Braničevo U Istoriji Srbije PDF

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ISBN 978-86-7005-068-6 INIS
ISBN 86-84969-13-8
978-86-84969-24-0 IAP
Pekograf, Zemun
300
III
6
INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM
BRANICEVO IN THE HISTORY OF SERBIA

Collection of Articals III/6

III/6
2008.
- CONTENT -
M
................................................................................ 11
Editors & organizers introduction
I ,

1813.
........................................................................................... 15
M
(18041941).......................................................... 21
Historical dimensions of development of self-government in Serbia
(1804-1941)

....................................................... 41
Rifles Peabody in the Armament of Serbian Army

. . .

XIX ...............................................51
XX .
Military Factor in Political Life of Serbian State at the Beginning of 20th Century

Some notes on early Balkan Aviation History (1912-1913) ....................................... 71
(1912-1913)

abac, churchyard, 17th of august 1914 (notes to an investigation)........................... 91
17. 1914.

....................................................................... 99
Reprisal as a Cause of Demographic Movement of Serbian Inhabitants
in the First World War
,

5

........................................................ 113
Main characteristics of Kingdom of Yugoslavia economy, with regard to Serbia

(1934-1939.)........................... 131
(1930- .): -
Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1930s): powerless regime-crises of the state
, .
- .......................................... 145
The Direction of the Development of Commanding-Informative Systems
-
II , ,

(12411242)..... 161
Branievo and Adjacent Regions Before and After the Mongol Invasion (12411242)
(1241-1242)
.
XV ........................................................... 175
Population of Crna Reka and Timok in 15th century
XV

(1389-1459)........... 189
Turkish Break through and Demographic Changes in Branicevo district (13891459)
(1389-1459)
.
:
15. ...................................................................... 203
Turkish Population Politics in Borderland Settlements and Inhabitants
of Branicevo in the Second Half of 15th Century
:
15.

-
(1618-1621), (1625-1629)
(1631-1634).................................................................................. 215
About efforts of administrative bishops of Smederevo and Belgrade Petar Kati
(1618-1621), Albert Rani (1625-1629) and Petar Mazareki (1631-1634)
-
(1618-1621), (1625 - 1629) (1631 - 1634)
6

, ............................................ 229
Osmanli Fortifications ardaklar, kuleler and Ocaklar
-

, ! ( )...................... 243
, ! ( )
Regional version of the Kosovo legend-Milos Obilic in the Branicevo area
-
,
19. ......................................................................... 257
The Population of Branicevo District in 19th Century
XIX

- XIX ........................................................................... 273
Diplomats from Branicevo in the XIX century
XIX
-,

XIX ................................................................................................. 287
Archive fund of Zvis District in 19th Century
19.
.
. (1879-1880)..........305
The Beginning of the Radical Party. Nikola Pasic in Pozarevac
. (1879-1880)

............................................................................ 315
Restaurants in Pozarevac as basic of cultural and social life between two world war
-

...................................................................................................... 325
Charity Funds nd Legacies in the Area f Nowaday Branievo District

7
M

1941-1944....................................................................................... 345
Russian Anticommunists and the Events of the Second World War in Eastern
Serbia 19411944
J

................................................................................................. 357
Municipal Courts as Administrative and Managing Authorities in Pozarevac District

1915. ...................................... 377
Typhus in Poarevac County in 1915.
1915 .

.............................................................. 407
A Couple of Words about the Great Man of Jurisprudence in Serbia

19451955...................................................... 427
The Students from Pozarevac and its Surrounding, 19451955
1945-1955
III -

.
1809 .
..................................................................................................443
1809. .
Serbian Foreign Political Programme 1809 and Russian Diplomacy
,
1804. 1915. .................. 461
Russian Military Help in armament to Serbia from 1804 to 1915
1804 - 1915

I (1807-1811)
- -........................................................................................................... 493
Additions to the History of First Serbian Uprising and cooperation between
Serbs and Russians
-
(1807-1811) - 8
. . .
... (
18771878 ..)................................................................... 509
- 1876-1878.
Russian-Serbian War Cooperation in Eastern Serbia 18761878

J 19191941.
( ) ............... 527
Russian refugees in Yugoslav Armed Forces 1919-1941.
1919-1941.
( )

(1935-36 .) . .................................... 545
Josip Broz Tito at the Service of Comitern
(193536. .)

........................................................ 563
War doctrine of Soviet Union in the dawn of World War II on the pages
of Yugoslav military press

1944. , ................ 577
SovietYugoslav Military Cooperation in Northeast Serbia in October 1944, with
a special review on Branicevo District

1944.

- , 1947- 1948.
- 1948. ............. 587
YugoslavSoviet negotiations, December 1947February 1948. The contribution
to the study of Yugoslav (Serbian)Soviet (Russian) relationship in XXcentury
- , 1947- 1948. .
() ()
XX

1944-1948............................................................................ 607
The soviet Military instructors in Yugoslav Army 1944 1945
1944-1948 .
9

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2008.

12

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EDITORS & ORGANIZERS INTRODUCTION

Organized under the auspices of Historical Archives of Pozarevac and the
Serbian Institute for Recent History, with financial support by the Ministry of
Science of Republic of Serbia and the Town of Pozarevac, an international scientific
assembly Branicevo in Serbian history was held in Pozarevac on 30th of November
2008, devoted to marking two centuries of Serbo-Russian political relations and
military cooperation.
The main aim in organizing this scientific assembly was the aspiration to
study Pozarevacs past, to have it scientifically and critically evaluated so that the
general and particular knowledge of local history can reach a higher level, in compliance with the demands of contemporary science of history. Scientific historiography in XIX and XX century reached a certain level in treating macro-themes,
but at the same time did not give sufficient attention in perceiving the phenomena
and processes within frames of smaller totalities like the region, town and village.
Confronted with that fact, participants of the scientific gathering found themselves on the trail of a new history, going back to the beginning and attentively
researching on the micro-plan started to study, to supplement and to surpass the
earlier scope of general knowledge. Though meagerly stimulated and insufficiently cultivated, micro-history succeeded to find its place in scientific historiography
and to acquire its right to scientific life.
Thanks to efforts of a broader circle of associates of the Historical Archives
of Pozarevac, last years witness of more ambitious works, as well as of more systematical and more organized efforts, first of all through scientific gatherings. Thus, the
study of events concerning history of Pozarevac and Branicevo needs a more substantial historical answer than the one offered by last works on this theme.
Aware of this fact, we gave participants the freedom to chose themes according to their proper discretion. The experience of modern history science suggested that we send invitations for cooperation to scientific researchers who center their works on micro-themes. Forty three scientists positively answered to this
joint invitations by the Pozarevac Historical Archives and the Serbian Institute for
Recent History; bringing new ideas that offer a different picture of the past.
Thus participants of this scientific gathering brought to light many events,
persons, occurrences from the rich past of the town and its region, and likewise rose
many questions about the period when Pozarevac played an important role as the
political, economic, cultural and educational centre of Serbia, by this contributing in
cherishing native history as part of a large and broad world historical heritage, this in
turn being also an incentive for studying the history of Pozarevac region.
Through three sessions of this scientific gathering Society, politics, culture
in Serbian history; Branicevo settlements, culture, population and Two centuries
of Serbo-Russian political relations and military cooperation forty three scien13
tific reports were presented, all with a common denominator that there is place to
reevaluate the past, because this represents a full responsibility towards the state
people live in, but also a responsibility to present to the world a corpus of systematized and verified knowledge.
There is no great and sound history without local historiography. With this
in mind questions concerning the Mongol invasion during XIII century were examined, as that invasion left deep marks on Branicevo region and the surrounding countries and had an impact on further history of this region; then, the question of Russian-Serbian war collaboration has a specific place in wars for liberation the first experience of such collaboration is seen in the participation of
Russian volunteers in the Serbo-Turkish war of 1876, mutual war operations were
important not only for the success of Russian forces but also for the drawing of future borders of Serbia; questions of demographic changes in Branicevo region from
1834 to the beginning of XX century, the changes in the number of the population and its settlements, the dynamism and structure of urban and rural population; then, Nikola Pasics sojourn in Pozarevac (1879-1880) as the most important
event in prehistory of the Peoples Radical Party; considered were questions dealing with the founding and activities of the Black Hand organization, the conflict
of its leaders with the leaders of the Radical Party in Serbia; the organization and
work of municipal courts as local bodies of state power in Pozarevac region during XIX century; then, reprisal measures practiced by aggressor army towards the
prisoners and civilians in World War I; life and work of students from Pozarevac
and its region attending Belgrade University after World War II and under ideological-political conditions and pressure by the ruling Communist Party; the importance of informational security and its display in the realm of national security and as a factor in international relations.
Organizers had a noble intention to initiate a tolerant dialogue that anew stimulates research, unmasks old assertions and leads to broadening of the knowledge.
Consequently, Historical Archives of Pozarevac and the Institute for Recent
History of Serbia as co-organizer gave a contribution towards cherishing local native history as part of historical heritage and an incentive towards further research
of Pozarevac-Branicevo region.
Our gratitude goes to all those who helped in the realization of this lasting
Historical Archives of Pozarevacs project Branicevo in Serbian history.
We owe special gratitude to the Ministry of Science of Republic of Serbia,
because without their financial support this international scientific assembly
would not take place nor would it be possible to publish the Summary Collection
in three languages (Serbian, English and Russian) that was presented to the cultural and scientific public at the day of the scientific gathering.
In Pozarevac,
September 2008.
14
Director of Historical Archives of Pozarevac

MA Jasmina Nikolic, ethnologist-anthropologist
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Duan Bajagi
Historical dimensions of development of self-government in Serbia

During the First Serbian uprising a national state of Serbian people began to
form. Creation of the modern Serbian state requested its upbringing to the higher
level of political organization. State that was in process of forming, was building on
its territory, like all other states, special institutions that had power at its disposal,
including administrative structure and the forces of repression. Serbian state like all
other modern states wasnt directly, and all by herself, executing a large part of administrative tasks. Its execution was transferred to the special public-law institutions, created by the state itself. These institutions have been given status of juristic
person, regarding private and public law equally. That kind of organizations had its
special outposts, in borders of given responsibility. Serbian state was usually deciding which tasks will execute.
Self-government institutions founded by Serbia on its territory testify of its
intention to, from its starts, develop as a country with certain level of decentralization. Building of self-government and development of decentralization were among
the most important institutes of democracy in Serbia in 19th century.
Administrative-territorial structure of Serbian state has roots in Belgrade
Pashalic. Viewing this as a base, it is possible to see the nature of Serbian self-government institutions. Pashalic (sanjak, pashadom) was territorially divided to districts (nahijas) (Belgrade, Valjevo, Sabac, Rudnik, Kragujevac, Grocan, Smederevo,
Pozarevac, Cuprija, Jagodina, Uzice and Pozega district), knezinas (administrative
unit consisting from several villages) and villages, which were governed by muselems, oborknezs (princes of vilayet), and knezs. This system was kept during the First
Serbian uprising, with only difference that district leaders (usually called voyvodacommandants) came on place of muselims and oborknezs. Village leaders became
known as kmets (village judges, serfs in original meaning). The same administrative
classification of country divided to districts (nahijas) was kept based on the decision
of Peoples Assembly from December 19th 1815, with appointment of one prince
(knez) in every district, and knezinas prince in every knezina. In villages, beside village princes, also existed area (srez) princes (knez), but they were canceled in 1821.
Old name knezina was substituted with new kapetanija (captaincy) at the
beginning of 1830. By the decision of Peoples Assembly from 1834 Serbia is divided
to large administrative units (serdarstva-five in total), with great serdars on the power, while the district and knezinas change names to counties and areas.
38
...
With new Constitution from 1835 (Sretenjski ustav) and the Constitution
from 1838, Serbia was divided to areas, counties and municipalities, with this classification lasting until Vidovdan Constitution. In head of the counties were county
chiefs, and in head of the areas aerial chiefs, both as an instrument of central government. In head of the municipalities were municipal presidents, which were chosen by the people.
Counties were, till Constitution from 1888, just administrative units, except
state government there were non else in them. State was divided to counties because of easier ruling from the center. They were always administrated by state officials. People had no influence on processing of public tasks, and had no part in administration. Constitution from 1888 established counties as self-government organizations. With same act aerial self-government was introduced, with very restricted form. Municipal self-government was established in the Constitution from
1901. With it, the conditions were made for operating of self-government institutions-county councils and county assemblies, aerial councils and aerial assemblies,
and the assembly committees. With Vidovdan Constitution one more administrative unit was introduced-region (oblast). Later, based on the law on state administration from 1929 banovinas were made, as a units of regional self-government, while
most of the self-government institutions, in size between local and regional, were
canceled, truly and formally.
Tendencies of Serbias law predicted creating of units of higher self-government. In Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Yugoslavia tendencies were to
provide as efficient operating as possible to self-government, in harmony with historical, economic and political circumstances.

(1804-1941)
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49
Bosko Ljubojevic
Rifles Peabody in the Armament of Serbian Army

The rifle of Peabody system, model 1870 is the first Serbian arms in wich
the bullet was united with metal cartrige case. Thanks to the engagement of factory owner Thomas Sederl from Vienne its production started in Belgrade fortress in
1871 and continued in Kragujevac in 1877. the popular Peabody rifle was introduced in the armament of the principality of Serbia because the first Serbian breechleading rifle (system Green M. 1867) showed big defect. Thats why during Serbianturkish Wars 1876-1878 green rifles were remodelled getting better breech-loading system of Peabody rifle and that job was finished in the first postwar decade.
Shortly before the mentioned broke out, the whole regular army and those who got
the order first to report to military service of National Army had this firing arms (it
was kept in the armament of Serbian soldiers for a long time up to 1902 it was used
by combat support troops). After the Liberation Wars (1876-78) Peabody rifles were
used successfully in Serbian-Bulgarian war (1885-1886). Finallly, we have to mention
that governmentss campaign taking these rifles away from people in 1883 was a
motive for the well-known Timocka uprising.

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XX .
. , 29. 1903. .
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, .
Dr V. J. Visnjakov
Military Factor in Political Life of Serbian State at the Beginning

of 20th Century
This article is devoted to the research of armys influence on political life of
Serbia. The questions which are in connection with crisis of Obrenovics regime and
the causes of coup on 29 may 1903 are in the centre of the authors attention. Besides
that, the subject of research became the question in connection with the formation
and work of the organization The black hand, the conflicts of their leaders with the
leaders of Radical party of Serbia. A special attention in that article is devoted to national programmes in the context of ideas, Srbizam and jugoslovenstvo.
70
MA Dimitris Vogiatzis,
Greece
UDK 358.4(497)1912/1913
SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION

HISTORY (19121913)1
Contrary to established opinion the first Air War with opposing Air Arms
and their rudimentary staffs and ancillary services was fought not over
the Western Front but over the Balkan Peninsula. During the Balkan Wars
(19121913) all warring countries except Montenegro used aeroplanes in
anger. Due to wartime pressure they were compelled to use representative
(modern and outdated) examples of the then available aviation technology creating hurriedly from scratch an embryonic infrastructure for their
adoption. Why was it that the transformation of the contemporary nebulous air power theory to practice was attempted in a region barely touched
by the march of modernity, in lands former or still under the jurisdiction of
the Sublime Porte?
This paper attempts to answer that question by focusing mainly on the intermediaries and the overall context and less on the Air War: the public attitude
to the aeroplane before its appearance, the institutions that accepted the aeroplane as a weapon of War; the training through which flying and technical
skills were acquired; and the materiel itself highlighting the imported elements of know-how, people, and machines.
Keywords: Military Technology; Aviation Technology; Technology Transfer;
Technology Adaptation; Air Warfare.
The Balkan Peninsula owes it name to the Balkans mountains massif, in todays Bulgaria. There are various definitions2 of which countries
1 T
he above paper was researched and written under the auspices of the program
Pythagoras II (History of the Engineers in Greece, 1920 Century) that is jointly cofinanced by the EKT (75%) and national funds.
2 In the interwar years Yugoslavia, Greece, Romania, Turkey, Bulgaria and Albania were
considered Balkan countries. The Balkan Pact (Athens, February 1934) that was signed by
the first four countries invited also Bulgaria and Albania to participate. If one accepts this
version like this author, one needs only to substitute for Yugoslavia the successor countries
that were formed after the dissolution of Federal Yogoslavia in 1991. However, according to
Le Petit Larousse Illustre, 1993, Romania is excluded from the Balkans. The Encyclopedia
Brittanica CD, 1998 includes also Moldova, includes Greece in the Balkan Peninsula (but
excludes it mysteriously from the Balkan Region), and also excludes Turkey stating that
Turkey is not a Balkan state. The Comptons Interactive Encyclopedia CD, 1998 includes
also Romania but excludes Moldova. These and other similar differences of opinion are cited
in Cioroianu, The Impossible Escape, 210211. For this papers purposes only Bulgaria,
Serbia, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire need to concern us. It is interesting that although
modern Turkey was founded in 1923, in most contemporary (191213) Greek newspapers
the term Turkey is used instead of the technically correct term Ottoman Empire.
71
Dimitris Vogiatzis
belong or do not belong to the Balkans varying mainly on geographical or

cultural criteria. Any student of the regions fascinating history is invited
to form his own prejudices based on the vast corpus3 of scholarly literature,
travelogues, partisan writings and eventually his own personal experience.
The Balkans were conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the 15th Century.
The decline of the Ottoman system of governance during the 18th Century
gradually eroded the Sultans rule over its subjects. Major insurrections in
the 19th century coupled to the intervention of the so-called Great Powers
led to the establishment of nation-states in the form of the kingdoms of
Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro, Bulgaria. In the beginning of the 20th century the part of Europe still under Ottoman control was contested by all
the above countries.
In March 1912, a secret military pact between Serbia and Bulgaria
divided northern Macedonia then under Ottoman rule, between those
two countries. Arbitration on disputed territory was entrusted to Imperial
Russia.In response Athens signed bilateral pacts with both neighbors.
Essentially, the three Balkan powers thus agreed to cooperate militarily
against the Ottomans, but they did not agree on the question of how to allocate territory surrendered by the Ottoman Empire.The coalition was joined
later and by Montenegro (October, 1912). The so-called Balkan League was
a shortlived triumph of Balkan diplomacy, as it was then thought as unlikely that the conflicting interests of the countries concerned could be accommodated within an alliance. Especially Greek and Bulgarian interests collided sharply over Macedonia. The two countries had fought each other by
proxy, in a clandestine guerilla campaign in Ottoman-held territory that
lasted for five years (19031908).
The Balkan powers initiated the First Balkan War4 after mobilizing approximately 710,000 troops and then declaring war on the Ottoman
Empire in the beginning of October 1912. The armies of all four allies
fought mainly to gain a favorable position in the postwar arrangement.
After an armistice (October,17-January 23) that was not signed by the
Greeks, the first Balkan War was concluded wih the May 30, 1913 Treaty
of London. The Ottoman Empire ceded all its European possessions to the
Balkan allies, with the exception of Thrace and Albania, the latter of which
became independent. The second Balkan War broke out in June 13. Bulgaria
attacked first Serbia because she had captured most of the Macedonian
territory claimed by Bulgaria.A secondary trust was aimed at the Greeks.In
the ensuing one-month war Bulgaria was attacked in turn by the Ottoman
Empire and Romania. As a result Bulgaria suffered defeat at the hands of
her former allies and lost much of what she had been promised in the initial
partition scheme. This outcome was codified with the treaty of Bucharest
3 For an introduction to this vast body of literature, see Todorova, Imagining the Balkans
and Goldsworthy, Inventing Ruritania.
4 For a recent overview of the Balkans Wars 191213,see Hall, Balkan Wars.
72
SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY
(August, 1913). The changes made in the map of Europe by the Balkan Wars
of 19121913, were not merely the occasion but a cause and probably the
most potent, of all the causes that eventually led to the World War I.
The conflict was largely fought with large conventional land forces,
very similar to those that appeared later in WW I. Neither side had the
mass of materiel available to the WW I combatants, and so no stalemate
resulted. Warfare was relatively fluid in spite of the appalling state of the
roads and the poor railroad network. Military technology used was a curious mixture of antiquated, established, and novel hardware. Aviation belonged to the last category. In fact there were two kinds of aviation technologies available: the older lighter than air machines(Balloons and kites)
and the untried motorized aeroplanes. Aviation played no significant part
in the conflict although the numbers of aircraft involved were by no means
insignificant for the period under study. Totals of aircraft delivered until the cessation of hostilities in July 1913 is: Ottoman Empire 18/290000,
Greece 11/110000 (including one civil example impressed by the Army
complete with the owner who was offered an Officers commission), Serbia
10/230000, Bulgaria 29/350000. These numbers can be compared with the
inventories available to United Kingdom(29), Italy(26), Japan(14), USA (6) in
19145, prior to WW I.
The numbers after the brackets refer to mobilized troops respectively. As David Edgerton has shown6, pre- 1914 aeroplanes strength should better not be compared in absolute numbers but in terms of the sizes of each
army and navy, since aircraft were supposed to provide them with reconnaissance. Although it has been stated that only Greece possessed a Navy
of any number and strength 7 the Ottoman Navy was actually larger in tonnage. But only the Greeks enjoyed exclusive use of seaplanes (3 examples)
and used them at least once in Wars. They converted also a Farman VII to a
seaplane before the Wars, replacing the wheels with locally designed floats.
It is reported8 that they held with it the World seaplane speed record for
two months.
The nascent Balkan Air Arms were generally provisional and amateurish organizations and few resources were devoted to them. However, in spite
of these retarding factors, under wartime pressure the Balkan aviators invented most tactical elements of later day Air Warfare. The Bulgarians contemplated even Air-to Air combat9, although no contemporary aeroplane was designed for that role. Thus, those responsible for aviation not only succeeded in
introducing a new technology, but also transformed for the first time in history, aeroplanes to usable instruments of War.
5
6
7
8
9
Numbers quoted in Holley, Ideas and Weapons, 29.

