2008 4

34/2008.
CURRENTS OF HISTORY
Journal of the Institute for Recent History of Serbia
2008.

THE INSTITUTE FOR RECENT HISTORY OF SERBIA

Editor-in-chief

Editorial board

-

.
()
()
()
()
()
()

Editorial secretary

949.71
YU ISSN 0354-6497

,

,

,

,
,

,

,
Brigitte LE NORMAND Indiana University Southeast
Miguel RODRIGUEZ ANDREU

,

,

,

,

,

,

,

, ,

,
___________________________________________________________________
a ,

/ CONTENTS
34/2008.
Articles

The Military Factor and the Development of the Car Factory
in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia .............................................................
The Nationalization of the National Bank of the Kingdom

of Yugoslavia ...................................................................................... 28

19471952
Political Emigration from Yugoslavia to Syria 19471952 .................. 46
.

Yugoslav Impressions of the Echo of Stalins Death
in Bulgaria and Romania .................................................................... 60

-
19611962.
The Improvement of the Yugoslav-Soviet Relations 19611962........ 76

-
1967.
Yugoslavias Rapprochement With the Soviet Block During
the Arab-Israeli War of 1967 ............................................................... 98

Researches

.
, 19441946.
The Town of Linen of Yugoslav Refugees:
Yugoslav Refugee Camp, El Shatt M. E. F. Egypt 19441946 ........... 117
Brigitte LE NORMAND
THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING
ATTITUDES OF SOCIAL SCIENTISTS AND URBAN DESIGNERS
IN 1960s YUGOSLAVIA
:

1960- .................................................................................. 141

(19491956)
The Building of the Students City in New Belgrade (19491956) ... 160
Historiography

/ ?
Post-Modernism and/or Historiography? ............................................ 177
Supplements

The Yugoslav Colony in Constantinople Between the Two
World Wars ......................................................................................... 199

:

Immutable Everyday Life: German Contribution to the Folk
Culture in the Vojvodina...................................................................... 214

Formation of the Pedagogic Academy in Belgrade ............................ 225

Josip Broz Titos 80th Birthday ........................................................... 241
Views

1953/54:

Milovan ilas 1953/54: Between Revolution and Freedom ................ 251
Miguel RODRIGUEZ ANDREU
LA NOCIN EUROPEA DE NACIN Y NACIONALISMO
APLICADO A LOS BALCANES: UN ENFOQUE TERICO.
The European notion of nation and nationalism applied
to the Balkans: a theoretical approach ............................................... 279

:

Ethnography of Events: Modern Approach to Anthropology
of researching and writing about Christmas ....................................... 296
Sources

1946. ................................... 303

................ 311

1956. ......................................... 321

Reviews and Critiques
Zdenk Mahler, Ano, Masaryk, Nakladatelstv Slvka Kopeck,
Praha, 2007. ( ) ................................................... 331
.
, , , 2007.
( ) ............................................................... 334
,
, , , 2007. ( ) ................. 338
John Bree (ur.), Yasukuni, The War Dead and the Struggle for
Japans Past, Hurst & Company, London, 2007. (
) ................................................................. 340
, . ,
19181920,
, , 2008.
( ) ........................................................... 341
Bogdan Musial, Kampfplatz Deutschland. Stalins Kriegsplne
gegen den Westen, Berlin (Propilen-Verlag), 2008. (
) ................................................................................... 343
Boris Kanzleiter, Krunoslav Stojakovi (Hrsg.), 1968 in
Jugoslawien. Studentenproteste und kulturelle Avantgarde
zwischen 1960 und 1975, Verlag J. H. W. Dietz Nachf., Bonn,
2008. ( )......................................................... 345
, : 19081918,
, , 2008.
( A ) ............................................................... 347
People on the Move. Forced population Movements in Europe
in the Second World War and Its Aftermath, BERG, Oxford, New
York, 2008. (Pertti Ahonen, Gustavo Corni, Jerzy Kochanowski,
Rainer Schulze, Tams Stark, Barbara Stelzl-Marx),
( )........................................ 349
, (
) 19191941, ( ),
, . VI,
, . 19, , 2008.
( ) .................................................................. 351
Povratak u ezdeset osmu 40 godina od protesta (priredila

