-OREIGN CONTROL ew emt CAMPAIGN AGAINST FOREIGN CONTROL OF AOTEAROA Number 56. dune, 1987. Contents. Similarities in the Australian and New Zealand Loans Affairs Deep Freeze Union ban update; letter from Lange U. S. Intelligence and Foreign Policy Establishment Computer Database Comaico: wants its lake Press for Servility Waiter, there's a turd in my portfolio! The burning of the Buller Unemployment Centre ‘And who's this then? I spy a G.-G. Police open demo files U.S. Special Forces come to New Zealand Black Birch Protests CIA front flees Fiji Appeal from the Coalition for Democracy in Fiji, Christchurch Book Review: British intelligence and Covert Action Obituary: Murray Shaw ("Blof*) Fiji Coup: ‘Ugly American’ attracts suspicion Back page With this "Watchdog" most of you wil find a free copy of the “Comalco Comic’. Many of you will have read it already. If so, pass it on or leave it lying around on your coffee table. Also included is a list of CAFCA's resources. South Pacific Conference tor Justice and Peace In Central America July 18-19 (8th Anniversary of the Nicaraguan revolution) at Victoria University, Wellington. Central American and Pacific guest speakers, films, videos and workshops. Money is required urgently. Please send donations to Conference Organising Committee, Ci- P. 0. Box 9716, Wellington, cheques payable to CORSO Nicaragua Must Survive Campaign. ISSN 01110896. Registered at Wellington PRO. as a magazine. Published by CAFCA, RO. Box 22° Christchurch, New Zealand. ( Aotearoa.) The material in this issue may be reprinted provi the source is acknowledged. A copy would be appreciated.-2- SIMILARITIES IN THE AUSTRALIAN AND NEW ZEALAND LOANS AFFAIRS NEW_ZEALAND LOANS AFFAIRS Notes of a speech by Murray Horton, CAFCA, at ® public meeting, Christchurch, 23 February 1987. Frimary source: "Get Gough! The CIA, organised crime and arms dealers in Whe loans Affairs Conspiracy", by Denis Freney, Box A716, Sydney South, NeW 2000. {ise Teter to video, "Hone On'The Range", $10 hire from CAFCA, Box 2258, Christchurch. Phone Bill Rosenberg 899.055 (home). Both involved Labour governments, that’ were/are regarded as posing a threat iG pS amterests. Lange with muclear-free policy, Whitlam had publicly criticised US Ponbing of North Vietnam; pardoned and free imprisoned draft dodgers: withdrew remaining Aussie troops from Vietnam; ordered Aussie spies out of Chile and Singapore; was seen as threatening viability of US bases in fussie and intelligence links; the Lionel Murphy raid on ASIO, Whitlam had already won second term in 1974. Both involved raising overseas loans for laudable aims. Wetere/Reedy to advance Maori aspiration; Cairns/Comnors to “buy back the farm” ie Ausele ceeonrces from multinationals. Thus many people support policy regardless of where money to come from (ends justifying the means). Guarantece a backlash, it gathers a momentum of its own. Both involved huge sums - $NZ600m here; several billion in Aussie. Both from Some vague source - Arab petrodollars might have been plausible in '75, but not now. Quote from Freney "Every loan man has an Araby But an Arab with money is another proposition. They are thin on the ground.” tussée Joans went further. Cairns and Connors had’ xecutive Council authority to raise money; they were sacked for persisting after authority withdrawn, or for misleading Parliament. NZ loan ~ knocked on head before binding agreement entered into, Both targeted Cabinet Ministers ~ Connors’ was Minister of Energy and Resources; Cairns was Treasurer , Deputy PM, leader of Labour Left. Had played highly active and public role in protest movement v Vietnam War. NZ ~ opposition originally called for Douglas’ resignation, downfall of Government. Both involved highly debious foreign "financiers" ~ Khemlan in Aussie; Gisondi, Raepple, etc here. Both cane to Aussie/NZ for maximum effect, Worked in Khemlan's case, not in Raepples. - CIA has always had close business relationship with organised crime. » See faired, McCoy's "Politics of Heroin in South East Asia", or "Foreign Correspon~ dent! 8 March 1987, arms flown into secret Costa Rica airstrip for contras, cocaine flown out to pay for it. Abe Saffron, other bigtime Aussie gangsters heavily involved in Aussie loans affair, Only Angel Cancel has boasted of Mafia links in Honolulu loan sees « Plenty of smalltime crooks involved,= 8 International and local arms dealers central to Aussie affair. Evidence points to Reepple being a freelance arms dealer, Very useful part-time operatives for CIA. Both worked through systematic leading of documents, telexes, etc. to Opposition. Worked in Aussie due to Federal system (eg role of Bjelke-Petersen) and balance of power in Senate. Aussie - had multiplicity of loans, not one. Conspiracy to discredit and politically destroy Whitlam continued after he lost office eg. 1976 Iraqi money scandal, personally written by Rupert Murdoch. Wanted him out as leader of ALP; after one more landslide loss, replaced by Hayden, then US puppet Hawke. Lange can expect same. Both needed local conmen es essential collaborators ~ George Harris to set up Cairns; Rocky Cribb to set up Wetere. Both involved highly dubious letters of accreditation - how Harris got Cairns’ signatures on his letter of authority is described by Freney; Wetere can't remember signing one for Cribb. Aim of exercise is to get compromising signature, swindling money is an incidental bonus. Both targeted to cause trouble in sensitive areas - nationalism in ALP, race relations here. Both Aussie and NZ media focussed almost exclusively on the victims, ie. Governments and hot where the purported money was coming from, or who was behind it. Both involved companies with links to, or cover for, CIA~international arms dealer Commerce International in Aussie; CIA front Bishop Baldwin here. Both involved deliberate webs of complexity of individuals and companies, to conceal those behind conspiracies. Both targeted Ministries that were unorthodox and incompetent - Cairns office morale was low, he was under seige because of his personal relationships (eg Juni Morosi); Maori Affairs was trying to combine administrative and entrepreneurial functions, so was wide open to opportunists and crooks. Had high level of straight incompetence ~ incoming mail not logged, outgoing not dated. Both involve American funding of Opposition conservative parties - from CIA to Liberal/Country coalition via multinationals in Aussie; from "Project Democracy” to National here. Slush fund to run operations like contra weapons supply (see above "Foreign Correspondent" item). Whitlam posed threat to Australian intelligence agencies (eg ASIO), and CIA interests in Aussie (eg Pine Gap). He named names of CIA bosses in Aussie. Lange has done nothing comparable. : Direct documentary evidence of CIA meddling in Aussie 'eg see Freney, ASIO cable to HQ day before Whitlam sacked, spelling out CIA alarm at Whitlam, would break intelligence links unless action taken. HE—4- DEEP FREEZE UNION BAN UPDATE Watchdog 55 ran an article entitled "No Unions Allowed at Deep Freeze", detailing how the US military forbids its NZ civilian employees from belonging to a union (because it is illegal to strike against the US Government), and revealed the astonishing affidavit that has to be signed by workers. This led to a letter to the "Press", which was passed on to Lange for comment. He baldly stated that NZ workers at Deep Freeze do not have to pledge allegiance to the US. Bob Leonard, spokesperson for Citizens for the Demilitarisation of Harewood (CDH) wrote to Deep Freeze via the "Press". The base commander replied that as there was such a small nunber of NZ civilian employees, it wasn't worth the while of the US military to print a special form for them, so the pledge of allegiance to the US Constitution was simply crossed out on the standard US Government affidavit that all employees, American or New Zealand, have to sign. CDH also wrote to Lange. His reply (27.3.87) went further than that of the US military. "The Appointment Affidavits which they sign is not the same as the one you attached to your letter. The one which New Zealand employees are required to sign differs from the one attached to your letter in two respects. In the first place the form was revised in 1970 and the new version, in use since the early 1970s, does not include the section "Affadivit as to Subversive Activity and Affiliation" ("I am not a Communist or Fascist" etc, etc. See Watchdog 55. Ed.) In the second place, when New Zealanders sign the current form, the "Oath of Office" (the pledge of allegiance. Ed.) section is deleted before signature." CDH referred this to its source, Paul Piesse, secretary of the Southern Distribution Union (formerly the Storepersons and Packers’ Union), one of those barred from covering workers at Deep Freeze, His reply (7.4.87) says: "In late September 1982 I was approached by a worker employed at Harewood about a warning he had received from his employer that his job was in jeopardy because of alleged ‘professional deficiency’. The worker concerned, in the course of our discussion, provided me with a photocopy of the Appointment Affidavits. You will note that it is a blank form, and that Clause A, the Oath of Allegiance, has supposedly been deleted by virtue of three oblique lines drawn through it. "The form was printed in 1967, Contrary to Mr Lange's letter, it appears it was not revised, and was still in use into the early 1980s - unless handwritten lines across a clause (which may be drawn sometimes, and not at other times) can be deemed a deletion, as he claims in his letter.” CDH has referred to back to Lange. Meantime it's worth noting that Lange claims more about US Government forms than does the Deep Freeze conmander himself. His claim that the form was revised in the early 70s is not echoed by the US military and is flatly contradicted by the union (whose source vas not merely a job applicant, but an actual worker at Deep Freeze). His claim that the "Subversive Activity" section has gone is again flatly contra- dicted by the form supplied by the worker to the union in 1982; nor is this deletion claimed by Deep Freeze.MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS PARLIAMENT HOUSE WELLINGTON, NEW ZEALAND 1 May 1987 Mr Murray Horton PO Box 2258 CHRISTCHURCH Dear Mr Horton Thank you for your letter of 12 April to which you attached a letter from the Secretary of the Distribution Workers Union concerning the employment of New Zealanders at Operation, Deep Freeze. You asked for my comments on that letter. All I can is that if a clause has black lines marked through it it is usually regarded as having been deleted. That is how I would interpret the black lines marked through the clause in the employment form concerning the oath of allegiance to the United States. ¥ Yours sincere David .Lange at tardd orbs prtaspeelall toa Otte Wo.