Edgerton, England, 10.
Hall, Balkan Wars, 17.
HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A,45.
Nedialkov, Air Power, 49.
73
Dimitris Vogiatzis
The complex relationship between the Military and Technology has

been the subject of many studies especially from an American perspective.10
For linguistic reasons the mainly Anglo-Saxon literature11 is more accessible to a European than works on the same subject, written in the lesser
known European languages. European developments are being addressed
gradually but as for the Balkans region, a thorough historical study of military technology is still in its infancy.
Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey have published official histories12 on the
formative years of their Air Forces. Aviation technology is obliquely referred to
in the official histories, participants memoirs and rarely in non-aviation related
histories. Secondary literature with a historical slant towards aviation tends to be
written by retired military personnel or journalists but contains useful information buried under the layers of the usual sensationalist/nationalist descriptions.
The Military was in that region in the past the sole user, consumer and
beneficiary of certain technologies. It was also the main force behind their
adoption, as local industry didnt have the required capital nor the resources or simply was not interested in them. The last point is valid not only for dual use technologies. Aviation technology is one of the many modern technologies introduced in the Balkans by the Armed Forces. Examples in Greece13
include steamships (1827), wireless (1907), lorries (19001912), narrow gauge
railways (19161918), radar (1940) and mainframe computers(1961), to mention only dual use technologies. In all the above cases, the agent for their introduction, utilization and in most cases eventual dissemination to the civil sector was some branch of the Armed Forces. The large number of conscripts and
Non Commissioned Officers that were trained in their handling transferred
upon completion of military duty their specialized skills to the work market.
Aviation is a typical case. The Greek Faliron Aircraft Factory(1925)
was founded initially by the military Ministry of Navy with technical assistance from the British firm Blackburn. In 1938 it was nationalized and
became one of the larger(with more than 1000 employees) and most up
to date factories in Greece. The establishment of a Air Ministry in 1929
(with a civilian minister) was also dictated by military priorities: the need
to found a third institution responsible for a unified Air Force. Neither the
Army nor the Navy under their respective War and Navy ministries wanted to part with their respective Air Arms. Another role for the Air Ministry
was to bring in being an umbrella organization responsible for both
10 The standard texts remain Smith, Military Enterprise and McNeill, The Pursuit of Power.
11 For a review see Roland, Technology and War The Historiographical Revolution of the
1980 and Hacker, New History of Military Technology. For a recent update see Hacker,
The Machines of War.
12 BDF, voenata aviatsia, HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A, and Kansu et al, Havatsilik. All the texts
in Balkan languages, both official and inofficial, are of inconsistent quality. One of the
best is Vujovichs semi-official Srpska Aviatika. This publication is, to the authors best
knowledge, the only edited volume on aviation history, ever written in a Balkan language.
13 Vogiatzis, War material,1519.
74
Military and Civil aviation, as the former management of Civil Aviation by

the Ministry of Communications was considered inefficient. The Ministrys
contribution in fostering Civil Aviation in Greece was crucial. A government-owned civil airline was set up, staffed by ex-military pilots and mechanics. Until at least WW II, all aviation personnel involved in technical
trades were either in the Military or were former military trainees.
Consequently, the technological history of pre-war Aviation in Greece
is part and parcel of Service history. But the history of all Balkan Air Forces
well into the 20th Century is criss-crossed by violent changes caused by political upheavals, coups detat, civil wars and foreign invasion. Purges that led to
involuntary postings or premature retirement of personnel were common. In
this very turbulent context, technological developments, however noteworthy, fade into apparent insignificance. In an attempt to understand how the
archetypical of the technologies of modernism became entangled in this very
idiosyncratic setting it is necessary to look for first beginnings.
Airmindness is a pre-1914 phenomenon. It was nurtured by a widespread body of predictive literature, both fiction and predictive theory, established in the 19th Century. Air Leagues, Aero Clubs and organized lobbies promoted public awareness, opened subscriptions and generally pressured recalcitrant government and military authorities to further the cause
of Aviation. Good treatises on Britain, Germany and France endow the relevant literature on airmindness in Western Europe.14
The official attitude to the aeroplane in the West has been hotly debated ever since15. Barring oversimplifications, there is a consensus that the
most timid military staffs can be blamed for many things but for technological conservatism. They financed projects that proved technological dead
ends like the Langley Aerodrome (USA), Aders Eole (France), the Airship
Mayfly(Great Britain) or the French armoured aeroplanes of early WW I.
Given the very limited capabilities of airships and aeroplanes before 1914, the
question that still begs an answer is how to explain the considerable interest
shown in the various national contexts. Contrary to the popular legend circulated by aviation propagandists to pressure their respective governments,the
military authorities were interested in the new technology. They had a hard
time in assessing the various offers put forward by individual inventors who
usually demanded a fortune for their products.
Looking at the Balkans, one is immediately struck by the fact that large
segments of the urban populations were thoroughly accustomed to flying machines thanks to the services of itinerant pilots-enterpreneurs. These pilotscum-showmen performed flying maneuvers before ticket paying crowds who
flocked to see them fly. Aeroplanes and balloons were considered then a curiosity. The names of Utoskin (Athens, 1909, aeroplane) Simon, Maslenikov,
14 Paris, Winged Warfare; Fritzsche, German Aviation; Wohl, A Passion for Wings.
15 Kennet, Air War,122; Edgerton, England,117; Morrow, Great War 157.
75
Dimitris Vogiatzis
Cermak, Vidmer (Belgrade, 1910/1911, aeroplane), Godard (Plovdiv, 1898,

balloon), Maslenikov (Sofia, 1910, aeroplane), Barbotte (Istanbul, 1909, balloon), de Caters, Bleriot16 (Istanbul, 1909, aeroplane), Jones (Istanbul, 1912,
aeroplane), all of them Slav and Anglo-French pioneer aviators, are known .
Additionally, a small cadre of local pilots both officers and private individuals
performed regularly in similar Air Shows for the publics sake. The funerals
of two of the latter, victims of flying accidents were declared days of national
mourning in Serbia (Januar,1911) and Greece (August,1912).
The first volume of the Greek Official Military Aviation history coins
the term Year of Aviation for 1912 noting17 the widespread pro-aviation agitation of the Athenian Press. A look at other Balkan papers conveys a similar impression. An appeal to the responsible officials to train pilots in time
as they cant be created overnight nor can be ordered by some factory appears in the major Belgrade newspaper as early as November 191018 pointing to the fact that in wartime without prior training, not enough pilots will
be available. The Bulgarian paper Rets, reportedly reflecting the views of
the High Command, writes: Aeroplanes are of the greatest value for the
Army especially at wartime. With their help it would be possible without
other means to destroy transportation nodes, especially bridges.19
Most known newspaper references from all Balkan papers are strikingly similar in their bellicose language. One is hard pressed to find a statement
exhorting the technological virtues of aircraft or evoking modernist visions.
There is some evidence of Royal Patronage towards Aviation. This
royal support for Aviation persisted well into the thirties. The Serb King
Peter I overruled20 in a crucial cabinet meeting General Stepan Stepanovich
(Commander in Chief of the Serbian 2nd Army during the Balkan Wars),
who disagreed to the proposed foreign Aviation training of officers. Both
the Bulgarian Czar Ferdinand I and the two Princes Boris and Cyril took
rides in aircraft in 1910 and the same did (Ottoman) Prince Celalledin in
1913. The PR value of aircraft was then lost on the Royal House of Greece
but not on Greek Premier Eleftherios Venizelos, who preceded Churchills
similar exploits by a year, flying as a passenger in February,1912. His speech
delivered after that flight is one of the earliest statements concerning the
use of Military Air Power ever made by any Statesman:
The aeroplane is suitable as a weapon of the weak. The audacious and
daring nature of the Greek will transform it to a splendid weapon of War
capable of rendering great services.21
16 For an excellent description of the experiences of one of these foreign aviators during
the visits in the Balkan cities, see the article about Bleriots flying display in Instabul, see
Leiser, Dawn of Aviation.
17 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A,32.
18 Beograd, Politika , 30 December 1910.
19 Sofia, Rets, 15 September 1912.
20 Janic, Nastanak,16.
21 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A, 22.
76
The Balkan Air Leagues and their subscription campaigns merit a monograph on their own. They were established earlier than similar
British organizations22 and covered the cost for the majority of aeroplanes
(at least in Greece and the Ottoman Empire). The Donanma Cemiyeti
(Fleet Society) modelled after the German Flottenverein to support the
sharp Greek-Ottoman Naval Race embraced Aviation too: An Ottoman
Lady named Belkis Sevket, incidentally cofounder of the Organization of
Defending the Women Rights, (a pioneering Muslim feminist organization)
is noted throwing leaflets over Istanbul from of a Deperdussin in support
of the Fleet Societys campaign23 in 1913. She was perhaps the first woman-passenger of Balkan provenance. The most successful fund-raising campaign, by any standards, was waged by a Greek man of letters, who allegedly raised single-handedly money from patriotic Greek-Americans, for a
Stettin-built 680 ton destroyer, an artillery battery and three aeroplanes24.
The prevalent attitude to the aeroplane is best summed up in the motives behind the first locally produced aircraft in the Balkans: it was ordered
not by the Army but by prospective volunteers who want to fight side by side
with the regular Army. It was built in the workshop of a Serb aviation pioneer,
and it was destined for irregular warfare, to support guerilla bands fighting
in unliberated Serbian lands25. It was delivered in May 1912 to its owners but
damaged due to inept handling, without harming anybody, much less the enemy. As a matter of fact irregular formations formed of civilians with or without official sanction, fought alongside all armies, later in the Wars.
On the eve of the Wars, all Balkan armies shared many similarities.
They were organized according to the European General Staff model (except Montenegro). They all followed European models for training, logistics
communications and sanitation26. They relied on conscript armies of mainly illiterate peasants but equipped with state of the art European weapons. Foreign training was not only a privilege of the higher Officer Corps.
Middle or low rank officers, mainly specialists, were sent to training courses abroad. Members of foreign military missions were given great latitude
to do their work, inflated local military ranks (in Greece and the Ottoman
Empire) and a place in the Official Officers Rank List that is used to regulate promotions ( at least in Greece). From articles in the official military
magazines, it is evident that world developments in tactics and weaponry were followed closely. The enthusiastic and simultaneous use of wireless, torpedo boats, machine guns, submarines, sea mines by some or all
the combatants during the Wars, reveals a military culture very open to
innovation. The existence of such a military culture was conductive to the
22 aris, First Air Wars ,104.
23 Diven, Guide Book, 18.
24 Rouskas, Spyros Matsoukas, 144.
26 Hall, 15.
77
Dimitris Vogiatzis
adoption of promising by most contemporary western accounts new weapons such as aeroplanes and airships. Another contributing factor was the
minuscule cost of Aviation material compared to the heavy burden of the
Greek or Ottoman Naval Estimates and the overall cost of the Balkan
arms race.Experimentation with tactics and equipment was practiced in
maneuvers. Relevant here is the opinion of Vice-Admiral Mark Kerr, Head
of the British Naval Mission in Greece (191315):
Within one year of our arrival and before the Great War commenced, the Greek Navy was the only maritime Service in the World who
was practicing in maneuvers the hunting of submarines by seaplanes and
destroyers in combination and was making arrangements for catching underwater pests [submarines, authors note] in steel nets.27
Kerr was typical of the air-minded middle-aged officers like the British
Trenchard and the Austrian Uzelac, who taught themselves to fly in order to
command the first military aviation units. During WW I he became one of
the early proponents of Strategic Air Warfare, and played no small part in the
establishment of the first independent Air Force, the Royal Air Force.
The formal institution of the respective Balkan Air Arms is not given the attention it deserves in the available accounts. According to the
first volume of the Greek Official History, the establishment of an Aviation
Section (under the Corps of Engineers) was based on a recommendation by
the French Military Mission that was received with alacrity28 by the War
Ministry. The Mission led by General Joseph Eydoux arrived in Athens in
January, 1911 and was assigned the task of radical reorganization of the
Greek Army.The members of the Mission were not mere advisors, they were
given Greek military ranks and actually commanded military units during multiple and very intense exercises held before the Wars. (However,
they were forbidden to take an active part in the Wars). Unfortunately, the
author of the above recommendation is unknown, as the two Engineer
Officers included in the Missions complement were assigned not to aviation related work but to traditional Corps of Engineers tasks29. Similarly the
Ottoman Aviation Section was placed under the General Inspectorate of
Technical Troops and Fortified Places and its inception (July, 1911) credited to the initiative of Ottoman War Minister Mahmut Sevket Pasa30 (1856
1913). Both the Bulgarian and the Serbian Aviation sections were formed
formally after War broke out in September, 1912, the first under the Corps
of Engineers, the second directly at the disposal of the High Command31.
Both armies operated balloons from 1906 and 1909 respectively, and
aeroplanes were received and used before the formal establishments of
27 Kerr, Reminiscences,181.
28 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A, p. 26.
29 Laroche, Mission Militaire, 179.
31 Janic, Nastanak, 22.
78
Aviation Sections. The attachment of these sections to the Engineers reflects the French practice of the time. In the Greek case, it was a rather
nominal subordination. Only the name of the Engineer Officer in charge
is known who subsequently disappears from all accounts. The fragmentary archival sources unearthed in the Hellenic Army historical archives
bear the signatures of Premier/War Minister Venizelos and Navy Minister
Stratos and some concern very mundane matters. On the other hand they
suggest that in the Greek case at least, aviation was considered important enough to trouble heads of Government and cabinet members. This
lack of data regarding the proper chain of command above the Aviation
Section level (it was a company level formation-a battalion consists of three
companies), does not allow us to place the Greek Aviation Section in its
proper military context. The subordination of a military unit reveals a lot
about its function and its relative significance. For example the Bulgarian
chain of command is given32 as follows: Army General Staff>Engineering
Troops>Railway Regiment>Aeroplane Parc (a support unit that collected
all airplanes)>aeroplane (4) or balloon detachment (2).
It is a pity that so few original accounts of flying pre-1912 airplanes
have survived. Aeroplanes between 19091912 were really a generation
apart from early WW I examples, as they had much more demanding flying
characteristics. The flying characteristics of these aircraft cannot be compared in a meaningful way, even with interwar aeroplanes, not to speak of
todays light propeller aeroplanes. The physical effort to stay aloft in such a
machine is today underrated while their potential is usually overrated. The
main points of contention were power and control. Almost all were notoriously underpowered, the average output being 50 hp and thus very prone to
the ravages of weather. Also in those days every manufacturer used his own
unique system of flight controls. Wing warping as pioneered by the Wrights
was one of the many possible configurations with many permutations. The
situation was further exacerbated by different cockpit controls33. (Control
over flight controls used in production aeroplanes was the point behind the
Wrights yearlong litigations over patents with Curtiss and others). This profusion of control systems meant that when somebody learnt to fly on a type
of aircraft, he was not automatically capable to fly on another type34 as it
32 Nedialkov, Air Power, 36.
33 For a very informed discussion on flight controls of three different early aircraft see
Taylor, Pioneer Aeroplanes, 137158.
34 A surviving telegram sent from the Greek Premier Minister to Commander in Chief of
the Army testifies to this. Venizelos complains to Crown Prince Constantine about a
hired Italian Aviator who is incapable to fly in the Greek Farman biplanes and demands
more practice. As this all happens at an advanced landing ground in the battlefield of
Epirus, he recommends upon the suggestion of a Greek officer pilot that the Italian
be barred from further flights. Telegram from Minister Venizelos, Athens to the
Crown Prince, CinC, Vodena, 4 Nov 1912, File 1602/A/36, Hellenic Army General
Staff Historical Service Archive, Athens. The hapless Italian who learned to fly in
monoplanes,is not mentioned in the Official History volume. It is amazing that Prime
79
Dimitris Vogiatzis
happens today with light aeroplanes. This factor undermined the value of
any accomplished flying training. Flying early aircraft demanded constant
attention from the pilot and proved very tiring as noted both by contemporary reports35 and modern recreators36.
The accident rate was high, a fact well known to a Serb Officer who
disobeyed orders to report for Air Training when his superiors declined
him the life insurance he requested37. All the latter Balkan accounts written
more than 50 years later treat training as the routine affair it became only after WW II. They generally mention the names of the officers who completed successfully the courses abroad: 4 Greeks, 1338 Bulgarians, 6 Serbs
(including three Non Commissioned Officers), 8 Ottomans (two as civilians at their own expenses). The Greeks decided not to train more officers
abroad than the first four, because they wanted to transfer flight training
in Greece.The majority studied in the private flight schools of the manufacturers Farman and Bleriot in Etampes, both near Paris. Most of the international pupils preferred the Farman school which offered tuition in doublecontrol two seaters, but according to the experience of the Serbs who sent
trainees to both, those sent to the Bleriot school were better trained39. This
was attributed to the exclusive users of one-seaters in training, a remarkable statement in view of later practices (during WW I, the British practice
of using double-control two seaters for training was widely adopted and
it is still in use). Two Bulgarian students demonstrated a method of landing with a dead engine that was subsequently incorporated in the Bleriots
school curriculum40 proving that the learning process benefited both sides.
It is unclear whether the Balkan trainees benefited from the reorganization of the French training syllabus undertaken in 1911. Individual exploits that impressed the public were less important for the military than
the abilities to follow orders, to fly in weather that civilians would not risk
and to function as a team under a single command. The first aviators were
required to posess civil flying certificates (Brevet civil) that were awarded after exams by the Aero Clubs and endorsed by FAI. (The Federation
Aeronautique Internationale is a Swiss based, civil and sports aviation international organization that still supervises the national Aero-Clubs). Civil
training offerered by the Aero Clubs was deemed unsufficient for military
pilots and accordingly, a new military diploma (Brevet Superieure Militaire)
was introduced that initially was passed by only 31 French pilots 41. The
Ministers and prospective Kings delve on matters that in the next War will be handled
by lowly officers and office orderlies.
35 aris, First Air Wars, 106.
36 Taylor, Pioneer Aircraft, 156.
38 Nedialkov, Air Power,13.
40 Borislavov-Kirilov, Samoletite , 12.
41 Morrow, Great War...p. 15.
80
Greek trainees were required to pass both the civil and the military Brevet
according to the official version of events. But in a report that predates the
Official History, based on oral interviews from participants, the training
given is described as being out of military context and the technical training as negligible42. All known Brevet awards bear civil FAI numbers: Fesa
Bey 780, Yusuf Kenan 797, Mihail Petrovic 979, something that means perhaps that mostly civil training was accomplished. The inadequate training
from a military point of view is reflected by the appeal of the Serb trainees
to their Ministry of War to allow them to perform flights beyond 1000 m
attitude to practice spiral descents with dead engines, as this was thought
as a suitable method for an emergency landing in small fields43.
The request was denied due to the worsening situation in the Balkans
that led to the recalling of all trainees from France, irrespective of nationality. Training was continued at home with the help of the foreign volunteers who were willing to oblige(they were hired to act as pilots not trainers), as well as with irregular practice in military exercises. Both Greeks and
Bulgarians are known to have imitated the French manoeuvres of Picardy,
September 1910, (where dirigibles and aeroplanes first made their appearance) during the Attica (May, 1912) and Sumen (September, 1912) manoeuvres. Incidentally present, as an observer in the Picardy manoeuvres was
Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the founder of modern Turkey, then a junior officer.
He was prevented by a companion to undertake a familiarization flight in
an aircraft that subsequently crashed.
Reflecting the western trend, the surviving accounts about the early
aviators are mainly hairaising stories about pilots stunts. They form in fact
the traditional flying personnels lore, recounted in squadron messes since
the beginnings of military aviation, but because they are sensationalistic,
some of them get collected and printed. On the contrary, relatively little
has survived in written form about the mundane aspects of maintenance,
servicing, and support infrastructure. We can extrapolate only backwards
from WW I experience about the exact nature of the work performed by
the 57 soldiers, 1 Naval Non Commissioned Officer, 1 French Mechanic44
who accompanied the three aeroplanes (one of them was captured as a war
booty from the Ottomans) and two pilots sent by the Greeks to the Epirus
Front. The corresponding Bulgarian support element for an Detachment
(Otdelenje) of three aircraft is given as 62 men, 31 horses, 12 carts45. The
Greek Section was moved about preferably by sea, while the Bulgarians depending on internal lines of communications were more mobile. They es42 Report concerning the Action of the Hellenic Air Force(sic) in the Balkan War 19123,
Section 060/51A,File 5222/A,Hellenic Air Force Historical Service, Athens,on page 2.
44 Telegram from Prime Minister Venizelos, Athens, to Commander Epirus Army, Arta, 18
November 1912, File 1626/A/4, Hellenic Army General Staff Historical Service Archive,
Athens.
45 Nedialkov, Air Power...p. 15.
81
Dimitris Vogiatzis
tablished base, forward, reserve landing grounds and dispersed POL (Petrol,
Oil, Lubricants) facilities as well. Balloons present in almost all inventories
needed hydrogen bottles that had to be imported and were cumbersome to
transport. Only the Serbs produced hydrogen in a permanent filling station
completed after long delays with imported Swiss machinery in Nish during the first months of 191346.
It would be misleading to treat the numerous foreign volunteers hired
by the Balkan governments in the 191213 as a body of aeronautical experts.
The only thing they had in common was some form of flying training and/or
proficiency as mechanics. In some cases they outnumbered the local aviation
trained personnel by a wide margin. Also, if the Serbian example is typical,
pilots were paid per day a Serb Non Commissioned Officers monthly salary47.
Numbers given in the table below are by no means definite:
Russia
Bulgaria
4
Serbia
1
France
GermanyAustria
USA
Romania
Switzerland
Italy
Bulgaria
United Kingdom
4
1
1
1
1
1
1
Ottoman Empire
Greece
1
2 (1 regular French Army
2 (given Ottoman
officer, possibly, member
Army commissions)
of the Mission)
2
1
Out of these pilots, some who served with the Bulgarians were technical representatives of aircraft manufacturing companies Sommer (Ernest
Burie France), Albatross Werke (Albert Rupp Germany) and Bristol
(Snowden-Hedley UK). They did not necessary take part in operations
(Burie did), but their presence attests to the seriousness of the Bulgarian
effort, which was the most thorough of all combatants. Also an unknown
number of Austrian48 and Russian mechanics assisted the Bulgarians. French
aircraft mechanics were present in all countries. Some of the foreign pilots
were dismissed after short service due to their incompetence(including all the
pilots from western countries in Greece,1 Russian in Serbia, 1 German in the
Ottoman Empire). At least one of the foreign pilots (from the USA) changed
sides and deserted from the Ottomans to the Bulgarians. Also of interest
is that that Serbians employed 4 Bulgarian49 pilots, and the Bulgarians one
47 According to a Belgrade newspaper, foreign pilots were paid 100 to 200 dinars per diem
while a NCOs monthly wage was less than 100 dinars. Foreign mechanics had to be
content with 800 dinars per month. Beograd, Vetserne Novosti, 23 Jan. 1913.
48 The names of three mechanics from Vienna are mentioned in Avdis, Protoporoi, 117.
82
Romanian pilot (with a very Greek- sounding name) although their respective countries were enemies in the Wars.
Thus, the pursue of the very nationalistic war objectives of the Balkan
combatants was observed by a decidedly cosmopolitan assembly of fliers
and mechanics. Apart from their war service (as they were more experienced, they flew the more demanding missions) more relevant here is their
performance as tutors. The first Aviation School in the Balkans opened
in the first half of 191250 in Yesilkoy airfield in Istanbul and operated under German direction. The Frenchman Jules Vendrine(holder of the World
speed record since September 1912) proposed to the establishment of a similar school in Nish, Serbia and trained local pilots himself. Others were less
proficient. German Mario Scherff was sent home from Yesilkoy because he
was not a successful teacher51. The Greeks set up a technical school under
the direction of a French mechanic52 (Mr.Chaveux) but the planned establishment of a Flying School was not accomplished until the end of the Wars.
The Bulgarians acquired unexpected technical advice on photography by
the local British war correspondents53. Thus they were able to mount cameras on their aircraft, and perform regular photo-reconnaisance missions.
All Greek sources agree that the flying skills of the foreign pilots were
worse than those of their own inexperienced pilots. In the Greek Official
History volume, only one foreign pilot is mentioned (in fact there were at
least three) who is subsequently dismissed, some time after quarrelling with
a Greek Officer over the choice of a landing ground54. He was the future
Aviation Chief55 of the French High Command (19151917), then Captain
Bares. In Bares 1994 biography it is stated56 that Crown Prince Constantine
did not approve of Bares flying missions on behalf of the Greek Army, because he(Constantine) was pro-German57.
Summing up, the Balkan countries benefited more from technical
support and advice than from advice on flying proficiency. All countries
relied heavily on the services of foreign mechanics that usually were hired
in pairs with the corresponding pilot to service his aeroplane. Relatively
50 Nicolle, Ertugrul, 47.
52 Athens, Estia, 26 May 1912.
53 Nedialkov, Air Power, 28.
54 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A., 45.
55 Morrow, Great War, 63.
56 Castex et al, General Bares, p.57.
57 This statement reflects perhaps WW I developments. King Constantines position
regarding Germany is a very important matter in Greek historiography. It is considered
that his pro-German stance during the beginning of WW I did not allow Greece to
join the Entente powers against Germany. He disagreed on this matter with Premier
Venizelos and the ensuing dispute led to the great National Schism (Dichasmos) that
polarized Greek political life throughout the whole interwar period. Kerr, who as
the head of the British Naval Mission in Greece and Costantines Naval advisor had
many reasons to know Constantines position, insists vehemently that he was not a
Germanophile. Kerr, Reminiscences, 191192.
83
Dimitris Vogiatzis
few local mechanics were trained abroad, the most numerous group comprising of a dozen Greeks58 that were sent to France like six Bulgarian colleagues. The Serbs didnt train mechanics abroad for reasons of economy.
Mechanics were responsible for tending the temperamental, predominantly
Gnome-Rhone rotaries that needed service after a few hours and their services were deemed invaluable. However, the very inconsistent quality of the
foreign volunteers due to the mercenary nature of their employment destroyed any semblance to a structured training program.
Lighter than Air machines were much in evidence in the inventories
of the Balkan armies (except Greece), one year before the Wars: 1 spherical
observation balloon, 1 captive Parzeval kite (Serbia), 2 Godard type balloons
(one of them locally made from imported Russian materials), 1 unspecified
type (Bulgaria), 1 Parzeval kite, one kite balloon (Ottoman Empire).
Captive balloons were permanently tethered to the earth to be used
as observatories, and by 1912 these were mostly kite balloons (developments
of the original 19th Century spherical balloons with a more refined aerodynamical shape). Dirigibles were essentially motorized kites that could travel on their own power. Since the second half of the 19th Century, the utility of balloons in War was taken for granted, an opinion shared also by the
armies of Europe. They were used for observation, communication (during the siege of Paris in 18701), even as unmanned bomb carriers during the siege of Venice in 1841. In fact, during WW I lighter than air machines used, as captives were more important to the military effort as artillery observatories, than the better-known dirigibles used for bombing and
long range reconnaissance. This cornucopia of today-defunct military aviation technology is a classic example of a technology that disappeared because a competing technology with similar purposes (military aeroplanes)
finally prevailed.
Balkan use was constrained by the availability of hydrogen that was
difficult to procure and transport and the scarcity of trained personnel (1
Serb and 2 Bulgarians officers were trained as balloonists in Russia before
the Wars). Balloons and kites were supplanted, not replaced in use by aeroplanes, when they became available
However, during the Wars it was ascertained that aeroplanes were
more useful from a military point of view than lighter-than air machines.
The use of aircraft was greatly constrained due to lack of spares and
the high attrition caused by accidents. Accidents that led to total write-offs
of aircraft were very common. Fatalities due to flying accidents, not enemy
action were surprisingly low, totalling 4 for all countries including one civilian passenger. The victorious Balkans powers which were in the offensive, had the oportunity to supplant their aircraft strengths with captured
58 T hey were low-ranking Army Non Commissioned Officers with technical
specializations. Details about this little known foreign assignment are known only from
contemporary newspapers, Athens, Akropolis, 22 March 1912.
84
Ottoman examples that were then re-used: 2 each were taken in charge by
the Greeks and the Bulgarians, 1 captured during rail transit by the Serbs.
Even with this unexpected addition, the end of the Wars reduced total aircraft strength to a third. The Bulgarians who had 29 aircraft, were left with
8 servicable aircraft by the time the second Balkan War started. Instructive
is the fate of the 7 French R.E.P. aircraft used by the Ottomans as described
in a report by Captain Mehmet Cemal59:
The 1st REP. It is a two-seater school plane. It cannot climb to more than
200 meters.
The 2nd REP. It is a single-seat trainer. Its cylinders cracked during trials
and spares replaced them.
The 3rd REP. It is a ground rolling plane deployed for teaching cadets how
to maneouver them on ground.
The 4th REP. It is a war plane. It was flown to Saloniki by Nuri and it was
left there during the Balkan War.[It was captured by the
Greeks and sent by boat to the Epirus front, authors note]
The 5th REP. It was used by me. While flying over Ayastefanos (Yesilkoy)
its engine stopped. Necessary care for reconstruction was
not taken.
The 6th REP. It was commanded by Nuri. It has no military significance
since it cannot lift more than a single man.
The 7th REP. It was a war plane but it was confiscated by the Serbians.
The aircraft referred to, as warplanes are those that were powered
with higher power engines and were capable of lifting two-men crews.
According to a recent study concerning Turkish military aircraft, of the 6
REP aircraft 4 were withdrawn from use because of unrepairable engines,
or other mechanical defects.60
With the exception of dirigibles, Aviation material represented a fair
range of the then available aviation technology ranging from the outmoded Slavic spherical balloons to the Ottoman DFW Mars biplanes, the most
up to date aeroplane used by any combatant. The most numerous type used
was the one seat Farman VII biplane. It appears both in the original French
built version and the deficient in workmanship Russian-built version utilised
by the Bulgarians. The type used by all sides was the Bleriot monoplane in
its one seat Militaire and two seat Artillerie variants, one of the first aeroplanes with military designations given by the constructor. In all inventories the 50 hp Farmans and other aircraft with a similar power range were replaced wherever possible with higher-powered aircraft capable of transporting a second crewmember as an observer. It became apparent to all, at an early stage, that the single pilot that most early aeroplanes were capable to lift.
had a doubtful military value. As reconnaissance was then the major mis59 S evel, Haluk, M., REP Pre WWI Period TUAF Aircraft, October 2005, http:www.
tayyareci.com/digerucallar/turkiye/preww1/rep.asp
60 Nikolajsen, Turkish Aircraft, 78.
85
Dimitris Vogiatzis
sion of aircraft, the need for a second crewmember trained for observation
become urgent. Relevant here is an excerpt from the combat report of Greek
Engineer 1st Lieutenant Moutoussis, who flew a combined reconnaissance/
bombing, raid over the Ottoman Fleet anchorage in January, 1913:
Specialized observers should be trained for observation from aeroplanes as it is difficult if not impossible for the pilot to perform observation
duties as well. Another[he flew before on behalf of the Army, authors note]
reconnaissance I accomplished in Naval Service gave far better results than
the expected, because I had with me a special observer, an Naval Officer.
That Officer[Ensign Moraitinis ,authors note] managed to identify by name
the position of the enemys ships.61
The effect of this first known attack by aeroplanes against ships is described in the Turkish Official History volume, as a 15 cm crater in a field62
a typical result for bombing missions in the Balkan Wars. Due to the low
weight of the projectiles, bombs were in fact glorified handgrenades.
Bombing was performed as a matter of routine by all combatants except the Serbs. The Greeks fitted wooden bomb releasing boxes for 4 x 0,5 Kg
bombs to their early one seat Farmans63. The bombs are interesting, as they
had cruciform tails to improve ballistics. Mention is also made64 of Greek
use of crude petrol bombs. The Bulgarians enhanced the capabilities of aeroplanes of various types with locally manufactured Velicko (light) and Gelgar
(heavy) bombs, bomb releasing mechanisms and bombsights. Another experimental bomb type devised by one Lieutenant Petrov fitted with a surface action fuze, was reportedly65 copied by the Central Powers during WW I. It became known as the Chataldza bomballuring to the name of one of the battlefields in the Bulgarian-Ottoman front. Its cratering effects revealed during
tests are described as 4-5 m in diameter and more than 1 m in depth, a very
reasonable performance, for the period under study. From the many improvised inventions devised during the Wars it is the only one known to remain
in use after their end. It is noteworthy, that standardization and production
status was achieved outside its place of invention.
It seems that all modifications on the imported equipment were initiated by service personnel pressured by wartime exigencies. That meant
that it was at their Commanding Officers discretion to allow or disallow
the experimentations. Testing was done by trial and error and every device
was accepted on its utility value alone. Science and Industry are noticeably absent. The only person with formal scientific training, who is known
61 Aviators Moutousis Report on Action in Epirus, File 1622/A/6, Hellenic Army General
Staff Historical Service Archive, Athens, on pp. 67. The emphasis given to the
significance of two-men crews is evident and in the Ottoman report mentioned before.
62 Kansu et al, Havatsilik p. 138.
63 Report concerning the Action of the Hellenic Air Force(sic) in the Balkan War 19123,
Section 060/51A,File 5222/A, Hellenic Air Force Historical Service, Athens,on p. 3.
64 Avdis, Protoporoi, 109.
65 Borislavov Kirilov, Samoletite, 36.
86
to have some connection with the Balkan modifications, did so reportedly because he was a friend of the pilot and because of his love of aviation66
not because of his qualifications. As there was no modus operandi to perform proper tests, write manuals and perhaps start industrial production,
even the most useful from a military point of view device, was doomed to
oblivion after initial use. Manufacture of bombs, bombsights, bomb releasing mechanisms, floats etc. was really a manual labour process. In fact, in
the available accounts little information is provided on where and how they
were manufactured. Even if they were produced in small batches like the
Greek bombs made in the Athens Maltsiniotis powder factory under the
supervision67 of a officer, they remained prototypes. The factory is used as
a convenient place of manufacture, undertaken under the watchful eyes of
the officer-inventor. He could as well go to a foundry, or use the services of
his military workshop if their facilities could be adapted for rapid manufacture. The development and innovation stages were never reached due to the
lack of testing and approving agencies and anything resembling a defence
industry. The last deficiency was not important at the time, as pre-1914 aeroplanes were the products of workshops not factories. Aviation could be
hardly termed then an industrial enterprise.
The introduction of military aviation technology in the Balkan region in 19121913 was not subject to the more formal service and scientific tests usually associated with military hardware in the West. Also, there
were no interservice rivalries, no discussion about the relative merits of
aeroplanes and dirigibles amidst decision makers. No comparison can be
made with the protracted and convoluted process noted in the Western armies between 19091912. The adoption of military aircraft was rapid, numbers rising from nil in early 1912 to 60 in one and a half years. This can
be explained by the willingness of the Balkan armies to experiment with
any military technology that could give a competitive edge over the neighboring countries, including aeroplanes. This is reflected in the overwhelming positive public reception, the aeroplane being hailed from the beginning as a weapon of War and an instrument for the liberation of oppressed
brothers. Another contributing and perhaps crucial factor, can be found
in the aircrafts structure. Pre-1914 aeroplanes were the products of workshops not factories. Extensive industrial infrastructure was not a prerequisite for building aircraft, not to speak of maintaining them. Aviation could
be hardly described as an industrial enterprise in 191213, and thus it was
suitable for the underdeveloped Balkan countries.
Flying skills were acquired through eager but inadequately prepared local trainees. Further tutelage was provided by foreign pilots who doubled also
as combatants, with mixed results. The transfer of technical know-how, also ac66 He was Dimitrios Hondros an Athens Physics University proffesor who helped with the
pre-war Greek seaplane conversion. Kartalamakis, Ellinika Ftera 38 and 46.
67 HAFGS, Istoria tis E.P.A..., p. 36.
87
Dimitris Vogiatzis
complished largely by foreigners sometimes by unorthdox means, was more successful. Spurred by the exigencies of War, imported equipment was improved or
tailored to use, by sometimes very creative local add-ons. However, local inventions failed to get wider acceptance due to them being introduced strictly within
a military framework. The Militarys role was twofold: it facilitated through investments in training, infrastructure and material the introduction of a then very
new technology and encouraged local modifications. However, it was unable to
assess and standardize the latter. It also failed to develop a deeper understanding
of the new technology due to a lack of suitable military departments, scientific institutions and industrial support. Later, these failings will be addressed by the creation of appropriate organizations which even today are directly or indirectly under military control. During WW I all Balkan Air Arms were reformed as clones
of their respective Great Power Allies Air Arms, adopting their equipment, organizational structure and tactics. The very original experience of the proto-Aviation Sections of the Balkan Wars era was labeled then as backward or primitive,
relegated to the scrapyard of History and thus largely forgotten.
This early 20th Century Balkan exercise in mastering a new technology offers perhaps a framework for understanding better, more recent developments. The coming of age of new nation-states in the postcolonial era coupled to the disappearance of restraints imposed formerly by the Cold War
balances, have fuelled regional arms races in many less developed parts of
the World. The new military technologies may be different, the problems associated with infrastructure, training, technical support remain the same. On
both sides of disputed borders even the official rhetoric is strikingly similar to
that used in the Balkans before the 191213 Wars.
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89
Dimitris Vogiatzis
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90
Ph. d. Ferenc Pollmann