Nora Farik), Fondacija Heinrich Bll Regionalni ured Beograd,
( ) ........................................................................ 353
. . , . - 19531956 ,
. , , , 2008.
( ) ........................................................... 356
/ Scientific events
,
, / Information
on conferences, workshops and symposia
,
,
, , 57. 2008. .................................................... 359
,
Security Apparatus, Propagandism and Prague Spring, Prague,
79 September 2008, Bezpenostn apart, propaganda a
Prask jaro, Praha, 7.9. z 2008. ............................................... 360
, : 1968: 40. ,
(, ), 28. 4. 2008. ........ 362

Ma , , ,
1013. 2008. ........................................................................ 364
,

, , 2324. 10. 2008. .................................................. 365
...
355.1(497.1)1923/1941
629.33(497.1)1923/1941
Articles

:
.
, .
: , ,

(1886). 1910. 468.000 , 10.000 . 1914.
- 2.000.000,
50.000 . , -.
100.000 , 65.000 20.000 , -
2.000.000 , 150.000 40.000 ,
. , ,
, 1916.
.1
1
: . , 19141918 , , 1934.
http://militera.lib.ru/h/milkovsky_ai/ (11th of June 2007). : . , 1908
1918, , 2008.
34/2008.
,
, -
.

. 1929. .
7.000, , , , . 5.000 .
1934. 35 ,
24.751.700 6.651.000 .
2.850.355 ,
( 200.000).2
,
1932. 1937.
150.000 400.000, - .3
,
,
.

, ,
,,
, 1921. .
, ,
,
.4
, ,
.
()
( ). , .5
2
3
. . , , , , , 1936, . 87.
, -, . 19, , 1938, . 22. / : M. Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine
SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, Beograd, 1994, str. 91.
: . , , ,
6, , 16. 1921, . 454462. ,
: , .
: M. Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, str. 24.
, . 91.
10
...
,
,
-. 1923.
.

.
-.6
/
,
, ,
.7 , , 1924. 4-5 ( ,
, , ) , ,
.8 , -
.
, , 40.000
32 , , ,
. ,
.
1934.
,
.
,
22 . , ,
, ,
-, .9 1934.
,
, , je
,
6
7
8
9
: M. Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, str. 1823.

, . 19
, . 20.
, . 226.
11
34/2008.
,
, -
,
.10 , ,
, ,
, .

,
. , ,
. ,
, , , , 1923.
, , ,
, -,
.11
1924.
( . . .) ,12 ,
1925,
,
.13 , -,
, , ,
, ,
.14
. 10
11
12
13
14
Izvetaj vojnog izaslanika za 1934. godinu, Britanci o Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, godinji izvetaji
britanskog poslanstva u Beogradu 19211938, (priredio ivko Avramovski), druga knjiga
(19311938), BeogradZagreb, 1986, str. 292.
. . , , , , , , . , , VIIVIII,
, 1926, . 192.
, . 201.
, . 220.
, . 215216.
12
...
1926. .15 , .
.
, ,
.
, . ,
-,
Ford Motor Co.,
.
,
1926. , Ford Motor Co. , M.
20. 1926.
,
,

. Ford Motor Co.
,
. .16

, . ,17

. .

, . .
.18
15
16
17
18
, . 188221.
, , : 6511618.
1929,
, , (, 6511622).
, 6511 619, . 1552 28. 10. 1926
.
13
34/2008.

.
. . , .
.
.19
. .
, , . Yugoslavian Development
Co. Ltd, 4. 1927. ,
.
(Peugeot) , .

.
1928.20 , Yugoslavian Development Co. Ltd

.
10.000.000 .
,

. . .21
,
,
,
19
20
21
. ,
.
, 6511620;
. 1552 17. 11. 1926.
, 6511867, Yugoslavian Development Co.Ltd. ,
18. 1927.

, ().
14
...
.
, ,
20
, .
.

,
.22
. ,
, () ,
,
.
,
.
,

.
, 55% 2/3
.
.
,
,
,
.
, .23
.
, , Ford Motor Co.
1929. -
. .
.24

22
23
24
, 6511868, 869.
, 6511871, 872, ,
, V, . 6315 16. 06. 1927.
, 6511622, 1929.
15
34/2008.
,

,
.
, , .
,
, . . ,
, .
,
.25
,
. .
.
,
,
. .

12 ,
.

.
.26
. , -
(John Dynley Prince) 7. 1929.
Ford Motor Co.

, .
,

. Ford Motor Co., ,
.
Ford Motor Co. :
, ,
, ,
, Ford
25
26
; , 6511623.
, 6511624.
16
...
Motor Co.
. Ford Motor Co.

