi si ted al l these i sl ands, does not remember to have seen i t or i ts frui t
there. Li ke al l cul ti vated pl ants, i t i s l i abl e to vari ati on, and several of i ts
forms have been consi dered di sti nct speci es and named by several
authors; however, they are al l now consi dered forms of one speci es.
The pomegranate shrub, accordi ng to De Candol l e (122), i s ori gi nal l y a
nati ve of Persi a and adjacent countri es, but has been cul ti vated and
natural i zed i n the Medi terranean countri es at such an earl y date that i t
has even been consi dered i ndi genous to these countri es.
Pomegranate was i ncl uded among the vegetabl es that were hel d sacred
by the Assyri ans (86) and the Egypti ans (688); the l atter nati on made i t
a custom to pl ace i n the graves of the dead frui ts of the fi el d and
garden, among them pomegranates, speci mens of whi ch are preserved
to the present day (239). The pomegranate had undoubtedl y an occul t
si gni fi cance wi th the anci ent nati ons. I t was frequentl y used as a
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mysti cal embl em i n adorni ng the capi tal s of Assyri an (86, 374) and
Egypti an (688) col umns, and the Bi bl e (1st Book of Ki ngs vi i , 18, 20)
tel l s us that i n the bui l di ng of Sol omon's templ e the capi tal s of the
col umns were decorated wi th a network of pomegranates. Al so (Exodus
xxvi i i , 33, 34) the hem of the hi gh pri est's robe was adorned wi th
i mi tati ons of pomegranates i n bl ue, purpl e, and scarl et, al ternati ng wi th
bel l s of gol d. The pomegranate was one of the three frui ts brought to
Moses by the men that he sent to spy out the l and of promi se (302).
Many other passages scattered throughout the Bi bl e refer to our pl ant
(483), and testi fy to the esteem i n whi ch the tree and the frui t (then
cal l ed ri mmon) were hel d i n anci ent ti mes. The frui t and seed of the
pomegranate are often menti oned i n the Arabi an Ni ghts.
Pomegranates were represented on Carthagi ni an and Pheni ci an medal s
(422) and on the reverse of the coi ns of the I sl and of Rhodes (688). I n
Greek mythol ogy the pomegranate i s very conspi cuous (307, 191, 241),
and symbol i zes fecundi ty and abundance. The frui t was dedi cated to
Juno, a dei ty al ways represented i n scul ptures as hol di ng a
pomegranate (191).
The Greek authors, e. g., Theophrastus (633), descri be the pomegranate
under the names of roa and roa si de; al so Di oscori des (194), who
qui te expl i ci tl y sets forth the medi ci nal properti es of the di fferent parts
of the pl ant. Among Roman authors who descri be the pomegranate and
i ts uses are Cato Censori us (132), Pl i ny (514), Cel sus (136), and others.
Subsequent wri ters, for exampl e the Arabi ans, i n the ni nth century,
al so refer to the pomegranate, but seem to have mai nl y rei terated the
substance of the wri ti ngs of thei r Greek and Roman predecessors (422).
The Arabi an Ni ghts (88) speaks of the use of the seed cooked as
fol l ows: Every day I cook fi ve di shes for di nner, and the l i ke for supper;
and yesterday they sought of me a si xth di sh, yellow rice, and a
seventh, a mess of cooked pomegranate seed. (Adventures of Mercury
Al i of Cai ro, Vol . vi i , p. 185.) Of the wri ters of the Mi ddl e Ages may be
menti oned Tragus (650) and J. Bauhi nus (47), the l atter gi vi ng a most
detai l ed compi l ati on of that whi ch was known before hi s ti me on the
subject of the pomegranate, i ncl udi ng the myths wi th whi ch i t i s
connected. I t was not unti l the present century, however, that the
l i terature of the pomegranate was enri ched by the study of i ts chemi cal
aspects.
GRINDELIA
Grindelia robusta, a Cal i forni a pl ant, i s, as found i n commerce, of
questi onabl e authenti ci ty, owi ng to the near rel ati onshi p of very si mi l ar
speci es of gri ndel i a. I t earl y attracted the attenti on of the Jesui t Fathers
i n thei r mi ssi on stati ons al ong the coast, i t bei ng used by the nati ves
before the conquest of the country by the Ameri cans. Dr. C. A. Canfi el d,
of Monterey, Cal ., about 1863, cal l ed attenti on to gri ndel i a as a remedy
i n the poi son of rhus toxi codendron, i ts nati ve use i n that di recti on
havi ng become known to hi m. Mr. James G. Steel e, of San Franci sco,
1875, contri buted a paper to the Ameri can Pharmaceuti cal Associ ati on
commendi ng i ts use i n thi s di recti on. After that ti me the drug rapi dl y
crept i nto favor wi th the professi on of medi ci ne.
GUAIACUM
Guai acum i s a l ow evergreen tree, nati ve to the West I ndi es and
Southern Fl ori da. I ts earl i est i mportati on i nto Europe was from San
Domi ngo, as recorded by Ovi edo (487), A. D. 1526; but that i t was
known i n Germany previ ous to that date i s proved by treati ses by
Ni col aus Pol l (517), 1517; Leonard Schmaus (578), 1516; and Ul ri ch
von Hutten (332), 1518, by whom i t i s gi ven a pl ace. Ovi edo (487), who
l anded i n Ameri ca i n 1514, observed the tree, whi ch was cal l ed by the
nati ves Guayacan. Thi s drug, and i ts resi n as wel l , was used empi ri cal l y
i n domesti c (nati ve) medi ci ne before i ts i ntroducti on to the professi on.
Resin of Guaiacum i s a product obtai ned from sl ow combusti on,
wherei n, by a crude method, a hori zontal guai acum l og, rai sed from the
ground, i s sl owl y burned, the resi n col l ecti ng i n grooves that are cut i n
the l ogs. I t i s used more extensi vel y than i s the wood.
GUARANA
Guarana, a dri ed paste from the crushed seeds of Paullinia cupana,
was i ntroduced i nto France from South Ameri ca by a French offi cer i n
1817, as a product of an unknown pl ant, thi s paste bei ng made and
used by the tri be of I ndi ans (Guarani s) from whom i t took i ts name. I n
1826 Marti us (409) i denti fi ed the pl ant, whi ch i s cal l ed Paullinia
sorbilis i n deference to Si mon Paul l i (493). I n 1840, (Am. Journ.
Pharm., pp. 206-208), Dr. Gavrel l e presented a speci men of guarana to
the Pari s Soci ety of Medi ci ne, the same bei ng anal yzed by M. de
Chastetus, who di scovered a crystal l i zabl e matter, whi ch possessed the
chemi cal properti es of caffei ne. I n 1888 Professor H. H. Rusby (564)
(Amer. Jour. of Pharm., p. 267) authori tati vel y descri bed the manner i n
whi ch the nati ves prepared Guarana from the seed, and i n thei r crude
way produced the smoked sausage-l i ke rol l s fami l i ar i n commerce. The
date of i ts di scovery by the I ndi an tri bes whose preparati on and use of
the substance as a sti mul ati ng substance l ed to i ts European noti ce, i s
l ost to record.
HMATOXYLON
Logwood (Hematoxylon campechianum, L.) i s the wood of a tree
used throughout the ci vi l i zed worl d as a dye stuff, i n whi ch di recti on we
fi nd i t i s most l argel y consumed. The tree i s nati ve to Central Ameri ca,
bei ng abundant i n Campeachy, Honduras, and other secti ons of that
country. Fl cki ger (239) accepts that the wood was i ntroduced i nto
Engl and i n the l atter hal f of the si xteenth century, because i n 1581 i ts
use was abol i shed by act of Parl i ament, for the reason that i t was
consi dered a poor substi tute for better dyes, and was vi ewed i n the l i ght
of a sophi sti cant. Ei ghty years l ater, probabl y because a better study of
the drug had rendered i ts use practi cabl e, l ogwood was agai n permi tted
to enter Engl and. Accordi ng to De Laet (368), 1633, one of the names by
whi ch i t was commonl y known, peachwood, was deri ved from the town
of Campeachy, whence the wood was exported i n quanti ti es to Europe.
The accounts of travel ers and sai l ors at the ti me of the great exci tement
produced by the di scovery of the abundant sources of weal th i n the new
worl d, al most uni versal l y menti oned l ogwood. Thi s i s evi dent from the
record found i n such narrati ves as appear i n sai l ors' descri pti ons of thei r
voyages, i n Chambers Miscellany, and el sewhere.
I n the form of a decocti on of i ts chi ps, l ogwood has been a favori te i n
domesti c medi ci ne, and owi ng to i ts mi l d astri ngency i t has been used
for a consi derabl e ti me by l i censed physi ci ans. I n 1746, under the name
of Lignum tinctile Campechense, i t became offi ci al i n the London
Pharmacopoeia.
HAMAMELIDIS CORTEX ET FOLIA
29

Wi tch-hazel , Hamamelis virginiana. The decocti on and i nfusi on of
the bark as wel l as of the l eaves of thi s shrub have been i n common use
29 A l arger monograph by Ll oyd on the hi story of Hamamel i s can be found at:
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Hamamel i s.pdf
from the days of the Ameri can I ndi an, whose use of the pl ant l ed the
settl ers to i ts empl oyment. They al so used the l eaves as wel l as the
pounded bark i n the maki ng of a poul ti ce for topi cal use i n
i nfl ammati ons. These domesti c uses of the drug l ed to i ts i ntroducti on by
the medi cal professi on at an earl y date. A mi xture of hydrasti s root and
hamamel i s l eaves was hel d i n hi gh repute by Professor John Ki ng, M.
D. (356), as a wash and as an i njecti on. The preparati on known as
di sti l l ed hamamel i s, or di sti l l ed extract of hamamel i s, i ntroduced by
Pond about the mi ddl e of the ni neteenth century, became very popul ar
and has an i ncreasi ng demand at the present ti me, a substi tute or
i mi tati on bei ng i ntroduced i nto the pharmacopoei a under the ti tl e
hamamel i s water.
HEDEOMA
Ameri can pennyroyal , Hedeoma pulegioides, i s a fragrant herb,
nati ve to Ameri ca, and general l y di stri buted throughout the temperate
porti ons of North Ameri ca. I t was used by the I ndi ans i n the form of
decocti ons and i nfusi ons, and was i ntroduced by them to the settl ers,
comi ng thence to the attenti on of the medi cal professi on. I ts chi ef use at
the present ti me i s i n the maki ng of the vol ati l e oi l di sti l l ed therefrom.
Thi s pl ant must not be confused wi th the pennyroyal of Europe, a smal l ,
aromati c herb, Mentha pulegium, common throughout Europe,
extendi ng northward to Sweden, eastward to Asi a Mi nor and Persi a,
and southward to Abyssi ni a and Arabi a. The European pennyroyal ,
al so a common domesti c remedy, has fal l en i nto therapeuti c negl ect by
the professi on.
HUMULUS
Hops (Humulus lupulus) i s a cl i mbi ng vi ne found i n thi ckets and
al ong ri ver banks throughout Europe, and extendi ng to and beyond the
Caucasus and Caspi an regi ons. I ntroduced i nto Ameri ca, hops have
become accl i mated, and especi al l y i n the Northwest are cul ti vated i n
i mmense quanti ty. Hop gardens exi sted i n France and Germany i n the
ei ghth and ni nth centuri es, and Bavari an hops were esteemed i n the
el eventh century. I t has been asserted that Wi l l i am the Conqueror,
1069, granted the use of l and for hops i n Engl and. The ori gi nal use of
hops was i n decocti on as a stomachi c medi ci ne, whi l st thei r empl oyment
i n the maki ng of mal ted l i quors i s fami l i ar to al l . As a toni c, the hop i s
sti l l val ued i n si mpl e decocti on and i n extract, both by the peopl e and
the professi on of medi ci ne.
HYDRASTIS
30

Hydrastis canadensis i s nati ve to North Ameri ca. Once abundant i n
the thi ck woodl ands of the Central West, i n the terri tory borderi ng the
Ohi o Ri ver from I l l i noi s to Vi rgi ni a, i t i s now i n i ts nati ve home
practi cal l y extermi nated. Hydrasti s i s known by the common names,
gol den seal , yel l ow puccoon, yel l ow root, and other si mi l ar expressi ve
appel l ati ons si gni fyi ng i ts col or or appl yi ng to i ts nature. The root of thi s
pl ant, of a ri ch gol den yel l ow, l i ke i ts compani on, sangui nari a, whi ch,
however, has a red col or, was used by the I ndi ans as a cuti cl e stai n, and
al so as a dye for thei r garments. Bei ng exceedi ngl y bi tter, i t was al so
useful i n repel l i ng i nsects, when mi xed wi th grease and smeared upon
the ski n, and hence served a doubl e purpose i n the use of pri mi ti ve
man. I ts fi rst pri nted conspi cui ty came from a paper read by Mr. Hugh
Marti n (408) before the Ameri can Phi l osophi cal Soci ety, 1782, publ i shed
i n thei r Transacti ons, 1793, under the ti tl e, An account of some of the
pri nci pal Dyes empl oyed by the North Ameri can I ndi ans. By reason of
i ts red berry, hydrasti s was al so cal l ed ground raspberry. Al though i t
had been menti oned i n vari ous medi cal publ i cati ons, the drug was hel d
i n sl i ght repute, and was of no commerci al i mportance unti l the advent
of the Ameri can Ecl ecti cs, who fi rst prepared i ts al kal oi dal sal ts for
professi onal use (388a). I ts medi cal hi story dates from i ts use by the
I ndi ans, who i ntroduced i t as a nati ve remedy to the earl i est botani cal
expl orers, and to settl ers. I ts therapeuti c qual i ti es were overl ooked,
however, by Kal m (350), 1772; Cutl er (178), 1783; and Schoepf (582),
1785; Barton (43) fi rst bri ngi ng i t before the medi cal professi on, 1798.
He credi ts the Cherokee I ndi ans for i ts ascri bed uses, and i n the thi rd
part of hi s work (1804) he devotes consi derabl e attenti on to the drug.
Rafi nesque (535) (1828) states that the I ndi ans empl oyed i t as a
sti mul ant, and that the Cherokees used i t for cancer, i n whi ch di recti on
better remedi es were to them known. The pri nci pal use of hydrasti s by
the I ndi ans, however, and whi ch afterwards crept i nto domesti c
practi ce, was as an i nfusi on or wash for ski n di seases and for sore or
i nfl amed eyes. I t was al so empl oyed as a sti mul ant for i ndol ent ul cers,
and as an i nternal toni c. Hydrasti s may be consi dered typi cal of the
drugs that are empl oyed very extensi vel y by the medi cal professi on,
through thei r empi ri cal i ntroducti on, i t bei ng recorded that even for
gonorrhea the I ndi ans di scovered i ts uti l i ty.
30 A l arger monograph by Ll oyd can be found at: http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther/Hydrasti s-
Ll oyd.PDF
Earl y authori ti es on Ameri can medi cal pl ants, such as Barton (43)
(1798 and 1804), Hand (298) (House Surgeon, 1820), Rafi nesque (535),
El i sha Smi th (601) (1830), Kost (361) (1851), Sanborn (571) (1835),
gi ve to hydrasti s consi derabl e conspi cui ty, whi l st Dungl i son's Medi cal
Di cti onary (203) pessi mi sti cal l y (1852) states that i n Kentucky onl y i t i s
used, and then onl y as an outward appl i cati on, for wounds. (See Drugs
and Medicines of North America
31
, pp. 154-5 [389].)
HYOSCYAMUS
Hyoscyamus niger i s di stri buted throughout Europe, from Portugal
and Greece to Norway and Fi nl and. I t i s found i n the Caucasus, Persi a,
throughout Asi a Mi nor, Northern I ndi a, and even i n Si beri a. I t has
been natural i zed i n North Ameri ca and Brazi l , and i n Engl and i s a
common weed. Di oscori des (194) menti ons i t among medi ci nal pl ants,
and under the name Henbane i t has been empl oyed i n domesti c
medi ci ne throughout Europe from the remotest ti mes. Angl o-Saxon
works on medi ci ne i n the el eventh century gi ve i t a pl ace. Duri ng the
Mi ddl e Ages the seeds and roots were much used. I ts re-empl oyment
and i ntroducti on to modern regul ar medi ci ne, after i t had fal l en i nto
di suse, came through the efforts of Storck (617). I ts qual i ti es were wel l
known to the Arabi ans, as i s wi tnessed i n numerous references thereto
i n the Arabi an Ni ghts (88), of whi ch the fol l owi ng i s a sampl e:
Presentl y he fi l l ed a cresset wi th fi rewood, on whi ch he strewed powdered henbane,
and l i ghti ng i t, went round about the tent wi th i t ti l l the smoke entered the nostri l s of
the guards, and they al l fel l asl eep, drowned by the drug. (88) Hi story of Ghari b and
hi s Brother Aji b, Vol . VI I , p. 7.
Had Herodotus not sai d tree, i t mi ght have been accepted that the
vol ati l e i ntoxi cant menti oned by hi m referred to thi s drug. I ndeed, the
presumpti on woul d not have di sturbed an author who made errors more
pronounced than the di sti ncti on between an herb and a tree, and who
qual i fi ed hi s statement by i t i s sai d. However, as shown i n our arti cl e
on Matico, that pl ant was ori gi nal l y descri bed as Sol di er's Herb or
Tree.
Moreover i t i s sai d that other trees have been di scovered by them whi ch yi el d frui t of
such a ki nd that when they have assembl ed together i n compani es i n the same pl ace
and l i ghted a fi re, they si t round i n a ci rcl e and throw some of i t i nto the fi re, and they
31
Avai l abl e onl i ne at http://www.i bi bl i o.org/herbmed/ecl ecti c/dmna/mai n.html
smel l the frui t whi ch i s thrown on, as i t burns, and are i ntoxi cated by the scent as the
Hel l enes are wi th wi ne, and when more of the frui t i s thrown on they become more
i ntoxi cated, unti l at l ast they ri se up to dance and begi n to si ng. Herodotus
(Macaul ay), Book I , p. 99.
I n thi s connecti on, through tradi ti on probabl y, i ts uses i n the same
manner came to popul ar uses. The grandmother of the wri ter, affl i cted
wi th asthma, found her greatest rel i ef i n smoki ng stramoni um l eaves
mi xed wi th smal l amounts of henbane l eaves. Thi s was an hei rl oom of
pri mi ti ve medi cati on transpl anted to the Western Ameri can wi l derness.
IPECACUANHA
32

The begi nni ng of the hi story of i pecacuanha root and the fi rst study of
i ts vi rtues i s cl ouded i n mystery and fabl e. I t i s stated that the South
Ameri can I ndi ans were acquai nted wi th the medi ci nal properti es of the
pl ant, havi ng gai ned thei r experi ence from observi ng the habi ts of
ani mal s (409).
33
A vague yet probabl y the fi rst source of i nformati on on
the subject of i pecacuanha root i s found i n a work publ i shed i n London
i n 1625, named The Pi l gri mes, by Samuel Purchas (527), whi ch i n fi ve
vol umes gi ves an account of many travel s and the natural hi story of
forei gn countri es. I n Vol . I V, page 1311, where Brazi l i an pl ants and
thei r uses are consi dered, the fol l owi ng passage occurs:
I gpecaya or pigaya i s profi tabl e for the bl oudi e fl uxe. The stai ke i s a
quarter l ong and the roots of another or more, i t hath onl y four or fi ve
l eaves, i t smel l eth much wheresoever i t i s, but the smel l i s strong and
terri bl e.
The subsequent descri pti on of i ts medi ci nal vi rtues bears further
evi dence that we have here a pl ant at l east cl osel y rel ated to offi ci al
i pecacuanha. Accordi ng to a pri nted note at the head of that chapter,
the author i s bel i eved to be a Jesui t by the name of Manoel Tri staon
(651a), who probabl y wrote the treati se i n the year 1601.
The fi rst defi ni te i nformati on we have of i pecacuanha dates from the
publ i cati on of a work by Pi so and Marcgraf (511), cal l ed Hi stori a
Natural i s Brasi l i se, Amsterdam, 1648, chapter I xi v bei ng enti tl ed De
I pecacuanha ejusque Facul tati bus. Two speci es are descri bed, a whi te
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Cephael i s_Ll oyd.pdf
33 Thi s fabl e has a paral l el i n the quai nt descri pti on gi ven by Cl usi us concerni ng the di scovery of
the heal i ng vi rtues of nux vomi ca bark i n cases of snake bi te.
and a brown speci es, the l atter evi dentl y bei ng the true i pecacuanha
pl ant. An i l l ustrati on of the pl ant i s added, whi ch Merat consi ders qui te
a credi tabl e reproducti on of the true i pecacuanha. The enti re chapter
was repri nted, wi th French transl ati on, by Merat (422), and i nserted i n
hi s Di cti onnai re, as a testi mony of the extreme exactness of the
descri pti on gi ven by Pi so (511).