Hungary
UDK 343.322(497.11 abac)1914.08.17
ABAC, CHURCHYARD, 17TH OF AUGUST 1914

(Notes to an investigation)
From the second half of the 19th century the international community
made serious efforts to formulate the modern rules of warfare and to get
them accepted in the widest possible range of the countries. In 1914, however, it turned out that most parts of The Hague conventions remained merely
a dead letter: the belligerent actors applied the prohibited means and methods en masse. For the international public opinion the atrocities committed against Serbs by the Austro-Hungarian army became known in a much
wider scope than similar offences of the other party. This can be mainly attributed to certain foreign observers, coming mostly from neutral states.
The Swiss professor, R. A. Reiss, the excellent jurist and criminologist wrote
several publications of wide publicity about his experiences of the Serbian
war theatre, which he disclosed in a well-documented form. One of the cases caused the most stir was the manslaughter of ca. 120 interned civilians
in Sabac, in the local churchyard. After the World War One a special inquiry committee of the Austrian Parliament, which was entitled to clear out
cases of breaches of duty by officers, tried to find out who the responsible
commander was who gave the order to shoot on the 17th August 1914. The
charges against General Horstein, the then commander of the 9th AustroHungarian army corps were not proved, and the inquiry closed without
success. Other documents, however, which seems to have been unknown
to the inquiring committee, give us further interesting pieces of information, drawing attention to a possible witness of the massacre, Lieut. Moritz
Count Esterhzy, prime minister of Hungary in 1917, who served as an adjutant in the Austro-Hungarian army at that time.
After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire the government

of the newborn successor state, German-Austria, tried to make political
capital out of the extremely wide-spreading antimilitarism. A legally authorized Commission of Inquiry had been established in order to investigate cases, in which military (practically: high-ranking army officers) were
suspected of injuring laws of war during the Great War. Regarding the obviously huge amount of such cases to be taken into consideration, the initiators of the whole action reckoned with many instances appropriate to
charge officers of the late army for committing war crimes and, thus, to discredit the ancien rgime. The Commission, actuated by the desire for maxi91
mizing the quantity of available grounds for suspicion, had many thousand
questionnaires dispatched to the survivors of the war, and researched the
printed media (mostly the newspapers) thoroughly in searching for new evidences. Despite the large-scale campaign, however, a relatively few utilizable facts have become known, and only a small part of the investigations
ended with raising a judicial accusation.1
The massacre of abac, committed on the 17th of august, 1914, had
been coming into the scope of the Commission in another way. In summer 1919, in the curse of a criminal procedure against Kasimir Ltgendorf 2
(commander of the 7th infantry division during the first Austro-Hungarian
offensive on the Serbian soil in 1914), the investigating judge had been informed from a testimony about shooting down ca. 1503 Serbian POWs in
abac on the 16th or 17th of august 1914. This happened allegedly by the order of infantry general Lothar Hortstein, commander of the 9 th AustroHungarian army corps, who decided to withdraw his H.Q. to the Northern
bank of the Save River, and did not want to have the prisoners either transported or released. On this basis, the investigating judge felt himself obliged
to institute a legal proceedings against Gen. Hortstein. The case had been
registered under Nr. B/209/19.
The Commission set to work systematically, and made considerable efforts to reveal the circumstances of this horrifying event. It must be stressed,
however, that the main (in fact the only) purpose of the investigation was Inf.
Gen. Hortsteins charging for or clearing from the suspicion of having had
committed mass murder. In other words, the Commission was interested in
identifying the responsible person only in so far as Hortstein might be concerned. Since the investigators, having proved to be unable to gain clear and
unambiguous evidences against him, concluded the proceedings without accusation, hereinafter nothing could be done to find out who the real guilty
might be. (Apart from this, the Commission could have, of course, obtained
knowledge about this person, so to say incidentally. If so, another branch of
the original case would have to be established.)
That the massacre was really accomplished, it might seem to be beyond all doubt for the members of the Commission. This case was given, by
all means, the most publicity among such war crimes committed by AustroHungarian troops during the WWI. The Swiss criminalist and jurist, R. A.
Reiss, the then correspondent of the Gazette de Lausanne in Serbia during
the war, did not keep on hesitating to proclaim from the housetops all inferi
Wolfgang Doppelbauer, Zum Elend noch die Schande. Das altsterreichische Offizierskorps am Beginn der Republik. Wien, 1988.
2 Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv/Kriegsarchiv Wien , Feldakten, Armeeoberkommando,
Kommission zur Erhebung militrischer Pflichtverletzungen B/107/19
3 Archduke Josef, the then commander of an Austro-Hungarian infantry division, also
mentioned it in his war memoires with rather naturalistic details. Jzsef
fherceg, A vilghbor amilyennek n lttam. Vol. I., Budapest, 1926., p. 36. Archduke Josef gave the
number of the death toll in 53.
92
ority Austro-Hungarian armies had made against Serbia and the Serbian people. The mass media of the entente and neutral states took over Reiss reports.
Therefore, western people were very well aware of the bestiality of the AustroHungarian military. The Swiss professor let the audience know about what he
learned and heard of the massacre in abac many times.4
Whether its members informally knew about the massacre or not,
the Commission needed official evidences. For that reason, all the institutions were questioned which might preserve documents relating to such a
case. Curiously enough, the answers coming from the Austrian military
archives (the Kriegsarchiv), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ministerium
des ussen) in Liquidation, the former Supreme Command of the Army
(AOK), or the new Ministry of Foreign Affairs were equally negative. 5 It
does not mean, naturally, that any files of the kind would not have existed at all. During the WWI, the Ballhausplatz felt itself at least two times
to defend against Reiss accusations. Not denying the fact of killing Serbian
peoples in the churchyard, the official explanation given by the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs tried to claim the Austro-Hungarian soldiers behaviour as
justifiable, for the civilians attacked the invaders clandestinely. The official
standpoint was based on investigations previously ordered by the Ministry.
Unfortunately, the files of these investigations remained unknown to the
Commission.
Among the negative responses the Commission having received, the
one coming from the military archives contained a rather detailed expertise
about the possibility of Inf. Gen. Hortsteins guiltiness in the case in question. This document, while surveying the corps commanders activity on
the critical day, precluded the possibility of his giving such an order on the
understanding that there was not any withdrawal of the Austro-Hungarian
troops from abac to the other bank of the River Save, therefore Hortstein
could not even have taken into consideration the shooting down of the prisoners. The experts of the archives, however, obviously misunderstood the
suspicion on the corps commander: he really had his H.Q. transported to
the other bank because of the increasing Serbian attacks and must have as
well calculated with the evacuation of the town.
The Commission tried to determine the circle of witnesses who might
have got reliable information about Hortsteins movement on that day in
question. For understandable reason, this circle was identified with the staff
of the 9th army corps command. The investigators assumed if anybody had
heard Hortstein give the ominous order that must have been close to him.
The Commission managed to collect testimonies of almost all persons from
the former staff, although Colonel Martinek, the chief-of-staff had died in the
4 Report upon the atrocities committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the first
invasion of Serbia. London, 1916.; How Austria-Hungary waged war in Serbia: Personal
investigations of a neutral. 1916.
5 B 209/19/ 7, 13, 45, and 56 resp.
93
meantime. The written statements, however, not only failed to provide any
damning evidence or even indication against Hortstein, but some of them
definitely denied his liability. Thus, the Commission could not see the sense
of further investigations and closed the case as mentioned above.
However the Commission of Inquiry had been left empty-handed by
the offices while requesting documents, the Austrian Military Archives (the
Kriegsarchiv) still preserves at least one interesting file concerning the massacre of abac. In fact, this dossier6 contains the papers of the case of Count
Zedtwitz, discharged commander of the 29 th Infantry division in August
1914. Among these documents there are two testimonies, in which the massacre of abac was mentioned. Unfortunately, neither of them was written
by eyewitness, and both mentioned the same source of information: Moritz
Count Esterhzy, adjutant to the commander of the 7th infantry division,
Kasimir Ltgendorf. Of the two testimonies the first was made by the adjutant Lieut. i. R. Johann von Wettstein. Its main passages are as follows:
At the command of the administrative department I report my observations about the conduct of His Excellency Infantry General Hortstein,
commander of the 9th army corps, in abac und Klenak on the 17th of
August, as well as by special order of army chef-of-staff, Major General
Mecenseffy, about the verbal information concerning the case I was given
by Lieut. i. R. Moritz Count Esterhzy.
[...]
In the churchyard I saw a huge pile of dead bodies, ca. 80 corpses. To answer my question (what is this?), Lieut. Count Esterhzy told me these were
captured civilians who had been shot down that day in the morning (before
noon). He happened to arrive there, when at about 11 a.m. the troops standing outside the church opened a wild fire on these prisoners. He ordered cease
fire! immediately, and called to account an infantry cadet, a passive onlooker
of the whole action. As an excuse, the cadet said just before a general unknown
to him, in passing by car, had given the order that from the prisoners (since they
grew excited because of the news about Serbians coming and bombarding the
town) the Bulgarians had to be separated and the rest killed. The troops had
heard that and started to fire. The intervention of Lieut. Count Esterhzy came
too late; all the prisoners were lying dead or deadly injured in a huge pile. I saw
this hecatomb at about 6 p.m.; the corpses were unburied in the sunshine.
The others author is Karl Glckner, Lieut. Colonel of the general
staff. He wrote among others:
() on the occasion of leaving abac, he [Inf. Gen. Hortstein] ordered without any ground or right to shoot down the local inhabitants
(among them also Serbian POWs) interned in the churchyard. Herewith
he did not only offend the international law but by the effect of acting in
public significantly contribute to a general stir.
6 AOK 516 Res. See: Rudolf Jeabek, Potiorek. General im Schatten von Sarajevo. GrazWien-Kln, 1991., p. 164.
94
Personally, I have not heard His Excellency [Inf. Gen. Hortstein]

would have given such an order: I was said this by the adjutant Lieut. Moritz
Count Esterhzy. This statement may be reinforced by the fact that the
commander of the firing squad must have executed a higher order. I know,
however, very well that apart from the corps command there were not any
higher command at that time around.
Both testimonies were dated 14th of September 1914. It means that
nd
the 2 army command as early as several weeks after the massacre investigated the case, and had got documents concerning it. It deserves attention
that according to Glckner he was informed about Hortsteins guilty directly from Esterhzy, while Wettstein did not mention such piece of information. The latters testimony, however, shows interesting concordances with
the statement of Ltgendorf, which was made to the Commission of Inquiry
on 10th of December 1919 in the case of Hortstein7:
[15th of august 1914] In the church I found ca. 120 Serbians locked
up, mostly old men, women, and children. The sight of these in a huddle
standing, starving and thirsting people was deeply moving. My first concern to mitigate this misery was in allowing the people to be in the
churchyard enclosed by an iron railing, as well as in supplying them with
food and water.
During my entering the church I was accompanied by Captain
Schffer from the general staff section and an another man.
I could not look after the prisoners further, because I had to give
orders for the next days (16.8) advance toward Miar, and Lieut. Gen.
Hortstein as commander-in-chief was coming to abac.
[...]
17th of August stand my troops on the SO outskirts of abac; soon
they were to go into action against the advancing Serbians. The enemy artillery fire was extremely effective and stretched over the town and the war
bridge. There were reports arrived saying the situation to be critical on the
outskirts.
Here I follow my succinct notices written in my diary of that time:
I go down (from my field office in the building of the post) to show
calmness to the troops and to get information about the situation. Then
there came infantry fire. There were ca. 120 men locked up in the churchyard shooting dead.
I consider this action of the 9th Army Corps Command as bestial.
Then there was a panic, the supply cars could hardly be stopped at all.
So my diary!
In explanation I must add to my succinct notices that, having heard
the shots in the building of the post, I hurried together with my chef-of-staff
Maj. Branco Stai (currently in Yugoslavian service), a 2nd general staff of7 B 209/19/24.
95
ficer and if I am not mistaken, my adjutant Moriz Count Esterhzy to the

street, for there cries of fear could be heard: The Serbians have broken in at
the church; komitadjis are here!
Immediately we could see supply cars in panic chasing away. Their
crew could be brought to senses only by men standing in the middle of the
road and raising weapons. Then we hurried to the church.
Having reached the railing of the churchyard, the situation became clear.
At the railing there stand a sergeant with a platoon ready to fire. I
shouted to him:
Cease fire!
Unfortunately, it was too late, the massacre was already done.
Thereupon I barked at him: Why have you shot at defenceless prisoners? Who commanded to do that?
In answer the sergeant said (I think he had white facings) that immediately before that the 9th Army Corps Command ordered the Serbians
the interned Bulgarians excepted to be shot.
[...]
FML Hortstein and his chief-of-staff Colonel Martinek must have
been aware if or by whom the order to shoot down the defenceless prisoners had been given, and why this happened.
As can be seen, in Ltgendorfs report he himself played the role of
Esterhzy, the cadet became sergeant, and in place of the unknown general
the 9th corps command was named as the source of the order to shoot. One
curious detail, however, remained unchanged: the excepting (or separating)
of the Bulgarians. One can ponder over the question, how could have been
the Bulgarians mixed with local Serbians among the prisoners. It is, however, more interesting that the commander who gave the order must have
been aware of the fact there were Bulgarians in the churchyard. And the instruction that the Bulgarians lives are to be spared does not sound hurryscurry at all.
Whose version would be the authentic: Ltgendorfs or Esterhzys?
Which of the two was the real protagonist and which of the two tried to
steal the show?
Considering the fact that Esterhzys story was evidenced no more
than several weeks after the events, whereas Ltgendorfs testimony was
made some 5 years later, one could lean toward the opinion that it was
probably the Hungarian count who had tried to prevent the soldiers from
shooting down the prisoners. Consequently, Ltgendorf must have been
failed by his memory. The episode of the intervention at the churchyard
cannot have been recorded in his diary; otherwise he would have referred
to it between quotation marks.
Notwithstanding, thanks to Ltgendorfs testimony Count Esterhzy
was practically avoided the attention of the Commission in 1919. Curiously,
the Hungarian aristocrat must have been unquestioned in 1914 too: accord96
ing to a note dated 17 September 1914 Lieutenant in Reserve Moriz Count