-~6- Most importantly, neitterDeep Freeze nor Lange have any comment whatsoever on the central section of the vhole form ~ "Affidavit As To Striking Ageinst the Federal Government." This is the section that bans strikes, and hence any right to union membership, to any NZ civilian worker at Deep Freeze. That section hasn't been revised, deleted, or anything else. A fundamental right of NZ workers is barred to. those who work at an American military base in New Zealand. And the Prime Minister has got nothing at all to say about it. eRe US_INTELLIGENCE AND FOREIGN POLICY ESTABLISHMENT COMPUTER DATABASE CAFCA has a copy of a computer database of references to the US security/ intelligence/foreign policy establishment. It indexes well over 20,000 people and organisations, with references to over 100 books and numerous Periodicals and newspapers. It allows searches by country, partial or full name, or phonetic name (ail names sounding like the specified one). You can add your own entries to it, and updates and improvements are regularly available at additional cost. Two warnings. Firstly, this is a database of references: it will not tell you whether the suspect Mr X is a CIA agent - only where to find out more about him, There may be one rather indirect reference ~ or dozens of incrimin- ating ones. Not all those on the database are automatically to be considered imperialist lackeys of course. Gough Whitlam appears because of references to his overthrow, for example. Secondly, the database is an American one: it doesn't claim to cover all intelligence organisations, nor even to cover all US activities outside the US. It has, unavoidably for such a subject, large gaps in it. Nevertheless, we and other researchers in New Zealand have found the database to be of considerable value in identifying the likes of visiting US "experts", USIA travelling apologists, and other US notorieties in the news. We have also regularly supplied information to add to it. The system is produced by Micro Associates, PO Box 5369, Arlington, Virginia 22205, USA. Vemions are available for IBM compatible (PC-DOS), MS-DOS and CP/M microcomputers. It requires one of these machines with only a floppy disk drive, and comes on four to six disks. The version CAFCA has is for IBM compatibles. We have permission to supply copies within New Zealand. Contact us for details. Hebia COMALCO: WANTS ITS LAKE Having failed in a bid in the courts to prevent government legislation over the price it pays for its electricity, Comalco is now trying to buy the Lake Manapouri hydro scheme. ‘The history of this outlandish chain of events goes like this. Last year the government started negotiating with Comalco for an increase in its electricity price. According to Ian Templeton (Christchurch "Star" 11,3.87) the government wanted to raise the price "almost 100% to yield $160m a year." The company reacted in its usual style: no holds barred. In September, Comalco and its partner Sumitomo Aluminium, filed proceedings against the government in the High Court in Wellington to "protect their rights" to stop the government legislating a new price if the negotiations failed. Undercurrents in the government bureaucracy began flowing as Comalco began conducting "surveys" of top government officials. (See November 1986 Watchdog, No 54, for more details). In October Japanese businessmen at the 13th Japan-New Zealand Business Council meeting in Kobe threatened that, if the price was not settled to their satisfaction, they would place @ boycott on future investment in New Zealand. Oh, that they would, They later denied the threat. By Novenber Conalco was pointedly Letting us know thet. it was closing, don its smelter, in Goldendale, Washington, and simultaneously "revealing" a parlianentary select committee that its investment in the Tiwai Point “guelter "has operated at a loss", That it deliberately runs the smelter as a non- profit "tolling" operation (it charges its shareholders for the cost of smelting their raw materials into aluminium) makes such claims impossible to confirm or refute. This is transfer pricing at its most convenient. December brought the first court hearings. Naturally enough, the High Court found that the Crown did indeed have the right to legislate a new power price. New Zealand Aluminium Smelters Ltd was not yet the New Zealand House of Lords with veto rights over the House of Representatives. Comalco announced it would appeal. It was at this time that the unimaginable began surfacing (though from this government, little is unimaginable). The government budget deficit had, once again, blown out. Finance Minister Roger Douglas announced a "secret plan" to finance the deficit. (At the time of writing, the secret remains a secret). Colin Hicks, Public Service Association President, announced that he suspected the secret plan was to sell the Manapouri hydro scheme to Comalco. Followers of the Comalco soap will remenber that the Manapouri hydro scheme was originally to be built by Comalco, back in the 1960s. Comalco cried poor (how little things change) and the government obligingly built the scheme for it, creating the greatest conservation debate in New Zealand's history over damage to the lake. Most, but not all, of the Bluff smelter's power comes from Manapouri. Although it vas not revealed officially until March, Colin Hicks' information was correct: Comalco had made an offer for Manapouri. Just when the offer was made, is not yet public knowledge. But by March, Ian Templeton was reporting that it had "offered to buy the underground power station for between $300m and $500m" - for a power scheme built almost twenty years ago for $120m,=o and a current replacement value of around $2,000 million. Comalco's proposal had it with a 20-25%; shareholding in a joint venture, SumitomoS%, the Electricity Corporation "a major shareholding" and institutional investors the rest. It would buy Comalco a guaranteed supply at a sixteenth of the cost of a power station. The court appeal was heard in February, and the case was settled by agreement between the two parties (the Crown, and Comalco/Sutitomo). While not conceding its right to legislate, the Crown agreed that the power contracts were binding and could be varied only by mtual consent or by legislation, and that the new State-Owned Enterprises Act did not authorise changes in the contracts, other than to change the supplier of electricity. Clearly, the threat of legislation remained. By March 17th, David Lange revealed that he had received a letter from the company "which escalated paranoia into an art form". He said it suggested Comalco was expecting the government "to do them over" on the value of Manapouri, subsidise the power, and then legislate against the multinational company because of popular pressure. Despite this, Lange said that he wanted to talk "constructively and rationally” about the proposal to buy Manapouri "if the price vas right". Only days before, the Minister of Energy, Bob Tizard, had described Comalco's newly revealed offer as “dead duck". "Other government sources" were quoted by Templeton as saying that, while the government would be prepared to examine any reasonable offer, "this one is ridiculous” ‘The Guardians of Lakes Manapouri and Te Anau, the official group set up to ensure the hydro scheme caused no damage to the lakes, reacted with extreme concern at the news of the proposed sale. Chairman Dr Alan Mark said he was "suspicious about the simeerity of Comalco's respect for the environmental sensitivity of Lakes Manapouri and Te Anau". ‘The Guardians’ main concern was that "if Comalco had a substantial interest in the power station it would again be used to supply all the power used by the Tivai Point aluminium smelter. This would mean strong pressure to exceed the lake's management guidelines, which would be quite unacceptable to us." It would seriously damage the lakes" shorelines. (At present Manapouri does not supply all of the smelter's power.) Even more important is the whole concept of selling off public assets to private (and foreign-controlled) ownership and profit. Even the National Party wept crocodile tears: their energy spokesman, Merv Wellington, professed to be "startled" by the idea ~ startled perhaps that he hadn't thought of it first. He raised the questions: "First, what other major assets are in the garage sale catalogue? Second, how many of them are being offered to foreign interests? Third, what will happen to the jobs of New Zealanders when these deals are settled? Fourth, when will individual New Zealanders be given a voice in this policy for which there is no mandate?" The very questions CAFCA would raise. But we won't be inviting Merv to join: we suspect (given his party's history in government and its privatisation policy) that his questions are the product of the thinking of a real estate agent rather than a nationalist (with a small "n"). But more was to come. On March 25th, Comaleg sought yet @nother court decision: this time an injunction to prevent the Crown from transferring the Manapouri power station to the new Electricity Corporation due to come into being on April Ist. On Saturday, March 30th, the Court refused, saying Comalco's case was "arguable but not strong".-—9- The position at time of writing is that the supposed deadline for the conclusion of the power price negotiations (April 1st) has passed without a murmur from the government. Perhaps Comalco is successfully buying time with its arguments over who should own Manapouri. In the background are the arguments between the government and the new Electricity Corporation over the valuation of the New Zealand power generation capacity. If the government's high valuation wins the day, then Conalco will have an even harder battle to fight in the current negotiations. But in the longer tera, Comalco will find it easier to negotiate special price deals. The Electricity Corporation's new management, coming from other large private companies, and its cost-cutting measures such as forced de-unionisation of large parts of the workforce, and removal of State Service protection on wages and conditions of employment, will ensure this. ‘The government must move soon’on the power price and the ownership of Manapouri. It will be a key test of whether the government is willing to make a powerful and ruthless transnational "take the medicine" in the same way that tens of thousands of State employees and other working class New Zealanders and farmers have been forced to over the past three years, "Taking the medicine” does not include taking over qur most valuable assets ~ whatever the price. Comalco's Bluff must be called. Footnote: The Bluff Aluminium Smelter's ownership is now: Comalco 70%, Sumitomo Aluminium 30%. Comalco previously bought out the third partner in the Smelter, Showa Denko, to give it 79.5%. It has apparently sold sone of this to Sumitomo. PRESS FOR SERVILITY Christchurch's favourite maiden aunt didn't marry until she vas 127, and