The root fi rst came to Europe i n 1672 through the agency of Le Gras
(422), who sought to i ntroduce i t i nto medi cal practi ce. Keepi ng a stock
suppl y i n the care of an apothecary by the name of Cl aquenel l e i n
Pari s, he associ ated hi msel f wi th J. A. Hel veti us (309), a physi ci an of
German descent, who had graduated under the medi cal Facul ty at
Rei ms. However, the venture was at fi rst a fai l ure, owi ng to the
empl oyment of too l arge doses.
I n 1680 a merchant by the name of Gami er i n Pari s, wel l acquai nted
wi th the medi ci nal vi rtues of the root, sent for a suppl y, obtai ni ng 150
pounds from Spai n. Through thi s gentl eman, di rectl y or i ndi rectl y,
Hel veti us (309) secured a new l ot of the drug, whi ch he ski l l ful l y
managed to expl oi t by extensi vel y adverti si ng i t as radi x anti -
dysenteri ca, the ori gi n of whi ch, however, he kept a secret. Fi nal l y the
fame of the remedy came to the noti ce of Mi ni ster Col bert, who ordered
that the remedy be gi ven an offi ci al tri al i n the Pari s muni ci pal hospi tal .
I n 1688 Hel veti us (309) obtai ned the sol e l i cense for the sal e of the
drug, whi ch proved to be an effi ci ent, or at l east popul ar, remedy among
the members of an ari stocrati c patronage, i ncl udi ng no l ess a personage
than the dauphi n. Ki ng Loui s the XI V then bought the secret from
Hel veti us for one thousand l oui s d'or, and made the remedy publ i c
property. He was i nduced to do so by the combi ned i nfl uences of hi s
physi ci an, Ant. d'Aqui n, and of Franc, de Lachai se, confessor to the
ki ng. Gami er, the merchant, however, brought sui t i n order to obtai n
hi s share of profi t i n the transacti on, but was unsuccessful i n hi s efforts.
After the use of the drug had thus been establ i shed i n France, the
remedy was i ntroduced i nto other countri es, e. g., by Lei bni tz (378a)
(1696) and Val enti ni (656b) (1698) i nto Germany, and 1694 by Fri ed.
Dekker i nto Hol l and.
Duri ng the fi rst part of the ei ghteenth century the drug was i n frequent
use i n the vari ous pharmaci es of Germany, as i s evi denced from i ts
bei ng menti oned i n several ol d documents of that age. I t i s, for exampl e,
menti oned i n the authori tati ve drug l i st of the Si l esi an town of Strehl en
i n 1724.
However, duri ng the i ncreasi ng empl oyment of the drug, i n the l atter
part of the ei ghteenth century, much confusi on arose as to i ts botani cal
ori gi n, i nsomuch that i t became the habi t to desi gnate as i pecacuanha
any emeti c pl ant, regardl ess of i ts botani cal source. A l ong l i st of such
pl ants i s enumerated, for exampl e, i n Marti us (409). I n thi s manner the
characteri sti cs of the pl ant furni shi ng true i pecacuanha root became
al most forgotten, other pl ants bei ng substi tuted for i t. Ray, for exampl e,
hel d i t to be a speci es of paris, and no l ess an authori ty than Li nnaeus
hi msel f thought viola ipecacuanha now known as ionidum ipecacuanha
(684), to be the true i pecacuanha root.
I n 1764, Muti s, a cel ebrated botani st i n Santa Fe de Bogota, sent the
younger Li nnaeus a Peruvi an emeti c pl ant wi th descri pti on, whi ch he
thought was the true i pecacuanha root. Li nnaeus fi l . (385) accepted the
statement of Muti s as correct and, moreover, bel i evi ng the i l l ustrati on
gi ven by Pi so (511) of the true i pecacuanha pl ant to represent the
speci men he recei ved from Muti s, i n 1871 gave i t the name psychotria
emetica, Muti s.
To Dr. Gomez (271, 272), who i n 1800 returned from Brazi l , i s fi nal l y
due the credi t of havi ng corrected thi s error. He re-establ i shed the
nearl y forgotten botani cal character of true i pecacuanha i n hi s memoi r
publ i shed at Li sbon i n 1801, wherei n he descri bes and fi gures the pl ant,
and especi al l y di sti ngui shes i t from Psychotri a emeti ca, Muti s.
Havi ng donated some speci mens of the pl ant i n hi s possessi on to hi s
fel l ow countryman, F. A. Brotero (100, professor of botany, Coi mbra, the
l atter publ i shed an account of i t (1802) i n the Trans. Li nn. Soc., nami ng
i t Callicocca ipecacuanha (100), but wi thout gi vi ng credi t to the source
of hi s i nformati on, whi ch chagri ned Gomez consi derabl y (422). Twel ve
years l ater Brotero l eft a copy of hi s arti cl e wi th a botani st by the name
of Hectot, of Nantes, who communi cated i t to M. Tussac (656a), and the
l atter, i n publ i shi ng i t, gave i t the name Cephaelis ipecacuanha, al so
l ayi ng stress upon i ts di sti ncti on from Psychotria emetica, Muti s,
perhaps wi thout havi ng had any knowl edge of Gomez's paper wri tten
twel ve years before.
I n 1820 A. Ri chard (550) agai n cal l ed attenti on to thi s di sti ncti on, but,
as i t seems, al so wi thout gi vi ng proper credi t to Gomez, wi th the resul t
that l ater authori ti es frequentl y quote the true i pecacuanha root under
the name of Cephael i s i pecacuanha, A. Ri chard.
J ALAPA
The purgati ve tuber known under the common name jal ap,
Exogonium purga, i s a gi ft of Mexi co, and by reason of i ts catharti c
qual i ti es natural l y became a favori te i n Europe i n the days of heroi c
medi cati on. The earl y Spani sh voyagers l earned of i ts qual i ti es from the
nati ves, and i n the si xteenth century carri ed l arge quanti ti es to Europe.
Monardes (447), i n 1565, menti ons a catharti c under the name
Mechoacan rhubarb, or root, whi ch some bel i eve to have been jal ap, but
thi s Fl cki ger (239) di scredi ts, because Col on, an apothecary of Lyons,
i n 1619, states that jal ap was then newl y brought to France. Fl cki ger
al so accepts that both drugs were wel l known i n 1610, al though often
confused. Owi ng to thi s confusi on between the two bul bs, one was cal l ed
black mechoacan, whi l e the other was known as white jalap. Strangel y
enough, the exact botani cal source of jal ap remai ned a questi on unti l
1829, when Dr. Coxe, of Phi l adel phi a, author of Coxe's American
Dispensatory, i denti fi ed the drug from l i vi ng pl ants sent to hi m from
Mexi co, and publ i shed descri pti ons, wi th col ored pl ates, i n the Ameri can
Journal of Medi cal Sci ences, 1829. Thi s cel ebrated catharti c, so much
used by l i censed physi ci ans and i n domesti c medi cati on, i s to be credi ted
to the nati ves of Central Ameri ca, whose empl oyment of the drug
i ntroduced i t to European commerci al adventurers who, as a matter of
busi ness, made i t known to the professi ons of medi ci ne and pharmacy.
KINO
Ki no i s the dri ed jui ce of a handsome ti mber tree, Pterocarpus
marsupium, a nati ve of the southern parts of the I ndi an Peni nsul a
and Ceyl on. I t i s al so obtai ned from several other trees whi ch partake of
the qual i ti es of an astri ngent drug. One of these, Pterocarpus indicus, i s
a tree of Southern I ndi a, the Mal ay Peni nsul a, and the Phi l i ppi ne
I sl ands. The drug, used by nati ves from ti me i mmemori al , was
i ntroduced i nto commerce by Fothergi l l (244), 1757. I t came from the
Ri ver Gambi a, i n Western Afri ca, where i t had been previ ousl y noti ced
by Moore (449), who i n hi s Travel s I nto the I nl and Parts of Afri ca,
1737, menti oned the product under the name kano. Mungo Park, 1805,
sent speci mens of the tree to Engl and, and from that date Afri can ki no
has been a regul ar product of the Engl i sh drug market. Accordi ng to
Duncan (202) i n the Edi nburgh Di spensatory, 1803, ki no as found i n
Engl and was an Afri can product, but he recogni zes a vari ety,
i ndi sti ngui shabl e from thi s, comi ng from Jamai ca. I n the 1811 edi ti on of
the same work he asserts that the Afri can drug i s out of market, and
that the East I ndi a Company now suppl y the market from Jamai ca and
New South Wal es. I t i s evi dent that, as wi th Krameri a, many speci es
and vari eti es of the tree, nati ve to wi del y di fferent secti ons of the worl d,
produce the substance known as ki no, whi ch, asi de from the East I ndi a
tree, Pterocarpus marsupium, are accepted as bei ng very nearl y
i denti cal wi th the materi al yi el ded by the ki no tree of tropi cal Afri ca.
Ki no i s obtai ned by i nci si ng the tree and removi ng the red jel l y as i t
exudes, then dryi ng i t by exposure to the ai r. I t i s mi l dl y astri ngent, and
has been used i n the manufacture of wi ne.
KRAMERIA
The shrub Krameria triandra i s nati ve to the bare and sandy sl opes
of the Bol i vi an and Peruvi an Cordi l l eras, growi ng at from 3,000 to
8,000 feet above sea l evel . I t i s often found i n great abundance,
standi ng i n sol i d beds scarcel y a foot hi gh, and pecul i arl y attracti ve by
reason of i ts si l ver-gray fol i age and starl i ke fl owers. The root of
commerce comes from the north and east of Li ma, and the northern part
of Peru. The Spani sh botani st Hi pol i to Rui z (562, 563), i n 1784,
observed the nati ve women of Huanuco and Li ma usi ng thi s drug as a
tooth preservati ve and an astri ngent. On hi s return to Europe, i n 1796,
he i ntroduced the root i nto Spai n, and from that country i t gradual l y
spread throughout Europe. The fi rst that reached Engl and, however,
was as part of the cargo of a Spani sh pri ze, a part of whi ch came i nto
the hands of Dr. Reece (540), who recommended i t to the professi on,
1806, i n hi s Medi ci nal and Chi rurgi cal Revi ew, London. There are other
speci es and ki nds of rhatany, one bei ng i nvesti gated by the wri ter of
thi s arti cl e some years ago, as found i n Fl ori da, the qual i ti es of whi ch
coul d scarcel y be di sti ngui shed from those of the astri ngent South
Ameri can drug. Thi s drug was al so noti ced by Dr. E. M. Hal l , of Chi cago,
a wel l -known Homoeopathi c author. Seemi ngl y the speci es of rhatany
are al l of si mi l ar nature and are dependent upon a ki ndl y, astri ngent,
red tannate.
LACTUCARIUM
Several speci es of lactuca, nati ve to the Ol d Worl d, yi el d the jui ce
whi ch, when dri ed, i s known as Lactucarium, an extract known al so
under the name Lettuce Opi um. The fact that l ettuce eaten frequentl y
i nduces drowsi ness, was known i n anci ent ti mes, and i ts reputati on i n
thi s di recti on l ed Dr. Coxe (171), of Phi l adel phi a, to suggest the
col l ecti ng of the jui ce, after the manner empl oyed i n the maki ng of
opi um. Hi s experi ments were publ i shed i n 1799 under the ti tl e Lettuce
Opi um. Si nce that date others wri ti ng on the subject created qui te a
demand for the l actucari um thus produced. I t wi l l be seen that the
i ntroducti on of thi s substance to medi ci ne came through usual empi ri cal
channel s.
LAPPA, (BURDOCK)
Thi s wi del y di stri buted pl ant known under several botani cal names,
such as Lappa mi nor (De Candol l e) Lappa major (Gaertner) and Lappa
tomentosa (Lamarck) i s now offi ci al as Arctium Lappa. The commerci al
name Burdock seems, however, so expressi ve as to have become an
uni versal appel l ati on, and needs no i nterpretati on.
The root of thi s pl ant has been ever used i n i ts nati ve haunts, whi ch
cover much of Afri ca, Europe, and adjacent l ands. Li ke the honeybee i t
fol l ows ci vi l i zati on, and l i ke the Engl i sh sparrow craves the company of
man. I ts burr journeys wi th man i nto al l i nhabi ted countri es, and
whether or not i t be a wel come guest, i ts broad l eaves are to be found
about every dwel l i ng. As al ready stated, Burdock has been used i n
domesti c medi ci ne from ti me out of date. Several vari eti es, however,
have i nheri ted the common name, such works as Sal mon, 1683 (570a)
Samuel Dal e, 1737 (179) Qui ncy, 1749 (532) Lewi s, 1768 (382)
Motherby, 1775 (451b) testi fyi ng thereto. I n al l these i t i s ti tl ed
Bardana.
LEPTANDRA
Leptandra, Veronica virginica, grows i n ri ch woodl ands throughout
the Uni ted States east of the Mi ssi ssi ppi Ri ver, bei ng found i n
abundance wherever i t i s nati ve to a secti on and the woodl ands have
been undi sturbed. The vari ous speci es are known under many l ocal
names, such as bl ack root. Cul ver's root, Bri nton root, Bowman root,
physi c root, etc., as used by the settl ers. They deri ved thei r knowl edge of
the drug from the Ameri can I ndi ans, and desi gnated the pl ant by the
name of the man who used i t i n hi s practi ce, or from i ts characteri sti cs.
The Del aware I ndi ans cal l ed the pl ant quitel, and the Mi ssouri and
Osage tri bes knew i t as hini. Leptandra was empl oyed i n decocti on by
settl ers and savages al i ke as a vi ol ent purgati ve, and i n the practi ce of
earl y physi ci ans of the Uni ted States i t was used for bi l i ous fevers. Peter
Smi th (605), author of the I ndi an Doctor's Di spensatory, 1813, states
that hi s father used Cul ver's Root to cure the pl euri sy, whi ch i t di d
wi th amazi ng speed. The use of the drug was confi ned to domesti c
medi cati on unti l the appearance of the Ameri can Di spensatory (356),
1852, whi ch gave i t a general i ntroducti on to the professi on of medi ci ne.
Professor W. Byrd Powel l , a physi ci an of hi gh educati on, val ued
l eptandra very hi ghl y, and i t was upon hi s strong commendati on to
Professor John Ki ng (356), edi tor of the Ameri can Di spensatory, that i t
was there gi ven a posi ti on.
LIMONIS, CORTEX ET SUCCUS
The l emon tree, Citrus limonum, i s a nati ve of the forests of Northern
I ndi a, occurri ng el sewhere through the adjacent countri es. I t has been
known from the begi nni ng of wri tten hi story i n i ts nati ve l and, but i ts
menti on i n Sanskri t l i terature occurs i n more modern ti mes, rather than
i n anti qui ty. The Arabi an wri ters gave i t the name limun, from the
Hi ndu word limbu, or l i mu. (See extract from arti cl e of Dr. Ri ce, to
fol l ow.) The l emon was unknown to the earl y i nhabi tants of Greece and
Rome, but i t was menti oned i n the thi rd and fourth centuri es A. D., i n
the Book of Nabathan Agriculture. I n thi s connecti on i t may be sai d
that the i ntroducti on of the l emon paral l el s somewhat the record of the
orange. The use of the l emon as a grateful aci d i n dri nks and cordi al s,
as wel l as the peel of the frui t as a fl avori ng materi al i n medi ci ne, seems
to have been known to pri mi ti ve humani ty. Possi bl y the most
authori tati ve di ssertati on on the l emon, whi ch embodi es the hi story of
the ci trus fami l y general l y, i s that by Dr. Charl es Ri ce (see Fronti spi ece
to thi s Bul l eti n), publ i shed i n New Remedi es. August, September, and
October, 1878. Wi th hi s characteri sti c thoroughness Dr. Ri ce gi ves i n the
body of hi s work and i n numerous foot notes a worl d of i nformati on
concerni ng the deri vati on of the name of each member of the ci trus
fami l y used i n commerce, together wi th the record of i ts products. From
hi s paper we quote, as fol l ows:
Lemon i s from the Arabi c lmn and thi s, by way of the Persi an, i s rel ated to the
Hi ndu l i mi t, l i mbu, or ni mbu. Adam al ready i n hi s Hmdi -Kosha, (Cal cutta, 1829),
transl ates the Sanskri t nimbu i nto Hi ndi limu. Thi s transl ati on i s no doubt correct,
but the Sanskri t has evi dentl y coi ned or adopted the word from the North I ndi an
vernacul ars. I n Cashmeer i t i s sti l l cal l ed nimbu. There are many names i n Sanskri t
for the Ci trus-frui ts, a number of them standi ng for l emon. The Madanavinoda
(expl ai ned on p. 231, New Remedies, August, 1878) (399a) menti ons two ki nds of
nimbu (or ni mbka), one of whi ch i s sour, and the other sweet. Another nati ve term i s
nisbu, accordi ng to the Sabdakalpadruma. The Medi evo-Greek i s l ei mni on l emne.
The l emon i s fi rst menti oned i n the book on Nabathan Agri cul ture, under the name
has a (see Meyer, Gesch. d. Bot. I I I ., 68).
Dr. Charles Rice, New Remedies, Sept., 1878.
LINUM
Fl axseed, or l i nseed (Linum usitatissimum) has been cul ti vated from
al l ti mes i n the Ol d Worl d. From the droppi ng of i ts seeds i t may become
a weed, and thus i s found wi l d i n more or l ess favored l ocati ons
throughout the temperate and tropi cal regi ons of the gl obe. Fl ax as a
fi brous pl ant has been uti l i zed throughout the journey of human
ci vi l i zati on. The Egypti an tombs carry pai nti ngs i l l ustrati ng the
weavi ng of fl ax i nto cl oth; the grave-cl othes of the earl y Egypti ans were
made from fl ax, i ts record havi ng been traced back to at l east 2300 B. C.
The seeds of the pl ant have ever been empl oyed, both as a food and as a
medi ci ne. Al l the earl y hi stori ans, such as the Greek Al cman of the
seventh century B. C., Thucydi des and Pl i ny (514), refer to i ts qual i ti es
as a food, reci ti ng that the seeds were used by the peopl e, both
external l y and i nternal l y, as medi ci nes. Charl emagne promoted i ts
growth i n Northern Europe. The pl ant reached Sweden and Norway
from i ts nati ve l and before the twel fth century.
LOBELIA
Lobel i a, or I ndi an tobacco, Lobelia inflata, was conspi cuousl y
i ntroduced by Samuel Thomson (638) i n the begi nni ng of the
ni neteenth century. I t has been, i n domesti c medi cati on, i n the practi ce
of the Thomsoni ans, and al so of the Ecl ecti cs, one of the most val ued
remedi al agents of the Ameri can fl ora (388b). Fol l owi ng i ts empi ri cal
use, the fi rst pri nted record concerni ng i ts emeti c properti es i s that by
the Rev. Manasseh Cutl er, LL. D. (178), who i n the Ameri can Academy
of Sci ence, 1785, under the ti tl e Account of I ndi genous Vegetabl es,
menti ons i t under the name Emetic Weed. Fol l owi ng thi s, Schopf (582),
1787, i ncorrectl y ascri bed to i t astri ngent properti es, stati ng erroneousl y
that i t was used i n ophthal mi a, evi dentl y confusi ng the properti es of
Lobelia inflata wi th those of i ts rel ati ve, Lobelia syphilitica. The
I ndi ans of North Ameri ca empl oyed l obel i a, when necessi ty requi red, as
a substi tute for tobacco. The statement of Lewi s and Cl arke (381a), to
the effect that the Chi ppewa I ndi ans used the root of l obel i a, refers
evi dentl y to the root of Lobel i a syphi l i ti ca, no record concerni ng the use
of Lobel i a i nfl ata by the I ndi ans bei ng found i n such publ i cati ons as the
Book of the I ndians, 1837, by Drake (198). I t was not named i n I ndian
Medicine, by Browne (104), (edi ted by W. W. Beach, 1877); Long's (393)
account of the medi ci nes and practi ce of the I ndi ans of the West, 1819;
Nuttal l (477), who i nformed Dr. Mattson (415) that he had never
known the I ndi ans to use Lobel i a i nfl ata; I ndian Captivities, though
prol i fi c as concerns the customs of the I ndi ans; or the American Herbal ,
by Samuel Steams, M. D. (612), 1772, whi ch i gnores Lobel i a i nfl ata,
though referri ng to other speci es of l obel i a. Nei ther Barton (43) nor
Rafi nesque (535) menti on Lobel i a i nfl ata, from personal experi ence, as
an I ndi an remedy. Catl i n (131a) i n hi s Manners, Customs, and
Condition of the North American I ndians, omi ts the drug. However,
Mattson (415), 1841, i n hi s American Vegetable Practice, states that
there i s abundant tradi ti onary evi dence that l obel i a was used by the
Penobscot I ndi ans, l ong before the ti me of Dr. Samuel Thomson, i ts
reputed di scoverer, but wi th the excepti on of that tri be, I have not been
abl e to di scover by any researches I have made that the Ameri can
abori gi nes had any knowl edge of i ts properti es or vi rtues. Samuel
Thomson (638), whose name i s so cl osel y l i nked wi th that of l obel i a as
never to be di ssoci ated therefrom, says, I t has never occurred to me
that i t was of any val ue i n medi ci ne unti l thi s ti me (1793)," and al so, "I n
the fal l of 1807, I i ntroduced l obel i a, ti nctured i n spi ri t, as a remedy i n
asthma. Mattson (415), however, 1841, i nsi sts that i ts use by the peopl e
of New Engl and was l ong before Thomson's ti me, reci ti ng that Mr.