Esterhzy is being ill in Semmering. Therefore his statement could not be
obtained.8 In the file there is nothing about a further attempt or its results
(if any). The late Hungarian prime minister may have preserved what he had
seen in abac on that fatal day.
17. 1914.
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Dr Dusica Bojic
Reprisal as a Cause of Demographic Movement of Serbian Inhabitants

in the First World War
Reprisal are the last instance in war conflict, as a rule, done by aggresors over
prisoners and civilians. This study deals with reprisal observed through the prisn
of emotions, which some individuals leading and ruling circles of Austro-Hungary,
Germany and Bulgaria showed towards Serbia in the First World War presenting one
of the most brotal factors during the war.
The emotional reaction which develop before and during the war have influence on the course and character of wartime conditions. War claims, plans and aims
are made up in the consiousness of the people at the head of superior territories and to
be dominant in the world.Human consioushess imbued with emotions and ugred with
strong persentage of adrenaline leads to war conflicts and represals result from them.
16 , 3234.
110
...
To get the idea about the war there must be a significant interest of those who
wont to use this law-regulated means. The nation of the state which declares war will
be prepared in an adequate way that it is necessary for the further development of
their territorial and political aims.
As many years before 1914 Austro-Hungary had had some aspiration when
Serbian territories were in question, we supreme commanding military staff, on German
initiative used assassination in Sarajevo as a motive to develop hatred as a strong emotion, among their soldiers and the masses in Austro-Hungary, towards the Serbs.
The blame was put on the Serbs and they were considered to be evil. Their
malice was experienced as a cause which imperiled certain values of the Monarchy,
so it was easy to have people wish to go to war. This attitude of empire created the
opinion of the masses, which turned into a passion, which caused fanatic hatred
from which war conflicts resulted as were as reprisals
The research of reprisals on the territory of Serbia in the First World War by
the Central Powers, to which Bulgaria joined, pointed to destruction which caused
the sufferings and martyrdom of Serbian people. Confessional, ethnic and cultural
differences were emphasized in order to inflame hatred.
After the war, in all allied countries, commissions were formed with the task to
collect and systematize all data about the damage in occupied countries. Such a commission was established in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians and their
members were main from Britain, Banansie from France and Raiss from Switzerland.
The commission relyed mainly on Raiss research. They wrote down the
crimes of Austro-Hungarians, Germans and Bulgarian in many volumes and made
the reviews in tables of all violations of Geneve and the Hague convenctions. It is
concluded that the Austrians and Germans did 21 violations, and Bulgarians 11 violations of International Law.
However the Austrians, Hungarians, the Germans and the Bulgarians were
accused of the same crimes. The list of Bulgarian crimes is shorter but with more
victims and the brutality is more emphasized.
The mentioned distinctions in crimes do not have influence on the degree of
responsibility, but none of the states which made them in the First World War were
accused of those crimes, were only noted and recorded.

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Beograd 1979, str.19
2 () () 765285,
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3
, 335, .., .26.
,
1931. .
4
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2/3 .
5
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. Mijo Mirkovi,
Ekonomska historija Jugoslavije, Zagreb 1968, str. 303304.
115
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6,5% . 8
,
6 Ivo Vinski, Klasna podjela stanovnitva i nacionalnog dohodka u Jugoslaviji 1938. godine,
Zagreb 1970, str.153.
7 31. 1921. ,
11.742.717. 1.741.042 9.215.514 ,
. , 1931. , 13.934.038, 1.963.403 10.565.000
. 1929, . 1, 1932. . 8689 . 7, 1937, . 3235; , 19291934,
1968, 58; : , 1962, . 4.
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9 , , 2002, .169.
10 ivojin Peri, Ustanova naglavice kod diobe u srpskom agrarnom pravu, Ekonomist
br.7, Zagreb 1937, str. 304305.
11 .... 56.
12 , , 764775, ; , , 1940, .38; Jakob
Hoptner, Jugoslavija u krizi 19341941, Rijeka 1968, str.124.
13 Branko Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije 19181988, prva knjiga, Nolit, Beograd ( ) str.5253; , 181519141,
2004, .200.
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19 1. 1928.
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privrednog zivota Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata I Slovenaca, Istorija XX veka, Zbornik radova
br. X, Beograd 1969, str.178/180.
26 .
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30 Godinji izvetaj Britanskog poslanstva u Beogradu za 1921. godinu. ivko Avramovski,
Britanci o Kraljevini Jugoslaviji 19211930, knj I, Zagreb 1986, str. 73
122
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37 : ., , , ....31; : Goran Nikoli, Kurs dinara i devizna politika Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1918
1941, Beograd 2003, str.74.
124
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128
...
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Dr Dragan Aleksic
Main characteristics of Kingdom of Yugoslavia economy,

with regard to Serbia
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians has united areas with different political past and unequal economy structures. There were large gaps in economical development level of some areas of newly formed kingdom, especially between the parts of
the country that were parts of Austro-Hungary and Ottoman Empire. Although the
institutions of national administration were established shortly, and the new constitution was made, no stable economy order was established. In the first post-war decade legislation hasnt been unified, so there were, in some areas, seven different lawsystems in function. The authorities havent adopted new economy program, although
the conditions for economy, both domestic and international, were very different from
the pre-war ones. One of the most important mistakes was that no discontinuity was
made with pre-war liberal economy politic, although all developed European countries put important economy flows under the administration of state. Key decision
makers in ruling system-ruler, government, assembly- didnt have relations to economy events built in praxis, so the control of the economy was given to subjects of economy-in this case, economy elite. Protected from foreign concurrency by custom duty, and un-sustained by laws, economy elite was free to use all advantages of post-war
economical conjuncture in Europe. Largest economy subjects were developing productions in dependence of market requests, led only by interests of making a larger profit.
Some wider plan for development of economy, or even some of its parts, has not existed. Situation was that, although Serbs had most of political importance in state, they
have next to nothing of influence on economy flow. Directions of economy were decided by owners of large capital, mostly Croats and Slovenians.
Serbian economy had, in period between two world wars, two good conjunctures cycles: first, up to 1925, when Serbia, as agricultural area, could make large
profits, because of high prices of agricultural products in Europe, and second, when
Milan Stojadinovics policy of state intervention made Serbia a center of processing of colored metals, that were on high price because of its use in war industry. At
the same time, because of strong policy of state intervention, a new economy profile
came, recognizable and more efficient, with better allocation of resources and choice
of priorities, made Serbian economy more important.
129

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(1934-1939.)

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. 6
. Foreign Office 4. : Boban, Ljubo. Maek i politika Hrvatske Seljake Stranke 1928-1941. II. Zagreb,
1974. S. 46
5, 1931.,
, II.
133
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, - . 6Avramovski . Britanci o Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Godinji izvetaji britanskog poslanstva u
Beogradu 1921-1938. Knj.2. Zagreb, 1986. S. 79.
7 1929-1931. , 2002. . 63.
8 . 68, 206, 208.
134
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10 . 200-202.
11 . LXI.
12. : Stojkov T. Opozicija u vreme estojanuarske diktature. Beograd, 1969. S. 191.
135
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13.

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( ..)
, 13. : Dobrivojevi I. Dravna represija u doba diktature Kralja Aleksandra 19291935. Beograd, 2006. S. 48.
14. : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. I. S. 51.
136
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. ( 1935.),
- . 15 .. . . ., 2006. . 68.
16. : Stojkov T. Op. cit. S. 195.
17 . : Boban, Ljubo. p.cit. I. S. 175.
137
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18 , . . 1936-1941. , 2000. .
19 Stojadinovi M. Ni rat ni pakt. Jugoslavija izmeu dva rata. Rijeka, 1970. S. 467.
20 Ibid. S. 342.
21 . : Stojkov T. Vlada Milana Stojadinovia (1935-1937). Beograd, 1985. S. 58.
22 , . .. . 35-36.
138
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Dr Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin
Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1930s):

powerless regime-crises of the state
For modern homeland until- and post-Yugoslav historiography, the first Yugoslavia,
that existed in 20s and 30s of 20th century, is up to today, mostly terra incognita, had a
plan to find a cause for key events and motives in politicians work. This refer to 30s, to introduction of the end of king Aleksandar Karadjordjevics dictatorship, to internal politics
of the regime of regency, which was legally re-established with dictatorship, to culmination of Croatian question and its solution, that resulted in forming of banovina Croatia.
Some historians see Aleksandars dictatorship as unsuccessful Yugoslav centralization experiment, planned on thesis about existence of Yugoslav nation, experiment
which wasnt approved. In 1934, before his death, king confesses his mistake, which is
certified by his contemporaries, but he didnt lived long enough to carry out necessary reforms of national and territorial organization of the state. That responsibility was transmitted to Knez Pavle liberally man, man who wasnt burdened with false ideology and
reputation of Aleksandar Serbian chauvinist. In 1939 Pavle accomplished first stage of
late reform and signed agreement about creating banovina Croatia with V. Macek, leader of HSP (Croatian peasant party), and with that he resolves Croatian question with
Damocless sword, which hanged over the state. Logical continuation of reforms, creation
of Serbian and Slovenian territorial units wasnt destined to be materialized. War interrupted perspective of peaceful coexistence of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, that would
use certain authorities in clearly territorial borders. That is how, in two words, some historians presented the essence of what happened with Yugoslavia in 30s of 20th century.
We do not agree completely with that logic. With that logic is hard to explain why
Pavle needed to wait whole four years (almost as long as Aleksandars dictatorship) to begin with reforms. We will allow another discussion. At the beginning we have that official
Belgrade in two decades, beside act of creation of Yugoslavia (01. 12. 1918) and introduction
of dictatorship on January 6th 1929, wasnt at all making decisions about strategy of development of the state for one decade or decision about important issues of the society (national question, elections for democracy or autoritarism etc.). Regime which ruled 30s was
alarmed because of one question surviving in the conditions of difficult state problems,
reduction of social foundation of regime. That is how we have to look on signing agreement
with Croatians in 1939. Weak, powerless regime of prince Pavle as he said himself the
most unpopular man in Serbia wasnt in position to carry out reforms, to take unpopular
measures in conditions when society did not consider him legitimate. Regime was ready to
make acceptations to secure its existence. Initial weakness and fragileness of the authoritative regime in Yugoslavia was obvious. Objective index is the fact that the parliamentary democracy with all its negative characteristics sustained in Yugoslavia for ten years and
royal dictatorship sustained only for five years. Foundation of relative stability of the system of Kingdom SHS was rotation of government parties which competed to get trust of
mass which had capability to deprive them right to govern the state.
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MA Dragan Dragasevic, prof. Dr Lazar Petrovic
The Direction f the Development

f Commanding-Informative Systems
Today it is obvious that commanding-informative systems present one of the
key factors of effective armed combats. The lack of knowledge of own possibilities,
ignorance of intentions, power and the means of opponents. The undertaking of necessary measures in the wrong time and decision-making about the use of forces and
means and ineffective use of avaible combat systems are the characteristics of un156
successful direction and commanding of the army, which cause defeat inevitably. It
can be easily noticed that in the base of all these activities the essential part has informative aspect and that its automatisation represents the base of modernization of
the system of direction and command.
Commanding-informative and automatic informative systems, generally
speaking, are very complex systems which demand accurately defined structure,
modern technology and well-trained staff. However, dependence on informative
technology can be dangerous, because it causes a series of problems (untrained staff,
technologically out-of date telecommunication system, unaccustomed commands
to manage a great number of relevant information, too late essential information
etc.) which potential enemy can use successfully. Thats why in projecting and in introduction of commanding-informative and automatic informative systems the development by stages is necessary where the projected and operating system, by introduction of new components, develops into high-quality and more effective informative system.
The study deals with analysis of conditionality of modernization of commanding system applying computer-telecommunication technology and their interrelation and influence on development and use of armed forces as well as on future digital battlefield, that is, on space where combat operations will be performed
(in professional literature known as combat area)
The system of commanding is put in correlation with the development of
computer-telecommunication technology and appliance of commanding-informative system in the process of decision-making, managing and commanding. It is
pointed to higher dependence of modern commanding on the appliance of informative-telecommunication technology and need for integration of digital systems and
staff who will worn on those systems.
Commanding-informative systems can be treated as hardware (technical)
and software (program) material achievements in the field of war skill. However,
it is not one way relation, because the appearance of commanding-informative systems has recurrent influence and dictate essential changes in the field of war skills,
especially tactics.
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(12411242)
Historians dislike nomads. This feeling is perhaps understandable, since our
sedentary habits keep us from a full comprehension of people whose prosperity
depended so much on continual movement and opportunistic raiding.
Rudi Paul Lindner1
12411242.
e
.
, , - ,
j ,
.2 ,
, ,
.
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. ,

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1 R
. P. Lindner, What was a Nomadic Tribe?, Comparative Studies in Society and History
24 (1982) 689.
2 G. Strakosch-Grassman, Der Einfall der Mongolen in Mitteleuropa in den Jahren 1241
und 1242, Innsbruck 1893 (= Strakosch-Grassmann, Einfall); G. Labuda, Wojna z
Tatarami w roku 1241, Przeglad Historyczny 12 (1959) 189224; . , , - (
), 1977, 210227; . . ,
(12411242 .), 1
(1994) 520; . Ross-Sweeney, Spurred on by the Fear of Death: Refugees and Displaced
Populations During the Mongol Invasion of Hungary, Nomadic Diplomacy, Destruction
and Religion from the Pacific to the Adriatic, Toronto 1994, 3462; . Papacostea,
Between the Crusade and the Mongol Empire Romanians in the 13th Century, trans.
L. Bleoca, Cluj-Napoca 1998, 146162; D. Sinor, The Mongols in the West, Journal of
Asian History 33 (1999) 144.
161

XIII .
, () . ,
, Comani Cuni,
Valwen. , .3
XI
. K
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XIII .
. , (11971207) ,
,
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(12071218)
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.5
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-.6
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. XIII

3 P. Diaconu, Les Coumans au Bas-Danube aux Xie et XIIe sicles, Bucureti 1978, 913
(= Diaconu, Coumans); N. Berend, At the Gate of Christendom Jews, Muslims and
Pagans in Medieval Hungary c.1000-c.1300, Cambridge 2001, 6873 (= Berend, Gate
of Christendom); . , , 2006,
3362. cf. E. , ,
, 46 (1986) 255276.
4 I. Vasary, Cumans and Tatars Oriental Military in the Pre-ttoman Balkans 1185
1365, Cambridge 2005, 54. (= Vasary, Cumans and Tatars)
5 Georgii Axcropolitae Opera, I, ed. A. Heisenberg, Stutgart 1903, 2324. (= Acropolites)
6 Cf. A. Nikolov, Cumani bellatores in the Second Bulgarian State (11861396), Annual
of Medieval Studies at CEU 11 (2005) 223229; . , , 1 (1931)
125130; . ,
(11861241 .), . . 273 (1989) 759. (= , ); V. Spinei, The Great Migrations in the East and South East Europe from the Ninth to
the Thirteenth Century, trans. D. Badulescu, Cluj-Napoca 2003, 272280 (= Spinei, Great
Migrations); Diaconu, Coumans, 114119; Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 2242, 5456.
162
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. 1203.

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II (12051235) ,
.9
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1230. , .10 1231. (Brandusium)
,
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,
XIII .

. 1237.

7 A
. Theiner, Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia, I, Roma 1859,
2930, 33; (= Theiner, VMHH); . ,
, III, 1940, 149150 (= , ); . ,
, I, . . , 1952, 164165; Diaconu, Coumans, 131.
8 , , III, 160161, . 1, 304306; . , , 3 (1930) 126127 (= , ); . ,
XIII , , 2003, 102; , , 39.
9 Thomas Archidiaconus, Historia Salonitana, ed. F. Raki, Zagreb 1894, 92 (= Thomas,
Historia); , , III, 325328; J. Fine, The Late Medieval Balkans A
Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth century to the Ottoman Conquest, Ann Arbor 1997,
129. (= Fine, Balkans)
10. , , I/2,
1934, 205.
11Theiner, VMHH, I, 103104; . ,
1323. , 1922, 10 (= , ); , , 129130; V. Achim, Structuri ecleziastice i politici confesionale n spaiul balcanocarpatic n secolul al XIII lea, Studii i Materiale de Istorie Medie 20 (2002) 125.
163
.12 M

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XV - (Ibn Taghri Bird):
, , - [ II],
[ ] .
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. (Jehan
de Joinville), IX (12261270), (Phillipe de Toucy),
,
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II (12271261) .
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.15
12Cf. Ala-ad-Din ata Malik Juvaini, Genghis Khan The History of the World Conqueror,
ed. and. trans. J. A. Boyle, Manchester 1998, 269, 553554 (= Juvaini, World Conqeror);
E. Bretschneider, Medieval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources, I, New York 1967,
311312 (= Bretschneider, Researches); P. Pelliot, propos des Comans, Journal
Asiatique (s. XI) 15 (1920), 165168; . , , 1990, 176178
(= , ); . -,
, 1966, 231232.
13 Acropolites, I, 5354; cf. Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 6364.
14. , , , .
I: . - 1884, 542; cf. ,
, 182; , , 44; . ,
XIII ., 6 (1987) 631632. (= , )
15Jean de Joinville, LHistoire de Saint Louis, ed. N. De Wailly, Paris 1867, 328331.
(=Joinville, LHistoire); cf. P. Golden, Wolwes, Dogs and Qipchaq Religion, Acta
orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 50 (1997) 9596.
164
...

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1242. 20.000 .19
IV (12351270)
.
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, 1241. .
,
. , , , 16Albrici monachi Triumfontium Chronicon, ed. P. Scheffer-Boichorst, MGH SS XXIII,
Hannover 1874, 950 (= Alberic, Triumfontium Chronicon); cf. , , 45;
Spinei, Great Migrations, 302303.
17 Joinville, LHistoire, 330333.
18Rogerii Miserabile carmen super destructione regni Hungariae per Tartaros facta, ed. L.
de Heinemann, MGH SS XXIX, Hannover 1892, 550 (= Rogerius, Carmen Miserabile)
19Matthaei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, VI, ed. H. Louard, London 1872, 77.
20Rogerius, Carmen Miserabile, 551553; cf. Berend, Gate of Christendom, 7072. A.
Pltzi-Horvth, Pechenegs, Cumans, Iasians Steppe Peoples in Medieval Hungary,
Budapest 1989, 6062. (= Pltzi-Horvth, Pechenegs)
165
. 1241. ,
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,
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(Sanctus Martinus, ) ,
. , , ,
, .21
.
(Geraldus de Fracheto), XIII .

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, 11. 1241. IV. ,

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(Guillelmus de
Rubruc),
IX (12261270) 12531255. .

.
, , ,23
21 Rogerius, Carmen Miserabile, 556557; cf. Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 65.
22Tunc intermissa est predicacio dictorum paganorum, donec ipsi Cumani post predictam
Tartarorum persecucionem de diversis Grecie, Bulgarie et Servie et aliorum vicinorum
regnorum partibus, in quibus erant dispersi. : G.
De Frachet, Vitae Fratrum Ordinis Praedicatorum, ed. B. Reichert, Monumenta Ordinis
Fratrum Praedicatorum Historica, I, Leiden 1896. .
, (XII
XIII .): , , .
: Gerald de Frachet, O.P., Lives of the Brothers (Vitae fratrum), trans.
J. Kenny, ch. 6.1 (< http://www.diafrica.org/kenny/VF6.htm > 28. II 2008.).
23 Itinerarium Willelmi de Rubruk, Recueil de voyages et de memoires, IV, Paris 1839, 280,
337338. (= Rubruk, Itinerarium)
166
...

. , (12511259) ,
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24Rubruk, Itinerarium, 350; O cf. A. Ruotsala, Europeans and Mongols in the
Middle of the Thirteenth Cenury Encountering the Other, Helsinki 2001, 123128; .
. , ,
, 2002, 493503. (= , )
25 , , 500501.
26 Thomas, Historia, 161.
27 Rogerius, Carmen miserabile, 565.
167
. , . y
- (Alauddin Ata-Malik Juvayni, 12261283),
- ( )
.
.
.28 ( Bugiec) ,
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- (Rashid al-Din
Fadhlullah Hamadani, 12471318). , ,
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1241. , [ , ]
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.30
-, ,
1241, . ,
(Philippe Mousket), , , .31
,
. 1242. , (12411246).32 ,
28Rogerius, Carmen miserabile, 561564; Annales Frisacenses, ed. L. Weiland, MGH SS
XXIV, Hannover 1879, 65; De invasione Tartarorum fragmentum, ed. O. Holder-Egger,
MGH SS XXIX, Hannover 1892, 599600; cf. Strakosch-Grassmann, Einfall, 150157.
29Juvaini, World Conqueror, 269; , -,
, II, ed. . . , . . , . . , - 1960, 37 (= -, )
30 Hystoria Tartarorum . de Bridia monachi, ed. A. nnerfors, Berlin 1967, 18.
31 -, , II, 45; cf. A. Decei, Linvasion des Tatars de 12411242
dans nos rgions de selon la Djamiot Tevarikh de Fazl ol-lah Rashid od-Din, Revue Roumaine
dHistoire 12 (1973) 101121.
, , cf. A. Madgearu, Voievodul Litovoi i prima aciune de unificare
a statului muntean, Revista de Istorie Militar 3 (2002) 4344; Spinei, Great Migrations, 431.
32 Des Tartars revint noviele / Ki par tot le monde fut biele / Que li rois de de la tiere as
Blas / Les ot descomfis a un pas, Ex Philippi Mousket Historia Regum Francorum, ed. A.
168
...
,
. , , ,
II , 1241. .33 ,

.34
,
,
11. .
.35

12371240.
. , , 1239.
- IV.
: ...
.
, .
, , . A , , !?36
,
.