then to an Australian/American billionaire with a well deserved reputation as a thug. So Rupert Murdoch added the "Press" to his collection. The "Press" is a good, solid Tory paper. Since the election of labour, its written numerous hysterical editorials on the nuclear-free policy (not to mention regular attacks on the peace movement and a quite astonishing claim that the CTA couldn't have been involved in the Honolulu loans scam because the CIA hadn't done anything untoward for 15 years). Local activists have wondered if the "Press" opinions have been all its own work, or if its been given a helping hand? History has uncovered a precedent for NZ papers working directly in the interests of foreign governments. Ironically, in this case, the paper concerned worked for ‘the British government and against the US one. Every New Year, buried in the holiday torpor, is a new set of British government papers released under its 30 year rule. This year's ones covered the 1956 Suez crisis, which pitted Britain, France and Israel against the US and the Soviet Union, It was the last hurrah of Empire (until the Falklands), New Zealand was at that stage in transition from being a British colony to being a US sattelite. We had fought for the US in Korea, and were about to fight to Britain in Malaya. Among the papers released were a series of letters from Sir Geoffrey Scoones, in Wellington. He complained continually about the lack of commitment from Holland's National Government. Media coverage at the time of the release-10- (early January) concentrated on this aspect, withheadlines like "PM ‘indecisive’ on Suez crisis". But buried among Sir Geoffrey's letters is a fascinating revelation: "THE PRESS SUPPORT US EXTREMELY WELL AND HAVE CONTINUED TO DO SO, ESPECIALLY THE ‘DOMINION’. WATSON, THE EDITOR OF THE 'DOMINION' "OLD ME CONFIDENTIALLY THAT HIS OBJECT AT THE BEGINNING AND THROUGHOUT WAS TWOFOLD. FIRSTLY, TO STRENGTHEN THE RESOLVE OF THE GOVERNMENT, AND SECONDLY, TO KEEP THE PEOPLE OF NEW ZEALAND CALM. I MUST SAY I THINK HE HAS SUCCEEDED AND SO HAVE THE OTHER LEADING PAPERS." (Our emphasis. Ed.) "The pro-British line of newspapers was not appreciated at the United States Enbassy, according to Sir Geoffrey.” "McINTOSH (Sir Alister McIntosh, permanent head of the Prime Minister's department) TOLD ME THAT HE HAD HAD SEVERAL COMPLAINTS FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY HERE ABOUT THE ANTI-AMERICAN TONE OF ARTICLES IN THE PRESS". (Our emphasis. Ed.) There you have it, in black and white. The British government thanking the "Dominion" and its editor for serving British interests (and being "anti- American" in the process). This only happened 30 years ago. Whose interests are some of our editors serving today? nanan WAITER, THERE'S A TURD IN MY PORTFOLIO If we are to believe Mrs Hercus, all that is needed to get rid of these fearless, go-where~no-Labour-Party-has~gone-before Cabinet Ministers is..... A turd in the mail! Noted parasite Sir Francis Renouf (who recently told the British press that he and Lady Susan are regarded as the "king and queen" of New Zealand) has described Roger Douglas as "a man of destiny". As anyone knows, men of destiny ride white horses. So it's obvious what needs to be sent_to Roger to give him the subtle hint. (There's a recent precedent. In 1978, an unemployed care worker and the daughter of Malta's then PM vere charged with throwing bags of the stuff at fleeing MPs in the House of Commons. The media had a field day - "Man Who Flung Dung" headlines; the Labour government was so embarrassed that the duo were only ever charged with damaging the Parliamentary carpets, The police were redfaced too ~ they'd supplied the horseshit, as manure for gardeners.) Mind you, as Roger's favourite recreation is spending time on his pigfarm, there is another appropriate variety. Nor da, you have to go to all the trouble of going to Parliament, and wearing yourself out throwing it around. Just pop it in the mail. You don't even need a stamp. As David said to Roger "Do you know any socialism?" "No, but I trod in some once.” omeeee) THE BURNING OF THE BULLER UNEMPLOYMENT CENTRE ARSON AND MURDER IN WESTPORT? The bombing of the Rainbow Warrior and murder of crew member Fernando Pereiro was an act of terrorism carried out by agents of French imperalism. The CIA, STS and ASIO may also have been involved. The burning of the Buller Unemployment Centre (BUC) in Westport last year, with the killing of a member and two visiting activists also had the hallmarks of state terrorism. The BUC Centre building erupted into flame at 11.30pm and within moments the whole rear section was an inferno. The three victims Keith, Mina and Bird had gone to bed, but were unlikely tohave all been asleep. The fire spread so rapidly they had no chance of escape. On the night, local police and fire chief told BUC members it was definitely arson. The Sunday newspapers carried banner headlines of "Murder?" and "Bloodshed warning days before blaze kills three". (Death threat notices had been left at two members’ homes the night before the fire, along with a package of plastic explosive without a detonator), Yet less than 48 hours later the leader of the homicide squad brought in from Wellington declared that the fire was accidental and the victims had died peacefully in their sleep from carbon monoxide poisoning. To justify this extraordinary conclusion the police ignored the testimony of a BUC member who left the building at about, 11.00pm while Mina was still up cleaning her teeth. Instead they concentrated onb that of an Israeli hitch hicker who said the three went to sleep in the loft at about 10.30pm. (In the statement the Israeli wrote out for the BUC's own inquiry he was ademant he had no memory of times and he refused even to make a guess The police later stretched back the time even further to’ 10.00pm. In order to explain the "eruption of fire" the police assumed a slow smouldering fire somehow startedon some unspecified inflammable material in the loft. This fire built up a large concentration of gas in the apex of the roof which killed Keith, Mina and Bird in their sleep. When the Israeli and a BUC member who were sleeping on the floor below woke up and jumped out a window, the police claim oxygen entered the building and the gas ignited. There is no way this police story can work. For a start the three were unlikely to have been asleep, so any smouldering fire would easily be put out. The police say the fire started in the rafters above the loft. But there was no inflammable material apart from the rafters and purlins. There was no way gas could have built up because BUC members were recladding the end wall of their Centre and it was full of gaps. There was algo a strong easterly breeze blowing. Opening a downstairs window would have no effect on the oxygen supply as the whole building was open-plan, with no internal doors. BUC members believe the Centre was ‘firebombed or a sophisticated incendiary was used. All the evidence shows the fire started on the bottom floor, sweeping up the stairway to trap the three sleeping in the loft above.-11— Three days after the Wellington homicide squad left town BUC members found a section of badly burned leg in the room where the bodies had lain. A local doctor identified it as a human knee. Tt was intact at the joint and burnt through the thigh and calf bones. Three weeks later the police announced that an expert pathologist had identified it as a pig's knee. Two months later the police had second thoughts. Tt was now "from an animal, possibly a pig.” A book could be written on the inconsistences and unaswered questions arising from the police investigation. But even more sinister than the fire itself was the long buildup of state harrassment against the BUC. The BUC began in 1981 as a genuine grassroots unemployed workers action centre. BUC's “crime” was that it consistently stood up for the rights of its members, supported local cement and railvorkers in their struggles and refused to be diverted into the state orchestrated channels of PEP, TAPS, Maori separatism, arts and crafts, small business etc. BUC came under increasing attack fron Internal Affairs Department with grants and salaries to bribe them, the Westport Borough Council and building and health restrictions and attempted prosecutions, and the Westport News which stirred up prejudice against the BUC and published letters in which vigilantes advocated KKK tactics to wipe out the BUC. BUC menbers had no faith in the capitalist system to solve their problems. On their noticeboard and around the walls were Communist Party of NZ posters and clippings from the "People's Voice". The political ideas of the CPNZ reflected the needs and hope of many unemployed. BUC was providing many services for its members such as Kohanga Reo, Op Shop, meals and food distribution, craft courses, advice on dealing with Social Welfare, etc. etc. Discipline was getting stronger, the finances vere in good health ($200 a week from members contributions), and townspeople were coming in off the street to visit and donate furniture and building materials. Three weeks before the fire BUC members took part in a picket against the Labour Government when Lange visited Westport. Police raided the homes of two BUC members only three hours before they went on the picket, using a warrant under the Misuse of Drugs Act. The Council brought in three separate fire inspectors and a structural engineer to try and condemn the BUC as a fire and earthquake risk, In the week before the fire they tried to get a court order to close the BUC but the magistrate did not grant it. In the Westport News the Council made false claims that the BUC was an extreme fire risk, full of flax, pongas and woven mats. It was as though they were begging someone to throw a match in. In the period after the fire police accused BUC members of creating tension in the town, Fascist conditions prevailed for several weeks in Westport and the Borough Council rushed through a court order to force the BUC to demolish the undamaged front offices of their building, the street verandah and the flourishing native plant nursery. In their haste they specified the wrong subsection of the Health Act. No problems.’ BUC members had three people killed and weren't going to argue. Not satisfied with the demolition and the clearing of the debris, the Council then demanded all concrete foundations to be broken up and removed, the site excavated and the hole filled with shingle and graded to their specifications, all under the Health Act!