. , Ford Motor Co. .27

Ford Motor Co. ,

.
Ford Motor Co.

.28

. ,
Ford Motor Co.
, .29

.
, ,
,
, .
1.000 ,
,
. 700-800

500 300 500 .30

.
1930.
, .
27
28
29
30
, 6511625, Pro Memoria, , 7. 11. 1929, . . .

, 6511626, . . ,
12. 11. 1929.
Izvetaj vojnog izaslanika za 1931. godinu, Britanci o Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, godinji izvetaji britanskog poslanstva u Beogradu 19211938 (priredio ivko Avramovski), druga knjiga
(19311938), BeogradZagreb, 1986, str. 67.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 5, .
15. 02. 1938.
17
34/2008.
,
,

.
, - 99.398.244 ,

. ,
,
,
.
.
,
,
. , ,
.31 - ,
,
, .
, ,
, , ,
.32
1935. . ,
,
.
, , .
,
, .
,
, ,
.
,
.33 31
32
33
. , , , , IX :
, , 1930, . 110.
, . 111.
. , ( ), , 1934, . 319
320.
18
...
(, , ), , .

, .34
.35
,
,
.

1933. . , ,
1934,
.
(Blitzkrieg),
,
,
. ,

,36
. 1934. ,
500 ,

.
.37
,

10. 1935. . , ,
, ,
34
35
36
37
, . 325327.
, . 315.
: S. urovi, Dravna intervencija u industriji Jugoslavije (19181941), Beograd, 1986.
, . 208.
19
34/2008.
.38

14. 1935, , , ,
, .39

,
, .
,
,
30 .
, 12
10
.
75 ,
-,
, ,
.
30 .
,

.

.40
, , , .41
. .
Tatra .42
38
39
40
41
42
, 17, 133, 2, . . 18, ,

, . . . . . 840 10. 08. 1935.

, (. 279, 280, 340) ,
.
, 17, 84, 5, . . 42, ,
, . . . 477 14. 12. 1935.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 5, .
15. 02. 1938.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 11,
, , 13. 1938.
20
...
1931.
. , , 1931.
2.000 ,
200-300, , , .43
,
.
Novosti, 1936, Fiat
. ,
, (Piccino),
,
. Piccolo, Novosti

.44
- ,
.
100% 1937.
,45
.46
,
. .47
18. ,
1937, . .
. 30.000.000
60.000.000
. . 600
.48
,
. . .
600
, . , 43
44
45
46
47
48
, 17, 361, 3, . . 5, .
15. 02. 1938.
AJ, 38 542 ; Novosti, Zagreb, 31. 12. 1936.
S. urovi, n. d., str. 340.
, , , , 1940, . 5051.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 5, .
15. 02. 1938.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 3, . . 276 28. 01. 1938; , - .
21
34/2008.
, . ,
,
1938, , , . .49
.50
. .
, 1937, 27,
22 V750/57,
.
1938.
.51 ,

, 27, , ,
, 27
.52 .
. . .
.
. ,

,
, .
, .
, ,
, 49
50
51
52
, 17, 361, 3, . . 5, .
15. 02. 1938.
S. urovi, n. d., str. 279.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 11,
, , 13. 1938; , 17, 361, 3, . . 2, , , 19.
1938.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 4, , , 1. 1938.
22
...
.53
7. 1938,
( )
. ,
.
,
. , 1937,

.54

. . . . 355 20. 1939.55
,
, - - , .56 ,

. . , - .
,
600
( 1942).57 .58
1939. . ,
. . .
53
54
55
56
57
58
, 17, 361, 3, . . 6, . .
, , 24. 1938.
, 17, 361, 3, . . 12,
, 7. 1938.
, 17, 161, 1, . . 7, ,
, . . . . . 780 18. 1939.
, , , , 1940, . 5051.
, 17, 161, 1, . . 7, ,
, . . . . 668 25. 1939.
, 17, 161, 1, . . 7, ,
, . . . . . 780 18. 1939.
23
34/2008.
1940. .
, ,
.
,
. . .
,
- ().
150 .59 1940.
15 ,
, 15 . . , .
.60 24. 1940. .61
15. 1941. 100 ,
, 94 ( ),
,
. 15 .
.62
18 ,
, , , .

,
.
1939. . .
,
500 , 1,20 ,
, 1,20 ,
37
24 30% 65%.
59
60
61
62
, -, , , 1940, 5051.
, 17, 220, 4, . . 11, . . , - ( ), . . 504/ 20. 1940.
, , 25. 10. 1940; , 38 542 .
, 17, 221, 2, . . 54, . . , - ( ), . . 41/ 15. 1941.
24
...
. .