, ,

Tobler, MGH SS XXVI, Hannover 1882, 819:
33Cf. Strakosch-Grassmann, Einfall, 169; V. Spinei, Moldavia in the 11th 14th Centuries,
Bucharest 1986, 114115.
34Cf. G. Cankova-Petkova, Griechich-bulgarische Bndnisse in den Jahren 1235. und
1246, Byzantinobulgarica 3 (1969) 6264. II, cf. Alberic,
Triumfontium Chronicon, 950.
35Venerunt quippe per Bulcariam et Poloniam et per alias plures orientis regiones,
universa queque inveniebant vastantes et perimentes et omnes quos inveniebant sine
misericordia interficiebant;... Intrantes denique regnum Hungariae, ut breviter dicam,
ita illud depopulati sunt, ut nec civitas vel vicus vel munitio aliqua, homo vel mulier vel
demum aliquot pecus salvum remaneret, Richeri Gesta Senoniensis Ecclesiae, ed. G.
Waitz, MGH SS XXV, Hannover 1880, 310.
36Rogerius, Carmen miserabile, 558560; Thomas, Historia, 160163; Juvaini, World
Conqueror, 270271; -, , II, 37; Bretschneider,
Researches, I, 331332; cf. Strakosch-Grassmann, Einfall, 7789.
169
(12371240).37
1242. ,
,38 ,
, .
, , .39
.40
, , , 1241.
?
? .
.
, IV,
.
1242. , .

. IV
. ,
1247.
, (Zeyhan)
.41 ,
37...Intellexi insuper, quod Cumanos, servos meos, sub sua protectione detineas. Unde mando
tibi, ne eos ed cetero apud te non teneas et me adversarium tibi non habeas propter ipsos.
Facilius est enim eis evadere, quam tibi, quia illi, sine domibus in tentoriis ambulantes
possunt forsitan evadere, tu autem in domibus habitans, habens castra et civitates, qualiter
effugies manus meas?, . , XIIIXIV
. o , , III,
1940, 107; D. Sinor, Un voyageur du treizieme siecle: le Dominicain Julien de Hongrie,
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 14 (1952) 589602.
38 C. Halperin, Kipchak connection: The Ilkhans, the Mamluks and Ayn Jalut, Bulletin of
the School of Oriental and African studies 63 (2000) 229245.
39 Thomas, Historia, 177.
40[Tartari] qui intrantes Greciam totam terram illam depopulabant exceptis castellis et
civitatibus valde munitis. Rex vero Constantinopolitanus nomine Waldwinus congressus
est cum eis; a quo primo victi, in secunda congressione victus est ab eis, Continuatio
Sancrucensis II, ed. W. Wattenbach, MGH SS IX, Hannover 1851, 641;
, Chronicon Leobiense Chronicon Austriacum,
, cf. J. von Hamme r-Purgstall, Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in
Kiptschak, Pest 1840, 126; Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 70.
41P. Jackson, The Mongols and the West (12211410), Harlow 2005, 65; Cf. J. Richard,
propos de la mission de Baudouin de Hainaut: lempire latin de Constantinople et les
Mongols Journal des Savants (1992) 117118.
170
...
. ,

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, .
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(12801323),
I 1280. . , , .45 , ,
.

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, (12571277) .46 , , , ,
,47 , .
42Pltzi-Horvth, Pechenegs, 7778; A. Pltzi-Horvth, Limmigration et letablissement des Comans en Hongrie, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 29
(1975) 315sq.
43. , . , . , . , , 2002, 8485.
44 D. Sinor, John of Plano-Carpinis Return from the Mongols: New Light from a
Luxembourg Manuscript, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1957) 202205.
45 O. Pritsak, Polovcians and Rus, Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi 2 (1982) 338.
46 Cf. , , 633634; Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 6566.
47
. , - 1257 1277 ., 1920, 5781; , , 131134; Fine, Balkans, 170174.
171
, 1273. .48
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II (12821321) , ,
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. , 1284. IV (12721290) , .54 , , Dorman(us),
, , . 55
48Cf. Ioannis Cantacuzeni eximperatoris historiarum libri IV, I, ed. L. Schopen, Bonnae
1828, 175; , , 4344; . , Codex Cumanicus, - XV
, 2000, 196197. (= , )
49. , - 1257. 1277. ,
11 (1920) 179180; ,
(- ), 1978, 9596. (=, )
50 , , ed. . ,
1866, 114115 (= /); , , . . , 1935, 8687 (= /)
51. , (XIIXV ), , I/3, 2006, 14.
, . , , 49 (2003) 139162.
52 /, 116; /, 88.
53 /, 115; /, 87.
54regis Ione qui videbatur esse maior in regibus Cumanorum, Alberic, Triumfontium
chronicon, 950.
55Documente privind istoria Romniei, seria C: Transilvania, vol. II, edd. M. Roller et alii,
Bucureti 1952, 272; Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 105107.
172
...
, ,
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.57
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,
.58
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XIII .
, . ,
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, .59 , ,

. 1241. ,
. XIII ,

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XIII , .
. , 1241,
1381. .
.60
, , 56L. Rsonyi, Les anthroponymes Comans de Hongrie, Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae 20 (1967) 140; , , 194196.
57. , , XIV
, 1986, 109.
58 Vasary, Cumans and Tatars, 104105.
59 /, 115; /, 87.
60Cf. . , XI XIII ,
, , , 2007. ( )
173
.61
, ,
, - .
Aleksandar Uzelac
Branievo and Adjacent Regions Before

and After the Mongol Invasion (12411242)
Mongol invasion in the years of 12411242. was an event of outstanding importance in
the history of Central and Southeastern Europe. Not only it caused great havoc and destruction
in the region, but was also main factor that stood behind massive migration of Cumans from
Black Sea steppes to the Balkans. Cuman movements and subsequent operations of Mongol
armies took place alongside the Danube and in the Branichevo and adjacent lands as well. This
paper deals with one problem in particular, already known in historiography whether Mongol
conquest of Belgrade happened or not and under which circumstances. Having compared and
analyzed extant fragmentary data from highly trustworthy sources Flemish Franciscan
William of Rubruck and Persian historians Juvaini and Rashid al-Din, it may be concluded that
these events took place during the spring of 1241. Detachment of Mongol army who forced their
way to Belgrade belonged to prince Buchek, one of the most prominent Mongol commanders.
It is not clear what laid behind their campaigns south of Danube, but it is possible that Mongol
leadership took this step in order to subjugate fugitive Cumans. Consequently, in this article
we tried to shed some light on Cuman settlement in Branievo and to show continuity of their
presence in the region before and after the Mongol invasion, on the basis of narratives, documentary sources, and toponymic traces. All this, regarding geographical and political peculiarities of medieval Branievo, and in order to show importance of the events and their significance
for subsequent history of the region particularly time of supremacy of Cuman or half-Cuman
brothers, nobles Drman and Kudelin, at the end of the Thirteenth century.

(12411242)
12411242. . . . , .
- , -
, .

,
.
61F. Miklosich, Monumenta Serbica spectantia historiam Serbiae, Bosniae, Ragusii, Wien
1858, 199.
174
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18 . . -, (XVXVIII ),
42, 1978, 2378, . . N.
Todorov A. Velkov, Situation demographique de la Peninsule balkanique (fin du XV s.
debut du XVI s. ), Sofia 1988, 23.
19 , 29.
185
1455. (110) 1466. (35), 15. ,

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1455.
(, , ),
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23 . , XV XIX , 1972, 50 53, 63.
.
186
XV
Prof. dr Sinisa Misic
Population of Crna Reka and Timok in 15th century

Historical demography of the times before introduction of first, even incomplete, registers can only research inhabitation of one area, by investigating the network of settlements. In this
period, it is mostly about the continuity and discontinuity of certain settlements (towns, villages, fairs) lasting. It is not possible to discuss growth or decline of population before introduction
of the first Ottoman defters, and even with them, we must do that with caution, because we are
dealing with non-perfect registers. In times before the introduction of registers, some intermediary indexes of influence on growth or decline of population can be researched. Those are cleared
lands and growth of economy, war devastation and epidemics, especially plague. All this factors
influence demographical changes in population.
In Timocka Krajina, which consisted in 15th century from districts of Timok and Crna
Reka, at least in the register from 1454/5 (while later in register from 1466 it also includes districts
of Klivija and Vinishnica), we can discuss population, and only because of that registers. The fact
that we have two registers made in 11 years period is a privilege, while there is also a limitationthese are house registers, not population, and only registers of raya, and not the whole population.
This territory is somewhat unique, compared to Branicevo and other Serbian territories,
because it was part of Bulgarian state (Vidin Empire), before establishment of Ottoman rule in
these lands. Furthermore, in the time of genesis of the first register we are considering (1454), this
territory was more than five decades under the Ottoman rule, which caused lightening of tensions and forced movement of population. It is interesting, that the migrations between Branicevo
and Timocka Krajina were intensive in period 1619th century, so we can assume that there
were some migrations too in 15th century, especially during the fights between Hungary and
Ottoman Empire, when population of Branicevo suffered heavily. Population of Homolj and Pek
was moving to the east, away from the roads and armies, and founding sanctuary in Timok and
Crna Reka lands.
It is not possible to determine precise ethnic belonging of population in whole area.
However, it is without doubt, certain that this population is Christian, Slavic population, which is
confirmed by material remains of many churches and monasteries in areas of Timok and Crna
Reka. The registers themselves shows active monasteries in this area. Because of great similarity of personal and geographical names, it is not possible to divide Serbian and Bulgarian ethnic
component in Timocka Krajina of 15th century. Preserved writings from this time, and there are
few of them, were written in Serbian version of Slavic language, which may point to domination
of Serbian ethnic element.
In first register from 1454/5 several settlements were enlisted, but with large percentage of those were tiny villages, consisting only form 5 households or less. In register from 1466
there are only few settlements of that type, and much larger ones, which is leading to conclusion that some neighbor villages have merged. In all located villages found in both registers, there
were growth of population in those 1112 years, and some villages even doubled its population.
Characteristic of firs registers is large number of widows. However, we can conclude that, in period between 1454 and 1466 demographic growth occurred, but, given the nature of registers that
are un-perfect, we cant discuss precise level of natural population growth.
187
XV
(, . )
. ( ), .
(, . ) (,
. ) (, , ). (, . ), , . . , , . .
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. ) . 1466. .
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1988, 311434; (=) II, 1981, 3699,
195329, 373490 ( . , . , . , . ,
. ); III1, 1993, 117157 (. ); . , 14. 15. , 14. 20. ,
, 1990, 3746; .
, , 1994; . , , 2001; . . ,
I, 2000, 254319.
,
,

,
, : Historija Osmanske drave i civilizacije, ed. E. hsanolu,
Sarajevo 2004, 1516 (F. Emecen).
2 ,
(
) 14. 16. . , 1566/9. , () 70%
16. , 80% . 74% : P. Engel, A trk dlsok hatsa a npessgre: Valk megye pldya, Szzadok 134/2 (2000) 267321.
190
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191
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in Rascia districtu
Brancho .
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8 .

1428. 1444. , 10 1406. : P. Panaitescu D. Mioc, Documenta Romaniae
Historica, B. Tara Romnaesc I (12471500), Bucureti 1966, 6768, 119120, 169; .
, : , , , 2007, 352353; . , , 88, 104; . , , (=) 12 (1987) 50.
9 . , , 181182; , , 124131.
10L. Thallczy A.
ld
sy, Magyarorszg mellktartomnyainak oklevrtra II, A

Magyarorszg s Szerbia kzti sszekttetsek oklevltra 11981526, Budapest 1907
(=) 2628; . , - 1402, 12 (1959) 101; .
, , 99; . , , 67.
11 1399. : L. Thallczy
A. ldsy, , 3233, 3940, 99; . , - , 111112,
119; . , , 1968, 1011.
192
...
(1402)
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.
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8384; II, 7174 (. ); , , 7982; . ,
, 2006, 114115; . . , , 265267.
13 . , , 352353.
14M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, Beograd 1987, 5758, 185186, 200201, 207209.
, , , 8 6 . , 4 , 64 : Istanbul, Trkiye Cumhuriyeti
193
. , , , 1467. 1476. ,
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15. ,
(16.7%), , .19 Babakanlk Devlet Arivleri Genel Mdrl, Osmanl Arivi (= ), Tapu tahrir
defteri (= TTD), 16 (1476). , , .
15 ,
. . : Branievski tefter, 108,
116117, 123124, 210211, 222223, 246, 266267, 287288; BBA TTD 16 (1476);
, , 124131, .
16, . . , , , , : .
, , 53, 93; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 7274, 106107,
135136, 158159, 163; BBA TTD 16 (1476).
17M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 75; 1476. :
BBA TTD 16 (1476).
18, , , , , .
, (
), . ,
, : . , , 5354, 9394; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 7172, 142, 148149, 182,
202, 207; BBA TTD 16 (1476).
19 . ( ) , ( ) ()
: M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 205, 211, 216; BBA TTD 16 (1476). , , ,
, . ,
, . , 1981, 94, . , , 79. , : . , , 54, 79, 9394.
194
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18 (29%).24
, ()
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20M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 8688; BBA TTD 16 (1476).
15. : . ,
, 18 (1971) 255268; B. urev, O naseljavanju Vlaha stoara u
sjevernu Srbiju u drugoj polovini 15. vijeka, Godinjak drutva istoriara BIH 35 (1984)
934; . , 14761560. , ,
, 2004, 229233; , 15. :
, 3/4 (2006) 8593.
21. . , , (), , , , . ,
, , , . , , , , : .
, , 52, 92; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 4243, 94
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), 249250, 265; BBA TTD 16 (1476). . . . ,
15. . - , 2007, 170190.
22 , , , , , , . , ,
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. , .
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195

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, : ,
, .27
15. , ,
. , , 1428/9. , 11 ,
: , , ()
, , , , , , ,
, , ( ).28 , 15. ()
, 1430. . ()
. ,
1467. 1476. , (72.7%)
15. .29
25. , , 2832; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 9293,
115, 191, 229; BBA TTD 16 (1476); . , , 131144; , , 1 (2002) 3954,
.
26. , ; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 47, 87, 270; BBA TTD 16
(1476).
, : . , , 140.
27 . , ; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 8182, 134, 143, 180181;
BBA TTD 16 (1476).
28. , , , , , , , ., 3 (1890) 34; . ,
, 20 (1973) 125137.
29. , , 1912,
531532; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 79, 136137, 146148 ( ), 174, 192, 220221, 247 ( , . ); BBA TTD 16 (1476).
: (), , 14671476. . . . .
, 15. , 130132.
196
...
1457. ,
,
, .30
, 15. , , ,
.
, , 1398. . 1427. , . , 1438. , .31 .

, ,
(77.8%, 72.7%). ,
: ,
, 1467. 1476. .32
. ,
40%
15. ,
14.
, 14271428. ,
,
.33 ,
1437. , .34
1438.
. 35
30 . Lascaris, Actes serbes de Vatopdi, Byzantinoslavica 6 (19351936) 183184.
31. , , . 1927, 219
220, 231, 289; L. Thallczy A. ldsy, , 7374; . , ,
. , 7071; II, 220, 245246
(. ); , , 9394, 212; . , , 123, 139, 160.
32P. Panaitescu D. Mioc, Documenta, 119120, 169; M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 76,
8384, 130, 162163, 180; BBA TTD 16 (1476).
33. , , 228229, 291; ,
I, 1902, 7884; L. Thallczy A. ldsy, , 78, 111113; .
, , 100; . , , 1317; . , 15. , , 1983,
110112; II, 220221 (. ); , , 99104.
34L. Thallczy A. ldsy, , 119120; E. Fermendin, Acta Bosnae potissimum
ecclesiastica cum insertis editorum documentorum regestis ab anno 925. usque ad
annum 1752, Zagrabiae 1892, 143; . , I, 362; . ,
, 1718; II, 244 (. ); , , 206208.
35. , , 231; . , I, 362; II,
244246 (. ); , , 212; . , , 139140.
197
, 1438.
60.000 .36 , .
1439.
, 37 . ,

, .
.38
1448. ,
, . II 1454. , , , , .
,
.39 1454. 50.000 , .40
: (1456) , , 1458. .41
36 . , , 38.
37 . 9
1439. 200300 ,
900 .
900 : . ,
, 26 (1932) 6769; . , I, 362; II, 246
(. ); , , 213215, 273; . , , 160162.
1440. 7000 , 3000
: . , , 38.
38 , ,
1433. () : E. Fermendin,
Acta Bosnae, 139140; II, 319 (. ).
39. , , 237; L. Thallczy A. ldsy, , 185
186; II, 296 (. . ); . , , 419420.
(Omul) : C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire
(13001481), Istambul 1990, 163.
40. , , 1968, 94; II, 249 (.
). -, 1455. , : . ,
, 96.
41. , I, 382389; II, 300313 (. , . ); .
, , 143171; , , 172182; . ,
, 477485; 521533.
198
...
, 163 ,42 ,43 82 1467.

, 23 , 58
. 50.3%
1458/9. , 14.1% , ,
35.6% .44
, ,
. ,

.
, .
,45
(, , , ,
) ( ) ,
42 , ,
.
, , , ,
, ,
: . , , 5254, 9294; M. Stojakovi,
Branievski tefter, 151, 258, 288; BBA TTD 16 (1476). . . , , 131142;
, ,
II4, 2007, 6364.
43 , : . , I1, . 1929, 188190; . , , 86, 111112; . ,
14. 15. , 1952, 152.
44 ,
,
. , 1467.
, , , , , , ,
.

,
.
, , . , .
. . . . , 15. .
45 , ,
. . . , 1202. 1813. , 1965.
199
.46 , ,
13891459. ,
, , , .
,
,
,
.47

15. , . , , ,
. , , , .48
, .49 15. ,
.
, . , 15.
, , 1458/9. , . , 1467.
,
15. 17. 18. .50
46
. , , , . . , 2002, 92102; . , .
, IX1 (1967) 186202.
47 ,
( )
( , , ): II, 122123 (. ).
48
. , , : . , , 92102; . , , 203212.
49 , .
, ,
.
: . , , 180.
50 , , , ,
1467. 1476. , 1684.
1741. : . , , 1805. , 1979, 98106.
1476. , . ,
200
...
, ,
.
MA Aleksandar Krstic
Institute of History, Belgrade
Ottoman Invasion and Demographic Changes

in Branicevo Province (13891459)
Ottoman invasion in Serbian teritories and following devastations caused big
demographic changes, but it is difficult to establish their scope because of the nature
of saved historical sources, in which there are no data about the number of inhabitants or households in particular settlements or wider regions. The study is an attempt to enlighten indirectly the problem of depopulation in this period on the example of Branicevo, comparing the data about settlements from the period of prince
Lazar and despots with those ones from the first Ottoman census books (second half
of 15th century). In that way, it is possible to conclude that as much as one half of the
Branicevo villages lost their entire populations during the Ottoman conquering of
Serbia. Comparing these results with other sources, primarily with those about war
operations on Branicevo teritory (13901392, 14271428, 14371439, 1448, 1454
1459), the main stages in the process of demographic changes in the period from the
Kosovo battle (1389) till the fall of Smederevo in 1459. are pointed out.

(13891459)
, , ,
- ,

. ,
- ()
15 .
, ,
. . . , , 110; , , 62.
201
.
, ,
, (1389)
1459 .
202
. ,
,
UDK 94(497.11 Branievski okrug):31414

:
15.
, ,
20. 1459.
.
, , ,

14. . , ()
, , . ,
, ; ,
15. ,
,
,
.
15. - ,
,
,
.
, ,
,
,

.

15. , 1467. 1476. .
203
1476,
, (, )
( ), , .1
, ,
, .
, . 1467.
, ,
( )
. , 30
,
. , :
.
. ,
, ,
.2
(1467
1476) , . ,
. ,
, 42 53, 15, 21%.3 1476.
,
,
.

. , .

.4
,
15. 16.
,
.
, : ,
1BBA TTD 16 (1476); . , , 152153; . ,
, 176.
2M. Stojakovi, Branievski defter, 79, 259; BBA TTD 16 (1476); . ,
, 217218, 251.
3M. Stojakovi, Branievski defter, 133134, ,
. 70; BBA TTD 16 (1476).
4 BBA TTD 16 (1476); . , , 97, 218.
204
...
1467. .
.5
,
,

.6

, ,
.
, 15. , .
- 1467. 5 , 6 .7
, , . , 1476. ,
, .
, .8 15. ,
,
, , .
1476. , :
, ,
.9 , : (8 ), (10 ), (25 ), (32
5 M. Stojakovi, Branievski defter, 137, 163, 203, 217, 243.
6. , , 1965, 2953, 192; . , II, 96
8; 165; . , ,
1996, 10814; . , ,
, 305330; . , , , 1963, 45112; . ,
, , 12139; .
, , ,
, 1979; 14457; I, 3813 (. );
, s. v. (. ).
7M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 4647, 8693; . ,
, 18 (1971) 256; B. urev, O naseljavanju Vlaha
stoara u sjevernu Srbiju u drugoj polovini 15. vijeka, Godinjak drutva istoriara BIH 35
(1984) 1819, 22; . , , 41. , , : BBA TTD 16 (1476).
8BBA TTD 16 (1476); B. urev, O naseljavanju Vlaha, 2425; . ,
, 216, 229.
9 TTD 16 (1476); . , , 229.
205
) (6 ),
. .10
,
, ,

.11 15.
. ,
148991. ,
. , .
.12

. ,

, , .
,
,
, . , , ,
. , ,
. , .13

BBA TTD 16 (1476).

BBA TTD 16 (1476); ,
. , . I, 1985, 1846; B. urev, O naseljavanju Vlaha,
269; III1, 878 (. ); . , ,
229. , .

, ,
: Turski zakoni i zakonski propisi za smederevsku,
kruevaku i vidinsku oblast, Beograd 1974, 140; . Vlasi u 15. i 16. vijeku, Referati,
saoptenja i diskusije sa simpozijuma odranog u Sarajevu od 13.16. 11. 1973, Radovi
ANUBIH 73, Sarajevo 1983, 156157.
12 D. Bojani, Turski zakoni, 9396; B. urev, O naseljavanju Vlaha, 13, 2931.
13 . , , 1996, 185.
206
...
.14 , ( 18%,
) . ,
, .15

15. , ,
.
,
, .
, 14801481.
100 000 . , .
1481.
.16 ,
, 1494. 1502. .
, , 15. 16. .
, . 1521.
1523. , - (
)
, , .
- , .17
, 15. , : 1467. 48 1 , 1476. 103 20 . , , 15. 16.
, 152123.
. ,
14. , , 20
(1983) 94; 1, 3812 (. ); , s. v. (. ).
15M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 467, 8693; BBA TTD 16 (1476); BBA TTD 1007
(1516); . , , . I, . 1,
, 1964, 33112; .
, , 213215,
.
16V. Frank
i, Matys kirly levelei II, 7680; 190, 195197; . ,

, 253, 296; . , , 4445.
17 . , 16. - , 32 (1985), 4950.
207
1476. , ,
: 20 1467. 1476.
.18 , 1516.
, , ,
137 , , , 62 22 .19

,
. , ,
, .
.
:
3,5 ,20 5 .21
, . , , . 8,
4, .22
5 ,
2,5.23
,
25 , 6 .
1467. 0,42%, 1476. 2,7%.
15.
. 1476. 13
( 82 ), ,
, , 10 ( 39 ). , ,
1476. .
,
, .24
18 M
. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 7071, 125, 245; BBA TTD 16 (1476); . , , 49.
19
TTD 1007 (1516)
; . , , 162165.
20J. C Rassel, Population in Europe 5001500, The Fontana Economic History of Europe,
vol. 1, sec. 1, London 1969.
21 T. H. Hollingsworth, Historical Demography, New York 1969, 326327.
22 I, 1983, 108 (. ); . Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 12.
23. , 1455. o 1683. ,
23 (1983) 215; . . , . , 1498.
, 131, 1992, 98; . , , 1455. , 2001,
425430, 4.4 2.5 .
24. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter; BBA TTD 16 (1476); . , , 202.
208
...

,
.
, .