~13- ‘Twenty BUC menbers left town out of fear for their lives and are now settled in Wellington. The remaining members have set up the beginnings of a new Centre in a rented house but are already subject to police and Council harrass: ment. The sergeant of police turned up at the home of the owner in a paddy wagon and warned her the police were concerned the BUC may rise again. We wouldn't want to see it burnt dawn and more people lose their lives, he told her. Although the right wing is strong in Westport and obviously well integrated with the state forces, the BUC also has many friends. Over 300 people turned up for a memorial service to Keith, Mina and Bird. BUC received support from unions, unemployed groups and friends from Kaitaia to Gore. CARCA sent a rep to Westport to help the BUC and donated $1 Many people in Westport end around New Zealand are convinced the burning of the BUC was arson and the killings were murder. ‘The capitalist system is in crisis and workers are becoming revolutionary in their outlook. The old methods of fooling workers and bribing us down blind alleys are not working any longer. The capitalist class is forced to use terrorist methods to maintain its rule. WHO'S THIS THEN? I SPY A G.G. "I am the Honourable Thomas John Montgomery Fitzhugh/Butthe stockmen call me Tommy the Pommy jackaroo". Nobody better fitted the image conjured up by this hoary old song than Sir Bernard Fergusson, Governor-General of New Zealand in the '60s. He was the compleat blithering idiot, right down to a monocle and silly hats with feathers. Even his wife and son looked like they'd been cast by P G Wodehouse. In fact old Fergy was the last dinkum Pom to have the job ~ next up were Poms who had been born in NZ, then New Zealanders, and now gasp, a New Zealander with Maori blood. But Fergy's contribution to the Empire wasn't just in the dressup department. No, he did his bit for the knucklemen, professional liars, spies and traitors that enforced policies in the interests of Mother England. Thus in Jonathan Bloch and Patrick Fitzgerald's "British Intelligence and Covert Action" in a chapter entitled "Covert Operations in the Middle East, 1950-80", we find the following: "The vhole effort was not helped by the fact that the aan appointed Director of Psychological Warfare, Brigadier Bernard Fergusson, had no experience of the subject whatsoever". (This was in connection with the nationalisation of the Suez Canal by that gyppo bounder, Nasser, precipitating the Empire's last hurrah. Until Mrs Thatcher came along). But poor old Fergy (now Lord Ballantrae) was no bally use at Psy(ps either. No wonder he got shipped out to the colonies. All he had to contend with here was Keith Holyoake, Together, they redefined the word "anachronisn". sree14 POLICE OPEN DEMO FILES Horton In previous Watchdogs I have detailed two distinctive sagas involving old police files. Firstly, a thesis written by a serving policeman on police handling of the protest movement in the late 60s and 70s. Secondly, the revelation (by auction) that the police had kept a "noting" file on me (and at least 799 others) in Christchurch from 1970-75, inclusive. This is an update on both stories. Following the frontpage stories in the "NZ Sunday Times" (now the "Dominion Sunday Times") about my noting file, I wrote to the police under the Official Information Act, asking if they kept a contemporary version of such a file on me. Whilst in Wellington on other business (my first encounter with Pigay, on a select committee) I visited Police National Headquarters. There the unfortunately named Chief Inspector Pratt verbally assured me they didn't. But when I got his official answer (by registered letter), he would "neither confirm nor deny the existence or non-existence of any such information" (did they buy the script from the US Navy?) After Greg Ansley had made this whole subjéct into one of his daily "Newsday" columns in the "Star", and after I had appealed to the Ombudsman, Chief Inspector Pratt had another think. The police keep no contemporary noting file on me. I had also asked the Ombudsman if he had jurisdiction under the Ombudsman Act to investigate why a noting file had been kept on me at all, from 1970-75. He replied that he did, but that first I had to make an official complaint to the police. If I got no satisfaction there, he could then investigate. T have made such a complaint. At the time of writing, it is unresolved. Pre-dating all this business was the main inquiry. As stated above, CAFCA had a copy of the policeman's research essay, and in mid '86 we requested various files listed in it - the 1972 Mt John demonstration one, a 1975 Mt John demo file, the 1970 Agnew demo, the 1973 Harewood one, and the Auckland Progressive Youth Movement (PYM) file. We received a very terse reply (not from CI Pratt) saying that all except the 1972 Mt John demo file had been Youtinely destroyed, and if we wanted anything from that, we had to specify what. This is the old Catch 22 of the Official Information Act (OIA) - before you can ask for anything, you have to know what to ask for. We reversed the emphasis of the question - you tell us what's in the file, and we'll tell you what we're after. We decided to specifically pursue this "72 Mt John file, for no other reason than that it was the only one that the police were prepared to admit actually still existed. We played our ace, revealing our source of information (the Auckland University History MA research essay by Sergeant Michael Meyrick, of the Auckland Police), quoted the official police file number of each "destroyed" file, and pointed out that all of these files were very mich in existence when used as source material by him. We demanded confirmation of the destruction of these files. This led to the involvement of CI Pratt. Initially he was genuinely helpful (he was new to the job, he told me, with a background in police dog squad administration). He pointed out that the '72 Mt John file is over 400 pages Jong (as an organiser of it, I find that almost flattering). Most of it-(|s- is administrative and logistic detail. It contains nothing on the resulting 3 prosecutions, the civil claims against the police for physical injuries suffered by demonstrabrs, nor of the several instances of demonstrators being bitten by police dogs. He invited me to visit him should I ever be in Wellington, pointing out that my name appears throughout the file, end therefore, under the OIA, I am entitled to. such "personal" information free of charge. Somewhat to his surprise, I rang him to say that as I was coming to Wellington (for a spot of Piggysticking) I accepted his invitation. Pratt told me I could examine the file in his office, and show him what I wanted. I thought this sounded too good to be true, and it was. Upon arrival, I was told that Police National HQ legal section had taken grave exception to Pratt's offer, that no member of the public could see police files. So we were back to square one ~ ve had to specify, sight unseen, what we wanted from the file. Then it was scrutinised line by line, and the name of every other person named would be excised (police and demonstrators). We had an interesting chat - I pointed out that Mt John was the last time dogs were used on demonstrators (not even in the thick of the '81 Tour). As an old dog administrator (and a general old dog, for all I know) he sent me the current police regulations on the subject. I taxed him on the "destroyed" files, and he was most apologetic. He showed me piles of telexes sent to vexed filing clerks in copshops around the nation. And lo and behold - the 1100 page 1970 Spiro Agnew demo file had arrived the day before I did. Sergeant Meyrick had been in possession of 1973 Harewood demo material, which reached Pratt's office the same day I did. But he assured me nobody had seen any Auckland PYM file since a whole room of files at Auckland had been destroyed in 1980, including ones that shouldn't have been. What's more the responsible sergeant had retired and was untraceable. How did that square, I asked, with it being listed in a 1983 research essay? Should the CIB be called in? Pratt later wrote saying that the ubiquitous Sergeant Meyrick had turned up with some of that file also, but there was no mention of me in it. I would have been surprised if there had been. My sole contribution to Auckland police files was to get arrested at the Agnew demo, with the attendant double distinction of getting my photo into both “Truth” and Tim Shadbolt's "Bullshit and Jellybeans". Pratt also pointed out that legal section advised that the police would never release logistical or operational details. I replied that this was a 1972 file - the answer was that police methods are eternal. He held up a page of the 1973 Harewood file, with his hand over part of it, pointing out that the police would never disclose how many cops had been involved. I replied that the number had emerged in subsequent court cases. But not those in surveillance and intelligence work, he countered. So ended my visit to Police National HQ. In case anyone's wondering, I didn't even get a cup of coffee, let alone the key.to the Commissioner's drinks cabinet. At least I got a cup of coffee and 3 brasshats to play with on ny one visit to Defence HQ. : As requested, we wrote to Pratt under the OIA, specifying what “official” information we wanted from the 1972 Mt John demo file. We could live without administrative and logistic details: the dogbite victims were entitled to pursue that as their own "personal" information. So we requested police eyewitness accounts of the actual events, spanning a Saturday night and a Sunday morning.