Phi l l i p Owen, now ei ghty years ol d, rel ates that when a boy, he was
sent i nto the fi el d by hi s mother to col l ect some l obel i a for a chi l d, si ck
wi th qui nsy, and that the herb, admi ni stered i n the usual manner,
afforded speedy and enti re rel i ef. The publ i cati on i n whi ch thi s occurs,
dated 1841, shows that l obel i a was a domesti c remedy i n 1770. Other
evi dence (see (389) Drugs and Medicines of North America, pp. 83-89)
i ndi cates concl usi vel y that l obel i a was a domesti c remedy wi th the
settl ers of North Ameri ca before the day of the noted empi ri ci st Samuel
Thomson, who, however, gave to i t the conspi cui ty i t has enjoyed for
over a hundred years. I t i s thi s wri ter's opi ni on that l obel i a wi l l yet be
shown to be one of the most val uabl e of al l the remedi es nati ve to
Ameri ca, and he bel i eves i t woul d now occupy that posi ti on i n Regul ar
medi cati on but for i ts hi stori cal connecti on wi th thei r arch-enemy,
Samuel Thomson.
LYCOPODIUM
From the begi nni ng of recorded ti me the mi nute spores of Lycopodium
(clavatum, and other speci es), known al so to the earl y botani sts as
Muscus terrestris, or Muscus clavatus, have been commended for thei r
therapeuti c vi rtues. Thi s pl ant, the common cl ub moss, i s found
throughout Central and Northern Europe, Russi an Asi a, even to Japan,
North and South Ameri ca, the Fal kl and I sl ands, and even to the Cape
of Good Hope, bei ng so wi del y di stri buted as to have l ed, natural l y, to
i ts therapeuti c reputati on i n common l i fe i n al l parts of the worl d. The
spores of l ycopodi um have been used i n domesti c therapy as an
appl i cati on to fresh wounds, and have thus a reputati on as an
absorbent stypti c. Offi ci al i n pharmacy i n the mi ddl e of the seventeenth
century, the Engl i sh druggi sts seem not to have i ncl uded the powder i n
thei r l i st of drugs before 1692, nor has i t been offi ci al i n any of the
London pharmacopei as. Lycopodi um i s empl oyed i n Homeopathi c and
Ecl ecti c medi cati on, and i n connecti on wi th shel l ac and earthy sal ts i s
al so used i n l arge quanti ty i n the maki ng of di fferent col ored si gnal
fi res, as wel l as those for eveni ng cel ebrati ons.
MALTUM
The ti me of the i ntroducti on of mal t (Hordeum distichon) antedates
the l ore of systemati c medi cati on. Germi nated barl ey, ki l n-dri ed, has
been empl oyed i n the maki ng of mal ted l i quors si nce a very earl y date,
and mal t l i quors have been i n domesti c use, both as a beverage and an
extract, for a very l ong peri od. The i ntroducti on of mal t i nto the
pharmacopei a resul ted from the empi ri cal use of the semi -propri etary
Extracts of Mal t, whi ch a few years after the mi ddl e of the l ast century
became popul ar i n domesti c as wel l as i n professi onal use. I ts
i ntroducti on to medi ci ne i s, however (as wi th many other substances of
meri t or otherwi se), due l argel y to the efforts of manufacturi ng
pharmaci sts.
MANNA
Manna of commerce i s suppl i ed by the manna ash, Fraxinus ornus, of
the Southern Tyrol , I tal y, Swi tzerl and, Asi a Mi nor, and the
mountai nous i sl ands of the Medi terranean and countri es adjacent. I n
Central Europe i t grows as an ornamental tree, the fol i age bei ng i n
great vari ati on i n shape of l eafl ets, and the frui t di verse i n form.
Accordi ng to Fl i i cki ger and Hanbury (240), previ ous to the fi fteenth
century the manna of Europe was i mported from the East, and was not
deri ved from the manna ash. I n earl y days manna was a natural
exudati on, much scarcer than at present, and much more expensi ve, the
i ncrease i n the producti on bei ng now arti fi ci al l y i ncreased and al so
marked by a decrease i n qual i ty. Duri ng the si xteenth century the pl an
referred to above was devi sed of i nci si ng the trunk and branches to
produce a more copi ous suppl y of the gum, thus l argel y i ncreasi ng the
amount of the market suppl y, al though the method was strenuousl y
opposed by l egi sl ati ve enactments. The name Gibelmanna, manna-
mountain, by whi ch an emi nence of the Madoni a range of mountai ns i n
Si ci l y i s known, i ndi cates that thi s mountai n furni shed manna duri ng
the days of the Saracens i n Si ci l y. Manna has been used as a domesti c
remedy from al l ti me as a gentl e l axati ve, and, as menti oned i n our
arti cl e on Spi gel i a, i s supposed, i n domesti c medi ci ne i n thi s country, to
modi fy the gri pi ng qual i ti es of a mi xture of senna and jal ap. I ts domesti c
use i n Ameri ca came through European home medi cati on.
Professor Fl cki ger (see Preface) arranged wi th thi s wri ter to gi ve
uni tedl y the record of the Ameri can drugs and pl ants. One substance
consi dered was Ameri can Manna, the arti cl e bei ng pri nted i n the Am.
Journ. Pharm., 1897, pp. 1 to 10.
MARRUBIUM
Horehound, Marrubium vulgare, i s i ndi genous to Europe, but has
been natural i zed i n Ameri ca, where i t i s now very common. I ts use as a
bi tter decocti on l ed to i ts earl y i ntroducti on i nto domesti c medi ci ne, as
wel l as to i ts popul ar use as a bi tter fl avor i n candy. Probabl y the wel l -
known horehound candy may be ci ted as a domesti c medi ci ne that has
become popul ar as a confecti on. The date of the use of horehound as a
sweetened domesti c tea must have been very earl y i n the records of
European home medi cati on.
MASTICHE
Masti c, Pistacia lentiscus, i s an evergreen shrub, nati ve to the
Medi terranean shores, from Syri a to Spai n, bei ng found al so on the
adjacent i sl ands as far as the Canari es. The col l ecti on of masti c,
however, i s l ocal i zed to the northern part of the I sl and of Sci o, where
from al l ti me the tree has been known, exudi ng most abundantl y the
resi nous tar that, when dri ed, i s known as masti c. The ori gi n of i ts use i s
l ost i n anti qui ty. Theophrastus (633), fourth century B. C., menti ons i t,
and both Di oscori des (194) and Pl i ny (514) refer to i t, i n connecti on wi th
the I sl and of Sci o, or Chi os. The wri ter of thi s arti cl e made a study of
masti c duri ng a journey to the Ori ent, but as yet has not publ i shed the
paper. By di sti l l ati on wi th al cohol , masti c produces a dri nk, thi s al so
bei ng descri bed i n the paper i n preparati on, the dri nk bei ng probabl y of
great anti qui ty, and known to the Greeks and Romans. The use of
masti c i n medi ci ne fol l owed i ts empi ri cal empl oyment as a breath
sweetener (i t bei ng sol d i n al l Ori ental bazaars for thi s purpose) and as
a fl avor for cordi al s and other dri nks. Perhaps the fi rst record of i ts
authori tati ve empl oyment i n medi ci ne i s about the thi rteenth century,
by the Wel sh Meddygon Myddfai (507) as an i ngredi ent of oi ntments.
MATICO
Mati co, Piper angustifolium, i s a shrub nati ve to Bol i vi a, Peru,
Brazi l , Venezuel a, and other South Ameri can countri es. I ts qual i ti es are
sai d to have been di scovered by a Spani sh sol di er named Mati co, the
l egend bei ng that he appl i ed some of the l eaves to a wound, and
observed that the bl eedi ng was thereby stopped. Thi s l egend, current i n
South Ameri ca, gave to the shrub the name soldier's herb, or tree. (See
Stramoni um.) I t i s probabl e, however, that he l earned of i ts nati ve use
by the I ndi ans. I n the begi nni ng of the ni neteenth century mati co came
to the attenti on of the professi on of medi ci ne i n North Ameri ca and i n
Europe, bei ng conspi cuousl y i ntroduced by Jeffreys (340), a physi ci an
of Li verpool , who commended i t, 1839, as a stypti c and astri ngent. The
i ntroducti on of the drug must, however, be consi dered as empi ri cal ,
through the i nfusi on of the l eaves used by the sol di er.
MATRICARIA
Matricaria chamomilla, German chamomi l e, i s the cul ti vated form of
Chrysanthemum parthenium, bei ng cul ti vated for domesti c use, i n
whi ch i t i s di sti ngui shed from the Anthemis nobilis, or Roman
chamomi l e. I t has been i n domesti c use so l ong as to have made i t
fami l i ar to al l German housewi ves, and consi derabl e demand has been
created for i t i n secti ons of Ameri ca where Germans have settl ed. I t i s a
home remedy of anti qui ty.
MEL
Honey i s a sacchari ne substance, general l y col l ected by the honey bee,
Apis mellifera, from the nectari ferous gl ands of fl owers and deposi ted i n
the comb by the i nsect when i t reaches i ts hi ve. I t i s fami l i ar to al l
ci vi l i zed peopl es as wel l as to the nati ves of many secti ons of the worl d.
I n some parts of the tropi cs wi l d honey i s an arti cl e of i mportance. Crude
honey comb was observed by us as one of the arti cl es of export from
Aden, Arabi a, comi ng there by caravan from the i nteri or of Arabi a, as
wel l as bei ng brought from Somal i Land, Afri ca. The domesti c record of
honey i s l ost i n anti qui ty, i t bei ng menti oned i n many earl y works,
i ncl udi ng the Bi bl e, both New and Ol d Testaments, and such Ori ental
works as the Arabi an Ni ghts (88). I n the maki ng of confecti onery and
i n domesti c empi ri cal medi ci ne, honey has of course been a constant and
a natural sweetener. Certai n ki nds of honey, such as the honey made
from the opi um poppy (mad honey, 388c), or from the fl owers of the
wi l d jasmi ne, possess more or l ess narcoti c acti on, whi ch qual i ty has
never yet been i ntenti onal l y uti l i zed i n medi ci ne. Such compounds as
honey of rose, honey of borax, and the l i ke, came from the domesti c use
of honey; such confecti ons preceded i ts use by l i censed or orthodox
physi ci ans. Zar-dah (yellow rice) i s a word sti l l used i n Turkey, and
refers to a di sh of ri ce dressed i n honey and saffron. Burton.
MENTHA PIPERITA
Peppermi nt i s found throughout North Ameri ca as wel l as Engl and and
the Conti nent. As descri bed by Ray (536), the cl ergyman botani st, i n hi s
Historia Plantarum, 1704, i t i s cal l ed Mentha palustris Peper-Mint,
and i s recommended by hi m as a remedy for weakness of the stomach
and for di arrhea. I ts cul ti vati on was extensi ve i n some parts of Engl and
as earl y as 1750, the herb bei ng carri ed to London for di sti l l ati on and
the maki ng of the oi l . Peppermi nt i s a favori te domesti c herb used i n
decocti on as a sti mul ant and al so as a fl avor. Fresh mi nt i s empl oyed to
fl avor a popul ar Kentucky al cohol i c beverage made of whi sky, known as
mi nt jul ep. Thi s shoul d be made by i nverti ng i n the sweetened di l uted
whi sky a smal l bunch of young mi nt sprouts, thus getti ng the del i cate
aroma of the l eaves, but not the bi tterness of the broken stems.
MENTHA VIRIDIS
Spearmi nt i s common throughout Europe, Asi a, and North Ameri ca,
and, escapi ng from cul ti vati on, i s found wi l d throughout most of the
temperate regi ons of the worl d. Parki nson, 1640, speaks of i t as a
garden pl ant onl y (492), and i ts menti on i n earl y medi aeval l i sts of
pl ants demonstrates that i t was cul ti vated i n the convent gardens of the
ni nth century. Turner's Herbal l (656), 1568, cal l s i t Spere Mynte. I ts use
i s l argel y that of a domesti c and popul ar fl avor i n confecti onery and as a
perfume. I n the form of an aromati c tea i t has been a great favori te i n
domesti c medi ci ne, as i s true al so of i ts harsher rel ati ve, peppermi nt.
MEZEREUM
Daphne mezereum i s an acri d shrub fami l i ar to persons conversant
wi th domesti c medi ci ne i n medi aeval Engl i sh ti mes, bei ng empl oyed by
the herbal i sts, and al so, somewhat, by the medi cal professi on of that
day. I t was recogni zed i n Cul peper (175) as an acri d substance,
general l y appl i ed external l y, al though i t was gi ven i nternal l y i n dropsy
and some other affecti ons, about a dram of the dri ed bark of the tree
bei ng mi xed wi th three parts of water, and taken i nternal l y. Hooper
(325) i n hi s Medi cal Di cti onary states that a prevai l i ng method of
preparati on was to macerate thi n sl i ces of the bark of the fresh root i n
vi negar and appl y i t external l y. I n Stephenson and Churchi l l 's Medical
Botany (614a) a Mr. Pi erson serves as authori ty for a Dr. Russel , who,
as di d Mr. Pi erson, revi ewed the uses of the drug as a substi tute for
mercury and as an appl i cati on i n scroful ous and cutaneous affecti ons,
but wi th deci ded opposi ti on to i ts use, on account of i ts exceedi ng
acri di ty, a refreshi ng i nnovati on i n former orthodox medi cati on. Thi s
i mported, di sagreeabl e drug crept i nto the Uni ted States Pharmacopei a
and Ameri can practi ce by reason of the fact that i t was made a
consti tuent of the Compound Syrup of Sarsapari l l a.
MOSCHUS
Musk, Moschus moschiferus, was descri bed by Ati us (6), who l i ved
about the mi ddl e of the si xth century A. D. Benjami n de Tudel a (55a),
who travel ed through the East about 1160-1173 A.D., al so menti ons
musk, stati ng that i ts nati ve home i s i n Thi bet. I ts sal e i n Egypt was
menti oned by Leo Afri canus (378b), 1526. I ts i ntroducti on to medi ci ne,
however, came at a much earl i er peri od, i ts empl oyment i n that
di recti on fol l owi ng the commendati on of Ati us (6). I ts therapeuti c use
was due to i ts i ntroducti on from the Arabi ans. Taverni er (1676),
asserted (627) by Eugene Ri mmel (552) to be the fi rst European
travel er to menti on thi s drug, reports that he bought 7,673 pods of the
musk-deer, i ndi cati ng i ts abundance at that date. The use of musk as a
perfume antedates European record, whi l st i ts i ntroducti on as a
sti mul ant has no record of i ts ori gi n. Thi s wri ter l earned duri ng hi s
servi ces i n prescri pti on pharmaci es that when ti ncture of musk was
prescri bed, the pati ent was expected to di e.
MYRISTICA
The tree yi el di ng nutmeg, Myristica fragrans, i s nati ve to New
Gui nea and i sl ands of the Mal ay Archi pel ago, from whence i t has been
i ntroduced to Sumatra, Brazi l , the West I ndi es, and other countri es
favorabl e to i ts cul ti vati on. I t has been asserted that the nutmeg was
not known to the anci ents, but von Marti us (409), Flora Brasiliensis,
1860, contends that i t was menti oned i n the Comedi es of Pl autus,
about two centuri es B. C. The nutmeg has been an arti cl e of i mport and
export from Aden si nce the mi ddl e of the twel fth century, and by the
end of that century both nutmeg and mace had reached Northern
Europe. Thi s spi ce came natural l y i nto domesti c cul i nary use, i t bei ng
cl assed wi th mace, cl oves, cal amus, etc. I ts use i n l egal i zed medi ci ne,
al so, has been chi efl y i n the di recti on of a fl avor to other substances,
and fol l owed si mi l ar empi ri cal preparati ons.
MYRRHA
Myrrh, a gum-resi n from Commiphora myrrha, has been a
consti tuent of i ncense, perfume, and such, i n ceremoni al rel i gi ous l i fe. as
wel l as an arti cl e empl oyed by the common peopl e from the days of the
most remote anti qui ty. I t was one of the rare and preci ous gum-resi ns i n
the days of the Bi bl e, bei ng menti oned i n connecti on wi th such
substances as franki ncense and ol i banum. That i t was hi ghl y val ued i n
the days of Sol omon i s evi dent from the fact that i t i s menti oned
conspi cuousl y i n connecti on wi th the gi fts brought by the Queen of
Sheba to that monarch. I t i s yet obtai ned from Arabi a, the present
wri ter fi ndi ng i t i n the bazaars of Aden (and adjacent Arab bazaars), a
ci ty that had an exi stence as a port of export for Ori ental products i n
very earl y days. Theophrastus (633), Pl i ny (514), and other earl y
wri ters menti on thi s drug, whi ch from al l ti mes has been val ued i n
domesti c medi ci ne for i ts aromati c qual i ti es, and as a consti tuent of
i ncense i n rel i gi ous ceremoni es. I n Herodotus (Macaul ay, Book I I , p.
153) i t i s named as one of the substances used by the Egypti ans i n
embal mi ng the dead.
Fi rst wi th a crooked i ron they draw out the brai ns through the nostri l s, extracti ng i t
partl y thus and partl y by pouri ng i n drugs; and after thi s wi th a sharp stone of
Ethi opi a they make a cut al ong the si de and take out the whol e contents of the bel l y,
and when they have cl eared out the cavi ty and cl eansed i t wi th pal m-wi ne they
cl eanse i t agai n wi th spi ces pounded up; then they fi l l the bel l y wi th pure myrrh
pounded up and wi th cassi a and other spi ces except franki ncense, and sew i t together
agai n.
NUX VOMICA
34

Thi s drug i s the frui t of a tree (Strychnos nux-vomica) i ndi genous to
most parts of I ndi a, especi al l y the coast di stri cts, and i s thought to have
been i ntroduced i nto medi ci ne by the Arabi ans. The nati ves of I ndi a d-
i d not, however, val ue i t, probabl y because of i ts exceedi ngl y energeti c
nature. Al though the Hi ndoos of the present ti me empl oy i t extensi vel y,
i t i s probabl e that they were not acquai nted wi th i t before i ts
i ntroducti on i nto Germany, i n the si xteenth century. I ts European
empl oyment was ori gi nal l y as a drug-shop poi son, for the purpose of
ki l l i ng ani mal s and destructi ve bi rds, such as crows; i t was not unti l
after the days of Parki nson (492), 1640, that i ts empl oyment i n
medi ci ne began. The Pharmacopei a val ues nux preparati ons by the
amount of strychni ne present, the Ecl ecti cs by qual i ty, strychni ne bei ng
subordi nated so as not to domi nate the product undul y.
OPIUM
The di scovery of the medi cal qual i ti es of opi um i s l ost i n ti mes gone by.
Theophrastus (633), the thi rd century B. C., menti ons i t. The poppy
produci ng opi um i s (from a remote peri od) nati ve to Asi a Mi nor and
Central Asi a. The earl y use of the decocti on of the poppy head, as wel l
as the earl y use of opi um, the product of the poppy, Papaver
somniferum, antedates, as has been sai d, professi onal medi cati on and
crept i nto home use as wel l as professi onal use at a very earl y peri od.
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The Wel sh physi ci ans of the seventeenth century used a wi ne of poppy
heads to produce sl eep, and prepared pi l l s from the jui ce of the poppy.
Syrup of poppy was gi ven a posi ti on i n the fi rst pharmacopei a, of the
London Col l ege, 1618. Di oscori des (194) di sti ngui shes between the jui ce
of the poppy capsul e, and an extract from the enti re pl ant. I nasmuch as
he descri bes how the capsul e shoul d be i nci sed and the jui ce col l ected, i t
i s evi dent that he pl ai nl y refers to opi um. Pl i ny (514) al so devotes
consi derabl e space to thi s drug. Cel sus (136), i n the fi rst century,
menti ons i t, and duri ng the peri od of the Roman Empi re i t was known
as a product of Asi a Mi nor. I t i s supposed that the prohi bi ti on of wi ne by
Mohammed l ed to the spreadi ng of the use of opi um i n some parts of
Asi a, the drug bei ng then an i mport from Aden or Cambay. The
Mohammedans i ntroduced opi um i nto I ndi a, i t bei ng fi rst menti oned as
a product of that country by Barbosa (39), who vi si ted Cal i cut i n 1511,
i ts port of export then bei ng Aden or Cambay. The German travel er
Kampfer (349), who vi si ted Persi a i n 1685, descri bes the vari ous ki nds
of opi um then produced, stati ng that i t was customary to mi x the drug
wi th vari ous aromati cs, such as nutmeg, cardamon, ci nnamon, and
mace, and even wi th ambergri s. I t was al so someti mes col ored red wi th
cannabi s i ndi ca, and was someti mes mi xed wi th the strongl y narcoti c
seeds of stramoni um. Thi s wri ter coul d fi nd no i nstance of the Turki sh
peopl e of the present usi ng opi um i n any form (388c). A descri pti on i n
bri ef detai l onl y of the many ki nds of opi um and the di fferent qual i ti es
of opi um, as wel l as i ts sophi sti cants and adul terants, i s herei n
unnecessary. I t may be bri efl y stated that thi s i nsi di ousl y acti ve drug
came to the attenti on of the professi on of medi ci ne through i ts wel l -
known qual i ti es, as establ i shed by the peopl e of i ts nati ve l and. Much
the wri ter recorded concerni ng opi um and i ts cul ture as noted i n hi s
travel s i n Turkey, i s to be found i n Ll oyd Brothers' Drug Treati se No.