, .
.
. .
,
.
, , 500
.63 ,
,
.64
, .
,
. . . .65
1941. . .
1940,
,
.
, , ,
, .

. ,

, 1.500 .

.

63
64
65
( 400), 12 ( 36),
, 25 .
300.000 .
, 17, 85, 3, . . 50, , , . . . . 4852 28. 1939, :
.
25
34/2008.

230.000.000 .

.
.

. . ,
, .66 ,
. . ,
, 167. 18.
1940,
.

,
920.000.000 ,

.67
.

, ,
1942,
. , ,
.
66
67
, 17, 207, 3, . . 4, 165. , 2. 1940.

, 17, 207, 5, . . 43, 167.
, 18. 1940.
26
...
Summary
The Military Factor and the Development of the Car Factory
in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
Key works: Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Army, Motor Industry
The idea of a need to build a car factory in the territory of the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia stemmed from persons engaged in the work of the Council of National Defense, but the first serious initiative to resolve this issue through cooperation with the Ford Company originated with the Arch-Bishop of Bar, Dr. Nikola
Dobrei in mid-1920s. It failed because the military authorities, for strategic
reasons, refused that the factory be built on Montenegrin coast. Offers of other
car-makers were refused because of their demands for monopoly in supplying
the State and the Military, which was deemed nefarious to the State. It was only
with the start of the preparations, first of totalitarian, but soon also of democratic
powers for a future war in which motorization was to play a major part, that
the Yugoslav military leadership started championing the development of the
domestic car-industry. With the new policy of state interventions in the economy
espoused by the government of Milan Stojadinovi, the initiative to build the
factory was taken over by the State itself. Thus the building of the car-factory
within the nationalized Motor Industry inc. in Rakovica was the corollary of the
interests of national defense and was part of Yugoslav economic preparations
for the impending war. Thus the role of the military factor was decisive in the
development of this branch of industry in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
27
34/2008.
336.711(497.1)1918/1941

. .

:
, , .
, .

,
, . ,
- .
: , , , , ,
,

. , .

.
28
. .
...

() () ,

.1
,
-,
.2
, - ,
, , . ,

.3
, ,
, , ,
, .

. ,
.
, ,
, . ,
, , ,
.

. ,
- ,
, . , .
6. 1919. ,
1
2
, , , 1990, . 388399.
. , 19141918, , 1991, .
240.
, , III,
, 1999, . 3743.
29
34/2008.

.4

,
. ,

.

,
.5
, , .
,
,
.
4
A ( y : ), o 4. 1920, XVIIIXIX.
. , .
, , 61.860
. ,
( )
. ,
. ,
, 110.000 .

, .
, 19181928, II , ,
1929, . 479480. ( y : ); , III
10. 1923, XXIV.

, .
, ,
,
, , .
, ,
,
, . ,
,

.
. ,
(), (), ,
, , , aj, ,
, .
30
. .
...
,
,
, 1940. ,
.
,
26. 1920. . , ,
.
, ,
- ,
.
, 6 ( ),
, -, .
. ,
, , , ,
, , , , , , , ,
, , , , , .7
, , 180 ,
60.000 3.000 .
:
- (
) 12.000 (20%);
- 18.000 (30%);
- 25.200 (42%);
19181938, , 1939, . 239.

.
, 1921, XIV.

2.758.872 ,
.
31
34/2008.
- , 100,
4.800 (8%).8

1922. 1930. 13,33%
, 400 .9

: .

,
,

100% .
, , .

,
(
) ( ) .

. ,

.10 ,
,
.
,
9 ,
.11 ,
, 8
10
11
,
3. 1940. .
3.135 , 818, 355, 62 -
60. 55.570 ,
25.866 .
18841934, , 1934, . 1718,
( : ).
,
, , 1930, . 63.
, 17. 1928.
32
. .
...
.12 ,
, .13
1929. 14

(,

)
% %

4.668.324.000,00
708.870.000,00
15,2
44,8
2.865
5.603.768.225,00
403.016.000,00
7,2
25,5
175
1.119.174.930,00
89.704.000,00
8,0
5,6
385
1.465.413.791,00
191.837.000,00
13,1
12,1
270
1.661.464.945,00
116.525.000,00
7,0
7,3
309
231.969.135,00
75.364.000,00
32,5
4,7
81
14.750.115.056,00
1.585.419.000,00
10,8
100,0
4.085
,
,
.