-lb- And what did we get? 4 reply from Pratt stipulating that as the OIA scale of charges was $10 per half hour, and 10¢ per page copying (after the first 50 pages), it was estimated that 16 hours of police work was involved. Thus a deposit of $300 was required before the police would even consider if they could release anything at all (the final charge could be more or less). As Greg Ansley correctly pointed out in his "Star" column on the subject, we could end up with $300 worth of blank pages. We have appealed to the Ombudsman, and it is unresolved at the time of writing. (Since then, the charge has been increased to $15 per hour, after the first hour). But this whole exercise was by no means fruitless. I received ay "personal" information from the 1972 Mt John demo file (by registered mail), and free of charge. It's always fascinating to relive one's past. A 1972 "Press" clipping describes Mr M Horton as president of the Progressive Youth Movement, and Mr 0 Wilkes as "one time student and honorary scientific officer for the (organising) committee, and the (University of Canterbury) Students’ Association". Police had marked the paragraph listing the participating groups - PYN, SAL, CPNZ, Seamens' Union, Nga Tamatoa, and students’ association. The rest of the file consisted of police "Report and Subject Forms" ie the reports of individual cops about the events at Mt John, to their superiors at Christchurch, Lyttelton, and Greymouth. Every single name, both of police and protestors (except mine) has been deleted. (Police files might be coy with names, but not with language. Every individual report quotes demonstrators demanding that "Yanks fuck of£"., For the fainthearted I point out that this is an exact quote from police files. It also succinctly expresses an admirable sentiment that I still wholeheartedly endorse). One report states: "The dogs were used three times during the operation, all on the night of 11/3/72", All further details are deleted. There is an interesting paragraph in this doghandler's report: "After the demonstrators left the US Airforce base I was in a work party that spent about 2 hours attempting to clear the roadway down from the hilltop. While we were clearing the top part of the roadway we could see the demonstrators rolling large stones onto the roadway, ripping out the safety fence, smashing sign posts, smashing gates and damaging the cattlestops and manhandling a lerge roller onto the road. Some of these offenders were still at the foot of the hill when we reached it, BUT AS A RESULT OF A RADIO INSTRUCTION TOOK NO ACTION AGAINST THEM". (My emphasis. It's worth remembering that despite all the mayhem, in broad daylight, only 3 people were ever charged. Nobody was ever charged with damaging the road). And where did I fit into all this? "I did not know many of the demonstrators personally but saw (deleted) Horton very active among the demonstrators." Another cop's report states: "At 8.30am on the 12th I spoke to two of the demonstrators who had arrived at the gate and wanted to travel on the road to the base. They were well spoken and told us they were rather disgusted with the general behaviour of some of the demonstrators, they disagreed with those persons who had travelled up the hill-the previous evening, and believed it should not have happened. They also spoke of general disagreement among the leaders of the demonstration, as to how the march should be handled on the Sunday." Describing events that Sunday morning, he says "...and I had the feeling that it only required one false mova by the Police to ignite the hostile nature of the crowd into a nasty scene. However it would appear that they really lacked at thie stage any real leadership." And me? "I personally saw several rocks and stones thrown, one person I recognised as Horton of the Christchurch PYM, No action was taken by the Police." (This is ambiguous. T did not throw any rocks at cops).<17- Another report has a curious story: “At one stage I did observe one of the demonstrators with a movie camera taking movies of the Police stationed at the front sides of the US building. This cameraman was sitting on the hillside at the northern end of the building with four other demonstrators and somewhat apart from the main bunch. T also noticed that about this time (approximately 12.15pm) one of the demonstrators further down the incline and closer to the US buildings threw a stone towards the demonstrator with the camera. This stone was thrown directly at the cameraman, and he appeared to be filming the flight of the stone towards him, and at the last possible moment avoided it by raising his boot and allowing it to strike him on the sole of his boot. THIS INCIDENT HAS BEEN MENTIONED SHOULD ANY ALLEGATION OF STONE THROWING BY THE POLICE BE MADE WITH ALLEGED CORROBORATIVE PHOTOGRAPHS” (my emphasis). And me? "I also noticed Murray Donald HORTON, (deleted) present among the demonstrators. Both he (deleted) are well known members of the Progressive Youth Movement in Christchurch. At the times I observed HORTON, he was just standing amongst the rest of the demonstrators." These raw reports give a graphic account of a US military installation under siege. "While inside the building I could hear objects hitting the walls and roof. AT ONE STAGE THE POWER SUPPLY WAS CUT OFF" (my emphasis). "They were all chanting, and at one stage obscene language was being freely used by many, including females, I heart the words "FUCK OFF" being used many times" (his emphasis). "I myself saw rocks hitting the tracking station, and narrowly missing Police personnel present, I was hit by an egg.” "I considered that there was a ‘hard core’ in the crowd of demonstrators who were out to make things tough for the Police.... At one stage I spoke to a Mr (deleted) who was in charge of some of the demonstrators. He stated that the situation was a ‘terrible mess’." And me? "I was taking particular note of the actions of HORTON, (deleted) whenever I was able to. All were armed with cameras." This particular report winds itself up into a positive frenzy of self-righteous- ness. "I did not touch any demonstrator at any stage. I considered that every Police Officer present during the actual demonstration on Sunday morning, acted with remarkable restraint in a dangerous situation. I have been on many demonstrations, and on this occasion I can say most emphatically THAT THIS WAS ONE OF THE MOST DISGRACEFUL EXHIBITIONS I HAVE EVER WITNESSED BY ‘A GROUP OF DEMONSTRATORS" (my emphasis). The final report states: "The demonstration group was, in the main, within the twenty or thirty age group. A number wore scarves of University colours. The demonstrators appeared to confine their activities to displaying their banners and to the organised chanting of phrases such as ‘Yanks go home! and ‘Yanks fuck off'. “Of the demonstrators who were in attendance at Mount John I can identify only (deleted) MURRAY DAVID (sic) HORTON, both of whom have been present on other protest marches which I have been present at on lucy." : "I SAW NO MEMBER OF POLICE ACTING IN ANY MANNER OTHER THAN WELL" (my emphasis). ‘These extraordinary self-justifying statements, in internal police reports, bear out just how sensitive the cops were to charges of brutality at Mt John (several people bitten, one schoolboy with a broken jaw after being kicked in the face). Mr John was followed by a police~incited law and order frenzy, equalled only in recent times by the contract work scheme saga (and even that didn't feature a Timaru public meeting called by the Police). It was Sergeant Meyrick's thesis conclusion that what happened at Mt John led via Gideon Tait at the 1973 Harewood deno, directly to police actions in the four.-B- ‘This subject isn't exhausted yet. Owen Wilkes has applied for his personal information from the file. One of, the dogbite victims is thinking of doing likewise. As his bite was to the penis, it could be classified as extremely personal information. I had also applied for my personal information from what the police listed as their 1975 Mt John demo file, This turned out to be "Operation South", the police codename for the 1975 South Island Resistance Ride, a 2 week protest bus trip to a large number of places, including Harewood, Mt John, the Aramoana smelter site, the doomed Cromwell region, Comalco's Bluff smelter, the West Coast beech scheme, and others. It led to the birth of CAFCINZ (now CAFCA). Now Mt John was undeniably a violent demonstration, with very real property damage attributable to the demonstrators, and very real physical injury attributable to the demonstrators, and very real physical injury attributable to the police (and their running dogs. Or should that be biting dogs?) The Anglican Bishop of Christchurch condemned the use of dogs; the Minister of Police had to go on TV to apologise to the principal bite victim. The demo took place in the ferment of the late 60s and early 70s. Auckland participants were fired up by battles outside the courtroom where Germaine Greer appeared charged with saying "bullshit" in public. They set the tone by marching through Timaru chanting "bullshit". But the Resistance Ride took place in a different world. Labour was in power; the protest movement's emphasis was on education. Our 2 man police escort ("Tom and Jerry") did a lot of fishing; the "Press" honoured us with an editorial denouncing us as a “picnic trip" (obviously upset that it couldn't wheel out its "hooligans" one). As the police had provided me with quite a lot of context on the the Mt John materials, I expected the sane from the Resistance Ride file. What I got vas extremely bizarre. They supplied me with every reference to me. But nothing else. Pages blank except for my name. Thus one page reads in its entirety: "Principal committee members, namely: Murray HORTON," another says merely: "The leaders are HORTON"; the final page says "Murray HOUGHTON (sic) were very subdued." This page contained the report's conclusions: "Overall from the police aspect, the trip was successful and the low key approach adopted paid dividends.” It's a bit hard to judge this for yourself from blank pages. Greg Ansley quite rightly ripped into this in his above mentioned "Star" column, and I appealed to the Ombudsman, It must have worked, because lo and behold, the ubiquitous CI Pratt sent me my blank pages (in a registered letter, registration number 007!) This showed a very interesting level of politicial reporting by its author (either Tom or Jerry). Once again all names, except mine, have been excised. "....and approximately 60 persons from all over the country, many of them wellknown radicals, went on the ride." It reports in detail on how ve travelled where we stayed, where we went, what our aims were. "Their behaviour was orderly and no incidents were reported. It became obvious at this point that the rest of the trip would be in this vein and the main aim was going to be Conalco and this was subsequently borne out by a press release by (deleted) that they were going to go everywhere with an open mind except Comalco." Tt noted that we had our own gestetner, poster gear, and theatre troupe with us. Little niggles are reported. "That night they created a problem at Twizel when they stayed the night at the community centre.... ‘They were asked to leave (the Queenstown Motor Camp) the following morning, which they did....iG There is no truth in the published statement in the 'Press' that Police advised the owner of the Haast Motor Camp not to accept them.” Detailed reports come from each police district visited by the Ride - Christchurch, Timaru, Dunedin, Invercargill and Greymouth. The highly visible presence of a police dog van in Alexandra led to complaints of police harassment being laid in Dunedin. Details of those complaints are included, with all names deleted (eg "Police entering towns before the group, telling the locals of the likelihood of trouble ~ the towns concerned being Loburn, Cromwell and Roxburgh.") ‘The protest at Comalcds Tivai Point smelter was analysed. "The workers inside the plant were kept out of sight. Placards vere produced by the demonstrating group and right from the outset there appeared to be very little organisation amongat them. They were not an orderly growp but seemed to wander around. It was at this point that (deleted) seemed to come to the fore and it appeared that he was quite prepared to make an issue of it.... There were a number of remarks directed at the demonstrators by workers on a new building site which could have provoked an incident, but