XXI I , Opi um and I ts Compounds.
PAREIRA
Parei ra brava (Chondrodendron tomentosum) i s a cl i mbi ng shrub,
nati ve to Peru and Brazi l , and adjacent secti ons of South Ameri ca. The
Portuguese mi ssi onari es of the seventeenth century who vi si ted Brazi l
l earned of i ts reputed qual i ti es from the nati ves, who under the name
abutua or butua val ued i t hi ghl y for i ts therapeuti c vi rtues. The
Portuguese gave i t the name Parei ra brava, or wi l d vi ne, wi th reference
to i ts mode of growth. I ts reputed medi ci nal qual i ti es, l earned from the
nati ves, were made conspi cuous by Mi chel Amel ot, ambassador of Loui s
XI V to Li sbon, who found i t i n that ci ty and carri ed i t wi th hi m to Pari s.
The botani st Pomet (519), 1694, descri bed the pl ant i n hi s Hi story of
Drugs, Pari s. After an eventful botani cal record embraci ng consi derabl e
di scussi on as wel l as confusi on wi th some other drugs, duri ng whi ch
Parei ra brava enjoyed professi onal conspi cui ty i n Europe, i t dropped
from general use, the extraordi nary pretensi ons l ong made for i t bei ng
now practi cal l y forgotten.
PEPO
The seed of the pumpki n, Cucurbita pepo, i n the form of an i nfusi on
as wel l as i n a pul py mass, has been l ong a favori te home remedy for
i ntesti nal parasi tes, whi ch use i ntroduced i t to the medi cal professi on.
Al though the medi cal professi on has used pumpki n seed somewhat i n
thi s di recti on, as a rul e they now prefer other remedi al agents, santoni n
bei ng empl oyed for round worms and pomegranate bark for tape worms.
PHYSOSTIGMA
35

Physosti gma, Cal abar bean (Physostigma venenosum), i s the frui t
of an Afri can vi ne growi ng near the mouths of the Ni ger and the Ol d
Cal abar Ri vers, Gui nea, where i t furni shed one of the ordeal tests of the
pagan tri bes of tropi cal Western Afri ca. The seed i s therefore known as
the Ordeal Bean, and was admi ni stered i n the form of ei ther an
emul si on or i nfusi on, as the case mi ght be. I t was i ntroduced to Engl and
by Dr. F. W. Dani el (182), about 1840, i ts method of use bei ng agai n
menti oned by hi m i n a paper read before the Ethnol ogi cal Soci ety, 1846.
Professor Bal four (36), of Edi nburgh, obtai ned the pl ant from the Rev.
W. C. Thompson, a mi ssi onary to the west coast of Afri ca, and descri bed
i t i n a paper read before the Royal Soci ety of Edi nburgh, i ncl udi ng i t
al so i n hi s Hi story of Pl ants. I ts power of contracti ng the pupi l of the
eye was di scovered by Dr. T. R. Fraser (246) of Edi nburgh. I ts power of
paral yzi ng the acti on of the heart, was i ndi cated through i ts nati ve
empl oyment as an ordeal poi son.
PHYTOLACCA
Poke root, Phytolacca decandra, i s a handsome pl ant found
throughout the temperate regi ons of North Ameri ca, east of the
Mi ssi ssi ppi Ri ver, thri vi ng i n ri ch bottom l ands, fence corners, and
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woody pastures. The Ameri can I ndi ans used i t, powdered to a pul p, as a
poul ti ce. The earl y Ameri can settl ers appl i ed i t i n l i ke manner as a
poul ti ce to i nfl ammatory condi ti ons of the cow's udder, i n the di sease
known as garget, a ci rcumstance whi ch has gi ven to the pl ant one of i ts
common names, garget plant. Phytol acca crept thence i nto more
extensi ve use i n domesti c medi ci ne, a ti ncture of the same bei ng next
empl oyed. Fol l owi ng thi s came i ts i ntroducti on i nto the l i censed
professi on. I n domesti c medi cati on the drug was empl oyed from the date
of the earl y settl ers, and i n the practi ce of Ecl ecti ci sm i t has ever been a
val ued remedy. To ci te Ameri can references to thi s drug woul d be to
name al l the publ i cati ons of the l i beral authors connected wi th
medi ci nes.
PILOCARPUS
Pilocarpus jaborandi i s a shrub nati ve to Eastern Brazi l , where Pi so
(511), of Hol l and, 1643, fi rst menti ons i ts use as a modi fi er of the
i nfusi on of i pecac. Pl umi er, 1693, al so (515) refers to the mi xture,
descri bi ng two vari eti es of jaborandi . I ts conspi cuous i ntroducti on to
medi ci ne occurred i n 1874, when Dr. Couti nho (170), of Pernambuco,
from observi ng i ts nati ve uses, made i ts qual i ti es as a si al ogogue known
to the medi cal worl d. The pl ant has been cul ti vated i n European
greenhouses si nce the mi ddl e of the l ast century, but no sci enti fi c
observer gave i t the honor of a thought i n therapeuti c di recti ons.
PIMENTA
Al l spi ce (Pimenta officinalis) i s the berry of a tree nati ve to Jamai ca
and other West I ndi a i sl ands, where i t was found i n use as a spi ce by
the expl orers i n the days of the enthusi asm of the new worl d di scovery.
I t was probabl y thi s substance that Garret, a druggi st of London, 1601,
gave to Cl usi us (153), who descri bed i t i n hi s Liber Exoticorum.
Accordi ng to Parki nson's (492) Theatrum Botanicum, 1567, i t was
i mported i nto Engl and soon after the begi nni ng of that century, under
the name round cardamom. I t has recei ved many di fferent names i n i ts
passage through vari ous countri es. I ts chi ef use i s as a spi ce, but a
di sti l l ed water made therefrom has al so been empl oyed.
PIPER
Bl ack pepper (Piper nigrum) i s a perenni al , cl i mbi ng shrub nati ve to
the forests of Mal abar and Travancore, whence i t was i ntroduced to
other tropi cal countri es, such as Sumatra, the Phi l i ppi nes, West I ndi es,
and the Mal ay Peni nsul a. I t has been used as a spi ce and as a
stomachi c remedy by the nati ves of the afore-named and other countri es
si nce the date of the di scovery of the remedy, and probabl y from al l ti me
precedi ng. Pepper was menti oned by Theophrastus (633), who descri bed
two ki nds. Di oscori des (194) and Pl i ny (514) both gi ve i t a pl ace i n thei r
wri ti ngs. As earl y as 64 A. D. i t was menti oned as occurri ng on the
Mal abar Coast. The Romans at Al exandri a, A. D. 176, l evi ed on i t a
duty. The Arabi an authors of the Mi ddl e Ages, twel fth and fourteenth
centuri es, descri bed i t fai rl y. I n the European countri es of the Mi ddl e
Ages pepper was consi dered the most i mportant of al l spi ces, bei ng the
foundati on of much of the weal th of Veni ce and Genoa duri ng thei r
greatest commerci al acti vi ty. I t has been used as a medi um of exchange
when money was scarce, and when Rome was besi eged by the Goths the
ransom i ncl uded three thousand pounds of pepper. I n fact the val ue
pl aced upon pepper i n the records of the past i s i n i tsel f an i ndi cati on of
i ts i mportance to the peopl e who used i t.
PODOPHYLLUM
Thi s handsome pl ant, Podophyllum peltatum, known al so as
mandrake, or may appl e, i s one of the most attracti ve features of the
earl y spri ng i n North Ameri ca, resi sti ng wi th remarkabl e effi ci ency the
aggressi ve i nroads of the agri cul turi st. I t was used by the North
Ameri can I ndi ans, the Cherokees empl oyi ng the fresh jui ce of the root
for deafness, and the Wyandottes made a drasti c catharti c, from whi ch
the drug's harsher qual i ti es were removed by roasti ng. The once
cel ebrated I ndi an doctors, Peter Smi th (605) and others, empl oyed the
root as an escharoti c, i n whi ch di recti on i t came i nto earl y veteri nary
practi ce. The earl y Ameri can physi ci ans and wri ters on medi ci ne prai sed
i ts qual i ti es as a purgati ve, i ts acti ve catharti c nature havi ng been
known, as has been sai d, from the days of the I ndi ans. The vegetabl e
substi tute for the once popul ar anti moni al pl aster used so freel y by
"Regul ar" physi ci ans was the Compound Tar Pl aster of the Ecl ecti cs.
Thi s contai ned Podophyl l um, phytol acca, and sangui nari a.
PRUNUM
The cul ti vated vari eti es of the prune tree (prunus or prunes) are
bel i eved to descend from a wi l d prune nati ve to Greece, the shores of the
Bl ack Sea, and the Caucasus, reachi ng even i nto Persi a. Pl i ny (514)
records the fact that one of the numerous vari eti es of the pl um tree
known i n hi s day afforded a l axati ve frui t. The pul p of the prune has
been used i n domesti c medi ci ne as wel l as by the medi cal professi on,
paral l el l i ng (or fol l owi ng) the efforts of those concerned i n earl y
medi cati on. The pul p of the French prune was an i ngredi ent of the once
cel ebrated Lenitive Electuary. Hi story does not record the begi nni ng of
the use of thi s frui t i n the confecti ons formerl y so popul ar i n domesti c
medi ci ne.
PRUNUS VIRGINIANA
The Prunus virginiana (wild black cherry), found throughout the
eastern parts of the Uni ted States, has been wi del y used i n domesti c
medi ci ne si nce the days of the I ndi an, bei ng perhaps more hi ghl y
val ued i n thi s di recti on than by members of the professi on, al though i t
has been recogni zed i n the Pharmacopei a si nce the fi rst edi ti on of thi s
work, 1820. No more popul ar bark of a nati ve tree, excepti ng sassafras,
i s known to home medi cati on. I t has a pl ace i n al l works on earl y
Ameri can domesti c medi cati on.
PYRETHRUM
Pel l i tory, or Spani sh chamomi l e (Anacyclus pyrethrum), i s a wi del y-
di stri buted pl ant known i n di fferent countri es under di fferent names.
Accordi ng to Pl i ny (514) i t was the herb used by the Magi ans under the
name parthenium agai nst i ntermi ttent fevers, and accordi ng to
Di oscori des (194) i t i s the pl ant that, under the name anthemis, was
used i n the same manner. I t i s menti oned i n the Arabi an Ni ghts (88)
under the name ukhowan. I t i s found throughout European Turkey,
and accordi ng to Forskal southward to the mountai ns of Yemen, where
i t i s cal l ed moeniat. Accordi ng to De Candol l e (122) i ts i ntroducti on i nto
Bri tai n was perhaps before the comi ng- of the Romans. The European
col oni sts carri ed i t, accordi ng to Jossel yn (345) to Northeast Ameri ca
before 1669, where i t i s to be found both under cul ti vati on and, havi ng
escaped therefrom, as a wi l d pl ant. Once a popul ar remedy i n agues, i ts
use i s now practi cal l y di sconti nued, even i n domesti c medi ci ne.
Physi ci ans as a rul e negl ect i t, but i t i s empl oyed by them i n a few
excepti onal i nstances.
QUASSIA
Quassi a amara takes i ts name from a sl ave of Suri nam, named Quassi
(see arti cl e Quassi a Amara, J. U. Ll oyd, Western Druggist, Chi cago,
Jan., 1897), who used the pl ant as a secret remedy, wi th great success,
i n the treatment of mal i gnant fevers common to hi s l ocal i ty and cl i mate.
Dani el Rol ander, a Swede, became i nterested i n the drug, and i n
consequence of a val uabl e consi derati on purchased from the sl ave
Quassi a knowl edge of the drug composi ng hi s remedy. Rol ander
returned to Stockhol m i n 1756, when he i ntroduced the drug to Europe.
I n 1760 (or accordi ng to another reference, 1761) Carol . Gust. Dahl berg,
an offi cer of the Dutch army and an emi nent botani st, a pupi l of
Li nnaeus (385), returned to Sweden from Suri nam, where he too had
become acquai nted wi th the sl ave Quassi , and through ki ndness to hi m
had so gai ned hi s affecti on that he reveal ed not onl y the composi ti on of
hi s secret remedy, but even showed to hi m the tree from whi ch the drug
was deri ved. Dahl berg procured speci mens of the root, fl owers, and
l eaves of the tree, preservi ng them i n al cohol , and presented them to
Li nnaeus, who named the wood Lignum quassi, i n honor of the sl ave,
and establ i shed a new genus for the pl ant, whi ch he named Quassia
amara. The drug was brought to the noti ce of the medi cal professi on by
Li nnaeus' l ectures on materi a medi ca, as wel l as through a di ssertati on
wri tten under hi s di recti on, i n 1763 (385), by one of hi s pupi l s, Carol us
M. Bl om. Be i t known, however, that more than a l i ttl e questi oni ng
exi sts as to the exact pl ant empl oyed by the sl ave Quassi . As poi nted out
by Dr. Wri ght, the l eaves pi ctured i n the Li nnan Di ssertati on
bel onged to another speci es than the Quassi a amara, an error corrected
by the younger Li nnaeus.
I n thi s connecti on i t may be stated that Phi l i ppe Fermi n, a French
physi ci an and travel er i n Suri nam, spel l ed the name of the sl ave Coi ssi ,
questi oni ng somewhat the fact of hi s havi ng di scovered the uses of the
remedy, whi ch Fermi n states had been used i n Suri nam as earl y as
1714. I n thi s connecti on i t may be noted that, accordi ng to Murray, a
spi ce deal er of Amsterdam, Al bert Seba, i s sai d to have had i n hi s
col l ecti on a speci men of a bark of a tree named quasci as earl y as 1730.
Be thi s as i t may, the drug known as quassi a under the empi ri cal
i ntroducti on gi ven by the nati ves of Dutch Gui ana became known to
European ci vi l i zati on, and i n 1788 became offi ci al i n the London
Pharmacopei a. Concerni ng the ori gi n of the drug, the German
Pharmacopei a, 1872, demanded that i t be the wood of Quassia amara.
I n the second edi ti on, 1882, the Picrcena excelsa was admi tted
concurrentl y therewi th, the l atter bei ng the offi ci al quassi a of the
present Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States.
QUERCUS
The bark of the oak, Quercus alba, i s strongl y astri ngent and has ever
been used i n domesti c medi ci ne where an astri ngent materi al i s
appl i cabl e, as for exampl e, i n dysentery, hemorrhages, etc. I n the form
of a poul ti ce, a decocti on, and as a ti ncture i t has a domesti c record,
probabl y i n common wi th other speci es of oak i n al l countri es. The
medi cal professi on has added l i ttl e, i f anythi ng, to the domesti c uses of
the drug, as recorded by Rafi nesque (535), Porcher (520), Cutl er (178),
and the earl y Ameri can di spensatori es and works on materi a medi ca.
QUILLAJ A
Soapbark, Quillaja saponaria, named by Mol i na (444), i n 1782, i n hi s
Hi story of Chi l i , i s the bark of a South Ameri can tree, havi ng si mi l ar
qual i ti es to other soap weeds or barks, deri ved from vari ous pl ants and
trees, and used by the nati ves of di fferent countri es as a substi tute for
soap, or rather as a materi al for purposes si mi l ar to those of soap.
Among the fi rst contri buti ons to the l i terature of saponari a i s that of
Henry, Jr., and Boutron Charl ard, Amer. J our. of Pharm., 1841, xi i , p.
209, i n whi ch the now wel l -known acri d, frothi ng qual i ti es of the drug
are menti oned, the statement bei ng that the name ori gi nated from the
Chi l ean term quilloan, meani ng, to wash. I n the American Medical
I ntelligencer, Sept. 15, 1840, Dr. Ruschenberger, of the Uni ted States
Navy (Am. J our. Phar., 1841, p. 211), contri butes an arti cl e on thi s
bark, whi ch, accordi ng to hi s observati ons i n Chi l i , 1827, was used
pri nci pal l y for cl eansi ng purposes. Dr. Ruschenberger returned from
Chi l i i n 1829 wi th speci mens of the bark, stati ng that as l ate as 1833
the extract had not been used i n Val parai so, al though i n 1835 Dr. J.
Sti l es, of Val parai so, i s authori ty for the statement that at that (1835)
date the extract had been made i n that ci ty, and was bei ng used
experi mental l y. The nati ves of South Ameri ca empl oy an i nfusi on of the
drug as a wash, whi ch l ed Dr. Ruschenberger to say, From what I have
seen of the effects of thi s col d i nfusi on, I shoul d be di sposed to gi ve i t a
fai r tri al as an i njecti on i n l eucorrhea,. wi th the expectati on of very
favorabl e resul ts. The nature of qui l l ai a, so nearl y resembl i ng the
qual i ti es of senega, l ed to the expectati on that i t woul d paral l el that
drug i n i ts remedi al qual i ti es i n the di recti on of coughs and pul monary
affecti ons. I t has not, however, become a favori te other than as a
producer of suds and as a frother for syrups, i n whi ch di recti on the
extract has been empl oyed i n the maki ng of the popul ar Ameri can
beverage, the so-cal l ed soda-water, whi ch use the Government has now
wi sel y prohi bi ted.
RESINA, See TEREBINTHINA
RHAMNUS. (RHAMNUS PURSHIANA, U. S P.)
Rhamnus catharticus (Buckthorn) i s of wi de di stri buti on, prevai l i ng
over Northern Afri ca, most of Europe, the Caucasus, and i nto Si beri a.
I n some i nstances i t becomes al most a smal l tree, Fl ucki ger havi ng a
speci men 8 i nches i n di ameter. I t was known as a l axati ve before the
Norman Conquest, bei ng cal l ed Waythorn or Hartshorn. The Wel sh
physi ci ans of the 13th century (507) prescri bed the berri es, under the
name Syrup of Buckthorn, a ti tl e whi ch, recogni zed by al l wri ters on
domesti c or offi ci al medi ci ne, sti l l prevai l s. I n the London Pharmacopei a,
1650, thi s syrup, aromati zed, became offi ci al .
The offi ci al drug of the Pharmacopei a (Rhamnus purshiana) i s not
onl y rel ated botani cal l y to the above, but i s therapeuti cal l y si mi l ar,
bei ng l axati ve i n smal l doses and catharti c i n l arge doses. The tree
(Rhamnus purshi ana) i s di stri buted over the mountai n ranges of the
Western Paci fi c States, bei ng most abundant i n Cal i forni a and Oregon.
Possi bl y col l ectors do not di sti ngui sh between thi s speci es and Rhamnus
cal i fomi ca. To the settl ers of that regi on i t has l ong been known as
Chi tti m wood, an i nfusi on of the bark bei ng used as a catharti c.
Dr. J. H. Bundy, an Ecl ecti c physi ci an of Col usa, Cal i forni a, i mpressed
wi th i ts val ue, brought the bark, under the name Cascara Sagrada, to
the attenti on of Parke, Davi s & Co., of Detroi t, Mi chi gan. Thi s energeti c
fi rm i ntroduced i t i n 1877, through the col umns of thei r publ i cati on,
New Preparations, (1877 and 1878).
The remedy became a great favori te, and wi thi n a reasonabl e peri od
was i n demand throughout the ci vi l i zed worl d, becomi ng offi ci al i n the
Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States, 1890.
The remarkabl e record of thi s drug has been a subject of many
contri buti ons to botani cal and therapeuti cal l i terature, much of i nterest
even now remai ni ng unwri tten. To thi s wri ter i ts journey from the
abori gi nes to sci enti fi c use and therapeuti c study appears to paral l el the
course of such drugs as coca, jal ap, benzoi n, sassafras, croton ti gl i um,
etc.
Summary.To Dr. J. H. Bundy, Col usa, Cal i forni a, 1877, i s due the
credi t of i ntroduci ng the bark of Rhamnus Purshi ana (Cascara
Sagrada) to the medi cal professi on.
To New Preparati ons, Parke, Davi s & Co., of Detroi t, Mi chi gan, (1877
and 1878) i s due the credi t of bri ngi ng the drug to the attenti on of
physi ci ans and pharmaci sts. The fi rm of Parke, Davi s & Co. i ntroduced
to the worl d the preparati ons of thi s drug, of whi ch they were, for some
years, the sol e manufacturers.