. , ,
.25
,
,
, ,
. , ,
.
,
. . ,
1467. 3742.000 ,
1517.000, 67000 ,
89000, 37004200, 22002500,
14001600 , , 550
650 .26
1476. 180.000 220.000 ,
80.000 100.000 .27
, ,
, o . ,
. , , , .

. 1467.
(. musliman-i nev),
.28
25 ,
. Georges Duby, Robert Mandrou, Histoire de la civilisation francaise, Moyen age
XVIe siecle, Paris 1958, 133.
26 . Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 12.
27 . , , 196.
28 M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 1307.
209
1476. .
(18 )
(42 ). .
5.308 (120 ), 3.938
(90 ),
. 33 . 43.00058.000
,
, 1 . , . bennak resmi
, ,
. . 19 , ,
, . . 1467. 24 2.700 (60 ), 1476. 65 5.427 (120 ).
.29
,
, , , .
15. 16. ,
, , ,
. 1467/68. , , , ,
. , 76, , , , , .30
(35 ), (56 , ) (50 ),
- ,
-, .
. ,
, .
(80 )
, , , .
29 BBA, TTD 16 (1476).
30 M.Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 252253.
210
...
, , , , , . ,
, , .31
(95 ), 1476. ,
. .
. , ,
32. ,
, : ,
, ,
, , . .
, .
. .
, ,
, . .33
14761516. ,
,
, 1516. 40 . ,
, , 1476. .

, , (),
(), , , , , , ,
, , , .34
***
,
, , 15. ,
- 15. ,
31 BBA, TTD 16 (1476).
32 . .
33 . .
34
M. Stojakovi, Branievski tefter, 252-257., BBA, TTD 16 (1476).
211
.
,
.
Docent Dr Ema Miljkovic
Turkish Population Politics in Borderland Settlements and

Inhabitants of Branicevo in the Second Half of 15th Century
During the whole 15th century Branicevo district was the battlefield of constant war conflicts between Hungary and Turkish Empire who were fighting for
dominance south of the Danube. The period of calm life, but within the borders of
Turkish empire, Branicevo had after the peace treaty between two rival states in
1503, when alive economy, in the first place trade activity started along the border
which followed the course of the Danube.
War devastation, willing and plunder, insecurity, famine and diseases which
followed almost continuous war operations in Branicevo borderland caused mass
migration. The strategy of devastation of enemy lands applied by Turks and then
Hungary had an essential influence on the life and destiny of the whole population. Namely, as the basic aim of both Turkish and Hungarian population politics
was to settle the conquered regions densely, as much as possible in order to establish its authorities, it was regular and natural to take away the population form
these areas. Although the migration was partially with the free will of population,
it can be said that this period is characterised with violent movements caused by
fear from reprisals by invading armies, Turks in the first place. During Turkish invasions of Serbia, one third of the villages in Branicevo was deserted, depopulated .
in the 70s of 15th century, in order to settle the devastated regions, Turkish authorities colonized the Vlaches, a cattle-breeding population from western regions of
Serbian ethnic areas to Branicevo District. This also gave tax reductions, although
to a small number of Serbian population who decided to move from Hungarian to
Turkish territories.

:
15.
15. ,

. () ,
212
...
1503. . , .

, , , .
, .
, . ,
, ,
, , , . ,
.
15. , ,
. , .
213
UDK 272(497.11)16

-
(16181621),
(16251629)
(16311634)
,
.
,
. , ,
,

, .

,
.
1521. ,
,

13. 1532. .1
. 1516.
, . 23
. (1535) .2
, 1521. ,
. 4. 1544. .
(Blasius Fabricius
de Cresseno) certo modo.
17. .
1. ,
, 56 (1922) 37.
2. , 14761560. --,
. . 46, 2004, 270.
215
27. 1551.
Scozonolbus. , 26. 1565, . 3
17. (Cecchius),
6. 1605. .4

,

. 16. 17. , . ,
.
1632. ,
, borgo 600 . 16 .
.
, . .5
-
1618. ,
.
, , ,
16181620. ,
() .
, , ,
, , , , , , ,
.
3J. Buturac, Katolika crkva u Slavoniji za turskoga vladanja, Kranska sadanjost,
Zagreb 1970, 6061, 63 (= Buturac, Katolika crkva) e

, 1588.
. Cfr. E. Fermendin, Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica (925
1752), Zagrabiae 1892, 340 15. 1587.
episcopi Samandriensis.
4C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica Medii et Recentioris aevi (seculum XVI ab anno 1503
complecentes), Monasterii 1923, 297; C. Eubel, Hierarchia catholica Medii et Recentioris aevi IV (15921667), Monasterii 1935, 303.
5akovaka i Srijemska biskupija. Arhiv Kongregacije za irenje vjere 1718. stoljee (Monumenta Croatica Vaticana posebna izdanja 6), priredio A. Devi, Zagreb 2005, 264,
266 (n. 99 I), 283 (n. 99 V) (= MCV pos. izd. 6).
216
- ...
, , ,
, , . ,
, . , ,
Ossiech in Sirmio.
. ,
.6 - .7

, 14. 1624. , ,
, , ,
in partibus infide
lium .
Taurunus, vulgo Belgrado nuncupatus.
juxta formam concilii Tridentini
200 .8
7. 1625.

, .
,
- .9
, . ,
. ,
,
14 ,
. , .
, ,
6Chronicon observantis provinciae Bosnae Argentinae ordinis s. Francisci Seraphici, ed. E.
Fermendin, starine JAZU 22 (1890) 31 (= Chronicon observantis).
7Buturac, Katolika crkva, 6971.
8akovaka i Srijemska biskupija. Biskupski procesi i izvjetaji 1718. stoljee (Monumenta Croatica Vaticana posebna izdanja 2), priredili A. Devi i I. Martinovi, Zagreb
1999, 2930 (n. 1) (= MCV pos. izd. 2).
9Ibid., 3036, 38 (n. 1).
217
. , ,
, , .
.
, . , , . , , ,
.10 , .
, 12. 1625. di Belgrado, e de Popoli
dUngaria sotto il Turco .11
, , 1.500 .12
,
, 1521. ,
. ,
.
1532. . ,

. libar od kolone.13
1433. .14
. , . ,
1592. . ,

.15
10Ibid., 3637 (n. 1).

Buturac, Katolika crkva, 74.
12Ibid., 74.
13 16. 17. v. .
, 15211551. ,
13 (1966) 2947; . ,
XVI XVII , 1, , 1974, 423462 (=
, ).
14
.
, , , 1967, 93.

, , 444445.
218
- ...
. ,
.16
,
.
1625.
.17

. 10. 1627.

durae cervicis et incircumcisis cordibus et auribus,
[] .18
, , 1626. , .
, .19
. 1627. illyrico
caractere
, , , ,
, .
,
.20
, Bosnesi,
Ungari, Bulgari, Albanesi
16. 1627. ,
.
, .
17Ibid., 74. 1627.
.
, Chronicon observantis, 33.
18akovaka i Srijemska biskupija. Spisi generalnih sjednica Kongregacije za irenje vjere 17. stoljee (Monumenta Croatica Vaticana posebna izdanja 3), priredio A. Devi,
Zagreb 2000, 3536 (n. 11) (dalje: MCV pos. izd. 3).
19Ibid., 34 (n. 10).
20Ibid., 4041 (n. 14).
219
. , , .
, . .
200 30 . mercantucci passavolanti ( ). , delli Kristiani Bosnesi.
, oficial della Comunit.21
, . ,
. .
,
,
Sigilum Comunitatis Bosnensium Albae Graecae comorantium concedente
Urbano 8. pontifice maximo.22
,

.23
, , .24
, 1626.
, .25 ,
21Ibid., 3739 (n. 13)
22Ibid., 41 (n. 15)
23 1625.
v. Buturac, Katolika crkva, 73.
, ,
.
24MCV pos. izd. 2, 29 (n. 1).

1244.
.

v. . , .
, 2002, 136140
. .
, .

.
220
- ...
810 , 24. .
31. 1626.
ratione vicinitatis.26

, , ,
14. 4. 1626. ,
, ,
, ,
.27
27. 1626. ,

.28 2. , , , ,
.29
, , 20. 1626. .
42 ,
,

, . ,
, , ,
, .30
.
4. 1627. ,
. ,
,
,
.31
1627.
,
26. .
,

27MCV pos. izd. 3, 2829 (n. 6), 3132 (n. 9).
28Ibid., 2930 (n. 7).
29Ibid., 3031 (n. 8).
30 Ibid., 3335 (n. 10).
31 Ibid., 3637 (n. 12).
221
,
,
, . ,
. 32

,
. , , , , .33 1628.
.

,
. 34 15.
1628. .35 , ,
.
1629. .
1630. .36

. 1627.
, .37 1629.

.38 . , 21. 1630. ,

, ,
. 39
. 32 Ibid., 4243 (n. 16).
33 Ibid., 4344 (n. 17).
34 Ibid., 4546 (n. 19).
35 Ibid., 4647 (n. 20).
36 Chronicon observantis, 33. Cfr. Buturac, Katolika crkva, 7477.
37 Ibid., 4445 (n. 18).

39 Ibid., 76.
222
- ...
, 20. 1630.
,
.
,
, , , ,
.40
12. 1631. , ,
.41 ,
, 1622. , . 1631.
, ,
().42
1631. 1632. , , , , , ,
,
11. 1632. .
,
, , , , , , , ,
.
, , 6.000 , , .
, , 2.000 di poca scienza.
3.000
.
30 .

.

, ,
,
.
.
15 4.000
. 2.000 , 40 MCV pos. izd. 3, 5354 (n. 26).

42 MCV pos. izd. 3, 63 (n. 34).
223
. , ,
. 30
, 4.000 . , . 2.000
.
3.000 .
.

. ,
.
.43
:
,
,
,
; ; , ,
che ha occupate con dar false informationi
alla Sacra Congregazione;
, , ,
,
, 60.000 ; , . ;
- , , ,
; , , .44 15.
1632, ,
,
. ,
,
,
, . ,
,
43 MCV pos. izd. 6, 267268 (n. 99).
44 Ibid., 270273, 280282 (n. 99).
224
- ...
.45
,

, .46

11. 1633. -
,
.
.47 ,
,
20. 1634. ,
. ,
,
,

.
, ,
.48 , ,
, , , , , ,

.49
1632. , , . ,
, .
, . ,
.
.50
45Ibid., 276 (n. 99). ,
.
46 Ibid., 271 (n. 99).

Ut confinia inter praefatos episcopos sint et esse debeant flumen Dravi et oppidum
Ossiech, ita ut totum Sirmium sub episcopo Samandriensi remaneat, MCV pos. izd.
3, 7071 (n. 42).
48 Ibid., 7882 (n. 48).
49 Ibid., 8487 (n. 50), 88 (n. 51); Chronicon observantis, 35.
50 Ibid., 285286 (n. 99).
225
.
1632.
. .51 .
27. 1634. .52

,
, .
,
- ,
. , ,

,
,
-
.
,
.
M.A Katarina Mitrovi
About efforts of administrative bishops of Smerevo and Belgrade

Petar Kati (16181621), Albert Rani (16251629)
and Petar Mazareki (16311634)
The fall of Budim under Osman authority 1541 large parts of medieval kingdom of Hungary ended as domains of Turkey, which, in between, resulted in change
of religious affairs. During numerous wars and border shifting, which lasted more
than a century, old ecclesiastic organization was almost completely destroyed. In
attempt to retain even nominal supremacy over Catholics under Turkish authority, court of Vienna nominated titular bishops of Pecuj and Bosnia. Rome assumed
that catholic flock, particularly those from Srem and Salvonia, were jeopardized by
acts of Turkish authorities, and with growing presence of orthodox Christians and

52 Ibid., 83.
226
- ...
Calvinists. Thereupon, Holy See nominated administrative bishops whose assignment was to reside and act in domains under Turkish command. In first decades of
seventeenth century position of bishops of Smederevo-Belgrade gained relevance,
having in mind quest to gather catholic people under Ottoman rule.
Holy See nominated for administrator of Smederevo-Belgrade episcopate 1618,
bishop of Prizren, Petar Kati, originating from ibenik. Popes bill assigned him jurisdiction between rivers Sava, Drava, Danube and Tisa, so bishop Kati 16181620.
Performed cannonic visitations through catholic dioeceses in areas of Srem, Podravina
and east Slavonia (Valovtina) in company of apostolic emissary Jesuit Bartol Kai
from Dubrovnik. In the Belgrade bishop Kai cofronted Bosninan Francisceans, who
bolstered administrator of Bosnia Franja Balievi and his assistant bishop of Skradin
Anton Mati. Franciscans accused Petar Kati of usurpation of their chapel of Saint
Peter in Belgrade, in which they served almost hundred years. It was a beginning of
long-term clash between Bosnian Franciscans and bishops of Smederevo-Belgrade.
Holy See appointed new bishop and apostolic delegate, Franciscan from Dubrovnik,
Alberta Rania, for administrator of Smederevo-Belgrade. During his presidency
seating of bishop moved from Smederevo to Belgrade, at last. In spite of a fact that
he was a Franciscan, Albert Rani could not find common language with Bosnian
Franciscans that operated in Belgrade. Besides that, bishop Rani had to defend his
spiritual beliefs and right of despondency over Srem and parts of Slavonia from attacks
of Bosnian administrator Toma Ivkovi, in front of Congregation. Sick and tired, Alber
Rani backed from Belgrade during 1629. He died in Vienna following year of 1630.
Holy See brought ex-apostolic visitor and archbishop of Bar, Petar Mazareki, 12th
of April 1631, to the position of bishop of Srem, Belgrade, Smederevo and southern
Hungary. Due to his diplomatic and shepherd efforts, Congregation for faith propaganda decided that the border between apostolic vicar of Bosnia and bishop of BelgradeSmederevo should be river of Drava, near Osjek, leaving Srem completely under jurisdiction of Petar Mazare ki. Rome concluded that respective decision should remain
in force until Slavonia and southern Hungary remain under Turkish rule. Influence
of Petar Mazareki nevertheless could not reconcile misunderstanding between merchants of Dubrovnik and Franciscans of Bosnian Belgrade.

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szlk, Istanbul 1981, 915).
9 , 14591683, 1974, 107.
10Burcu zgven, The Palanka: A characteristic Building Type of the Ottoman
Fortification Network in Hungary : Proseedings of the 11th International Congress of
the Turkish Art No. 34, Utrecht 2001, 15.
11grd ki bu hisar [Bursa] sava la alnmaz. Buna sabr gerek. Hisara havaleler
yapmaya koyuldu. Kaplca tarafna bir hisar yapt. Bir havale de sa tarafna yapt. Bu
hisar bir ylda yapt. Hisardan [Bursa] diar bir kafir parman bile kartmaz oldu.
B. zgven-a, 2.
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Archivum, vol. l, Budapest (192125), 384388.; M. SNDOR, Balkanische Elemente
in der trkischen Militararchitektur in Ungarn im 1617. Jahrhundert : Proceedeings
of 11th International Congress of Turkish Art, Utrecht, August 2328 1999, N 37, 16;
M. WHITTOW, Rural fortifications in Western Europe and Byzantum, Tenth to Twelth
Century : Byzantinische Forschungen v. 21, 1995. , .
13 , ,
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16. , 14591683, 1974, 107; .
: Evlija elebi, PUTOPIS, Sarajevo 1979, 626; . , 14761560, , 2004, 120.
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20kala, kale Ferit Develliolu, Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik lgat, Yeniehir
Ankara 1982, 580.
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Trke-ingilizce szlk, Istanbul 1981, 241).
22r () (Trke-Rusa Szlk, Moskova 1977, 169; REDHOUSE Trkeingilizce szlk, Istanbul 1981, 240; Ferit Develliolu, Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik
lgat, Yeniehir Ankara 1982, 185).
23 : T. Smiiklas, Dvijestogodinjica osloboenja
Slavonije, prvi dio: Slavonija i druge hrvatske zemlje pod Turskom i rat za osloboenje, Djela
JAZU knj. XI, Zagreb 1891, 40; L. Jeli, Liki sandakat i postojanje Mletake krajine poetkom
kandijskog rata 16451648, Narodni kalendar za prostu 1898, Zadara 1898, 98; ,
18751876, . 15, 119;
, 1875. , 4, , 2004, 237238 ,
1875. , . 14, 2001, 43. : M. B. Zimmermann, Illustrierte Geschicte des
orientalishen Krieges von 18761878, Wien-Pest, Leipzig 1878, 308.
236
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Develliolu, Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik lgat, Yeniehir Ankara 1982, 756).
29 () ikindi () , , (Trke-Rusa Szlk, Moskova 1977, 439; REDHOUSE Trke-ingilizce
szlk,Istanbul 1981, 525).
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389; Ferit Develliolu, Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik lgat, Yeniehir Ankara 1982,
337); (.) gaz , (Trke-Rusa Szlk, Moskova
1977, 317; REDHOUSE Trke-ingilizce szlk, Istanbul 1981, 389; Ferit Develliolu,
Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik lgat, Yeniehir Ankara 1982, 337).
31 (.) humbara, (.) kumbara , ; ,
, (TrkeRusa Szlk, Moskova 1977, 572; REDHOUSE Trke-ingilizce szlk, Istanbul 1981, 685;
Ferit Develliolu, Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik lgat, Yeniehir Ankara 1982, 455).
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33 Hakija AVDI, PAE I BEGOVI BIHORA u: http://www.bosnjaci.net (09. 15. 2003.)
34 Hakija AVDI, PAE I BEGOVI BIHORA u: http://www.bosnjaci.net (09. 15. 2003.)
238
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38Kule, kulle (.) (Trke-Rusa Szlk, Moskova 1977, 571; REDHOUSE Trkeingilizce szlk, Istanbul 1981, 683; Ferit Develliolu, Osmanlca Trke Ansiklopedik
lgat, Yenisehir Ankara 1982, 630).
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Olivera Dumic
Osmanli Fortifications
ardaklar, kuleler and Ocaklar
As warriors and nomadic people, the Osmanli (Ottoman) Turks felt no need
for any kind of durable settlements or fortifications just untill they arrived to Asia
Minor where they finally settled down for good. It is only when the Osmanlis engaged themselves into conquesting campaigns (and thanks to the contacts with other peoples and cultures) that they started to build fortifications of various dimensions, aims and permanency. They used the siperler (hendekler, sort of trench with
inside soil dike) as temporary and the ardaklar, kuleler, ocaklar (ocak, chimney)
and palankalar (palanka, closed fortification of earth works or lumber) as semipermanent fortifications. But the hisarlar and kaleler (kale, kala, fortress) were made of
solid materials permanent kind of fortifications.
The smallest but certainly the most frequently occuring osmanly fortification was the ardak (ardak, artak, sort of lookout resembling a pile dwelling), specially on the frontiers. As a derivate from the persian word ar (four), this expression mainly designated a building on four pillars. These small wooden fortifications raised on three or four pillars were a kind of observation posts forming a sol40Hamdija Kreevljakovi, Kule i odaci u Bosni i Hercegovini, Godinjak Zemaljskog
zavoda za zatitu spomenika kulture NR Bosne i Hercegovine, sv. II, Sarajevo 1954, 71.
H. Kreevljakovi, Kapetanije u Bosni i Hercegovini, Sarajevo 1954, 23, 32.
41 Smail Bali, Kultura Bonjaka, Tuzla 1994.
241
id network along the frontiers and communications, placed from each other at the
distance of rifle range or eyeshot (the crew usually had wood or straw supplies so
they could give fire signals to nearest fortifications at night), and one could approach
them only using the scales. During the centuries, this exclusively military expression
got some new meanings, being used for some profane buildings.
The kule (kule, kulle, tower) was a small fortification which purpose was similar to this of the ardak, only made (according to the needs and possibilities) of more
solid materials sometimes of lumber, but mostly of stone or bricks and usually in
the form of a quadrangle, having loopholes in the walls enabling the crew to defend
itself from the invaders. Towers usually had a porch with eaves using for observation, and they appeared as independent observation posts as well as a part of some
larger fortifications.
From the XVIIth till the XIXth century, and specially during the troubled times
and frequent popular revolts, the Bosnian landlords and members of the upper class
used to build on their lands ardaklar for observation and kuleler for observation
and defence, but also the ocak (ocak, chimney). The towers could give shelter to a
relatively small number of soldiers, so the landlords often built nearby the buildings
known as ocaklar and used as residences but not for defence, although made from
solid materials and fortified enough to protect the people inside in the case of danger. According to some sources, these were larger buildings of solid materials and
with unusual, very high chimnies (and thats how they got the name), residences of
the upper-class families; some of them had also a special sign (the so-called apple)
meaning thet they are also used as overnight stays for travelers.
242
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. , ., op. cit., . 148.
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18 http://sr.wikipedia.org/wiki/_
249
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21. , ., op. cit., . 147.
22
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, ., op. cit., . 156.

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28 .
29 , ., op. cit., . 159.
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253
19351937.
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254
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.
Dimitr Victorov Atanasov
Regional version of the Kosovo legend

Milos Obilic in the Branicevo area
The goal of this article is to investigate and analyze level of information
about the past of city of Pozarevac and Branicevo area, regarding regional version
of Kosovo legend. In focus of research is Tuman monastery, one of hard-core points
of Knez Lazars cult, for it is directly connected with genesis of two versions of legend regarding great Kosovo hero Milos Obilic, who is in peoples tradition remembered as a founder of brotherhood. Interesting fact is that there was, until 18th century, opinion that the house where Emperor Murats killer was born is in one of the
villages nearby, and elder local experts were pointing at the exact place, where the
clues of living were obvious.
By itself, this problem is very important, because it allows the opportunity
to determine the mechanism of emerging and developing of various kinds of data,
which are later codified and unified, emphasizing the meaning of legacy of Kosovo
folklore cycle, in the context of traditional society of 19th century, and influence
of that type of social form, that have been preserved in this region, and the whole
Serbia. Modern context of the term Kosovo shouldnt be ignored, with its geographical, geopolitical and ethnographical aspect, and the sum of memory places
in the land of once and now Serbia likewise, and the real and imaginary burden of
history of the Balkans regarding it.
255

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1863. /, , , 1000 , 20. (29%) .

/
(1000-1500 )
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, 1910. /
5000 .
, .
3. - 5
/
1863..
1910. .
1863. .
1910. .
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47
29,7
1,3
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77
44
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1000-1500
23
50
14,6
31,4
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28
3,8
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3,2
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,
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4. - - 1890.6

1392
12748
14.140
17.290
1758
15532
9.8
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10.2
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45.341
2558
42783
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1635
24585
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27920
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90.0
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: , 1. .
5 : 2.
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264
19.
19. . 1834.,
, , ,
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, , , 20.
. 12.680 1900.
11.700 1910. . ,

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1000 750 .
,
, 19. . ,
1880-1890. . 1884.
21,2 . , , , , . 1866.
44,7, . ,
20. 27. 38.
5. - , 1863-1910. 7

1863. 1866.
6286
3021
3265
1905.
7826
4684
3142
1910.
7171
5023
2148
1863. 1866. 1874. 1884. 1890. 1895. 1900. 1905.

43.5 44.7 42.8 42.5 39.4 38.1 33.5 31.7
29.8 21.5 34.7 21.3 21.5 23.8 18.9 18.9

8.1
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. 13.7 23.2
1910.
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1779
.
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7: 1863. do 1954., , , . 20, .
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: ,

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),
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1863. : ( 54-56% ,
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19.
(52,1%), 60
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10 -
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(5,7%). 6-10 , 30% 4-5 ,
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.