fortunately, after an hour the group left the gates.” A whole section is devoted to media coverage. "The initial press coverage for this group obtained before leaving Christchurch was very poor and it became apparent as they went further on their tour, that they were wishing to obtain further publicity. The incidents in Cromwell and Alexandra involving uniform patrol cars added fuel to the fire and consequently their publicity campaign and press coverage increased by the time they got to Dunedin 49 far as Comalco was concerned, in my opinion their demonstration was a flop and they did not get the coverage that they had expected. There were no incidents worth reporting and this could be greatly attributed to the efficient organisation of the Police and the low key approach adopted." He pats himself on the back. "Whilst being the Liaison Officer, no other complaints about the Police were received from (deleted) or (deleted) or any other member for that matter. In fact the Police did assist them on a number of occasions eg Cromwell, in conveying one of their elderly guest speakers, plus an overweight member of the Resistance Ride (deleted, but we know it's you, Fat Jim), plus a small child, up a track to the local water reservoir where the group were viewing the tovn.” His conclusion is: "The group obviously were on a study tour and members being mainly from various radical groups around New Zealand. Surprisingly though, some of the wellknown members eg (deleted), Murray HOUGHTON (sic) were very subdued throughout the trip. The leadership split after Comalco and squabbling took place amongst themselves. It became noticeable after Greymouth that the members had'had enough and that their enthusiasm had dampened. There are indications that there cdald be further trouble during the winter months against Comalco, should there be power cuts around New Zealand" (a protest trip to the smelter took place the following year). "Liaison commenced very well after the initial approaches. During the first part of the trip, members of the group accepted the fact that there was a liaison team travelling with them. Dialogue ceased after the incidents in the Dunedin area and it took considerable time to re-establish liaison with (deleted) but it §eproved considerably as the trip neared its end. Overall from the Police aspect, the trip was successful and the low key approach adopted paid dividends." Both the Mt John demo and Resistance Ride file have the same priorities ~ identify leaders, locate weaknesses and division, ascertain the politics, assess the threat to police interests. They may-be 15 years old, but they're still very interesting reading. Can't wait to see the 1981 versions. Anyone wanting copies of the original police files quoted above, send $5 (photocopying and postage) to CAFCA, PO Box 2258, Christchurch.(Our Reference NEW ZEALAND POLICE PRIVATE WAG, WELLINGION NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS. TELEX : POUCEHQ NZ. 3550 5 JCARIES = MOMEN WELLINGFON, 180 MOLESWORTH STREET, ae a WELLINGTON, NEW ZEALAND 21 April i987 Mr Murray Horton Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa P 0 Box 2258 CHRISTCHURCH Dear Mr Horton Since Assistant Commissioner McEwen acknowledged your letter of 13 December 1986, I am aware that you have corresponded with Chief Inspector Pratt in relation to personal and official information that the police hold that may relate to you. In your letter you make a comment asking why a noting file was kept on you and further if such a noting file is still being kept. I confirm Chief Inspector Pratt's comments to you in his letter of 14 January 1987 where he states the Police do not hold a contemporary ‘noting’ file on you. The general criteria for the police to collect and retain information on individuals and groups is that there are reasonable grounds for suspecting they have been or are likely to become involved in unlawful activities. This general criteria was outlined by the Minister of Police in @ newspaper report published in the New Zealand Times dated 3 December 1986. ‘he Minister was not in my view suggesting in that report that the Police believed you were directly responsible for offences, but they were examples of the type of activity occurring in Christchurch at that time. The Police collected information in the form of noting during the periods referred to because they believed that you were likely to become involved in unlawful activities. ‘This belief was based on your associations and activities at that time. Yours sincerely=~ US_SPECIAL FORCES COME TO NEW ZEALAND Disney Films are usually associated with Mickey Mouse (or in recent years, Bette Midler).But they do their. bit in America's relentless worldwide propaganda war. Right now they're doing it in NZ. "The Rescue"( budget $28 million ) is being shot in Queenstown ( set of previous cinematic ripoffs like "Race to the Yanky Zephyr").The moteliers and local business might think their town is a little bit of the Alps or the Rockies, but to Disney, it's a little bit of.... North Korea! A "North Korean POW camp" has been built there the RNZAF is obligingly providing Skyhawks as Migs; the Ministry of Defence is cooperating in providing NZ defence facilities ( Disney says they have the right 1950s look). The plot concerns a band of plucky American teenagers (as does every current American film) who rescue their fathers from Pyongyang on Lake Wakatipu and flee the country pursued by ravening Communist hordes. Not surprisingly, the film has been soundly criticised by the New Zealand Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea Society (NZ still has no diplomatic relations with the DPPRK) and by a Maori media group, Te Manu Aute. The latter's criticism is based on the film's propagandistic ripoff element and on the proposed use of Maoris as "North Korean" prison guards. As they say, this is just another shoot a gook film. But fantasy merges with reality here. The rescued fathers in the movie are members of the US Navy's SEALs, the naval equivalent of the Green Berets. It is interesting to learn that in November/December 1984 (several months after Labour came to power) the US Navy SEALs were in New Zealand on a special warfare exercise. Called "Gonfalon 84" (and not to be confused with the big air exercise, Triad 84), it was hosted by the NZ Special Air Service (SAS), and involved special warfare units from Britain, America and Australia. Support for the 4 week exercise involved the RNZN, RNZAF, RAAF and the USAF, Individual training was carried out in parachuting, amphibious operations, and demolition (Auckland); climbing (North Auckland); tracking and patrolling (Northland). Phase two vas concerned with "gaining strategic intellience information from a number of sites throughout the North Island". In its press release at the time, MoD said "there is nothing sinister or secret about Exercise Gonfalon itself. However, some aspects of the special forces’ equipment and techniques are classified. To disclose these espects publicly through the media would only serve to negate their effectiveness. Because of this factor, the media will not be invited to visit Exercise Gonfalon.” ‘The US provided some interesting components. Apart from the SEALs, there were landbased special forces (from the USREDCOM - US Army Readiness Command); the Military Airlift Command (which runs the Starlifters through Harewood) was involved; and 2 US MC-130 aircraft (the type used by the US in its unsuccessful attempt to rescue its hostages from Iran. They can pick up people without actually lending.) CAFCA sent a list of questions to MoD under the Official Information Act. It declined to answer anything to do with the US military, referring us to the USsEnbassy. But Denis McLean, Secretary of Defence, did say (9.4.87): "With regard to your other questions however, I can confirm that the US~22- Operation Deep Freeze base at Christchurch was not used during the exercise; that the role of the NZ SAS involved strategic reconnaissance, parachuting and amphibious operations (they also hosted the exercise); and that, given that the participants were special forces units which were practising their specialist skills, it would not be incorrect to classify Gonfalon 84 as a special warfare exercise.” It was also pointed ont that previous exercises had been held in New Zealand in 1978 and 81. We wonder if one is scheduled for 1987. Perhaps, in light of our expulsion from ANZUS, the SAS will have to do with picking up a bit of pocket money in Queenstown. BLACK BIRCH PROTESTS On Saturday January 17 a gallant band of about thirty peace activists from Peace Movement Aotearoa, including three hardy souls from Nelson, scaled the heights of Black Birch in Marlborough to protest at the US military presence there. This action was timed to coincide with a major demonstration at Cape Canaveral, Florida, protesting against the first test launching of the Trident 2 missile. Our Black Birch climb was both a protest against nuclear weapons and against the role of the Black Birch Observatory in their deployment. The Black Birch installation is a Transit Circle Observatory run by the US Navy. Its role is to make highly accurate star maps of the Southern Hemisphere. While some of the information gained is used for legitimate scientific purposes, the star maps ate also used as part of the "Stellar Intertial Guidance" systems of the Trident missiles. This allows the missiles to achieve the pinpoint accuracy important in ‘first strike’ strategy. The US Navy submission for funds to the US Senate states Balck Birch's major function is to "...operate fan observatory to obtain locations of stars in the Southern Hemisphere with the increased accuracy required for military purposes Our protest group originally intended to fly illuminating kites and shine strong lights’to interfere with optical instruments, thus forcing a symbolic shutdown of the station on the night of the 17th. However nature did our job for us, as strong winds and cloud meant the station was unable to operate that night. We camped on the mountain in front of the station to hold an all night peace vigil in the 60kmp winds. Those who ‘believe as we do that the presence of the Black Birch observatory violates the spirit of our nuclear free status should write demanding the closure of the observatory to the Prime Minister or their MP (c/o Parliament Buildings, Wellington). see-23- CIA FRONT FLEES FIJT Watchdogs 54 and 55 detailed the activities of the CIA front labour organisation, the Asian Americen Free Labor Institute (AAFLI), which had recently set up shop in Suva, Fiji. Surprise, surprise. AAFLI has slunk out of Fiji. According to the “Honolulu Star Bulletin” (10.1.87) AAFLI‘s South Pacific office has relocated in Hawaii (centre of the recent loans scam here), Its director, John Sloan cited cost as a factor eg. he is now paid the AFL-CIO domestic wage rate, not its overseas one. But Sloan nakes no secret of the major reason for the shift. "Until a few months ago the program's HQ was in Suva, Fiji, But the formation of an anti- government political party by the principal unions in Fiji helped trigger AAFLI's move to Hawaii. Sloan acknowledges: 'That might sound funny to some people, particularly because the new party is Fiji's first Labor Party. We will continué to work with those unions. But AAFLI is non-political and must not even be seen to be political. It wouldn't do anyone any good to allow anyone, anywhere to be able to imply that we are ‘anti-government'", Sloan said. Since then, -or course, Labour has come to power in Fiji, as the Coalition (with the National Federation Party). Tt campaigned on a pledge to help Fiji's burgeoning poor; to unionise the workforce; and to have a real anti- nuclear policy thet puts Lange's hypocritical effort very much in the shade. So the CIA has failed with its policy of subverting the fledgling Fijian union movement. How we're seeing destabilisation along traditional racial lines. ‘The stakes are high in the South Pacific. steetitaese Appeal from... ‘The Coalition for Democracy in Fiji Christchurch ‘The Amy rule Fiji, For your own safety, and to suppor the restoration of democracy in Fiji, we ask you not to visit Fifi, It is no longer a safe place for aholiday. Your support is vital in this regard. In the interests of justice we appeal that L ‘The legitimate constitution of Fiji be upheld. 