A descri pti ve treati se that wi l l record some unwri tten phases of i ts
dramati c hi story, fami l i ar onl y to those concerned i n i ts i ntroducti on,
shoul d not be l ost to posteri ty. The fol l owi ng, contri buted by thi s wri ter
to the Research Commi ttee of the Ameri can Pharmaceuti cal Associ ati on
(vol . 44, 1896) i s a bri ef summary.
HISTORY AND NAMES OF RHAMNUS PURSHIANA.
(CASCARA SAGRADA)
By J. U. LLOYD.
Contribution to the Research Committee of the American
Pharmaceutical Association
36

I n a paper contri buted to New Preparati ons,
37
October 15, 1877, p. 8,
the l ate Dr. J. H. Bundy, an Ecl ecti c physi ci an of Col usa, Cal i forni a,
commended Cascara Sagrada as a val uabl e remedy i n the treatment
of consti pati on. Thi s noti ce was by means of a bri ef note that was part of
a paper on Berberi s aqui fol i um, Dr. Bundy promi si ng, however, to gi ve
i t further attenti on, as fol l ows:
I t i s not my purpose to treat on Cascara Sagrada i n thi s paper, but
usi ng i t i n connecti on wi th the Berberi s, I si mpl y make menti on of i t. I n
the future I wi l l i ntroduce the drug to the professi on.
Thi s, so far as the wri ter can determi ne, was the fi rst reference
concerni ng thi s remedy i n pharmaceuti cal or medi cal pri nt. Agreeabl y to
36 I ntroductory to a contri buti on from chemi cal i nvesti gati ons of Rhamnus Purshi ana, undertaken
by Al fred R. L. Dohme.
37 New Pr epar ati ons, Detr oi t, Par ke, Davi s & Co.
promi se, i n January, 1878
38
Dr. Bundy contri buted a paper on the
subject, Cascara Sagrada, i n whi ch he gave the uses of fl ui d extract of
Cascara Sagrada. Fol l owi ng thi s came many papers from Dr. Bundy
and other physi ci ans, twenty contri buti ons on the subject bei ng pri nted
i n New Preparati ons, 1878, to whi ch journal , wi th few excepti ons, the
subject was confi ned duri ng 1877 and 1878. Dr. Bundy stated i n hi s
paper (1878) A descri pti on of the Cascara I am unabl e to gi ve at thi s
ti me, but suffi ce i t to say that i t i s a shrub, and i n due ti me i ts botani cal
name wi l l be known. He negl ected, however, to concern hi msel f further
i n the matter.
I n the fal l of 1878, Dr. C. H. Adai r, of Col usa, Cal i forni a, a partner of
Dr. Bundy, sent the wri ter speci mens of the bark and botani cal
speci mens of the tree yi el di ng i t. These, on i denti fi cati on by Mr. Curti s
G. Ll oyd, proved to be Rhamnus Purshi ana. Thi s fact was announced i n
a paper on Some Speci mens of Western Pl ants, presented to the
Ameri can Pharmaceuti cal Associ ati on hel d at the meeti ng i n Atl anta,
Ga., November, 1878, (Proceedi ngs, 1879, p. 707) and compl eted the
drug's hi story.
Names.Dr. Bundy suppl i ed the drug under the Spani sh name
Cascara Sagrada, a name sai d to have been i n l ocal use throughout
some secti ons of Cal i forni a, whi ch soon came to be the common name of
the drug, and wi l l surel y domi nate al l others as l ong as the drug i s i n
use. The angl i ci sed name Sacred Bark has al so been appl i ed to the
drug, and the Scri ptural term Chi tti m bark was al so empl oyed i n earl y
days i n some parts of Cal i forni a, but these l ast names are now obsol ete.
RHEUM
Rhubarb (Rheum officinale, etc.) i s a gi ft of the Chi nese, who have
used i t i n domesti c practi ce from al l ti mes, as noted i n the herbal Pen-
king, probabl y the producti on of the Emperor Shen-nung, the father of
Chi nese agri cul ture and medi ci ne, about 2700 B. C. As exported from
i ts home i n Chi na, i t has been respecti vel y known as Russi an, Turki sh,
and Chi nese rhubarb, i n accordance wi th the country through whi ch i t
reaches the market from i ts nati ve l and. As a catharti c and a l axati ve
thi s drug i s sol d i n l arge amounts, havi ng been accepted as a househol d
remedy i n syrups and ti ncture forms the worl d throughout. I t i s a gi ft of
empi ri ci sm to the medi cal professi on.
38 New Pr epar ati ons, Januar y, 1878, p. 1.
RHUS GLABRA
Sumach, Rhus glabra, i s found i n most of the temperate parts of the
Uni ted States, to whi ch i t i s i ndi genous. The North Ameri can I ndi ans
used the powdered seeds to treat pi l es and as an appl i cati on to wounds,
the jui ce of the fresh frui t bei ng used as an appl i cati on to warts and i n
ski n di seases l i ke tetter. I n domesti c medi cati on, fol l owi ng the I ndi ans,
the roots were used by the settl ers for rheumati sm, i n al cohol i c ti ncture,
as wel l as i n i nfusi on. I n domesti c medi ci ne the berri es were al so
empl oyed i n a decocti on, as a gargl e i n qui nsy, ul cerati on of the mouth
and throat, and, fol l owi ng the I ndi an use of the drug, as a wash for
ri ngworm, tetter, and offensi ve ul cers. These wel l -known uses of the
Ameri can pl ant, so ornamental after the frost stri kes i ts l eaves i n the
fal l , l ed to i ts i ntroducti on i nto professi onal medi ci ne. I n Turkey the
berri es of sumach are used (so thi s wri ter was i nformed) i n starti ng
thei r popul ar curd food.
ROSA GALLICA
The rose, i n some form of i ts many vari eti es, i s i ndi genous to the
warmer parts of Europe, Asi a Mi nor, the Caucasus, and other countri es.
I ts use i n medi ci ne as wel l as i n perfumes dates from the earl i est ti mes.
The Rosa gallica i s sai d to have been i ntroduced i nto France by the
Count of Champagne on hi s return from the Crusades i n 1241. I n the
study of attar of roses made by the wri ter on the bottom l ands beneath
Mt. Ol ympus i n Turkey, the roses pl anted i n rows appeared much l i ke
raspberry fi el ds, the roses bei ng of a rather i nsi gni fi cant appearance,
but very fragrant. The use of the rose i n confecti on form, i n
pharmacopei al medi ci ne, once very popul ar, has, wi th the excepti on of
i ts empl oyment i n bl ue mass (Massa hydrargi um), become nearl y
obsol ete. I n the Arabi an Ni ghts (88), rose water i s often referred to,
and i n Turki sh home l i fe i t i s empl oyed as a refreshi ng perfume after
bathi ng.
RUBUS
Bl ackberry, Rubus villosus, grows abundantl y i n most parts of the
Uni ted States. The roots of the vari ous speci es as wel l as vari eti es or
rubus are more or l ess astri ngent and have been used i n domesti c
medi ci ne from the days of Ameri ca's fi rst settl ement. The Cherokee
I ndi ans (Rafi nesque [535]), chewed the root of thi s pl ant and swal l owed
the sal i va for a cough, probabl y i ts astri ngency bei ng hel pful to the
throat membranes. They al so used a poul ti ce of i t for pi l es, i n whi ch
di recti on i ts mi l d astri ngency seems rati onal l y to adapt i t. A syrup of
bl ackberry root has been a great favori te i n some secti ons of the country
as a remedy for dysentery. Thi s use of the drug i n domesti c medi cati on,
i n whi ch i t has al ways been val ued i n Ameri ca, l ed fi nal l y to i ts
empl oyment by the members of the medi cal professi on. The jui ce of the
bl ackberry frui t, spi ced and mi xed wi th whi sky, i s and has ever been a
val ued carmi nati ve dri nk i n Kentucky and other parts of the Southern
Uni ted States, and founded the pharmacopei al bl ackberry cordi al .
SABAL
Saw pal metto, Serenoa serrulata, Sabal serrulata. The berry of the
saw pal metto, practi cal l y unknown i n medi ci ne before 1879, came
rapi dl y i nto conspi cui ty, both i n pharmacy and i n medi ci ne, after that
date. I t had been observed by the settl ers of the South that ani mal s
feedi ng on the matured frui t grew very sl eek and fat, a fact that was
ascri bed to the therapeuti c qual i ti es of the berri es, reasoni ng from
whi ch they prepared a decocti on of the frui t for domesti c medi cati on. I n
1877, Dr. Reed, of the Southern Uni ted States, i n an arti cl e enti tl ed A
New Remedy, i n the Medical Brief, St. Loui s (417), stated that several
persons i n hi s nei ghborhood were usi ng a preparati on of the berry,
gi vi ng i nstances of i ts use i n vari ous di recti ons. Thi s arti cl e was
reproduced i n New Preparations (467), Jul y, 1879, and was fol l owed i n
the same publ i cati on by another arti cl e from the Medical Brief, i n whi ch
Dr. I . J. M. Goss, then of Mari etta, Georgi a, states that he had been
i nduced to use the remedy and consi dered i t a sati sfactory one. After
thi s i ntroducti on the drug came repeatedl y to the attenti on of
practi ti oners of medi ci ne. Manufacturi ng pharmaci sts gave i t especi al
attenti on, and at the present ti me i t i s one of the most i mportant
remedi al producti ons of the South. Thus the experi mentati on of the
peopl e, fol l owi ng i ts apparent effect on ani mal s, was fol l owed i n turn by
the i nvesti gati ons of the medi cal professi on, and the remedy was fi nal l y
i ntroduced to the pages of the Pharmacopei a. I n our opi ni on the vol ati l e
oi l and i ts decomposi ti on products are of exceedi ng i nterest and wi l l yet
be a prol i fi c source of detai l ed research.
SABINA
Sabi na (J uniperus sabina) i s nati ve to the mountai nous porti ons of
Austri a, Swi tzerl and, and some parts of France, bei ng al so found i n the
Pyrenees, I tal y, the Caucasus, and other countri es i n regi ons far above
the sea l evel . I t i s al so found i n the northern parts of North Ameri ca.
Sabi na was used i n veteri nary medi ci ne, as menti oned by Marcus
Porci us Cato (132), a Roman author, 200 B. C. I t was al so known to
Di oscori des (194) and Pl i ny (514). The earl y domesti c l eech-books,
before the Norman Conquest, gave i t a pl ace. Charl emagne ordered that
i t shoul d be cul ti vated on the i mperi al farm. Macer Fl ori dus (397), i n the
tenth century, commended the use of Sabi na i n wounds and ul cers.
SACCHARUM
The sugar-cane (Saccharum officinarum) i s cul ti vated i n al l tropi cal
countri es, such as I ndi a, Chi na, Mexi co, the West I ndi es, etc. I ts nati ve
l and i s probabl y I ndi a, or the I ndo-Chi nese countri es and i sl ands. As
made from the cane, sugar has been known from ti me i mmemori al . I t i s
menti oned by such earl y wri ters as Theophrastus (633), Herodotus
(314a), and others, who knew raw sugar as honey of canes, and i n the
earl y Chri sti an era sugar became wel l known under the name
saccharon. Di oscori des (194), A. D. 77, descri bes i t as obtai ned from
I ndi a and Arabi a Fel i x, stati ng that i t resembl ed sal t i n bri ttl eness.
Pl i ny (514) menti ons i t under the name saccharum, and an unknown
wri ter, A. D. 54-68, menti ons i t as an arti cl e of i mport to the ports of the
Red Sea opposi te Aden (see Burton for descri pti on of that country, Fi rst
Footpri nts (113), etc.), but i t i s doubtful whether i t was brought from
the eastern or western parts of I ndi a. I t i s menti oned by Abu Zayd al
Hasan (240), A. D. 850, as produced on the Persi an Gul f, and A. D. 950
Moses of Chorene states that i t was then manufactured i n quanti ti es.
Sugar was i ntroduced i nto medi ci ne i n the tenth and el eventh centuri es
by Rhazes (a physi ci an of Bagdad and Persi a, who di ed about A. D.
923), Hal y Abbas (295), and others ; but i t had ever been empl oyed, as
i t i s sti l l empl oyed, i n domesti c medi ci ne for the purpose of di sgui si ng
unpl easant materi al s and for sweeteni ng acri d substances. Burton (113)
found crude sugar an arti cl e of domesti c use and preparati on (i n hi s
journey to Herat) by several tri bes of nati ve Afri cans. Sugar as a
remedy i n i tsel f has been qui te often a therapeuti c factor i n both
domesti c and regul ar medi cati on.
SALVIA
Sage, Salvia officinalis, has been used by the herbal i sts from al l ti me,
bei ng l i kewi se empl oyed as a fl avor i n cul i nary di recti ons. Pl i ny (514),
Theophrastus (633), and other earl y wri ters menti on thi s pl ant, whi ch i s
now cul ti vated i n al l temperate regi ons of the worl d. I t i s sti l l empl oyed
i n decocti ons as a domesti c medi ci nal dri nk, and when brui sed the fresh
herb i s appl i ed as a poul ti ce to sprai ns and swel l i ngs. I ts empi ri cal use
antedates i ts empl oyment i n systemati c medi ci ne.
SANGUINARIA
Bl oodroot, Sanguinaria canadensis, i s found throughout the
temperate regi ons of the Uni ted States east of the Mi ssi ssi ppi Ri ver. I t
was used by the I ndi ans as a dye for col ori ng thei r garments and for
stai ni ng thei r faces and bodi es, i n whi ch di recti on i t ful fi l l ed the doubl e
object of a col ori ng materi al as wel l as to keep away i nsects, i t bei ng
di sagreeabl e to them. The I ndi ans al so used i t as an acri d emeti c and,
mi xed wi th other herbs, i n the form of an oi ntment as an appl i cati on to
i ndol ent ul cers, i ts acti on bei ng somewhat escharoti c. The earl y settl ers
empl oyed i t i n these di recti ons, whi l e i ts effi cacy i n coughs and eol ds
establ i shed i t as a consti tuent of home-made compounds such as syrups
and ti nctures. The professi onal use as wel l as great reputati on of thi s
drug and i ts al kal oi dal consti tuents (388a) are due to the Ecl ecti c school
of medi ci ne, al though i ts qual i ti es had been wel l establ i shed previ ous to
the systemati c efforts made by physi ci ans of thi s school . Sangui nari a
was menti oned by Barton (43), Cutl er (178), Thacher (631), Schopf
(582), Bi gel ow (69), and other earl y i nvesti gators, whose recorded
statements demonstrate the method of i ts i ntroducti on to have been as
herei n descri bed. I n connecti on wi th l ard, arseni c, and hydrated ferri c
oxi de i t consti tutes a once popul ar cancer remedy. I t i s a consti tuent of
the earl y Ecl ecti c Compound Tar Pl aster (see Phytol acca).
SANTALUM RUBRUM
Red sandal wood, red sanders (Pterocarpus santalinus), i s a smal l
tree nati ve to the southern part of the I ndi an Peni nsul a, bei ng found at
Canara, Mysore, and the Coromandel Coast. I t i s al so found i n the
Southern Phi l i ppi nes. The wood i s obtai ned chi efl y from pl antati ons i n
the forests of the Kurnool Hi l l s and adjacent l ocal i ti es nei ghbori ng to
Madras. The begi nni ng of the use of the wood of thi s tree for templ es
and other pri mi ti ve rel i gi ous bui l di ngs i s l ost i n anti qui ty. Marco Pol o
(518) refers to the fact that sandal wood was i mported i nto Chi na,
di sti ngui shi ng thi s vari ety by the word red. Garci a de Orta (480), of
Goa, i n the si xteenth century, di sti ngui shes between the fragrant
sandal wood of Ti mor and the i nodorous red sandal wood. I n thi s
connecti on i t shoul d be remembered that Santal um rubrum, or red
sanders, has none of the qual i ti es of the Santal um al bum, or fragrant
sandal wood. And yet i t i s recorded that al l the l anguages of I ndi a cal l i t
by the name red-col ored sandal wood. I n the Mi ddl e ages i t was used i n
Europe for col ori ng purposes, bei ng quoted i n Engl and, 1326 and 1399,
at three shi l l i ngs per pound, and i t was entered on the accounts of the
Monastery of Durham, 1530, al ong wi th spi ces and groceri es. I t i s used
i n pharmacy as a col ori ng agent, after the manner i n whi ch i t was
empl oyed i n domesti c economy of the ol den ti mes for the same purpose.
SANTONICA
The wormseeds are wi del y di stri buted i n the northern hemi sphere of
the Ol d Worl d, many vari eti es thereof bei ng fami l i ar to botani sts and
subject to much di scussi on. The unopened fl owers of the head
(wormseed) are col l ected i n quanti ti es on the vast pl ai ns or steppes i n
the northern part of Turkestan, the di stri buti ng poi nt bei ng the
renowned fai r of Ni shni Novgorod, Russi a, where, Jul y 15th to August
27th, the cel ebrated exchanges of the products occur. Worm-seed,
however, i s found i n the Ori ental bazaars, bei ng brought for nati ve and
domesti c use from the secti ons of country named, or from Afghani stan
or Caboul . Di oscori des (194) menti ons several speci es of wormseed,
stati ng that the smal l seeds were mi xed wi th honey and empl oyed by
the peopl e as a remedy for ascari des. Al exander Tral l i anus (n), i n the
si xth century, commended thi s drug as a remedy for i ntesti nal worms.
Sal adi nus (570), 1450, and afterwards several authors of the si xteenth
century, as Ruel l i us (561) and Dodonzeus (195), refer to the remedy as
a vermi fuge for chi l dren. I ts empi ri cal use i n domesti c medi cati on i s
mai ntai ned to the present ti me, and from thi s source i ts anthel mi nti c
vi rtues were l earned by the professi on.
SARSAPARILLA
The drug sarsapari l l a i s furni shed by the root of a cl i mbi ng pl ant of the
genus smilax, whi ch prevai l s over the northern part of South Ameri ca,
the whol e of Central Ameri ca, and the west coast of Mexi co. Many
vari eti es contri bute the drug of commerce. I ts qual i ti es were made
known i n earl y European annal s from the commendati on of expl orers of
the New Worl d. Monardes (447) i s authori ty for the statement that i t
was i ntroduced to Sevi l l e about 1536 from New Spai n, but that a
di fferent vari ety soon fol l owed from Honduras. The Chroni cl e of Peru,
by Pedro de Ci eze de Leon (151), 1553, menti ons sarsapari l l a as
growi ng i n South Ameri ca, where he observed i t between 1533 and
1550. I t was recommended as a cure for syphi l i s and acute rheumati sm,
the Spani ards cal l i ng i t an excel l ent medi ci ne. I n thi s connecti on i t
may be sai d that the name appl i ed to i t was zarza parilla, afterward
becomi ng sarsapari l l a. Li ke other remedi es i ntroduced i n busi ness
channel s for commerci al purposes from the wonderful New Worl d,
sarsapari l l a enjoyed a marvel l ous reputati on, whi ch evi dentl y was not
i nterfered wi th by the fact that i t returned great profi ts to the deal ers. A
l i ttl e work i ssued i n i ts behal f by Gi rol amo Cardano (123), of Mi l an,
1559, advocates i t most strongl y i n the di recti on of the di seases
menti oned. I t found i ts way i nto pharmaceuti cal stores, where i t made
an eventful record as a new remedy from the New Worl d. I n domesti c
medi ci ne from the ti me of i ts i ntroducti on a decocti on has been
authori tati vel y consi dered servi ceabl e as a bl ood puri fi er. I t i s not
necessary to state that i n the form of a sweetened decocti on syrup of
sarsapari l l a has through several decades enjoyed conti nual conspi cui ty
i n the pharmacopei a.
SASSAFRAS
Sassafras i s i ndi genous to the Western Hemi sphere, occurri ng i n
Fl ori da, Vi rgi ni a, and as far north as Canada. I t i s found as far west as
Kansas, but i s there very scarce. I ts occurrence i n Brazi l i s recorded by
Pi so, 1658 (511). Sassafras was i n medi ci nal use among the nati ves of
Fl ori da l ong before Ponce de Leon i n 1512 set foot on the soi l of thi s
peni nsul a. I t i s general l y stated and bel i eved that the Spani ards i n
1538, whi ch i s the date of De Soto's i nvasi on of Fl ori da, were the fi rst
Europeans to obtai n knowl edge of thi s drug; yet we can fi nd no record
of such a di scovery i n at l east two narrati ves of thi s expedi ti on that are
accessi bl e to us. On the other hand, there seemed to be suffi ci ent
evi dence of the fact that the Spani ards gai ned a knowl edge of sassafras
and i ts medi ci nal vi rtues through the French Huguenot emi grants, who
under thei r unfortunate l eaders, Jean Ri baul t and Rene Laudonni ere,
occupi ed Fl ori da between the years 1562 and 1564.