. 1919.
602 , 3.283 , 1921.
4.418 1922. 4.517

. ,
12
13
14
, 18. 1928.
, 7. 1922.
( : ), . . . 1300,
, 1929, , 1930, . 117.
. ,
( , ), ,
. ,
,
,
.
33
34/2008.
, 1923. 4.527
, 4.560.000.000 .15
,
: (

) .
, 6%,
8% .16
19231929.
( )17
. . % . % % . % % %
1923
625,98 48
207,37 15
226,64 17 11,89
1 10,20 1,0 235,54 18,0 1.317,63
1924
606,90 55
230,97 21
165,32 15 10,37
9,30 0,8
80,34 7,2 1.103,20
1925
652,79 50
332,10 25
216,89 16 14,72
1 14,57 1,0
92,29 7,0 1.323,37
1926
672,99 49
361,16 26
245,02 17 43,20
8,59 0,5
70,70 4,5 1.401,63
1927
689,35 46
394,57 26
273,03 18 48,92
3 14,49 1,0
82,92 6,0 1.503,27
1928
680,58 46
411,09 29
255,95 17 52,39
3 15,24 1,0
68,21 4,0 1.483,48
1929
704,36 44
418,67 27
256,89 16 59,60
4 20,90 1,0 124,92 8,0 1.585,42

,
,

.
,
15
16
17
, III 4. 1923, XII. , : 1919. 773.000.000, 1920. 3.344.000.000, 1921. 4.688.000.000 1922.
5.040.000.000 . 1919. 1920. ,
,
1.238 , ,
. ,
, .
.
. ,
, . ,
,
, . ,
.
, , , 1933, . 206.
, . 207.
34
. .
...

.18

.
, .
( 1925.
1929. ),
(65,6%),
5,5%,
10,7%, 6,8%, 5,4%, 1,6%
4,4%.19

.
, 1929. ,
(4.085),
4,3%,
175 .20
.
19231929. ( )21
% - % - % - % % - %

1923.
510,91 38,7
423,74 32,2
1924.
497,95 45,1
319,41 28,9
116,82 10,8
75,56 6,8
65,62 5,9
27,83 2,5 1.103,20
1925.
632,24 47,0
340,66 26,5
125,73
9,5
83,72 6,3
101,38 7,7
39,63 3,0 1.323,37
1926.
601,88 43,0
386,09 27,0
154,03 11,0
89,65 6,5
124,51 9,0
45,47 3,0 1.401,63
1927.
705,87 47,0
343,91 23,0
171,55 11,5
98,71 6,5
119,77 8,0
63,46 4,0 1.503,27
1928.
685,64 46,0
343,00 22,0
168,89 11,5
95,48 6,5
113,12 8,0
77,34 5,0 1.483,47
1929.
708,97 44,8
403,02 25,5
191,84 12,1
116,53 7,3
89,70 5,6
75,36 4,7 1.585,42
18
19
20
21
185,89 14,1
85,57 6,5
80,14 6,1
31,37 2,4 1.317,63
, . 538.
, . 179.
, , , 1938, . 164165.

.
,
100 (
),
.
, , . 207. 19231929
9.717,99 . , : 44,5%;
35
34/2008.
()
. ,
, , ,
.
,
, ,

. ,

.22

( 48%),
24%, 17%, 2%, 1%
8%.
, ,
.

, 1929. ,

. ,
1932. .
, .
,
,
.23
22
23
26,5%; 11,5%; 6,6%;

7,3% 3,6%.
, , , 1985, . 115116.
, . 180.
36
. .
...
24
.
1935.
1936.
1937.
1938.
1939.
- . - . - . - . - .
- . - . - . - . - .