2. The government of Timoci Bavadra be reinstated immediately. 3. Noother group claiming the right to govem be recognised, 4, We appeal to all New Zealanders for a total ban on tourism links between Aotearoa and Fiji. 3. Public Service and Trade Union organisations take action to support Fijian workers who are expected to work under this illegal regime without democratic representation. 6. The Coalition supports the people of Fiji whose democratic rights have been ‘suppressed by the treasonable act of Lieutenant-Colonel Rabuka, ‘We urge you to act quickly on behalf of the people of Fiji. ‘May 24th, 1987. For further information on the Coup. see Back Pape.—2y— BOOK REVIEW: “RRETISH INTELLIGENCE AND COVERT ACTION" donathen Bicch gud Patrick Fitzgerald, Brandon Book Publishers Ltd British intelligence has been much in the news lately, what with the Peter Weight book. fiasco in-the fustralion courts. Questions have been raised as to whether the late Sir Roger Holliss Head of MI5, was a KGB agent, and as he played a bit role in setting up the NZ SIS, is it a branch office of the KGB? Bloch and Fitzgerald's book is subtitled: “Africa, Middle East and Europe since 1945", and there is no coverage of British intelligence activities in New Zealand or Australia. The books names on awful lot of names, with whole lists of them at the end. Tt includes one David Cornwell, better known as writer John Le Carre (his novels always had that authentic feel). On the whole, British post-war covert action has been successful - in the “Nalayan Emergency", Kenya's "Yau Mau Emergency", Tran (later turned over to the CIA), ieypt, post-colonial Africa (particularly successful in securing access. to oil supplies during the Biafra war). Only in Aden has British imperialism been ignomiriously routed. The "Communist Terrorists" were defeated in Malaya; Kenya is a bastion of capitalism; Britain has sovereign bases in Cyprus. The book touches on the ongoing, and indeed eternal, British covert: action in Ereland, North and South. There are soe fascinating stories told. The spy who did a bit of freelancing in Nigeria post-Biafra, and got sacked. He did the unthinkable end went on the dole. When it was refused because he couldn't verify his previous work history, he eppealed and won. ‘The authorities accepted he'd been a apy, and all relevant details were published in the process. ‘The book makes clear that British intelligence is far from a spent force in the Third Yorld. Britain runs Onan as a private fiefdom; it was British contacts with Onan that proviced Baluchi agents (from Pakistan) to infiltrate Iran and build the clandestine Desert One airstrip used in Jimmy Carter's abortive attempt to rescue the US hostages from Teheran. The book includes a fascinating foreword by Philip Agee, detailing British Intelligence's role in bis deportation from the UK in the '70s. It heightens the regret felt at Agse's cancellation of his scheduled speaking tour of NZ this year. Al) is not lost however - it was through Agree that Bloch established contact with us. Jonathan Bloch has'paid a heavy price for writing this book. Britain still has an Official Secrets Act, and the notoriots D notices. Bloch is a political refugee from South Africa. The British Government has devoted several years to trying to send him back there, severely restricting his ability to travel, Or otherwise lead a normal life, At present he has limited residency rights in Britain. ‘The Invisible Enpire extracts a heavy price from those that would presume to lift its skirts. freee-15- OBITUARY MURRAY SHAW Murray Horton Murray David Shaw was killed instantly in a shunting accident at Middleton yard at 4.30pm on Friday April 3. He was 35. Murray, universally known as Blof (an abbreviation of Blowfly, the nickname I bestowed on him) knew an astonishing variety of people. ‘The evidence for this was the overflowing crowd at his funeral ~ people came from Sydney, Wellington, the Coast. There vas a strange assortment of hippies (an endangered species), figures from his distant political past, a big turnout of NZR workmates and bosses (one of whom told of giving Murray his job back "because of his smile"). Even Jim Anderton MP drove back specially from Timaru for it. The funeral was genuine, sad, funny and moving, with many from the heart speeches ("Blof, you were the biggest bullshitter I knew"). I knew Murray for a long time, half my life in fact. I knew him so long ago that I knew him when he had teeth (my long dead mother knew him as Murray Greenteeth). I first met him when he was brought along to a Progressive Youth Movement (PYM) demo at the American base at Harewood in 1969. There was @ stoush with the cops and he decided it was a more exciting life than working in a fridge factory. (We still have demos at Harewood, but now the cops help us across the road). Murray became an integral part of PYM, along with Brian Rooney, Christine Bird, Chris Bailey, Trevor, Grant Mawson, Tony Currie, Dave Welch, Alan Cave, myself and many others, (Keith Duffield and Owen Wilkes were honorary members), Those were exciting times - we were going to change the world. Denos were held every Sunday afternoon and the (empty) city streets reverberated to chants of “Ho, Ho, Ho Chi Minh; Vietnam will win; 2, 4, 6, 8. Overthrow and Smash the State" or even, "Stop, Stop and shit on a'cop." I shared a house with Murray when I first left home. 387 Gloucester Street. I doubt if the landlord has got out of the looney bin yet. From there we proclaimed the famous White Bikes Scheme, while the house itself was progressively wrecked by a succession of parties and visits by Christchurch's first bikies, Murray and I both stayed at Tim Shadbolt's house in Gibraltar Crescent, Parnell. Shadbolt's "Bullshit and Jellybeans" has a photo of both of us - Murray marching under my everpresent huge black flag (we were both anarchists). At the height of ‘the Agnew demo bedlam I had dope on me for the first, last and only time when the cops grabbed me, I dropped it. Murray selflessly grubbed around in the gutter looking for it (unsuccessfully). (Whilst in Auckland, we both sat the Church 8f Scientology's IQ test in its Queen Street shop. For the record, he scored higher than me.) I camehome, he stayed on with Shadbolt's neighbours, the Bower brothers. It was an unusual house ~ whilst cleaning up once, he came across a stick of sweating gelignite under a chair (John and Kevin Bower served several years in prison for various Auckland ‘bombings. They are now very bigtime Toad transport entrepreneurs and Auckland Harbour Board members, Mayor Shadbolt needs no further explanation.)- B= Murray came back to Christchurch with some very specialised knowledge ~ how to make good paintbombs (dud lightbulbs sealed with wax); how to use a block of dry ice as an untraceable window smasher; how to make Molotovs and real bombs. (A lot of this was later printed in the "Mad Bomber's Handbook"). Murray was fully involved in all PYM activities, including our various clandestine ones. We thought we were urban guerillas, and in a smallscele fashion, we were. There were numerous paintups of the US Consulate, local Army HQ, and the Ivon‘Watkins Dow office. Mayor Guthrey vas bulldozing a road through Hagley Park - so a pile of the soil got dumped on his drive; Lancaster Park goalposts were cut down in protest at the 1970 All Black tour of South Africa. There was even a scheme to kidnap the Ranfurly Shield; and another one to disrupt Prince Charles' Mona Vale garden party by floating down the Avon (the powers that be fitted grilles under the Fendalton Road bridge). We even had a singularly unsuccessful guerilla training camp on the Coast. Murray was no plaster saint. He lived the '60s lifestyle of sex, drugs and rock'n'roll. He had an aversion to the truth, he ripped people off in dope deals (and was also a victim of the same), and had some habits that caused problens in both PYM and Resistance Bookshop. That said, he was an immensely likeable person, with an enormous affinity for kids and animals (his long time dog, Pooch), and a huge range of friends. When his elderly father died, Murray came into the then huge sum of $6000. He blew it all, but did it in style. Nobody will forget his party in the Gresham. (One offering at his funeral was particularly apt - a cigar, with @ $5 note wrapped around it). He also bought an old Ministry of Works bu: which became converted into the extraordinary Ghana Railways bus, his home and mobile work of art. It was supposed to take him around the world, but used such a horrendous amount of petrol that it got no further than Motueka. This bus played a central part in getting us (and our hired marquee tent) to the Mt John demo. In fact the organisers of that demo wound up with the ownership of the bloody thing when Shaw's local council were pressing him to tow it away - as an eyesore, Murray didn't emerge unscathed from all this excitement - he painted up a campaign billboard of Mayor Guthrey's. Unfortunately he signed it "PYM", he lived over the road from it, and was pursued from the scene, dripping paint, by a cop he'd gone to school with (he got off with a fine.) He was involved in all the anti-bases demos that led to the birth of CAFCINZ, but by the mid-'70s he had dropped out of the politics of protest. He got married, had a son (Dylan), lived in various parts of the country (Northland, the Coast, Wellington, amongst others). He helped organise the first Serenity festival. For the last 10 years I knew Murray as a fellow railvay worker, and Latterly as a fellow delegate to the Canterbury branch of the National Union of Railwaymen. \efore Sockburn yard was "restructured" out of existence, he represented Ne shunters there. He was also an NUR delegate to the Labour Party. In 81, when the union split down the middle over the Springbok Tour, he organised ‘way Workers Against the Tour; he was one of the brave handful who opposed export of Buller coal (done via the Midland rail line, to Lyttelton). @ brief period he was station agent at Granity (on the Coast); he briefly pNZR for Tasmania (his only overseas trip), but came back, got his job trand went back shunting. At the time of his death, he was planning t N2R for another job.