To the Spani sh physi ci an, Ni col aus Monardes (447), of Sevi l l a, i n 1574,
i s to be credi ted the fi rst detai l ed descri pti on of sassafras and i ts heal i ng
vi rtues, hi s i nformati on bei ng gai ned, however, not from any actual
experi ence i n the sassafras l ands but from personal consul tati on wi th
travel ers and from the government records at hi s command (239). From
Cl usi us' (153) versi on of Monardes, 1593 (447), i t i s l earned that the
drug was i mported from Fl ori da i nto Spai n some years previ ous to 1574,
that the Spani ards i n Fl ori da, when overtaken by fevers and other
di seases consequent to mi asma and unwhol esome dri nki ng water, were
advi sed by the few remai ni ng Frenchmen to use thi s drug, whi ch was
cal l ed by the French sassafras (for reasons unknown to Monardes) and
pavame by the I ndi ans from whom the French obtai ned thei r
i nformati on. Monardes (i n Cl usi us' versi on) adds that sassafras grows i n
Fl ori da i n mari ti me pl aces, such as are nei ther too dry nor too moi st,
bei ng especi al l y pl enti ful near the harbors of St. Hel ena and St.
Matthews, where they form whol e woods, whi ch exhal e such a
fragrance (not true i n the experi ence of thi s wri ter) that the Spani ards
who fi rst l anded bel i eved the tree to be the same as the ci nnamon tree
of Ceyl on.
The i l l ustrati on gi ven by Monardes of the sassafras tree has been
wi del y copi ed i n the herbal s of the si xteenth and seventeenth centuri es,
among whi ch we name Dal echamps (1586) (181), Joh. Bauhi nus
(Bauhi n, 47) (1650), and Pi so (1658) (511), the l atter gi vi ng i t the
Brazi l i an synonym anhui ba.
Franci sco Hernandez (314), another Spani sh physi ci an, who travel ed
through Mexi co between the years 1571 and 1577, speaks of the
occurrence of sassafras at Mechuacan i n Mexi co. Hi s work was
transl ated by Franci sco Xi mi nez, a monk of the convent of San Domi ngo
i n Mexi co, i n 1615.
The l atter author i s quoted at l ength on the subject of sassafras by Jean
de Laet (368), a noted Dutch geographer (who di ed i n 1649), whose
work, Novus Orbi s, etc., 1633, testi fi es to the probabl y French ori gi n of
the knowl edge of sassafras. Havi ng taken the account gi ven by
Laudonni ere as hi s source, he speaks, i n Chapter XI V, concerni ng the
l and and i nhabi tants of the part of Fl ori da traversed by the French, and
cal l s attenti on to the tree as bei ng promi nent i n the woods and refers to
the exqui si te odor of i ts wood and bark. He says that thi s tree i s cal l ed
pavame by the I ndi ans and sassafras by the French.
Soon after the di scovery of sassafras the drug was exported to Europe,
as before stated, and became at once known i n Spai n and France. I t was
wel l known i n Frankfort-on-the-Mai n as earl y as 1582, and i n
Hamburg i n 1587, at whi ch ti me i t was (F. A. Fl cki ger, Am. Jour.
Phar., 1876, p. 367) termed lignum pavanum sen floridum, seu
xylomarathri (fennel -wood). Sai l i ng expedi ti ons to Ameri ca were
undertaken i n those ti mes to secure the wood as wel l as the root. An
Engl i sh merchant, Marti n Pri ng, i s recorded by Charl es Pi ckeri ng (510)
as havi ng wi th two smal l vessel s arri ved on the Ameri can coast i n the
begi nni ng of June, 1603. The poi nt named i s 43 degrees and 44 degrees
northern l ati tude, among a mul ti tude of i sl ands. Fol l owi ng the coast
south i n search of sassafras he entered a l arge sound, and on the north
si de i n the l ati tude 41 degrees and odde mi nutes bui l t a hut and
encl osed i t wi th a barri cade, where some of the party kept guard whi l e
others col l ected sassafras i n the woods. The nati ves were treated wi th
ki ndness, and the l ast of the two vessel s departed frei ghted on the 9th
of August.
I n connecti on wi th the i ntroducti on of sassafras root i nto Engl and,
Dani el Hanbury (Proc. Am. Phar. Assoc., 1871, p. 491) unearthed the
fol l owi ng i nteresti ng record contai ned i n the Cal endars of State Papers
of the Publ i c Record Offi ce:
I nstructi ons for suche thi nges as are to be sente from Vi rgi ni a. 1610.
(i ) Smal l Sassafras Rootes to be drawen i n the wi nter and dryed and
none to be medl ed wi th i n the somer and yt i s worthe 50 and better, p.
Tonne, etc.
But, sti l l , the exact botani cal ori gi n of sassafras was not known to the
wri ters of the seventeenth century. Whi l e they were wel l acquai nted
wi th the pecul i ar fol i age and the other characteri sti cs of the tree, the
fl owers and the frui t were expressl y stated to be unknown to such
wri ters as Cl usi us (153), (Monardes) (447), 1593, Joh. Bauhi nus (47)
(1650), and Pi so (511) (1658).
Two earl y statements concerni ng the frui t may, however, now be
recorded.
Caspar Bauhi nus (48), who named the sassafras tree arbor ex Fl ori da
fi cul neo fol i o, i n 1623 reports that speci mens of the l eaves and the frui t
of the tree were sent to hi m by Dr. Dol di us, of Nuremberg, and he
descri bes the frui t as obl ong, rugose, and attached to very l ong pedi cel s.
Li kewi se Jean de Laet (368), i n the i ndex to the chapter on sassafras of
hi s afore-menti oned book, requests the reader to i nsert i n the text that
the frui ts of thi s tree were brought to the noti ce of the author by a
person returni ng from Novo Bel gi o, and adds that the frui t does not
di ffer much i n form from the berri es of the l aurel , al though i t i s much
smal l er. I t contai ns a whi te nut of bi tteri sh taste, di vi ded i nto two parts.
As far as we can ascertai n, Pl ukenet (514a), as l ate as the year 1691,
was the fi rst to gi ve an i l l ustrati on of the berry, whi ch, however, i s
faul ty, because i t i s voi d of the acorn-l i ke cal yx. The tri l obed l eaves are
al so i l l ustrated, and the botani cal name affi xed to i t by Pl ukenet i s
cornus mas odorata, fol i i s tri fi do, margi ne pi ano, sassafras di cta.
Catesby (130), true to hi s task as set forth i n the ti tl e of hi s book on the
natural hi story of Vi rgi ni a, etc., vi z.: to correct faul ty i l l ustrati on of
pl ants by precedi ng authors, gi ves (i n 1731) a good pi cture of sassafras,
i ncl udi ng the frui t and fl owers.
I n the mi ddl e and l atter part of the ei ghteenth and the earl i er part of
the ni neteenth century sassafras was studi ed i n i ts nati ve country by
such cel ebrated travel ers as Peter Kal m (350), J. Davi d Schoepf (582),
F. A. Mi chaux (433), and Fred Pursh (528). Peter Kal m's account
especi al l y (350) contai ns many poi nts of i nterest.
The author's boyhood was spent i n the country, i n Kentucky, where
sassafras abounds. I do not remember to have smel l ed the fragrance of
sassafras trees, menti oned by these earl y authori ti es, unl ess the trees
were broken or brui sed. I have passed through great thi ckets of young
and ol d trees and am sure that the statement that the fragrance i s
wafted far out to sea i s overdrawn, as I observed no odor whatever, and
am sati sfi ed that sassafras exhal es no aroma. When l and i n Kentucky i s
worked poor and turned out to rest i t i s l i kel y to spri ng up i n thi ckets
of sassafras, persi mmon, and bl ack l ocust. I have heard ol d farmers, i n
speaki ng of a farm, say i t was too poor to rai se sassafras, and no
greater refl ecti on coul d be cast on that l and. No especi al val ue i s put on
sassafras wood, i t i s not sought for fence posts nor i s i t used to dri ve
away i nsects of any descri pti on.
As a remedy the bark i s used i n the spri ng to thi n the bl ood, bei ng
drunk as a tea. I ndeed, I do not di sl i ke i t as a beverage, earl y
i mpressi ons l eadi ng me now to take a package of fresh bark home wi th
me occasi onal l y for a fami l y di sh of sassafras tea. Thi s i s made exactl y
as coffee i s prepared as a beverage, and i s sweetened and used wi th
cream i n the same way. That sassafras tea was a very common beverage
i n my boyhood days may be shown by the fol l owi ng i nci dent: I was
travel i ng up the Ohi o Ri ver on one of the pal ati al steamers of other
days, and the wai ter asked a Kentucki an at my si de who ordered tea,
what ki nd of tea he wanted. Store tea, he answered, I ki n gi t
pl eanty of sassafras at home.
I t i s not customary for sassafras dri nkers to keep the root-bark
separated from the root, the recentl y dug roots bei ng shaved as the bark
was used. Kentucki ans cl ai m that there are two vari eti es of sassafras,
the red sassafras and the whi te, di sti ngui shed onl y by the bark. The
whi te sassafras i s not so aromati c and i s bi tter to the taste, and they use
onl y the red bark.
I n addi ti on to the wood, root and bark, muci l age of the pi th i s empl oyed
i n domesti c medi ci ne to bathe i nfl amed eyes. I fi nd a compl ete
descri pti on of the domesti c uses of sassafras i n Rafi nesque's Medi cal
Fl ora, 1830, whi ch for vari ous reasons I feel cal l ed upon to reproduce as
an endi ng to thi s record of sassafras.
Found from Canada to Mexi co and Brazi l . Roots, bark, l eaves, fl owers, fragrant and
spi cy. Fl avor and smel l pecul i ar, si mi l ar to fennel , sweeti sh sub-acri d, resi di ng i n a
vol ati l e oi l heavi er than water. The sassafrine, a pecul i ar mucus unal terabl e by
al cohol , found chi efl y i n the twi gs and pi th, thi ckens water, very mi l d and l ubri cati ng,
very useful i n optbal mi a, dysentery, gravel , catarrh, etc. Wood yel l ow, hard, durabl e,
soon l oses the smel l ; the roots chi efl y exported for use as sti mul ant, anti spasmodi c,
sudori fi c, and depurati ve; the oi l now often substi tuted; both useful i n rheumati sm,
cutaneous di seases, secondary syphi l i s, typhus fevers, etc. Once used i n dropsy. The
I ndi ans use a strong decocti on to purge and cl ean the body i n the spri ng; we use
i nstead the tea of the bl ossoms for a vernal puri fi cati on of the bl ood. The powder of
the l eaves used to make gl uti nous gombos. Leaves and buds used to fl avor some
beers and spi ri ts. Al so deemed vul nerary and resol vent chewed and appl i ed, or
menagogue and corroborant for women i n tea; useful i n scurvy, cachexy, fl atul ence,
etc. Bowl s and cups made of the wood, when fresh, i t dri ves bugs and moths. The bark
dyes wood of a fi ne orange col or cal l ed shikih by Mi ssouri tri bes, and smoked l i ke
tobacco.
SCAMMONIUM
The dri ed jui ce of scammony (Convolvulus scammonia) has been
used i n domesti c medi ci ne from anci ent ti mes. Theophrastus (633), 300
B. C., menti ons i t, as wel l as di d Di oscori des (194), Pl i ny (514), Cel sus
(136), and Rufus of Ephesus (561a), a ci ty i n whose nei ghborhood
scammony abounded, as i s yet the case near i ts rui ns. The earl y
Arabi ans were acquai nted wi th the pl ant, and i n the tenth and
el eventh centuri es i t was used i n Bri tai n, bei ng commended to Al fred
the Great by Hel i as, Patri arch of Jerusal em. Botani sts of the si xteenth
and seventeenth centuri es, as Brunfel s (107), Gesner (264), and others,
descri bed the pl ant as wel l as the drug obtai ned therefrom. the l atter
bei ng wel l descri bed by Russel l (566), an Engl i sh physi ci an of Al eppo, i n
1752.
Scammony i s obtai ned from Asi a Mi nor, near Smyrna, whi ch i s i ts
pri nci pal port of export. The resi n of scammony, i n the form of a dri ed
jui ce, was gathered by means of sea shel l s, wi thi n whi ch the jui ce
col l ected and dri ed, a method of obtai ni ng i t sti l l practi ced i n Asi a Mi nor.
Mr. Cl ark, of Sochi a, near Smyrna, obtai ned the resi n as an al cohol i c
extract from the dri ed root, a method of producti on now i n use, but
whi ch probabl y yi el ds a product di fferent from the natural gum (see
Manna). Scammony i s a gi ft of the Ori ent, the begi nni ng of i ts use
bei ng home medi cati on.
SCILLA
Thi s bul bous pl ant (Urginea maritima) i s broadl y di stri buted i n the
i sl ands of the Medi terranean and the countri es nei ghbori ng, i n the
south of Spai n and Portugal , and i n many i nstances i s found far i nl and,
even to an el evati on as hi gh as three thousand feet above sea l evel . I t i s
one of the most anci entl y recorded remedi es, bei ng menti oned by
Epi meni des (294), a Greek wri ter of the seventh century B. C., who
made such use of i t that i t became known as epimenidea. Theophrastus
(633) menti ons i t, Pl i ny (514) notes i ts two vari eti es, Di oscori des (194)
descri bes the maki ng of vi negar of squi l l s, whi l st preparati ons of squi l l
wi th honey were fami l i ar remedi es i n Arabi an medi cati on. The forms
empl oyed by the empi ri ci sts of those remote ti mes seem not to have been
i mproved upon by the pharmacy even of the present day; i ndeed,
attempts to i mprove the aqueous or acetous squi l l si mpl es of anci ent
home medi cati on by al cohol i c extracts and ti nctures, have resul ted i n
fai l ure.
SCOPARIUS
Thi s woody shrub, Cytisus scoparius, or common broom, prevai l s
throughout Great Bri tai n and Western and temperate Northern
Europe, but i t seems not to cl i mb to any great hei ght on the mountai ns
of the Al ps. Accordi ng to Ledebour (375) i t i s nati ve to the eastern si de
of the Ural Mountai ns. Scopari us i s menti oned i n the earl i est I tal i an
and German herbal s under the name genesta, and under the name
broom i t was used i n Angl o-Saxon medi ci ne as wel l as i n the Wel sh
Meddygon Myddfai (507). The London Pharmacopei a, 1618, gave i t a
pl ace, and Gerarde (262) states that Henry VI I I used i t as a remedy
agai nst surfets and di seases thereof ari si ng. Broom al so enjoyed a
reputati on i n other di recti ons, for exampl e, bei ng the embl em of The
Handsome Geoffrey, or Pl antagenet, Count of Anjou, ancestor of the
Pl antagenet ki ngs of Engl and, who wore the common broom of hi s
country, the pl anta geni sta, i n hi s hel met. Scopari us i n the
Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States seems, l i ke other establ i shed forei gn
drugs, to have hei red i ts reputati on and obtai ned i ts posi ti on from past
records i n medi aeval European or Ori ental ti mes, i nstead of from any
marked use i t has enjoyed i n Ameri can medi ci ne.
SCOPOLA
The root of thi s pl ant, Scopola carniolica, i s now offi ci al and may be
substi tuted for bel l adonna i n the maki ng of the mydri ati c al kal oi ds.
Al though of recent i ntroducti on i n sci enti fi c pharmacy, i t has an
i nteresti ng botani cal record, reachi ng back to Matthi ol i (414), who
named i t Solanum somniferum alterum.
Thi s hi stori cal record of the pl ant i s made compl ete by that unexcel l ed
authori ty, E. M. Hol mes, of London, hi s paper bei ng publ i shed i n ful l i n
the Pharmaceutical J ournal and Transactions, London, December 14,
1889, pp. 468-471. The name by whi ch i t i s now recogni zed was gi ven to
the pl ant by Jacqui n (388a) i n honor of Dr. Johann Anton Scopol i ,
professor of botany i n the Uni versi ty of Pavi a, who (1760) publ i shed hi s
di scovery of the pl ant under the name Atropa caule herbaceo. (See Ll oyd
Brothers' Drug Treati se No. X for bi ographi cal sketch.) Many are the
names si nce affi xed to i t, regardi ng whi ch Mr. Hol mes remarks as
fol l ows: Jacqui n's name has unfortunatel y been several ti mes al tered
by succeedi ng botani sts.
The hi stori cal treati se of Hol mes was bri efl y condensed as fol l ows by
Professor Mai sch:
The Natural Hi story of Scopol a carni ol i ca (Jacqui n) gi ves a compl ete hi story of the
synonymy of thi s pl ant, commenci ng wi th Matthi ol i , who i n 1563 named i t Solatium
somniferum alterum. I t was further descri bed i n 1622 by Caspar Bauhi n under the
name of Solanum somniferum bacciferum; i n 1651 by J. Bauhi n as Solatium
manicum, quod secundo l oco proponui mus; i n 1760 by J. A.. Scopol i , Professor of
Botany at Pavi a, as Atropa caule herbaceo foliis avails, integris, fructu capsulari; i n
1764 by Jacqui n as Scopola carniolica; i n 1767 by Li nnaeus as Hyoscyamus Scopolia;
i n 1794 by Moench as Scopola trichotoma; i n the same year by Schul tes as Scopolina
atropoides; i n 1821 by Li nk as Scopolia atropoides; and i n 1837 by G. Don as Scopolia
carniolica.
The generi c name Scopol i a had been appl i ed i n 1763 by Adanson for what i s now
Ricotia, Lin., Crucifer i n 1776 by Forster for what i s now Griselinia, Porst.,
Cornace; i n 1781 by Li nnaeus fi l ., for what i s now Daphne, Lin., Thymelace; i n
1790 by Smi th for what i s now Toddalia, J uss., Rutace.
Jacqui n's name for the pl ant bei ng the fi rst bi nomi al one publ i shed after the date of
the fi rst edi ti on of Li nnaeus' Species Plantarum i n 1753, shoul d supersede the l ater
names gi ven by others. Thi s author repeatedl y wri tes Scopol a (not Scopol i a) i n hi s
publ i shed work.
Thi s pl ant, possessi ng so much energy, was natural l y known to the
earl y herbal i sts, but was most cauti ousl y empl oyed by them. Wi er
(1515-1588) menti oned i t (Mai sch), but i t was then forgotten unti l Dr.
Li ppi ch, of Padua (1834-7), used i t i nstead of bel l adonna. The record
shows that (410a) i n Southern Europe (Marti us, 1832) the l eaves were
used i n the same way as bel l adonna. Kostel etzkv (1832) states (361a)
that i t has the narcoti c qual i ti es of hyoscyamus. Nei ther i n domesti c nor
i n professi onal medi ci ne had scopol i a any reputati on worth menti oni ng
unti l after 1880, when i ts al kal oi dal record and i ts many compl i cati ons
as a sophi sti cant for bel l adonna made such an event i n pharmacy and
chemi stry as to gi ve the pl ant a posi ti on i n the U. S. Pharmacopei a of
1900.
SCUTELLARIA
Scutellaria lateriflora (skul l cap) was i n use as a domesti c remedy
before the publ i cati on of the fi rst Ameri can materi a medi ca, as shown
by Schopf (582), 1785. I t was afterward conspi cuous i n the practi ce of a
l ocal physi ci an. Dr. Lawrence Van Derveer, of New Jersey, who
di scovered the qual i ti es that he bel i eved i t carri ed. At l east he made no
menti on of any previ ous therapeuti c record (388d). Dr. Van Derveer's
use of scutel l ari a as a remedy i n the cure of rabi es gave hi m great
notori ety and i ntroduced the drug to Thacher (631), whose di ssertati on
on Hydrophobi a and I ts Cure i nvol ved the remedi es empl oyed i n that
di sease, as wel l as substances other than scutel l ari a commended therei n.
Scutel l ari a has thus a record both as a secret cure and as a professi onal
remedy i n the treatment of thi s dreadful di sease, the l atter, however,
bei ng al together based upon the domesti c use of the drug. Accordi ng to
Schopf (582), 1785, the pl ant was used as a home remedy i n the cure of
fevers.
SENEGA
Senega, the root of a smal l North Ameri can pl ant (Polygala senega),
enjoyed very earl y a reputati on as one of the new remedi es produced by
Ameri ca. The Seneca I ndi ans of New York State empl oyed i t as a
remedy for the bi te of the rattl esnake, whi ch l ed to i ts notori ety i n the
hands of Tennent, a Scotch physi ci an i n Vi rgi ni a, who al so
admi ni stered i t for coughs. Under the name senega, or rattl esnake root,
i t came to the attenti on of Dr. Mead, of London, and through hi s efforts
and those of others (even Li nnaeus [385] wri ti ng a di ssertati on on i t)
senega root came i nto great demand. I n domesti c Ameri can medi ci ne i t
has been conti nual l y used as an expectorant, the usual form bei ng that
of a syrup.