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(1987): ,
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1834-1953.
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31.12.1890.
, . 1. 1., , 1892.
,
31. 1910. , , 1911.
Docent Dr. Gordana Vojkovic, Assistant MA Jelena Sreckovi
The Population Of Branicevo District In 19th Century

Population research from some area in the post, especially from the historical-demographic point of view is a complex task in the first place, because of the
shortage of relevant registrable-statistical information,which is the base for following demographic changes and processes in one longer period. With the organization of statistical service and the appearane of the first registrations in Serbia
this problem become smaller, but we still find many limits in demographic analy270
19.
sis because of incomplete data, narrow range of statistical notes presented in the
first registrations and often territorial changes. This study presents general view
of demographic movements in Branicevo District in the period from 1834 to the
beginning of 20 th century, the change in number and arrangement of population
researching the influence of natural component of population migration on total
demographic dynamic to the extent allowed by statistical material. The changes in
the dynamic and structure of towns and villages population are especially emphasized and a comparative analysis is given in relation with other Districts in Serbia
of that time in order to establish a fact to which extent this part of Serbia distinguished in some tendencies and characteristics of demographic development.
, . , , .
XIX
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1834 XX , , ,
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271
UDK 929(=163.41 Poarevac)18

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1900,
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11 1890, 1891, 1892.
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275
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279
1879, 1881, 1881, 1881,

1882,
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Smiles-a 1889, 39 1908. Adolfa Smita
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XVII, . 3, . 190239, . 4, . 263278.
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1911. ,
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(17791833). .
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60
-
. 29. 1903.
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61 Principes de la devolution des successions ab intestat dans le droit Serbe. Paris 1911.
62 1928, , 1928, . 152.
63 , 1913, XV, . 4, . 311331, . 56, . 422430, XVI, . 1, . 4079.
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284
Dragos Petrovic
Diplomats from Branicevo in the XIX century

By the middle of the 19th century Serbia life conditions got much better, people from neighbouring regions were moving in and settling, thus many small settlements grew and became towns just like Pozarevac, where the young Serbian state
starts opening the very first schools, attended at the beginning by pupils from known
and well to do families, while somewhat later attended by peasants children as well.
At the very start of that schooling some pupils showed more enthusiasm, courage
and intelectual curiosity. These exceptional pupils, at least many of them, went on to
higher schools to become professors, scientists, lawyers, clerks, soldiers, merchants,
while some of them rose to become known politicians or diplomats. Branicevo region, with its worthy and industrious people, gave a number of men of high esteem, but just a few made it to the diplomatic service. Though not numerous, diplomats like Svetozar Gvozdic, Nikola Jovanovic-American, Svetislav Djoric, Djordje
Todorovic and Sava Tomic throught works and personal lives gave an important impetus to development and progress of Serbia in the XIX century and the beginning
of the XXth.
o
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313
Prof. Dr Andrej Semijakin
The Beginning of the Radical Party

Nikola Pashics stay in Pozarevac 18791880 became the most important
event in prehistory of national Radical Party. On one side it was he who, being
elected deputy (delegate) in the Assembly in 1878, consolidated opposition group
national tribunes, introduced discipline in its previously chaotic work and became
its recognized leader on the other side, in his articles in the newspaper Videlo he
worked out the programme of Radical Party which became the base of its official
doctrine since 8th January 1881. Finally, using the death of Adam Bogosavljevic in
March 1880, he approved the model of the future organization in the form the Fund
of Adam Bogosavljevic.
His hierarchal structure in the form of pyramid The Main Committee,
District and Municipal branches are the base of Radical Party activity. In that way,
radical octopus was getting ready to surround the country with its arms.
.
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341
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Slobodanka Cvetkovic
Charity Funds nd Legacies in the Area

f Nowaday Branievo District
In the last quarter of the XIX century, when Serbian state became independant
and acheaved a certain extent of prosperity the foundation of charity funds and legacies in Serbian people became more and more often. Their number multiplied constantly, which imposed the need for introduction law regulations in this field. A Charitable
committie on the level of Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbia was founded
in 1907, and in 1910 a charity department which supevised the work of charity organisations and funds. A rapid economic prosperity, higer consciousness about peoples need,
but the need to keep the memorie of themselves too, not to be forgotten, induced mainly rich merchants, craftsmen, intellectuals, priests and others to bequeath their property
in order to establish charitable foundations and funds. The number of lagacies and charitable funds in the area of Branievo district cannot be established exactly because of the
lack of historicle sources. Historical archive Poarevac keeps a small quality of materials
(six inventory units) about ten benefactors and philantropists. According to the archive
material of Archive of Serbia the number of benefactors and philantropists from this area is far bigger. All legacies and charity funds, no metter what their aim of foundation
was, functied in the same way because of unique law regulations on the whole territory
of the Kingdom of Serbia and later on The Kingdom of Yougoslavia. The life of endowment begins with the last will of testator, that is getting the approvement for the foundation of endowment or charitable fund from the king or authorities in charge of endowments. Authorities in charge of endowments and the administration of legacies and charitable funds tried to obey the will of testator according to the law of fullfilling the purpose of endowment, even in war conditions 19411945.
The end for funds and legacies was the coming of Communist party to power.
The new government treated these organizations as the product of bourgeois society. All
earths fund of legacies became state property when the law of agrarion reform and colonisation passed. The capital in banks gradually passed in the state treasury as well. As it in a
new socialistic state there was no need for the work of endowment and charitable funds.
343

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Dve krajnosti u politikoj delatnosti ruskih izbeglica, Tokovi istorije, 12, 1997, s. 143; .
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354
...
MA Aleksej Timofejev
Russian Anticommunists and the Events

of the Second World War in Eastern Serbia 19411944
For the first time Russian emigrants had had an important part in the events
of the Second World War in Eastern Serbia even before it broke out in Serbia. Those
were the events in connection with the attempt of English diversion on the Danube.
At that time the English agents succeeded in delivering a few wagons of explosive with
the aim to make a series of diversions in Eastern Serbia to thwart German navigation
on the Danube. Leonid Cuhohovski and Aleksandar Lennin German people on terrain thwarted this attempt of intelligence service.
After the beginning of the Civil War in Serbia a certain number of russian emigrants expressed anticommunist attitude. A few russian priests worked in some parishes of Branicevo eparchy and they could share with people their impressions from
the first state proletarian dictatorship. This made them the targets of partisans terror,
easy to be terrorized and killed. Seven russian priests in Branicevo eparchy (as well as
their several serbian colleagues) were killed in a brutal way by partisans. A very painful event was connected with the killing of Father Sergej Belavin, the father of None
Belavine, later known a russian poet.
The second example of Russian emigrants engagement in the events of Civil
War in Eastern Serbia is connected with the activity of the second regiment of Russian
corps stationed from Pozarevac to Kladovo.
In the long run a certain contribution was given by Russian brigade formed
by B. Piletic within from Russian war prisoners. The last ones succeeded in running
away from german imprisonment and joined Chetniks in Free Serbian mountains.
355
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374
...
Jasmina ivkovi
Municipal Courts as Administrative and Managing Authorities in

Pozarevac District
The relevant factor of stability of every state organisation are three basic attributes of state governing: legislative, executive and legal authority.
Based on constitutional and law regulations, equally firmly put into effect on
all parts of administrative territories of the state, executive or administrative authority had an important part in the foundation of independent Serbian state after the
liberation of Turkish rule.
The subject of this study is organization and work of municipal courts as a local organs of state power in Pozarevac District in 19th century. Municipal courts presented the lowest structure in the hierarchy of executive authority. These organs had
double state function for a long time: administrative function as a basic one and the
function of court within its administrative territories.
The mentioned problem is worked out in two basic segments: administrative division of Pozarevac district according to the municipal court headquarters and their function as local administrative authorities. In order to present the work of municipal courts
and their significance in administrative organization of Serbian state, it is necessary to deal
with its roots that is precursors Normative frameworks which regulate the organization
and function of municipal courts are integral part of both segments. The special review is
double function in this state organs, which, even today, confuse researchers and writers of
law history, as well as the position of state officials who worked in them.
,
1845, , VARIA.
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16. 1915. 15
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13 18 . 8
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8 14 . 8
384
...
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7.4.1915. 19
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5. 1915. 19
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-- . (53), 28. 1915. 19
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-- . (72), 29. 1915. 19
-- . (57), 5. 1915. 19
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-- . (60), 10. 1915. 18
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385
-- (33), , 6. ,
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5. 1915. 9
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20. 1915. 9
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2. 1915. 9
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386
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. 21
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28. 1915, 271. 9
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16. 1915. . 23
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387
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-- . (37), 28. 1915. 23
-- (68), 27. 1915. 21
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-- (57), , 26. 1915. 23
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388
...
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26. 1915. 24
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29. 1915. 24
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19. 1915. . 24
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11. 1915. 19, 24
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389
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1915. 24
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-- . (67), 6. 1915. 24
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26. 1915, 761. 10
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390
...
-- . (49), , 18.

1915. 19
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-- . (54), 4. 1915. 19
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391
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16. 1915. 22
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9. 1915. 22
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. 18
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. 14
392
...
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. 14
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. 10
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393
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-- . (70), 14. 1915. 10
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-- . (68), 30. 1915. 10
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-- . (57), 7. 1915. 10
-- . (56), 11. 1915. 10
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. 10
394
...
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. 13. 1915. 10
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1915. . 10
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2. 1915. 9
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395
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. 18
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1915. . 18
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. 18
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. 18
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. 18
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1915, 6. . 32
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-- . (39), 3. 1915. 18
-- (59), 22. 1915. 18
-- (49), 25. 1915. 18
-- . (14), , , 3. 1915. 26
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13. 1915.
. 26
396
...
-- (55), 21. 1915. 26

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,
. . 28
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-- (32), , 19. 1915. 14

-- . (21), , 24. 1915. 14
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. 14
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1915. . 14
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397
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-- . (70), 3. 1915. 14
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-- . (19), 22. 1915. 14
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-- . (53), 25. 1915. 14
-- . (28), 8. 1915. 14
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. 18
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398
...
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4. 1915. .
. 18
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1915. . 10
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399
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400
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27. 1914.10
401
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. 10, 31
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.10
1. , 3, 130.
2. , 391.
3. , 19121918, , , 1922.
4. , , 2003, . 37.
5. (: ), ,
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1915).
6. , (19281974), .
7. , (19441962), .
8. , (19191959), .
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10. . ,
: 9. . 1, 2. 3. 19121918; 8.
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1918; 19151918; , 19121918, , , , , ,
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11. , , 1986.
12. (: ) , , . , .. (19041924).
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(19041924).
14. , , . , .. (19081932).
15. , , . , .. (19031931).
16. , , . , . . (19051934).
17. , , . . , .. (19151932).
18. , , . . . , .. (19091931).
19. , , . . . , ..
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402
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20. , , . , . . (19151935).
21. , , . , .. (19041927).
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(19121918).
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403
ivislav Antonijevi
Typhus in Poarevac County in 1915

Supplement for history of Serbian military ambulance
In late 1914 In Serbia broke out typhus epidemic. Pestilence was brought
from Galicia by soldiers of VI Austrian army during their stay in occupied Valjevo
County. After the successful counter-strike of Serbian military, fleeing Austrian army left behind around 3.500 soldiers, wounded and sick from typhus. It left a large
number of killed and non buried civilians, cattle, piles of garbage and clusters of
greenflies main typhus carriers. Attacked heavily defiled Valjevo county I made
of it huge source of contamination. Main hot beds of contamination were field hospitals in which constantly mixed wounded, sick, defiled and healthy. Not lesser danger presented ambulance trains and, generally, every place of gathering and interference of ill and healthy.
From Valjevo and vicinity huge source of infestation, epidemic is spread
with huge speed, in all directions, a in short time it overtook whole Serbia. In
spreading disease, big influence had large masses of military personnel moving fast
throughout the land, such as: transferring troops from contagious regions to areas
of imminent danger of war, and transferring of Austrian prisoners, ill and healthy
in detention camps in rear (mostly abandoned military barracks). Further, evacuation of wounded and un-isolated prisoners to other hospitals, relegation of soldiers to
sick-leave and recuperation, and refugees (over 70.000) from east Bosnia, Srem and
occupied part of western Serbia, that fled from invaders. Small in numbers, weary
and poor equipped Serbian ambulance could not suppress this vile disease.
In the beginning of 1915 epidemic sprang up in Poarevacs county. Whole
Danube division sojourned, during December 1914, in the villages around Valjevo,
and by the end of January 1915, it moved to close vicinity of Poarevac, carrying and
spreading deadly disease typhus. Prisoners, refugees and sick from typhus arrived
in Poarevac and nearby county even before arrival of Danube division, and stipulated appearance of sporadic cases of typhus before the end of 1914. Soon enough desease spreaded through whole Poarevac county, especially places that hosted military for long time. In the sam time other virulent dieseases showed up: scarlet fever, diphteria, disentery and cholera, from which suffered mostly child population.
In Poarevac and nearby county death from typhus became massive and everyday
occurance. It wrpped all strata of society and age. It was death all around: in villages, in town, in hospitals, on the streets. Civilians, soldiers, doctors, old, young, children all died. It was not a rare case of death of many people from the same housing.
Sometimes in a days time.
404
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Jovanka Atanackovic
A Couple of Words About the Great Man of Jurisprudence in Serbia

One of exceptional juristic who marked jurisprudence of 20 th century was
Radomir Lukic. Born in Milosevac near Velika Plana in 1914, spent the most beautiful part of his life in Pozarevac where he finished `Pozarevac High School.`
He passed the final exam with the excellent marks but he had four in `behavior` because young Lukic asked inconvenient questions to his teachers.
He got his degree in Law and he was the first student with the best average
mark 10 from the foundation of the Law Faculty. He defended his doctoral dissertation in Paris at the age of 24, and the message of his doctoral dissertation was and
stayed his scientific and life motto: value must overcome power, and ideal the fact.
His professor`s aureole was followed by witness and numerous anecdotes
which have been handed down from generation to generation. One of them is especially current even today prof. Lukic often space that in the period between the
two wars, in our country, it was read very much, but was written a little, and today it
is read a little but it is written very much.
`Pozarevac High School` is very proud of his former pupil, and the town is
proud of his academician and Serbian Jurisprudence of his great contribution in the
field of low pedagogy, law theory and philosophy, sociology, the history of political
and law doctrine and many wise, legal solutions in heritance for the future.
424

, 20. . 1914.
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2 Miroslav Raevi, Regionalno poreklo studenata Jugoslavije, Beograd 1965, 22,. 25-27,
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NRS, br. V, Beograd 1956, IVV; ,
(19451975), 1980, 151, 159).
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: Dragomir Bondi, Beogradski univerzitet 19441952, Beograd 2004, 69109.
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18 , . 19441952, 1997, 296; Isti, Ibeovci Srbije 1948-1952. u partijskim izvetajima, Jugoslovenskosovjetski sukob 1948. godine, Zbornik radova sa naunog skupa, Beograd 1999, 224.
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Dimi, Agitprop kultura. Agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji 1945-1952, Beograd
1988, 252-263; . , . ., 205-213, 217-222;
, VI (), 1952, 84-85.
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, 28. 1951; , 145-1-2, , 11-12. 1952;
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Dragomir Bondzic
The Students From Pozarevac And Its Surrounding, 19451955

The life and work of students of Belgrade University from Pozarevac and its surrounding in the first decade after the second World War were similar to the work of all
other students in Belgrade, in conditions of afterwar poverly and ideologically-political
pressure of governing Comunist Party. In the first years after the war, three phases can
be seen and three phenomen. The first period is immediately after the end of the war,
during students enrollment at the faculty, the beginning of work of universities and
during the first post-war school years. This period is characterised with material problems, as well as with Partys influence and its transmition on students enrollment and
their removal from the faculty because of their bahaviour during occupation and their
attitude toward a new regime. Re-investigation of their behaviour during war years, accusation and expelling from the faculty were the usual things which the students from
Pozarevac and its surrounding didnt avoid either. The second period is the time of reprisals made on adherents of information bureau at the end of forties and among them
there were a numerous students from Pozarevac region whose communists and youth
had a specific attitude to the Resolution of information bureau and conflict between
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) and Soviet Communist Party (Bolsheviks)
SKP (b). Finally, the period at the beginning of 50s, characterised with more liberal atmosphere of universities in accordance with general processes in Yugoslav state, society and politics of governing party in that period . One of the special characteristics
in students life in those years, which had influence both on life and work of the students from Pozarevac and it surrounding, is the existence of students associations from
provinces, which were formed since the spring of 1952 within the founded organization the Yugoslav Student Association. At the beggining of june 1952 the students
from Pozarevac and Pozarevac district, Veliko Gradiste and Ram district, Petrovac on
the Mlava, Smederevo and Danube region (and students from surrounding District
Kljuc, Homolje, Bor, and other parts of Eastern Serbia) gathered in main auditorium
of Technical High School and talked about the establishing Association in the following period the association worked within proffesional, socio-political, cultural, art and
sport activities during summer and winter holidays, students visits, excursions, cooperations with secondary schools pupils and youth, etc. However it must be emphasized judging according to available sources, the activity of students association from
the mentioned regions was much weaker and less noticable compared with the work
of such associattions in other parts of Serbia in that period.
439
1945-1955.

,
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440
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1 Roots of Serbian aggression. Zagreb, 1993. . . ,
1995 . . .: j:
, , / .. . . , 2003.
2 . j. j
(1844). , 1993. . 9899. .: .. XIX . . ., 1995. . 5152.
443
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., 1998.
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256.
XVIII . ., 1984. . 305, 306. . 399407. . .. XIX . // . .,
1972. . 98107. .. -
XIX . //
. - (XVIII .
1878 .) / . . .. . ., 1995. . 440. .
J J //
j j. , 1914. . IV. . 1. . 9095. j ..
. , 1926.
Milutinovi K. Prvi ideolozi federalistike misli kod junih slavena // Rad Jugoslavenske
akademije znatnosti i umetnosti. Kn. 330. Zagreb, 1962. S. 8891. .
j J -j 1804 // . j
. , 1996. . 7381 .
444
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Dr Mihail Belov
Serbian Foreign Political Programme 1809 and Russian Diplomacy

Radofinikins working out of the projects of governmental structure of Serbia
in autumn 1808 according to Prozorovskis decision caused return workers activity
of Austrian party while the russian agent predicted, on the base of Belgrade pashadom, foundation of semi-independant Serbian state, his Belgrade opponents tried to
secure formal attributes for functioning of independent state-national currency, regular army and diplomacy. The last task was to appoint two serbian delegates on duty
at the head with I. Jugovic. During his stay in the general staff of Moldavia army a new
national ideology issued an official approval, given in some declarative documents.
Indirect stirring up of ideological forces which spread all over Serbia, gave
contradictory signs, on the line Alexandar I Saltikov Prozorovski Rodofinkin.
Emperors initiatives were not brought to an end, caused confusion among responsible Russian officials, as well as on approval to serbian people of the right of self determination, the key principle for any national ideology.
460
UDK 623.4:355.1](497.11)1804/1815
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112 : .
, 1915.
, : 1915. , 1986, 183207. 19081918, 1981, 177303.
113 . , , . 3, 1931, 4656;
Janes Fighting Ships of World War I, London 1990, 178.
114 . , . , 446; B. Anti, Minska dejstva na rekama, Mornariki glasnik 3/1977,
427; J. Novk, Rakouske monitory na Dunaji, HPM br. 4/1994, 25; A. A. Debevc,
Austro-ugarska dunavska flotila u Svetskom ratu, Mornariki glasnik br. 6/1934, 614
615; . . , 1915, . 6/1926.
115 A . Simovi, Srpska Rena ratna flotila u I SR, Mornariki glasnik br. 5/1954, 543.
486
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117 ., . ., 427/8.
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1990, 178.
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127 A . A. Debevec, Austro-ugarska dunavska flotila u Svetskom ratu, Mornariki glasnik
br. 6/1934, 617.
128 . , , 1986,1512; . ,
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615/616.
129 A . Simovi, Rena ratna flotila, Beograd 1954, 42.
130 . . , . .
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6. 1915.
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490
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(DFW), , . , , 21. , 10 . 1. .
Dr Radovan Radovanovi, MA Neboja oki
Russian Military Help in armament to Serbia from 1804 to 1915

Russia was the most important allied of Serbia from the first Serbian uprising
to the beginning of the First World War. During these 110 years their relationship had
rise and fall, but it had never come to open hostility because they had similar interests. The fact is that Russia failed Serbia in some situations but it was in usual spheres
of diplomatic courtesy. Anyway, in January/February 1809 Prozorovsky told Serbian
deputies in Jashi that the Serbs could not ask from Russia to subordinate the interests of a big Russian empire because of the interests of a small country and that Russia
couldnt wage wars with other countries for Serbia, and sacrifice itself. Besides the cited words of Prozorovsky, Russian military theoretician Svecih, in his famous work
Strategy gave the best explanation of Russian attitude when he says that a small country is valuable in war only in the case whet it submits its army under the command of a
big state. Besides that, although the military significance of Serbia in 1914 for Russian
front mustnt be denied, Russia which entered the war because of its small ally, had a
full right to direct Serbian politics and strategy. If the pressure of Russian Supreme
Command on Serbian strategy was sometimes senseless or wrong, those mistakes, like
all others, according to the opinion of Svecin, cant be opposed to the principle itself.
On the other side, although Russia was the stablest political ally of Serbia,
Serbian army didnt get any significant material, military help from it. As it can be seen
there was no paid orders of armament in Russia until the beginning of the First World
War. In fact, after the First Serbian Rising direct help was mainly financial, except of
rifles delivery in 1863 and bigger deliveries at the beginning of the First World War.
Besides that, Russian newspapers New Times gave one airplane to Serbia as a gift during
the First Balkan War and Serbian government procured an airplane Dux at the same
time. From classical orders of armament there were only the delivery of rifles Brendan
N in 1890 as well as a winch for lifting balloons almost two decades later. It was not
until the First World War that Russian Empire gave bigger military help to Serbia. The
reasons are varied and they will be discussed further in the study.
133 . . , 1915. , . 4/1936, 5153.
134 8. . , . , 52.
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.
Prof. Ljubodrag Popovic
Additions to the History of First Serbian Uprising

and Cooperation Between Serbs and Russians
Among many monuments that have been built in memory of First Serbian
Uprising, there are only two that have significant practical value. These are memorial center-school in Oraac, the place where Uprising begun, and the memorial centerchurch at Deligrad, the place where one of the greatest battles in this uprising occured.
About the memorial center-school many articles have been written, however, the
memorial center-church has been somehow forgotten, and there is very little knowledge of her. Intention of author was to present this church to the both scientific and wider public from all angles, after more than seventy years from its erection. In this article
all elements of creation have been exposed, from ideas of women of Aleksinac, members
of Kneginja Ljubica society for building of this monument, to material help of king
Aleksandar I Karaorevi and the participation of many creators, artists and architects
Korunovi and Krasnov, followed by couple of Russian painters.
Participation of architect Korunovi in building of one of the most beautiful
monuments of church architecture in Serbia was somewhat known, but the work of
architect Krasnov, mainly conducted in inner decoration and ornamentation, has
507
been relatively unknown, and here is exposed for the first time. Exposition that have
been made in this article throw light on all elements of this extraordinary monument, dedicated to men that have fought battles for liberation of Serbia, and the creation of state at the same time.
.

- (18071811).