-27- CAFCA extends ite deepest sympathy to Pam Hughes (familiar to all Watchdog Teaders who have received our Black Birch poster) and to her sons, Jesse and Dyrey, Also’to Murray's son Dylen. The varmth and affection in which he was held was evident in the way his funeral, and attendant social events, united a widely dispersed and disparate group of people. I knew Murray a @ fellow railway worker and staunch unionist (he worked hard on the Canterbury NUR's big Save Rail marches in the early '80s), I knew him as a friend since 1969. And I knew him as a political colleague who was there in the thick of all the big battles, most noticeably in those extraordinary years in the lest '60s end early ‘70s. You'll be sadly missed by a lot of people, Blof. You had the ability to make people laugh (ask anyone who saw him as the male lead in the Hot Gossip humber in the Black Rose cabaret). That is a precious commodity in itself. You only made it to 35, but you lived life to the full. In the words of your old hero, Captain Beefheart, it was fast and bulbous. Gone, but extremely unlikely to be forgotten. i we Party stalwart plans to stand, as Independent, cucy Mr Peter Noame, who norsnated the "con sl have ne they wat. hey sult Labour member of Pariomen: fy Save Yo Grp Kerry Burks and te me West cont ar Kery Burkes annoaceg on the derstanding taal {am totally yesterday tat fe wot siane as an sin Rogerammicy Inependent at the fotcoring General Mr Nene” aad that_ Me. Nad been Hedtoe ortted apport rm 9 tie spots ot Ti lo my way at protesting about Peale tne effect Hogernomies has had'of the He is a member of the West Coast regione si woop! ‘boat sad" 'we’ Wes. Coast Frit If ws tarming, men torsry, lett Power Board ‘ouowed by Maing, sada the tt aa} thelsning of 200 mets too Saline Wea Cost nas et of is ova indorese poldmising and at © imc arale ale ta I ha Sen, ia he pac "ae 1s Refine nas en, an execuve “ct poole of the We aK renter of tbe Labour Party in Gray: Gal provinces rami Laney ry a cra. an Paar Oe ee, Independent: Be said yesterday, "abour jb rgb fr the tacoma Re sai ‘palgn. Against’ Foreign Control in New BesiandEEAGROR OE Dini ae ee res eS ee ‘Ugly Amer f g aS) a= Oy ma ne hij 2° if os il aga E, a i i oe aig’ S G.,Campaign Against Foreign Control d of Aotearoa PO BOX 2258 CHRISTCHURCH Philip Agee 1987 New Zealand Speaking Tour CAFCA very much regrets to announce that on March 20th, Philip Agee rang us from his Madrid home to inform us that he has cancelled his planned Juno/duly New Zealand and Australia Speaking tour. He said he had accepted the advice of his wife and friends that a four week Australasian tour would be too grueling, immediately ater a three week tour of the United Slates and Canada, promoting his new book, “On the Run", (This willbe his frst return to the United States in nearly two decades.) We reiterato that his tour has been cancelled, and not postponed. in fact it had already been delayed more than once because of his commitments to his book, We tried to secure a sultable replacement, and delayed announcing Agee's cancellation in the hope that we could. Unfortunately we did not succeed. Naturally, we are deeply disappointed. Our contacts with Agee in connection with him touring New Zealand go back to 1984. But more than that - the cancelistioon Is a great ‘appointment because his New Zealand tour would have been well supported, Nigh profile, highly successful, and (dare we say it?) profttable, hasn't all been a waste however. In the course of planning this tour, we have cemented excellent working contacts In Australia, and, as a direct result of contact with Agee himself, have Pecured Invaluable contacts in the United States and United Kingdom. It has also inspired us 1o become specialists in the fied of intetigance, to the point where we now own an American ComPute’ database on the subject, plus complete sets of one Brilsh and two American magazines devoted to intelligence matters. We realise the peculiar strain that Agee's Ite “on the run’ constantly imposes on him; he has been harassed, persecuted, vlfied and libelled ceaselessly. We will ge no comfort fo his formentors. We wish his new book the greatest success. and equally wish his American and Canadian trip well, Thus, without further ado, we are fully refunding all money donated and loaned to us for the Philip Agee Appeal (unless specified otherwise, or if the giver cannot be traced). ‘Thank you for your generosity, your offers to host Agee, your offers to organise his tour in your centre. We are sure you will share our disappointment at this cancellation,Subscriptions are way below cost wi Ask your members to: ex subscribe ee Obtain bulk orders from eesell advertising «fundraise If you can help please contact the HELP PEACELINK SURVIVE 1h PEACE GROUPS please HELP ! unions, shops,universities [}ae™ Peacelink Collective P.0.Box 837 It is unfortunate that so early in the piece we need to get on to the age-old subject of money, but it is vital if Peacelink is 10 survive. To put it simply, Peacelink is bas it. Last year’s balance sheet indicates clearly it had to rely very heavily on donations ($4640 with $8098 as income from subscriptions). Our collective is agreed thatwe are not preparedto stagger along in this fashion, biting our nails waiting to see whether the post will bring in enough donations to enable us to print the next issue, In the short term Peacelink of course will NOT survive without generous| donations. In the long term we hope we won't need them, We alm to ‘make Peacelink self-supporting before the end of the year. With sufficient subs - 600 new ones - Peacelink would be viable. WE NEED 22 NEW SUBS PER WEEK. We will do our very best to produce an interesting and saleable ‘magazine at reasonable cost, and will continue with promotional mail- outs. After that we feel that some of the responsibility for selling and dsrbuting it must lie fairly and squarely within the peace movernent| tse Hamilton PEACELINKx Andie Cassette John Stockw: Comic The am-ing adventuces of New Zealand's number one power junky: the true story ‘of Comaico in New Zealand. Micro Associates (U.S) Elles Mainly newspaper clippings relating to foreign contro! in N Zealand companies with overseas interests. Vary greatly in CAECA Besorrnsg, Stockwell is the 'igi.cst ranking ex CTA agent to go public, He directed ihe CLA inspired war against Angola, wad swzote "in Search of Enemies" about it. He is currency wrt’ book on "The Secret Wars cag that they have about 50 ‘covert operations currently, of which ‘The history the Pluff Aluminium Smelter and Comalco in New Zeeland, in comic form. $1.50, Discounts for quantity, ‘The U.S. inte’ sce, military and foreign policy cestablistunicnt. Conisins references only - to books, Periodicals, news)apeis, ete, Regular updates. For IBM PC or compatible, Contact CAFCA “or details of availability, aland, and New opth and period covered: those marked "*" are the more substantial ones. Limiusd copying for cost of photocopying and postage, Antarctica ‘Anns companies Chamber of Commerce *Coal *Comaico (inciuding Aluminium, power pricing and Aramoana) Companies (those not classified elsewhere) Computersfetectronies Drug companies Du Pont “Economics (miscellania on ‘economic poticies and effects) electricity, nuclear) Ferro-Silicon Financial companies (banks, insurance, finance, etc) Firestone (and robber industry) *Fishing Fleichers Foods, Agribusiness {other than meat) Forestry, timber ‘Germany, Federal Republic “Intelligence (in N.Z, and overseas) Japan Kanieri Gold Dredge Kraf (U.S, transnational) Land Legal and goverment (legislation, panty sod fortitisers y (defence, ANZUS, etc) Military ond Trade "Minin: Miscellaneous News media, publishing, entertainment, advertising Nickel smelting Nuclear power Oil and gas Oil ard gas exploration Pacific and East Asia (includes Soutli Pacific nuctear-free zone) P.D. : *Pacliic Basin Economic Council (P.B.E.C.) Philiopines Red Hills "S18 . Sowh Africa Sugar Gacluding sugar beet) Povrier) and Transport ‘Water exportsPsrigdicals: Limited copying for cost of photocopying and postage. Subject Since Asia Workers’ Solidarity Links Trade Union and Sept 1983 Aotearoa worker actions in Asia. (most issues) Asian Workers Organising (Australia) Second issue, Jan 1983 Big Sister Intelligence (N.2.) First issue, 1986 |. Covert Action Intelligence (U.S.) Second issue AcLobster Intelligence (U.K) Fins issue Mining Monitor Mining (.2,) First issue, Mar 1981 Multinational Monitor ‘Transnationals (U.S.) First issue, Feb 1980 National Reporter Intelligence, general (US.) First issue formerly Counterspy) New intemationalist ‘Third World issues (U.K.) Jan 1984 Parting Company Rio Tinto Zinc and 1982 subsidiaries. (published by PARTIZANS: People Against Rio Tinto Zine and Subsidiaries, U.K.) Raw Materials Report Raw Materials First issue, Nov 1981 Transnationals. (Sweden) Reports from the U.N. Many and varied detaited Giregutar) Centre on Transnational studies of various industries, and aspects of transnationals, particularly as they affect less developed countries. Watchdog, CAFCA newsletter, Second issue, 1974 ‘Wellington Confidential Intelligence, the Right, ‘Most issues. government gossip .. (N.Z.) Work Away A slide, script and audio tape set on the links between Australian and Asian workers. Hire: $5 plus postage. 35 minutes, 78 slides. Mideos Home on the Range U.S, Bases in Australia, and the U.S. intelligence involvement in the overthrow of the Whitlam Labour Govemment in 1975. Hire: $10.00, 53 minutes. Islands of the Empire ‘Now Zealand's military links with the U.S., and protests against these Jinks since W.W. I. Hire: $10, Purchase: $30, 62 minutes. U.S. destabilisation of the An Australian SBS TV "Dateline" current affairs South Pacific report, including interviews with Ralph McGehee. Also an item on Soviet fishing in the South Paciic, including an interview with Walter Lini, Hire: $10, in all cases, we resarve the right to refuse any request if our human resources arg insutticient, and to charge differant rates for requests by government or commercial organisations. Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa P.O, Box 2258, Christchurch, Api, 1987.