SENNA
Senna l eaves are from two speci es of cassi a, one of whi ch i s nati ve to
Nubi a and other secti ons of Afri ca, whi l e the other abounds i n Yemen
and Southern Arabi a as wel l as i n some parts of I ndi a, where i t i s
cul ti vated for medi ci nal use. The cul ti vated pl ant, ori gi nal l y the product
of Arabi an seed, furni shes the l eaves known i n commerce as Tinnevelly
senna. The drug was i ntroduced i nto Western Europe by the Arabi ans,
and i n thi s connecti on i t may be stated that, notwi thstandi ng i ts present
abundance i n some parts of Afri ca, accordi ng to I saac Judus (336a), a
nati ve of Egypt, who l i ved about 850-900 A. D., senna was brought
from Mecca to Egypt. I n earl y Arabi an medi ci ne the pods of the senna
were preferred to the l eaves. I ts pri ce i n France, 1542, was about that of
pepper or gi nger. Thi s wri ter found senna i n the Ori ent, carri ed i n shops
sel l i ng foods and provi si ons, as wel l as i n the Ori ental bazaars, i t bei ng
everywhere a fami l i ar domesti c catharti c. I ts nati ve use i ntroduced the
drug to medi ci ne and antedates hi stori cal record.
SERPENTARIA
Aristolochia serpentaria i s a perenni al herb found i n woodl ands of
the temperate parts of the Uni ted States, especi al l y i n the Al l egheny
and Cumberl and Mountai ns, al though i t sel dom prevai l s abundantl y. I t
i s by some bel i eved to have been fi rst menti oned i n 1636, by Thomas
Johnson, an apothecary of London, who i ssued an edi ti on of Gerarde's
(262) Herbal , and i t i s commonl y bel i eved that thi s was i ts i ntroducti on
to Engl and. Others, however, questi on whether the "snakeweed"
menti oned i n thi s work was not a speci es of ari stol ochi a, from Crete. The
earl y use of serpentari a i n Ameri ca was as a remedy for snakebi te,
whi ch gave i t the name Virginia snakeroot, but i n thi s di recti on i t has
not, to our knowl edge, been used i n recent ti mes anywhere i n Ameri ca.
The domesti c use of thi s drug has been i n the di recti on of a sti mul ant to
the organs of di gesti on, and i n the form of a ti ncture as a. stomachi c, i t
bei ng one of the i ngredi ents of the ol d-ti me popul ar stomach bi tters of
Ameri can home medi cati on.
SINAPIS ALBA
Whi te mustard (Sinapis alba) seems to be i ndi genous to the southern
countri es of Europe and Western Asi a, from whi ch, accordi ng to Chi nese
authors, i t was i ntroduced i nto Chi na. Formerl y i t was not di sti ngui shed
from bl ack mustard. I ts cul ti vati on i n Engl and i s qui te recent, but i t i s
now an abundant weed i n many secti ons. Whi te mustard, i n common
wi th bl ack mustard, i s an exceedi ngl y popul ar, sti mul ati ng condi ment,
and i s preferred, on account of i ts col or as wel l as i ts mi l dness, to the
bl ack mustard. The mustard seed of the Bi bl e i s the product of a tree
(Sal vadora persi ca), and i s not the same as the pl ant now known under
that name. (J. H. Bal four, Pl ants of the Bi bl e.)
SINAPIS NIGRA
Bl ack mustard (Sinapis nigra) i s an herb found over the whol e of
Europe, excepti ng the extreme north. I t al so abounds i n Northern
Afri ca, Asi a Mi nor, the Caucasi an regi on, Western I ndi a, Southern
Si beri a, and Chi na, as wel l as i n North and South Ameri ca, where i t i s
now natural i zed. I t was known to the anci ents, Theophrastus (633),
Di oscori des (194), Pl i ny (514), and others noti ci ng the pl ant. I n earl y
ti mes i t seems to have been used more as a medi ci ne than as a
condi ment; but 300 B. C., Di ocl eti an speaks of i t as a substance used as
a condi ment i n the eastern part of the Roman Empi re. Duri ng the
Mi ddl e Ages, Europeans esteemed i t as an accompani ment to sal ted
meats. The Wel sh Meddygon Myddfai (507), of the thi rteenth century,
commends the Vi rtues of Mustard. Househol d reci pes of the thi rteenth
and fourteenth centuri es constantl y menti on mustard under the name
senapium. The convent l ands of France produced i t as a part of thei r
revenues, A. D. 800. Bl ack mustard i s natural l y of great i mportance, the
credi t of i ts i ntroducti on bei ng, as wi th other substances of a si mi l ar
nature, due to the observi ng empi ri ci sts. The Bi bl e reference (see
Si napi s al ba) appl i es al i ke to Si napi s ni gra.
SPIGELIA
Spigelia marilandica i s an Ameri can pl ant, i ndi genous to the
temperate regi ons and thi ck woods of thi s country. The I ndi ans
empl oyed a decocti on of the root as a vermi fuge, thus i ntroduci ng i t at
an earl y date to the settl ers, the physi ci ans, and the botani sts. I t was
descri bed by Barton (43), Schopf (582), and other authori ti es, but was
never extensi vel y used by the Ameri can school s of medi ci ne, ei ther the
Botani c or the Ecl ecti c. As a domesti c remedy i t was customary, hal f a
century ago, to use a mi xture of pi nk root and senna, to whi ch were
added a few pi eces of manna, a home decocti on bei ng gi ven to chi l dren
and others affl i cted wi th worms. I n our opi ni on thi s home treatment
consumed most of the drug of commerce, whi ch, si nce the di scovery of
santoni ca, has come to be of mi nor i mportance. I n the days of thi s
wri ter's experi ence as a prescri pti on cl erk i n Ci nci nnati (1865-1880) the
mi xture was i n conti nual domesti c demand as pi nk and senna.
STAPHISAGRIA
Delphinium staphisagria, a nati ve of waste pl aces of I tal y, the
Greek i sl ands, and Asi a Mi nor, i s now general l y di stri buted throughout
the Medi terranean countri es and the adjacent i sl ands, e. g., the
Canari es. I t was known to the anci ents, bei ng menti oned by Ni cander
(581), Di oscori des (194), Pl i ny (514), and others, the l ast-named author
stati ng that the powdered seeds were used for destroyi ng vermi n of the
head and body, i n whi ch di recti on i t i s sti l l popul ar. Throughout the
Mi ddl e Ages the drug conti nued i n use, accordi ng to Pi etro Crescenzi o
(172), of the thi rteenth century. The seeds were col l ected i n I tal y, where
the pl ant i s sti l l cul ti vated, bei ng sti l l i n demand i n domesti c medi ci ne as
an i nsecti ci de.
STILLINGIA
Sti l l i ngi a syl vati ca i s nati ve to the pi ne barrens of the Southern States
of North Ameri ca, and i n the form of an i nfusi on or decocti on of the
green drug has been used i n domesti c medi ci ne as a purgati ve and
al terati ve, creepi ng thence to the attenti on of physi ci ans of the
Southern States. I t was al so empl oyed empi ri cal l y i n cutaneous di seases,
and as a consti tuent of vari ous bl ood puri fi ers used commonl y by the
peopl e of the South. A once popul ar remedy, Wayne's Panacea, was
asserted by Rafi nesque (535) to depend for i ts qual i ti es upon sti l l i ngi a,
whi ch Dr. John Ki ng (356-357) i n hi s Ameri can Di spensatory most
posi ti vel y controverted. I nasmuch as Peter Smi th (605), the I ndi an
Herb Doctor, negl ects sti l l i ngi a i n hi s Di spensatory, whi l e Rafi nesque
(535) gi ves i t bri ef menti on i n hi s Medi cal Equi val ents, i t i s evi dent that
the drug came to the general attenti on of the medi cal professi on by
reason of the use made of i t by the settl ers, about the date of the fi rst
edi ti on of Ki ng's Ameri can Di spensatory, 1852. Si nce that peri od unti l
the earl y 60's i t was a conspi cuous consti tuent of the popul ar Ameri can
bl ood puri fi ers, and i n the form of compound syrup of sti l l i ngi a was
used al i ke i n empi ri cal medi cati on and by the professi on.
STRAMONIUM
Datura stramonium i s now found throughout most parts of the
temperate ci vi l i zed worl d. I t was found i n Ameri ca, where the settl ers
near Jamestown, Vi rgi ni a, used i t as a pot herb, the resul ti ng deaths so
adverti si ng i t as to create the common name, sti l l i n use, J amestown or
J imson weed. De Candol l e (186) deci ded that stramoni um was
i ndi genous to the Ol d Worl d, probabl y borderi ng the Caspi an Sea, but
not of I ndi a nor yet of Europe at the ti me of the cl assi cal peri od. The
herb has been a pai n-rel i evi ng favori te i n domesti c Ameri can medi ci ne,
i n the form of a poul ti ce or oi ntment made from the pul p of the brui sed
green l eaves, to ease the pai ns of bi tes and sti ngs of i nsects. The dri ed
l eaf i s al so smoked, for the rel i ef of asthma. The domesti c use of
stramoni um i n these di recti ons l ed the earl y Ameri can physi ci an to i ts
empl oyment both i nternal l y and external l y. (See Hyoscyamus.)
STROPHANTHUS
39

The genus Strophanthus, whi ch produces thi s drug, i s chi efl y Afri can,
bel ongi ng to the apocynacese and the tri be echi ti dese of thi s order,
di sti ngui shed from the other tri bes of the order chi efl y from havi ng the
anthers uni ted after the manner of the ascl epi adacese. I ndex Kewensi s
menti ons seventeen speci es, Bentham and Hooker ei ghteen speci es, Pax
(495) twenty-fi ve speci es, and the genus i s bei ng rapi dl y augmented as
the fl ora of Afri ca becomes better known. Pl ants of the genus have
usual l y woody stems, emi tti ng a mi l ky jui ce when wounded, and are
general l y twi ni ng vi nes. The seed of commerce i s probabl y col l ected from
vari ous speci es i ndi scri mi natel y, whi ch have been cl assi fi ed and
di fferenti ated by Pax (495), Pl anchon (512), Hartwi ch (304), Hol mes
(322), Bl ondel (80), and others. Space wi l l permi t us to menti on onl y the
two speci es whi ch are acknowl edged to be the pri nci pal source of the
drug.
Strophanthus hi spi dus, D. C., was one of four speci es descri bed by De
Candol l e as earl y as 1802, and i s the speci es to whi ch the drug was fi rst
ascri bed. I ts habi tat i s Senegambi a and Gui nea and other parts of
Western Afri ca. The stem i s a twi ni ng, mi l ky shrub, wi th opposi te
hi rsute l eaves. (Hence the name hispidus, Lati n for bri stl y, hai ry.) The
seed, whi ch bears a sl ender styl e termi nati ng i n a pl umose pappus
consi sti ng of l ong hai rs,
40
i s the part used i n medi ci ne.
As stated before, the genus Strophanthus was establ i shed by De
Candol l e as far back as the year 1802. I t was not unti l the earl y si xti es,
http://www.swsbm.com/Manual sOther /Str ophanthus-Ll oyd.PDF
40 Hartwi ch cal l s speci al attenti on to the fact that the hai rs of Strophanthus seed are very sensi ti ve
to moi sture, spreadi ng hori zontal l y i n dry ai r, and becomi ng erect i n moi st atmosphere. He suggests
that the pappus woul d thus make an hygrometer suffi ci entl y sensi ti ve for practi cal purposes.
however, that the drug came to the general noti ce of Europeans as
bei ng one of the arrow poi sons used among the Afri can nati ve tri bes,
there bei ng two ki nds of arrow poi sons deri ved from thi s source. A
poi son was prepared on the west coast of Afri ca (Senegambi a, Gui nea,
and Gaboon) cal l ed inee or onaye, whi ch i s deri ved from Strophanthus
hi spi dus, D. C. Thi s i s on the authori ty of Hen-del ot, who observed the
pl ant yi el di ng thi s poi son i n Senegambi a at the Ri ver Nunez (246). A
speci men of thi s arrow poi son was sent to Europe and i nvesti gated by
Pel i kan i n 1865. (Comptes Rendus, 1865, vol . 60, p. 1209.)
On the east coast of Afri ca the kombe or gombe poi son was i n use i n the
Manganjah tri be, l ocated near Lake Nyassa on the banks of the Ri ver
Shi re, a tri butary of the Zambesi Ri ver. Consul Ki rk i n Zanzi bar, i n
1861, establ i shed that thi s poi son ori gi nated from a strophanthus
speci es, and forwarded speci mens to Professor Sharpey i n Engl and for
the purpose of i nvesti gati on (246). Subsequentl y, i n 1865, Li vi ngstone's
famous reports brought the kombe poi son to a more general noti ce
among the Europeans (387).
Thi s speci es of strophanthus was at fi rst consi dered i denti cal wi th S.
hi spi dus, D. C., but the pl ant was shown by Ol i ver i n 1885 to be di sti nct
from the l atter, and justi fi ed the establ i shi ng of a new speci es,
Strophanthus kombe.
The physi ol ogi cal features of the drug as a powerful cardi ac were
recogni zed by the fi rst i nvesti gators (Sharpey, 1862; Pel i kan, 1865;
Fraser, 1871). Li vi ngstone reports the observati on of Consul Ki rk that
the poi son remarkabl y reduced the pul se, but the drug was not
authori tati vel y recogni zed by the medi cal professi on unti l about the
year 1885. I n thi s connecti on i t i s i nteresti ng to note that i n Somal i -
l and, Afri ca, the nati ve, i n order to establ i sh the vi rul ence of the poi son,
scrapes the ski n from hi s own arm unti l the bl ood fl ows, when he
appl i es the poi son to the l ower end of the bl oody pool and watches the
coagul ati ng effect, from bel ow upward. To the fi rm of Burroughs,
Wel l come & Co., London (677-678), i s l argel y due the posi ti on that
Strophanthus occupi es i n the medi cal l ore of the present day, thi s bei ng
due chi efl y to the efforts of Mr. Henry S. Wel l come, through hi s fri end,
Henry M. Stanl ey, the Afri can expl orer.
STYRAX
Styrax i s the product of a tree nati ve to the southwestern part of Asi a
Mi nor and the adjacent i sl ands. Accordi ng to Kri nos, of Athens, 1862,
the earl i est al l usi ons to styrax were made by Aeti us (6) and Paul us
gi neta (494), 1567. The earl y Arabi an physi ci ans were acquai nted
wi th styrax and i ts methods of producti on. The Russi an Abbott of Tver,
1113-15, descri bes the tree as found by hi m i n hi s travel s through Asi a
Mi nor. Styrax reached Chi na as earl y at l east as 1368 by means of
Arabi an caravans, but i t i s now shi pped to Chi na by way of the Red Sea
and I ndi a. I ts use i n medi ci ne i s restri cted mai nl y to an external
appl i cati on i n ski n di seases, combi ned wi th other substances. I t has,
however, been recommended for i nternal use and i n former ti mes i t was
a consti tuent of empi ri cal compounds desi gned for i nternal medi cati on.
(Not offi ci al i n the ei ghth revi si on U. S. P.)
SUMBUL
Musk root. Ferula sumbul, was fi rst i ntroduced i nto Russi a as a
substi tute for musk, and was known i n Germany i n 1840 as a Russi an
product. I ts hi story i s to the effect that i n 1869 a Russi an travel er,
Fedschenko (240), di scovered the pl ant produci ng i t i n the northern
part of the Khanat of Bukhara, 40 N. Lat. Sumbul has no authenti c
posi ti on i n so-cal l ed sci enti fi c medi ci ne other than that i t crept i nto the
Bri ti sh Pharmacopei a i n 1867 as a substance that had been
recommended as a substi tute for musk i n chol era.
TAMARINDUS
The tamari nd (Tamarindus indica) i s a handsome tree i ndi genous to
tropi cal Afri ca. I t i s al so found throughout I ndi a, Java, and Yemen, and
has been natural i zed i n South Ameri ca as wel l as i n adjacent tropi cal
i sl ands, such as the West I ndi es; al so i n Mexi co, we havi ng gathered i t
i n La Paz, Lower Cal i forni a. The anci ent Greeks and Romans seem not
to have known the tamari nd. I f known to the Egypti ans, i t was
negl ected by thei r authors, al though Si r Gardner Wi l ki nson (688) states
that tamari nd stones were found i n the tombs of Thebes, a statement
not confi rmed, however, by speci mens of the contents of tombs i n the
Bri ti sh Museum. The anci ent Sanskri t wri ti ngs menti on tamari nd, and
the frui t was known to the Arabi ans as I ndian dates, under whi ch
name i t was menti oned by earl y authors, such as Avi cenna (30) and
others, i ncl udi ng Al hervi (2), of Persi a. Credi t i s gi ven the Arabi ans for
the di stri buti on of the drug and i ts uses, i t passi ng from them, wi th
other Eastern products, i nto Europe through the famous school of
Sal ernum. Tamari nds have been used i n thei r nati ve countri es i n the
maki ng of a cool i ng dri nk much rel i shed by persons affl i cted wi th
fevers, i n whi ch di recti on they have been al so empl oyed i n medi ci ne
throughout the ci vi l i zed worl d. I t woul d be better i f the modern
physi ci an were more fami l i ar wi th the grateful home-made dri nk that
tamari nds afford the parched sufferer from fever.
TARAXACUM
The dandel i on (Taraxacum officinale) i s a pl ant fami l i ar to al l , bei ng
found throughout the whol e of Europe, Central Asi a, and North
Ameri ca, even to the Arcti c regi ons. Al though the word taraxacum i s
usual l y consi dered to be of Greek ori gi n, there i s no authenti c record
that the pl ant was known to the cl assi cal wri ters of Greece and Rome.
The herbal , 1488, of Johann von Cube (173) gi ves i t a posi ti on under
the name Dens leonis. I t i s menti oned by Rhazes i n the tenth and by
Avi cenna (30) i n the el eventh centuri es, and i t was used i n Wel sh
medi ci ne i n the thi rteenth century. I n domesti c medi aeval medi cati on
and as an i ngredi ent of many popul ar Ameri can bi tters and bl ood
puri fi ers taraxacum was empl oyed extensi vel y. I t yet enjoys a hi gh
reputati on as a home remedy.
TEREBINTHINA RESINA
Turpentine. Oil of Turpentine. Resin.
The sti cky jui ce of many trees, as the pi ne, the l arch, and other
coni ferous trees, i s known by the general name, turpentine, qual i fi ed by
an adjecti ve descri pti ve of i ts botani cal ori gi n or the country produci ng
i t; for exampl e, Strasburg turpenti ne, Canada bal sam, etc. Thi s
resi nous, bal sami c exudati on has been used from al l ti mes as a bal sam
or pi tch, or, when the wood of the tree i s subjected to the acti on of heat,
as a product of decomposi ti on known as tar. Thi s wri ter (1906) observed
a fragrant ol eagi nous tar brought i nto Smyrna i n sheepski ns from the
i nteri or of Asi a Mi nor, whi ch enjoyed a domesti c popul ari ty i n that part
of the country. The I ndi ans of North Ameri ca empl oyed Canada bal sam
as an appl i cati on to wounds, i t bei ng an excel l ent anti septi c dressi ng for
such purposes (see I ndi an Capti vi ti es, Gui l e's Narrati ve (198). The
di sti l l ate of the natural turpenti ne, had once a wi del y known domesti c
use i n Ameri ca as a remedy for worms, whi l st the resi n (rosi n), whi ch
remai ns after the di sti l l ati on of the spi ri t, i s much empl oyed i n domesti c
treatment of the horse. Al l these forms of turpenti ne, as wel l as the
empyrheumati c products of many rel ated trees, have been known to the
common peopl e, as a rul e, from the earl i est records of hi story. The l ast
i ssue of the Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States, under the ti tl e Oleum
Terebinthin Rectificatum, di rects that the spi ri t obtai ned from the
di sti l l ati on of turpenti ne, usual l y obtai ned from the Pinus australis, be
puri fi ed by redi sti l l ati on from a sol uti on of sodi um hydrate.
THYMOL
Thymol i s a product of Thymus vulgaris, a nati ve of Portugal . Spai n,
Southern France, I tal y, and the mountai nous parts of Greece. I t has for
several centuri es been cul ti vated i n Engl and as a garden pl ant, and has
l ong been known to yi el d a hi ghl y aromati c essenti al oi l . Under the
name camphor of thyme, an apothecary at the court of Berl i n named
Neumann, 1725, descri bed thi s substance, whi ch was cal l ed thymol by
Lal l emand (369a) i n 1853, thus gi vi ng a name to a substance that, i n
l i ttl e use i n i tsel f, had ever been val ued i n domesti c medi ci ne as wel l as
by the medi cal professi on i n i ts natural associ ati on and combi nati on as a
part of oi l of thyme. Under the name oi l of ori ganum, oi l of thyme has
been a popul ar product obtai ned by the di sti l l ati on of thi s herb, bei ng
used as an i ngredi ent i n domesti c l i ni ments and i n veteri nary medi ci ne.
I ts use by the medi cal professi on i s even yet much l i mi ted.