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.
Dr L.V. Kuzmiceva
Russian-Serbian War Cooperation In Eastern Serbia 18761878

Serbian independent state appeared on the map of Europe in 1878 by the
decisions of the Berlin Congress during whose work the active participation of
Serbia in the fight against Turkish empire 18761878 was taken in consideration.
Fundamental operative base of two Serbian-Turkish wars was contencrated in the
East and Southeast of principality. It gave a special significance to that region when
the plans of war operations were being carried out. A special place in the history of
wars for liberation has Russian-Serbian war cooperation. The first experience of such
cooperation is connected with the participation of russian volunteers in SerbianTurkis war 1876. The characteristic documents for that phase are many memories,
diaries and analytical reports, whose authors are russian participants of the first
Serbian-Turkish war. The most important one for war operations has material of the
staff of General Cernajev, the commander of front Timocko-Moravska army. The
war ended by the defeat of Serbian army which was the cause for the apperance of
publications which were supposed to explain the cause of unsuccess. The character
of Russian-Serbian relationship during the war operations was the subject of serious
analyses. The second Serbian war for liberation was in connection with Russian regular army on the Danube front of Russian-Turkish war 1876. Serbia entered the war
on 2nd decembre 1877 when russian army was actively moving to Constantinople.
Besides that, joint war operations were important for the success not only Russian
forces, but for later defending of Serbian borders. The destiny of eastern borders of
Serbian principality becomes the subject of difficult diplomatic negotiations. Eastern
Serbia has both in military and diplomatic events of great eastern crisis 18751878
a key place.
526
UDK 325.25(=161.1):355.1(497.1)1919/1941
,

19191941
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1940, 182183, 292 316; M.Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine Srba,Hrvata i Slovenaca 1918
1921, Beograd 1988, 92; M.Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, Beograd
1994, 13, 60, 280281; M.Bjelajac, Jugoslovensko iskustvo sa multietnikom armijom 1918
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541
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, 1941.
.
,
.
Dalibor Denda
Russian refugees in Yugoslav armed forces 19191941

Character of the Russian emigration in kingdom of Yugoslavia was, according to professional structure, in high percentage military, which determined the fact
that the Russian emigrants in Yugoslav army was very numerous, with its percentage in the army ten times greater than its percentage in total population. In the army they, as active officers, contractual clerks, day-laborers and civilian clerks, usually performed the tasks that required a higher level of specific knowledge. In military
circles the Russian emigration was heartily and warm accepted for dynastical connections, spiritual connection, tradition, religion and classical-political reasons, and
also for objective state interest which came from need of young state for its lacking
staff. In the army the Russians were seen as minority which enjoyed special trust,
so the Russian refugees, which found employment in its units and institutions had
equal, in some cases even privileged treatment compared to native Yugoslav citizens. Officers of Russian origin, although they have been recruited as a lower officers,
werent limited in progressing compared to their Yugoslav colleagues, so they found
themselves, until 1941, on many high duties as a part of the Yugoslav armed forces.
Russian refugees played significant part in revival and construction of Yugoslav military industry, in military ambulance, in work of Military-geographical institute and
Historical department of Main Headquarters, while high concentration of Russian
military experts on the territory of the Kingdom didnt passed unnoticed, not even
when the development of the Russian military thought is in the question and so is its
influence on Yugoslav officers. That is how Russian emigration with its professional activity has left deep trace in military units and institutions of Yugoslav army between two world wars.
542
...
19191941.
( )

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, ,
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543
UDK 327.323.31:929 Tito J.B.

(193536). .

(19351936 .) , .
, , , ,

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,
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1935 . .
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1935
., , , ,
. 1.
1935 . 1 . 495, 69, 69. . 13.
545
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3
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546
. 495, 11, 311. . 3039.

. 495, 11, 317. . 910.
. . 13.
. . 17.
...
.

, .
, , ( , ) .
, . , 1953 .,
1981 .
, .
, 1935 . , ,
?6
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. 4 1935 .,
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, 7.

. 1920238. .
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. :
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9.
, , , ,

. . ,
,
.
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() ,
- (),
, ,
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6
7
8
9
Simic P. Ibid. S. 101.

Simic P. Ibid. S. 105107.
Jovanovic M. Ibid.
Ibid. S. 47.
547
.
, .
.. , : ,
, .. .

.
,
,

.
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,
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.
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,
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)?
1935 ,
.
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1920 . (, , . ),
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548
...

( -
), ,
, 1927 .
,
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, 10.
. ,
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, . 11. ,
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12.
,
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,
. 1928 .
.

. , 1934 . , , .
13. ,
, 1937 . - , . ,
,
, , 10
11
12
13
Gligorijevi B. Ibid. S. 213.

Op. cit.
Ibid. S. 214.
Ibid. S. 274.
549
. 1935 ., , ..
,
( ).
, . 1934 .
. , (
, . ).
1935 . .
. ,
. -
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. 14.
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,
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( 1932 .)
,

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. J . 241; . MG, 2047/2, . 9; Ceni V.
Ibid. . 80.
550
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16 .. . . 284.
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551
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552
. . 299, 334.
. KI, 1935/495.
Broz Tito J. Ibid. S. 259.
Ibid. S. 255.
...
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558
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, .

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38. , .
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, .
, ,
36 Ridley J. Ibid. S.134.
37 . MG, 2047/2. . 13.
38 Broz Tito J. Ibid. S. 284.
559
. , 39. : ,
, , . , ,
1934 . , [ ..],
1934 . , . , , , , , , 40. :

, , , . , . , .
, ,

41.
,
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42. , , , 1936 .
39
40
41
42
560
. MG, 2047/2. . 2526.

. MG, 1489/4. . 12.
. MG, 2020. . 13.
. . . 221.
...
(193536. .)
35 ( 19451980)
,
,
. . 1991. . . -,
,

. . ,
, .
,
, .
.
Dr N. V. Bondarev
Josip Broz Tito at the Service of Comitern

Disregarding Josip Broz Tito was at the head of Yugoslav state for 35 years
(19451980) and the mutual relationship between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union
were traditional friendship and many sided collaboration, Titos biography in the
Soviet Union has never been published nor there have been any scientific studies
devoted personally to Tito. Even Titos death could not change that tendency provoking only necrologies in the Soviet press 1991, the book StaljinTito by J. S.
Girenka appeared, but even in that book the biography of Yugoslav leader was not the
basic study of the research, Titos personality was primarily analyzed in the context
of release from Stalians influence of our country. In the 90s the scientific public
did not care for Tito because it was burdened with elementary questions of survival
generally speaking, it can be concluded that neither real history of Comintern nor
reliable biography of Josip Broz Tito have been written yet. There is no doubt that
Tito deserves a special place in the history of Comintern as well as the Comintern
is a special chapter in Titos biography, on of the most important and interesting.
We shall pay our attention to it.
561
,
,
UDK 070:355(497.1)193

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2 , ,
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563
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25. 1940. ,
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8 ., 19271937, 1937. ;
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9 , 1981, . 686.
565
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Militrwochenblatt,

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Infanterie, Hauptmann Fritzsch, Militrwochenblatt, 28I1939.)
18 Hauptmann Fritzsch
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572
...
MA Ivan Mijatovi
War doctrine of Soviet Union in the dawn of World War II

on the pages of Yugoslav military press
Military press of Yugoslav Kingdom recorded, like merciless chronicler,
movement in military and society, in domain of military theory, and was, by that, an
active subject and participant of time. It provided strong impulses toward the modernization of army and uniting the officers. Beside this important task, it also covered the actual happenings on field of the world events, which were changing daily in
30s of 20th century, and were threatening with possibility of emerging a new largescale conflict. In this conditions Yugoslav military press followed modern achievements on the field of military science, likewise the achievements on the field of the
development of war doctrine.
Just before the start of World War II great countries (Soviet Union, Germany,
France, USA, Great Britain, and Japan) had its own original military doctrines, unlike the majority of small countries that were building its doctrines by using large
forces as a model, adopting it, with more or less success, to its own needs and resources. Yugoslav war doctrine was relying on Serbian experience from World War
I, and mostly, on French war doctrine. But beside this, military press was, with full
attention, following development of war doctrines of other countries (neighbor and
distant likewise). Soviet war doctrine in the years of direct war threat wasnt present on the pages of military press, but came to focus of military theoreticians with
outbreak of war in Poland, and the conflicts on the frontier between Germany and
France. Although in the column News and notes Ratnik (The Warrior), as leading
military newspaper, brings over 300 notes on activities involving soviet army, it is not
until mid-1939 that first article treating Soviet war doctrine has appeared.
Soviet war doctrine, based and developed on Frunzes thesis from 1925,
was developing together with conditions of modern combat, and by model of other
armies. Main point of this theory was based on the size of territory and its influence
on waging the war. Special place in development of Soviet war doctrine belongs to
application of modern technological achievements and use of airdrop. On the foundations of War service from 1936, offensive is only means for achieving a final victory, while the infantry is a main factor, and all other branches has the task to provide as quick and efficient fulfillment of combat task for infantry. Soviet war doctrine
was predicting that the operations in the future war will have a maneuver character,
and was, accordingly, dividing phases on start period, period of border battles, and
period of the development of war. The outcome and longitude of war was completely depending on the phase of border battles.
By presenting to its readers Soviet view on a future war, Yugoslav military
press in general, and Ratnik especially, broth one vision of future events, that was
predicting a maneuver war and important role of tech. However, like the time will
573
show, all this will be insufficient for serious resistance in the period of border battles, till the Soviet experience from pre-war combats and first phase of World War
II up to turning point at Stalingrad will show flexibility in appliance of one such rigid and strict war doctrine.

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() 19411945, (
), 1996.
Larousse, III, 1973.
Dr Dragan Petrovic
SovietYugoslav Military Cooperation in Northeast Serbia

in October 1944, with a special review on Branicevo District
During the summer of 1944, the Soviet Military Forces breached in Romania
and then Bulgaria, which caused surrender of pro-fascist regimes and formation of antifascist government in these countries, and then they joined antifascist coalition in the
last months of the Second World War. After many years of liberation war against fascist
forces in Yugoslavia, National Liberation Movement of Yugoslav army, that is partisan
movement, started offensive in Serbia with the aim to expel the forces of German occupations and to take Belgrade. On the basis of negotiation on 21st September in Moscow
between the leaders of National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union,
an agreement was made to go into action together in the Northeast parts of Yugoslavia,
which suited the Soviet troops on their way to Hungary. Soon after, in agreement with
the representatives of Bulgarian fatherlands front; the Bulgarian troops were allowed to
take part in battles against German forces in Eastern parts of Yugoslavia. As the German
troops of the army E started to retreat late from Greece to the western part of Yugoslavia,
there was a strategic attempt of the leaders of National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia
with the soviet, and to less extent, with Bulgarian fatherlands forces was very useful. At
the some time making this arrangement, the leadership of National Liberation Army of
Yugoslavia in its fight for power counted of final military and political clash with forces
and influence of citizens grouping in Yugoslavia, in the first place chetniks movement of
Draza Mihajlovic in this areas.
The German troops offered strong resistance to the Soviet troops in eastern
Serbia, while at the same time the chetniks movement of Draza Mihajlovic had unsuccessful attempt in making a cooperative relationship with the Soviet. The forces of
Red Army starting from Djerdap was breacking to West, and liberated Branicevo region and Pozarevac in Octobre with the help of the unists of National Liberaton Army
of Yugoslavia. While the forces of Red Army were advancing most of the Serbian population showed sympathy to the Soviets without any ideological convinctions. Naimly
Serbian population had affirmatory attitude to the Soviets, led by the sam antifascist
attitude and hatred towards occupators which had done many war crimes in these ar584
J ...
ea during the occupation. Besides that, a very important factor was a generally affirmatory attitude in traditional relationship to Russia, which whole Serbian people had,
as well as all south slavs. The key factor of this sympathy towards red army in this fight
in eastern serbia was allied co-action of the soviet troops with the forces of National
Liberation Army of Yugoslavia.

1944.

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55 1948.

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1949. .57

1949. . .
MA Slobodan Selinic
YugoslavSoviet negotiations, December 1947February 1948

The contribution to the study of Yugoslav (Serbian)Soviet (Russian)
relationship in XXcentury
Looking from outside the relationship between Yugoslavia and the Soviet
Union was excellent at the end of 1947. After the Second World War Yugoslav
Foreign Affairs was in accord with the Soviet attitudes, and internal Yugoslav development was characterised by taking over the soviet model. The base and the supreme form of cooperation was on Agreement about friendship, mutual help and

, , , 4/7, //
...
56 , 25. 6. 1948, . 1.
57 . , 19181988, . 216238.
604
- ,...
after war cooperation signed in Moscow on 11 April 1945. The soviet examples
were emphasized on every step of the public life, the successes of the Soviet state, invincibility of its army and ingenuity of their leaders were exalted, and the society of
YugoslavSoviet Friendship was founded in Belgrade. Help was expected from the
soviet Union in many segments of life, from making intelligence, through the development of economy, to strengthen the army. Thats why 467 students were sent to
that big and far country, exchange of goods was done with the Soviet Union, trade
and investment agreements were signed, mixed societies were made, the soviets experts worked in Yugoslavia and Yugoslav officers were educated in the Soviet Union.
However, despite the cooperation with the soviet union from 1945 up to the
end of 1947 in many segments of life, there were problems. There were many difficulties in carrying out trade contracts, the work of mixed societies had many problems
and the Yugoslav side was unsatisfied. The Yugoslav party leaders showed strong eagerness to popularize everything Soviet in their country, but they were not ready to
deprive of their independence and originality of their successful revolutionary project.
The atmosphere of spoiled relationship was additionally stirred up by foreign
policy move of Yugoslav ruling circles (the politics to Albania, the relationship with
Bulgaria, a series of friendship agreements with the countries of national democracy) which were not in accordance with foreign political interests of the Soviet Union
in the period when the world was dividing East West.
In order to overcome misunderstandings, military, economical and political negotiations were led in Moscow from December 1947 to February 1948. Many
Yugoslav leaders (Djilas, Popovic, Crnobrnja) were trying, unsuccessfully, to agree
on further military help and economical cooperation. The most important conversation were at the meeting of Yugoslav and Bulgarian delegation with Molotov and
Stalin on 10th February. However, the solution of existing problems was not found
during these negotiations which became the introduction to open YugoslavSoviet
(Information Bureau) conflict (MarchJune 1948).

- , 1947 1948. .
() () XX
- 1947. , .

. , , 11. 04. 1945. . , , ,
605
. - .
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467 . -
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19441948
,
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1944. 1948. . , ,
.
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, 1944.
1948.
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,
.
-
,
.1
,

1 N. Popovi, Jugoslovensko-sovjetski odnosi u Drugom svetskom ratu (19411945),
Beograd 1988.
607
.2

3,

.4
, 5
6, 7,
.8
.9 ,
,
.10

1944.

.

.

2 B.Dimitrijevi, JNA od Staljina do NATO pakta. Armija u spoljnoj politici Titove Jugo
slavije, Beograd 2006; Isti, Jugoslovenska armija 19451954. Nova ideologija, vojnik i
oruje, Beograd 2006; Isti, Jugoslovensko ratno vazduhoplovstvo 19421992, Beograd 2006.
3 , () 19411945.
, 1996.
4 B. Petranovi, (prireiva), Zapisnici sa sednica Politbiroa Centralnog komiteta KPJ (11.
jun 1945 7. jul 1948), Beograd 1995.
5 (
: ), ( : ) ,
1947. , ( : . ) IV.
6 ( : ),
( : ), I3b.
7 ( : ), 507/IX

( : ), , . 1 2.
8 ( : ),
( : , 2 10 ( : 2, 10),
( : .)3,13, 364 372.
9 Narodna armija (19451948); Front (19451948).
10 . ilas, Susreti sa Staljinom, Beograd 1990.
608
...
.
,

.11

- 22.
1944.
1944. .
142 48 .12

1. 12. , ,
,
.
1. 33 17 ,
12. 15 8 .
10
, 6 . 10 ,
10 . 1.
2. 16 , 37 17 ,
5 .
94 23
.13

. 14
11
1944. 1945. : B.
Dimitrijevi, Jugoslovenska armija 19451954. Nova ideologija, vojnik i oruje, Beograd
2006; M.S. Bjelajac, Jugoslovensko iskustvo s multietnikom armijom (19181991),
Beograd 1999.
12 N. Popovi, navedeno delo, str. 230.
13 Isto.
14 ( 10.
- )

16.
1944. . 17. 10. , 236. 9.
250 , 500 5500 .
609

. 1945.
, 14 ,
.15

1945.
,

.16 .17
.

, , .18
,

.
,
.
10, 8, 2,
11. 42.
9.
, .
15 B. Dimitrijevi, Jugoslovensko ratno vazduhoplovstvo 19421992, Beograd 2006, str. 60.
16 , 1945. .

. (. ilas, navedeno delo
, Beograd 1990, str. 7476. N. B. Popovi, navedeno delo, Beograd 1988, str. 193198.)
17 . .
. , , ()
19411945. , 1996, . 655656.
18 , . 656.
610
...
1, 3,
1, 1, ,
1. 2. 5, 3. 6. 3 4. 5. 8 2.
12,
22, ,
. 162
.19

1947.

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20 , , 1947, . IV, 270, -
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11. 1947.
611
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. 1945. 1948. (
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23 , , 1947, . IV, 270, -
, -
- -
23. 1947.
24 .
612
...
3 2).25
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. .26
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29 13. 1916. .
1936. .
1941. . ,
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(19411942), 10. , 29. ,
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30 , , 1947, . IV, 311, -
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90.31

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31 , , 1947, . IV, 198, -
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19. 1947.
32 , 507/IX , , . 1, 12. 1946.
33 B. Dimitrijevi, JNA od Staljina do NATO pakta. Armija u spoljnoj politici Titove Jugo
slavije, Beograd 2006, str. 22 23.
34 . , (19451950), 1998, .459460.
35 S. Vukmanovi-Tempo, Revolucija koja tee, III, Beograd, Zagreb, 1982, str. 318320.
36 . , . . , , 1962, . 152154.
37 , , I3b/29, 29. 1946.
614
...

.38
, 39 1947.
,
.40

,
,
.41
1948.
.

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.42

,
38 , 507/IX , , . 1,
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39 (16.10.1908, 11.4.1985. ) , , . 1930/1931. .
,
. 1936.
. o , 1929. .
. . . 1943. , 1944.
, . ,
. 1954. , .
40 , 507/IX , , . 1,

22. 1948.
41 M. ilas, navedeno delo, str. 8284.
42 Sastanak Politbiroa Centralnog komiteta Komunistike partije Jugoslavije 19. februara
1948, B. Petranovi, (prireiva), Zapisnici sa sednica Politbiroa Centralnog komiteta
KPJ (11. jun 1945 7.jul 1948), Beograd 1995, str. 234.
615

.

.43

, .
,
,
, . ,
,
, 1945. 44 , .

,
1948. , 1950. ,
.
,
, ,.

, , ,
. 45 .
,
, .
1948. 1952. , , ,
.
43 B. Dimitrijevi, JNA od Staljina do NATO pakta. Armija u spoljnoj politici Titove Jugo
slavije, Beograd 2006, str. 24.
44 A, , 2, . 3, . 3, 1, .
45 S. Brajovi, Detalji pomoi sovjetskih vojnih savetnika jedinicama nae armije, Narodna
armija, 28. februar 1952.
616
...

.46

,

.
,

. ,
,

, , .
***

. .
,
. , , ,
. , , , , . , , .
. ?
?

?
, ?
1948. ?
46 . . , , VII, 1960, . 308309.
617
MA Aleksandar Zivotic
The soviet Military instructors in Yugoslav Army

19441945
A great number of soviet military instructors were in commands, units and
the institutions of Yugoslav Army. Voluminous unpublished original material about
their activities in Yugoslavia is kept in funds of military archive, diplomatic archive,
The ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Archive of Josie Brow and the Archive of Serbia
and Monte Negro. Original material is usefully supplemented by the data which relevant historiographic and memoirs literature offer.
In autumn 1944 when the units of the Red Army stepped on Serbian territory, and on the base of former agreement between Josif Visarionovic Stalin and
Josip Broz Tito, a great number of Soviet soldiers and political instructors were sent
into units, commands and the institutions of national Liberation Army, and later
Yugoslav Army. They had various duties of advising and instructional character in
Yugoslavia up to the conflict between Yugoslavia and the countries of socialist group
1948 the Soviet Military instructors were present in military schools, in commands
and units form regiments to army and general staff. During the years of intensive
military cooperation there were often smaller and bigger conflicts between official
Yugoslav military structures and Soviet instructors. Up to 1948, their contribution
to the building of Yugoslav armed forces was glorified and often overestimated in
Yugoslav public while after that period, the first information about their ostensibly
harmful work, which was in accordance with current political rhetoric.
Despite various evaluation of the position, role and significance of the Soviet
military instructors during the first years of post-war building of Yugoslav military
forces, on the base of available original sources it can be concluded that it was excellent professional help in formation of modern armed forces.
618
...

19441948 .
1944 1948 ,
. ,
,
. .
1944 ,
, - ( ) . 1948 .
, .

. 1948 .
, .
, ,
.
619

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,

BRANICEVO IN THE HISTORY OF SERBIA

EDITORS & ORGANIZERS INTRODUCTION

Director of Historical Archives of Pozarevac

6. 1929. , 14. 1933. . : ,

Historical dimensions of development of self-government in Serbia

Rifles Peabody in the Armament of Serbian Army

Military Factor in Political Life of Serbian State at the Beginning

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION

belong or do not belong to the Balkans varying mainly on geographical or

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

Numbers quoted in Holley, Ideas and Weapons, 29.

The complex relationship between the Military and Technology has

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

Military and Civil aviation, as the former management of Civil Aviation by

Cermak, Vidmer (Belgrade, 1910/1911, aeroplane), Godard (Plovdiv, 1898,

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

-- Avdis, Alexandros. Oi Protoporoi [The Pioneers]. Athens: privately published, 1972.

SOME NOTES ON EARLY BALKAN AVIATION HISTORY

Ph. d. Ferenc Pollmann

UDK 343.322(497.11 abac)1914.08.17

ABAC, CHURCHYARD, 17TH OF AUGUST 1914

After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire the government

Ph. d. Ferenc Pollmann

ABAC, CHURCHYARD, 17TH OF AUGUST 1914

Ph. d. Ferenc Pollmann

ABAC, CHURCHYARD, 17TH OF AUGUST 1914

Personally, I have not heard His Excellency [Inf. Gen. Hortstein]

Ph. d. Ferenc Pollmann

ficer and if I am not mistaken, my adjutant Moriz Count Esterhzy to the

ABAC, CHURCHYARD, 17TH OF AUGUST 1914

ing to a note dated 17 September 1914 Lieutenant in Reserve Moriz Count

Ph. d. Ferenc Pollmann

Reprisal as a Cause of Demographic Movement of Serbian Inhabitants

Main characteristics of Kingdom of Yugoslavia economy,

Dr Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin

Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1930s):

MA Dragan Dragasevic, prof. Dr Lazar Petrovic

The Direction f the Development

Branievo and Adjacent Regions Before

UDK 911.37(497.11 Timoka krajina)14

13. , , 29, 1940, 413, 417, 419,

1455. (110) 1466. (35), 15. ,

Prof. dr Sinisa Misic

Population of Crna Reka and Timok in 15th century

UDK 94(497.11 Branievo)1389/1459

sy, Magyarorszg mellktartomnyainak oklevrtra II, A

, 163 ,42 ,43 82 1467.

Ottoman Invasion and Demographic Changes

UDK 94(497.11 Branievski okrug):31414

i, Matys kirly levelei II, 7680; 190, 195197; . ,

Turkish Population Politics in Borderland Settlements and

About efforts of administrative bishops of Smerevo and Belgrade

Regional version of the Kosovo legend

UDK 314.1(497.11 Branievo)18

1863. /, , , 1000 , 20. (29%) .

1863. 1866. 1874. 1884. 1890. 1895. 1900. 1905.

29.8 21.5 34.7 21.3 21.5 23.8 18.9 18.9

13. , , 29, 1940, 413, 417, 419,

7: 1863. do 1954., , , . 20, .

-- . (38), , 1. 1915.

-- (35), , 20. 1915. 21

-- . (1879), , 5. 1915.

-- . (29), , 3. 1915. 19

-- (50), , . 28. 3. 1915. 7

-- (38), , 8. . , 23. 1915.

-- (20), -, 1. , 12. ,

-- . (49), , 18.

-- . (20), , 22. 1915.

-- . (20), , 21. 1915,

-- (1891), 9. , 21. 1914.

-- . (1884), , 12. 1915. .

-- (34), , 16. 1915.

-- . (21), 1. , 2. , 8. , 21.

-- (1893), , 22..1915. . . 10

-- , , , 29. . 1915. 212. 10