TRAGACANTHA
Thi s gummy exudati on (gum tragacanth) i s a gi ft of Asi a Mi nor, the
shrub yi el di ng i t bei ng very wi del y di stri buted. To l ocate exactl y i ts fi rst
use woul d be to antedate hi stori c records. I t has ever been before the
peopl e i n the cradl e of humani ty, where as a natural product i t has
al ways been empl oyed. Theophrastus (633) three centuri es before
Chri st, descri bed i t and l ocated i ts ori gi n. Di oscori des, a Greek wri ter,
and Arabi an wri ters gave i t due attenti on. I n fact, i t woul d perhaps be
as di ffi cul t to l ocate the fi rst use of wheat as the fi rst use of Tragacanth.
However, unti l a moderatel y recent peri od, onl y the knotty yel l ow or
brown natural exudati on was found i n commerce. The nati ves l earned
next that by cl eani ng the bases of the bushes, i nci si ng the bark wi th a
kni fe, ri bbons of a pure whi te or semi -transparent nature coul d be
produced. Thi s i s now the favori te form.
Tragacanth comes i nto Smyrna from the i nteri or of Asi a Mi nor, and
from Persi a and Armeni a. Professor T. H. Norton descri bed to us i ts
col l ecti on about Harput, Turkey. Tragacanth of commerce i s a
congl omerate mi xture, good, bad, i ndi fferent, as obtai ned from the
caravans. I n Smyrna i t i s sorted i nto grades, based mai nl y on the col or.
Thi s wri ter took much i nterest i n the Tragacanth probl em, and made
many photographs of the Smyrna warehouses, where gi rl s (Jewi sh)
were engaged i n sorti ng Tragacanth and nutgal l s. Deal ers i n the one
handl e the other.
TRITICUM
Couch grass, Agropyron repens, i s a weed wi del y di ffused throughout
Europe, Northern Asi a, the Caspi an regi on, North and South Ameri ca,
even to Patagoni a and Terra del Fuega. The anci ents were natural l y
fami l i ar wi th thi s grass wi th a creepi ng root-stal k, but i t i s i mpossi bl e to
determi ne the speci es val ued by them. Di oscori des (194) ascri bes to the
decocti on a val ue i n cal cul us and suppressi on of uri ne. Thi s use of
tri ti cum i s corroborated by Pl i ny (514), and agai n occurs i n the wri ti ngs
of Ori basi us (479a) of the thi rd century. Practi cal l y al l the medi aeval
herbal s fi gure the pl ant as i n Dodonus (195). As a domesti c remedy
tri ti cum has ever been i n common use, and i s sti l l , i n the form of a
decocti on, much empl oyed i n mucous di scharges from the bl adder and i n
other affecti ons of the uri nary organs.
ULMUS
Sl i ppery el m, Ulmus fulva, i s a mi ddl e-si zed tree found abundantl y
i n the natural woodl ands of the Central and Eastern Uni ted States,
from Canada to the South. The I ndi ans and settl ers of North Ameri ca
val ued the i nner bark of thi s tree as a poul ti ce; i n certai n ski n di seases
they used i t as an external appl i cati on, and as a soothi ng dri nk i n
fevers. I n bowel affecti ons they empl oyed a col d decocti on. Schopf (582),
1787, refers to i t as sal ve bark. An i nfusi on made by di gesti ng the
shredded i nner bark of sl i ppery el m i n col d water, has (after the
teachi ng of the I ndi ans) ever mai ntai ned a hi gh reputati on i n domesti c
North Ameri can medi cati on i n fevers, and especi al l y i n di arrheas
connected therewi th. The muci l agi nous qual i ti es render the powdered
bark pecul i arl y adapted to the maki ng of poul ti ces, i n whi ch di recti on i t
was known to al l the earl y settl ers of Ameri ca and was by them
i ntroduced to the medi cal professi on.
UVA URSI
Bearberry, Uva ursi (Arctostaphylos uva ursi) (Li nne), whi ch takes
i ts name from the fact that i ts berri es are eaten by bears and other
ani mal s, i s a l ow evergreen shrub common to the Northern countri es of
Europe and Ameri ca. The l eaves, whi ch are used i n medi ci ne, are an
arti cl e of commerce i n the northern secti ons of Europe, Ameri ca, and
some parts of Asi a. Bei ng used i n tanni ng, i n Sweden and Russi a,
accordi ng to Rafi nesque (535), they establ i shed the wel l -known Russi a
l eather. The astri ngent l eaves were once hi ghl y val ued i n Europe, but
have si nce fal l en i nto di suse. The domesti c empl oyment of the drug
i ntroduced i t to Ameri can medi ci ne, Drs. Wi star, Barton (43), and
Bi gel ow (69) recommendi ng a decocti on of i t as a wash for l eucorrhea
and as an i njecti on i n gonorrhea and catarrh of the bl adder. For these
purposes, as based on i ts domesti c empl oyment, the pl ant has i ts
professi onal record, but has never been very i mportant i n any school of
medi ci ne.
VALERIANA
The herbaceous perenni al Valeriana officinalis i s found throughout
Europe from Spai n to I cel and, extendi ng al so from the Cri maea, over
Northern Asi a, i nto Chi na. I t not onl y grows wi l d, but i n Engl and
especi al l y i s cul ti vated as a drug pl ant. I t was known to the Greeks and
Romans, and the wi l d nard descri bed by Di oscori des (194) and Pl i ny
(514) i s supposed to be a speci es of val eri an, of whi ch, i n addi ti on to the
Val eri ana offi ci nal i s, ni ne speci es are found i n Asi a Mi nor. The name
val eri an, however, was not used by the cl assi cal wri ters, occurri ng fi rst
i n the ni nth and tenth centuri es. I t i s found i n the Angl o-Saxon names
of home remedi es, and i n domesti c books as earl y as the el eventh
century. Sal adi nus (570) of Ascol i , 1450, di rected that the root be
col l ected i n the month of August. I n medi aeval days i n Engl and the
fl avor of val eri an was consi dered by the common peopl e a del i ghtful
addi ti on to broths and pottages, Gerarde (262) i n hi s Herbal l , 1567,
remarki ng that the poorer cl asses of peopl e i n the north of Engl and di d
not consi der such forms of food worth anythi ng wi thout i t. Strangel y
enough al so the odor of val eri an, now consi dered exceedi ngl y
di sagreeabl e, was i n the si xteenth century accepted as a perfume, and
as a perfume i t i s sti l l used i n the Ori ent. I n thi s connecti on we wi l l add
that we have known val eri an to be a consti tuent of a perfume very
popul ar wi th some l adi es, but exceedi ngl y unpl easant to some other
peopl e. I n domesti c medi ci ne a tea from the root of val eri an has been
empl oyed as a sti mul ant and anti spasmodi c i n nervous di seases pecul i ar
to femal es.
VANILLA
The conqueri ng Spani ards found vani l l a i n use as a fl avor for cacao
among the Aztecs of Mexi co, and natural l y made thi s pl ant known to
Europe. I t was then descri bed and i l l ustrated by Hernandez (314), the
Pl i ny of the Spani ards, i n hi s hi story of Mexi co, who descri bed i t under
both the botani cal name, aracus aromati cus, and i ts vernacul ar name,
tl i l xochi tl . Cl usi us (153) menti ons i t i n 1602 as l obus obl ongus
aromati cus. Pomet (519), i n 1694, reports the use of vani l l a i n France
to fl avor chocol ate and someti mes to perfume snuff. As earl y as 1721
vani l l a was i ntroduced i nto the London pharmacopei a, and i n 1739 Mr.
Ph. Mi l l er (437) pl anted some vani l l a speci mens (vanilla aromatica,
Swartz) i n the Chel sea botani cal garden. I n the West I ndi es and the
adjoi ni ng coast of South Ameri ca vani l l a has al so l ong been known.
I n 1724 P. Labat (365), a Cathol i c mi ssi onary, reports (from hear-say)
the abundant occurrence of vani l l a i n the terre ferme of Cayenne,
from whi ch pl ace speci mens were forwarded to hi m i n 1697 to
Marti ni que, where he cul ti vated the pl ant and observed i ts habi ts for
ei ght years. He al so pl anted vani l l a i n Guadal oupe. I n 1750 P. Gumi l l a
met vani l l a i n the Ori noco country. To Humbol dt (331) we owe the fi rst
authenti c and detai l ed report on Mexi can vani l l a. The Mexi can Provi nce
of Oaxaca suppl i ed the fi rst vani l l a export to Spai n, and the bean was
di scovered i n thi s provi nce by De Menonvi l l e (Gardeners' Chroni cl e,
May, 1874) i n 1777. Vani l l a forests, accordi ng to ol d archi ves, have
been i n cul ti vati on at Papanti a, near Vera Cruz, as earl y as 1760.
The speci es yi el di ng the fi nest-fl avored vani l l a, subsequentl y named
vanilla planifolia, Andrews, was i mported from Ameri ca i nto Engl and
by the Rt. Hon. Charl es Grevi l l e (Hortus Kewensi s, Vol . v, 1813), thi s
fl oweri ng i n hi s col l ecti on at Paddi ngton i n 1807 (57). Speci mens of thi s
pl ant were l ater transferred to Pari s and Bel gi um, from whence the
botani cal gardens of Reuni on (Bourbon) and Java were suppl i ed. I n
1830 Neumann i ntroduced the arti fi ci al fecunda-ti on of Vani l l a
pl ani fol i a i n the Jardi n des Pl antes at Pari s, and i n 1837 Professor
Morren di d the same at Li ege (239). The Java pl antati on, started i n
1841, now suppl i es the Dutch market sol el y.
The Reuni on pl antati on, accordi ng to Del teui l , was started by Perrottet
i n 1839 (239). The cul ti vati on of vani l l a for the purpose of export was
subsequentl y i ntroduced i nto other French col oni ese. g., i nto
Mauri ti us by M. Ri chard (550), i nto Guadal oupe (i n 1875), Marti ni que,
Ste. Mari e (near Madagascar), and i nto Tahi ti of the Soci ety I sl ands. I n
Jamai ca i ndi vi dual attempts to cul ti vate vani l l a are on record. The
cul ti vati on i n Cal cutta, however, accordi ng to reports by Dr. Ki ng,
seems to be a fai l ure. (Phar. Journ. & Trans., Nov., 1876.) Suggesti ons
have been made of a more energeti c prosecuti on of the vani l l a cul ture i n
Jamai ca, i n Venezuel a, and Gui ana; al so of an i ntroducti on of thi s
arti cl e i nto the extreme southern parts of the Uni ted States, Fl ori da,
and Texas. For a hi stori cal treati se on al l the aspects of vani l l a and i ts
cul ti vati on see (388) Vani l l a pl ani fol i a.
VERATRUM VIRIDE
Thi s i s qui te a common pl ant i n many parts of the Uni ted States,
parti cul arl y i n the eastern states, where i t grows i n swampy pl aces, wet
meadows, and al ong the borders of streams. I t i s usual l y wel l known to
the peopl e i n secti ons where i t i s found, who cal l i t i tch-weed, I ndi an
poke, poke-root,
41
or Ameri can hel l ebore, swamp hel l ebore, etc. The
earl i est travel ers made menti on of i t. Jossel yn (345) records that i t was
used as an ordeal test by the Ameri can I ndi ans, somewhat on the same
order as the ordeal s by the negroes of Afri ca at the present day. He
supposed i t was the same as Veratrum al bum of Europe, and notes i ts
abundance, stati ng that you may i n a smal l compass gather whol e cart-
l oads of i t.
Peter Kal m (350) states that i t i s very common i n marshy pl aces and
frequentl y causes the death of stock whi ch eat the young l eaves i n
spri ng; al so that the settl ers empl oyed a decocti on of the root to poi son
the seed-corn, to prevent the bi rds from eati ng i t;
42
and al so that the root
was used as an i nsecti ci de.
Accordi ng to Loudon the pl ant was i ntroduced i nto Europe i n 1742,
41 A name uni versal l y empl oyed for phytol acca decandra.
42 The statement bei ng that the mar audi ng bi r ds wer e si ckened and di d not r etur n.
though most authori ti es ascri be to Peter Col l i nson i ts i ntroducti on i n
1763 (8). I t was named and descri bed i n the fi rst edi ti on of Al ton's
Hortus Kewensi s (vol . 3, p. 422, 1789) as Veratrum vi ri de, and Al ton by
most wri ters i s gi ven as the author of the name. I n justi ce, however, the
credi t shoul d be gi ven to Wi l l i am Sol ander, an Engl i sh botani st and
i l l ustri ous pupi l of Li nnaeus, who (al though no menti on of the fact i s
made i n the publ i cati on) furni shed the descri pti ons and nomencl ature of
the new speci es descri bed i n Al ton's work.
43

Veratrum vi ri de i s conceded by al l modern botani sts to be a di sti nct
speci es; i t i s so cl ose, however, to Veratrum al bum of Europe that the
earl y expl orers of Ameri ca and some of the earl i er botani sts and
travel ersMi chaux (433) (Fl or. bor. am., Vol . I I , p. 249), Jossel yn (345),
Kal m (350), Davi d Schopf (582)thought i t was the same speci es.
Certai nl y the rhi zomes of both pl ants bear a cl ose resembl ance to each
other, even i n thei r mi croscopi cal aspects. (E. S. Basl i n, Am. Jour. Phar.,
1895, p. 196.)
VIBURNUM OPULUS
Hi gh cranberry, Viburnum opulus, known al so as cramp bark, i s a
shrub growi ng i n swamps and damp l ocal i ti es of the Northern Uni ted
States. The bark of thi s shrub was used by the I ndi ans as a di ureti c, a
decocti on bei ng freel y empl oyed. Accordi ng to Rafi nesque (535), pi l l s
and pl asters were al so devi sed from thi s pl ant, and the bark was
smoked, i nstead of tobacco, by some of the Western I ndi an tri bes. The
l eaves of Vi burnum opul us and other speci es were used by the I ndi ans
as a tea, and al so by the settl ers of the Southern States i n earl y Col oni al
days. The domesti c use of vi burnum di d not i mpress the medi cal
professi on to any extent unti l the day of Beach (49), as i s evi denced by
the fact that such conspi cuous authori ti es as Zol l i ck-offer (706), and
even the Uni ted States Di spensatory, 1833 edi ti on, negl ected to menti on
ei ther the pl ant or i ts uses.
VIBURNUM PRUNIFOLIUM
Bl ack haw. Viburnum prunifolium. The bark of thi s tree was
empl oyed i n Ameri can domesti c medi cati on duri ng the fi rst part of the
ni neteenth century. The fi rst authenti c reference we have observed i s i n
the American Family Physician, by Professor John Ki ng, M. D. (356),
43 Di cti onary of Nati onal Bi ography. "Ai ton, Wi n." New York, 1885 to date.
1857, where the drug i s descri bed and the statement made that i t acts
as a uteri ne toni c, i ts uses bei ng practi cal l y those now recorded i n
medi cal l i terature. I n 1860 Dr. I . J. M. Goss (New Preparations, 1878, p.
61) commended the drug, probabl y brought to hi s attenti on through the
wri ti ngs of Ki ng, as wel l , possi bl y, as from i ts l ocal empl oyment i n hi s
part of the South. He i ntroduced i t i nto hi s own practi ce and
commended i t to hi s professi onal fri ends. From thi s date bl ack haw grew
rapi dl y i n favor, and through repeated publ i cati ons, i n medi cal as wel l
as pharmaceuti cal l i terature, came i nto extensi ve demand, bei ng fi nal l y
gi ven a posi ti on i n the Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States.
XANTHOXYLUM
Pri ckl y ash, Xanthoxylum americanum, i s a shrub nati ve to North
Ameri ca, bei ng somewhat abundant i n l ocal i ti es where i t i s found,
between the Mi ssi ssi ppi Ri ver and the Western States. Long a domesti c
remedy, i t became a favori te i n the Ecl ecti c school of medi ci ne by reason
of i ts use duri ng the preval ence of the Asi ati c chol era i n Ci nci nnati ,
1849, i n whi ch i t was empl oyed by them wi th great sati sfacti on. I t had,
however, as stated, a domesti c as wel l as a seemi ngl y professi onal record
precedi ng that date, the same reachi ng back to the pri mi ti ve medi cati on
of the I ndi ans. Barton's Col l ecti on (43), Zol l i ckoffer's (706) Materi a
Medi ca (1826), and other authori ti es on the domesti c remedi es of North
Ameri ca menti on i t conspi cuousl y, the l atter wri ter stati ng that the
berri es were used to rel i eve the toothache, a decocti on of the bark i n the
treatment of rheumati c affecti ons, whi l st the country peopl e empl oyed
an i nfusi on of the berri es i n col i c. I t was therefore a popul ar remedy,
possessed of marked carmi nati ve qual i ti es, that, i mpressi ng such men as
Barton (43), Thacher (631), Ki ng 356-357), Zol l i ckoffer (706), and
others, brought i t i nto professi onal recogni ti on. Pri ckl y ash berri es are
used i n l arge amount i n some of the Ameri can propri etary remedi es.
ZEA (STIGMA MAYDIS)
Corn Si l k (Zea, or Stigmata maydis) seems to have crept i nto the
noti ce of the medi cal professi on i n Europe before i t had any con-spi cui ty
i n Ameri ca. I n 1878 (Revista de Madrid), a Dr. Betherand menti oned i t
i n pri nt. Long precedi ng that date, however, a tea of corn si l k had been
empl oyed i n Ameri can domesti c practi ce as a remedy for acute affecti ons
of the bl adder. Dr. John Davi s, a wel l -known Ci nci nnati physi ci an,
repeatedl y i nformed the wri ter that, i n hi s opi ni on, a decocti on of corn
si l k, together wi th a decocti on of dri ed pods of beans, was the most
effecti ve of al l di ureti cs he had empl oyed i n hi s practi ce, as wel l as bei ng
most sati sfactory i n acute cysti ti s. The Medical News, August 10, 1881,
commended a decocti on of corn si l k i n the aforenamed di recti ons, and i n
the Therapeutic Gazette (634), February, 1881, Professor L. W. Benson
reported that i n hi s practi ce the remedy acted very favorabl y and
ki ndl y. Fol l owi ng thi s, vari ous contri buti ons appeared i n the forei gn
medi cal journal s, one by Dr. Dufau i n the London Medical Record,
spoke of i t as a l i ttl e known, newl y i ntroduced remedy. Many
commendatory arti cl es fol l owed thi s i n European medi cal journal s,
whi ch fact, together wi th the i ncreased demand on Ameri can
manufacturi ng pharmaci sts, l ed to i ts i ntroducti on i nto the
Pharmacopei a of the Uni ted States.
ZINGIBER
Gi nger, Zingiber officinale, i s a reed-l i ke pl ant nati ve to Asi a, but has
been i ntroduced to most tropi cal countri es, and grows freel y i n some
parts of the West I ndi es, South Ameri ca, Western Afri ca, Austral i a, etc.
I t was known to the anci ents, bei ng extensi vel y used by the Greeks and
Romans, who consi dered i t an Arabi an product because i t came to them,
among spi ces from I ndi a, by way of the Red Sea. I t was an arti cl e of
common i mport from the East to Europe from the el eventh to the
thi rteenth centuri es A. D., and probabl y for a l ong peri od precedi ng that
ti me. Gi nger was taxed as a spi ce, i n common wi th pepper, cl oves,
gal angal , cubebs, etc. I t was frequentl y named i n the Angl o-Saxon
domesti c works on medi ci ne of the el eventh century, and was used by
the Wel sh physi ci ans (507) of the thi rteenth and fourteenth centuri es,
bei ng then next to pepper i n common use. Marco Pol o (518) observed i t
i n Chi na and I ndi a about 1280-90. I n fact, gi nger has been a spi ce and
a domesti c remedy from the earl i est records, bei ng extensi vel y empl oyed
both as a spi ce and as an aromati c stomachi c. I t i s sti l l a popul ar
domesti c remedy as wel l as a favori te wi th many physi ci ans.
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The text numbers i n parenthesi s refer to correspondi ng numbers i n the
Bi bl i ography. Other numbers, as a rul e, refer to dates.
The Bi bl i ographi cal references embrace 763 authors and 919 ti tl es.
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53. Becker, G. A.
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54. Bell, J . and Redwood, T.
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55. Bengal, V.
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58. Berg, Otto C.
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63. Berry, Andrew.
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72. Bird, F.
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80. Blondel, R.
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83. Bodard, P. H. H.
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87. Bontius, J acob.
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91. Boston Thomsonian Medical J ournal.
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92. Botanic Advocate and J ournal of Health.
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93. Botanic Medical Reformer and House Physician.
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94. Botanico-Medical Recorder.
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104. Browne, J . M.
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109. Bryarly, W.
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111. Buchanan, Francis.
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554. Rochette, P.
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556. Rosenthal, D. A.
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561. Ruel, J ean. (Ruellius.)
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561a. Rufus Ephesius.
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562. Ruiz, H.
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563. Ruiz, H. and Pavon, J .
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567. Rutty, J ohanne.
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570a. Salmon, William.
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588a. Scott, J oannes.
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633. Theophrastus Eresios.
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639. Thomson, Spencer.
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