000 .
000 .
000 .
000 .
000 .
15
631 2.156
6.468
623 2.080
6.240
610 2.029
6.087
610 2.003
6.009
593 1.918
5.754
610
222 1.987
5.961
219 1.968
5.904
214 1.915
5.745
223 2.011
6.033
208 1.875
5.625
1120
158 2.648
7.944
160 2.708
8.124
157 2.662
7.986
161 2.694
8.082
159 2.633
7.899
2130
110 2.875
8.625
106 2.756
8.268
106 2.770
8.310
105 2.736
8.208
103 2.724
8.172
3140
59 2.206
6.618
53 1.984
5.952
52 1.946
5.838
51 1.908
5.724
54 2.013
6.039
4150
30 1.454
4.362
34 1.639
4.917
37 1.778
5.334
41 1.975
5.925
41 1.978
5.934
51100
101
200
201
300
301
500
501
1000
1000
54 4.002 12.006
54 3.854 11.562
56 4.035 12.105
56 3.989 11.967
67 4.900 14.700
40 5.327 15.981
42 5.496 16.488
38 4.979 14.937
41 5.337 16.011
40 5.382 16.146
14 3.428 10.284
13 3.298
9.894
13 3.298
9.894
12 3.004
11 2.779
11 4.605 13.815
10 4.301 12.903
8 3.331
9.993
9 3.747 11.241
10 4.201 12.603
5 3.749 11.247
5 3.749 11.247
7 5.054 15.162
6 4.449 13.347
5 3.934 11.802
9 25.563 76.689
9 26.167 78.501
9 26.203 78.609
9 26.147 78.441
9 25.663 76.989
9.012
8.337
1.343 60.000 180.000 1.328 60.000 180.000 1.307 60.000 180.000 1.324 60.000 180.000 1.300 60.000 180.000
1940.
.
, ,
( , , .) ( ),
.25

,26
.27 ,

.28

24
25
26
27
28
, 1935. 1939. .
, , , 1940, .
710.
, 17. 1940.
, 18. 1940.
, 9. 1940.
37
34/2008.
. 1937.
6:4. ,

15 ,
.29
3.135 ( 5,2%),
()
. 26. 1939.

, ,
.
. ,

,30 (,
, , , , , , )
. , , ,
.31
, , :32
- 1939.
(4%),
-
,
-
,
- ,
- ,
,
-
( ), .33
29
30
31
32
33
, , , 2004, . 351352.
, 14. 1940.
1939/40. .
, 20. 1940.
, 3. 1940.
, 15. 1940.
38
. .
...
,
,

.34
,
.35
,

.36 ,

. ,
,
. , ,
(
,
),
.37
,

.38

.
,
,
.
,

(. 116), 34
35
36
37
38
, 27. 1940.
, 30. 1940.
, 4. 1940.

. ,
,
, -
.
,
.
, . . . 1300, ,
.
39
34/2008.
16. 1939. .
1931. . ,
1920. ,

.39

.
- 120 , (40.000 3.000 )
. ,
( )
52% .
,
.
- ( 120.000 )
( 3.000 1.500 ),
.
( 48.000 )

, .
,
, ( 60%)
.
- () . ,
,

.40
39
40
, . . . 1300, . 1.
1941. . ,
1931. ,
.
, . . . 1300, ,
.
40
. .
...

, 14.
1940.
. ,

. ,

.
,
.

20% ,
( )
100 . 6%, ,
.41
,
. ,
,
.
,
. ,
.
- ,
,
. ,
,

.

,
. ,

,
.
- .
,
41
, . 203, 16. 1940.
41
34/2008.
.42 , ,
( ),
, .
1940.
, ,

.43 , , , ,

.44 1939.
,
24. 600 , 16.
240
. ,
()
. , 18. ,
,
.
3.378
, 1940. 626
.45

, .
31. 1939. 7.986 ,
12.241 , .
42
43
44
45
, 28. 1940.
, XX
3. 1940, XXVII.
, 92, XVIII 4533.
14. 1939. ,

,
. ,
, ,

(80% ) (
-).
.
, 16. 1941.
(), 70 549,
14. 1941.
42
. .
...
131 ,
6% ( 1.911 2.042 ). , 131. ,

4.255 .46
, ,
,
,
.
(53,3%)
(58,1%).47
,
.
,
,
.
48
( )
1939.
1940.
%
()
2.024.220
2.118.856
4,7
()
9.980.613
11.076.646
11,0
()
529.499
610.042
15,2
()
1.038.334
1.199.656
15,5
()
5.387.700
6.441.700
16,6
()
10.906.716
13.026.452
19,4
()
42.351.097
60.356.919
42,5
()
7.986.247
12.241.165
53,3
()
229.521
362.938
58,1
,
(1939. 1940),
.
, -
46
47
48
, 1940, XVII.
, 19411945, XI.
(17. 1941)
19.500 .
, 3736251, 26.
1940. . ,
.
43
34/2008.
,

.49
. ,
.50
(
0,25% )
. 660
(. ) (300 ),
(250 )
(110 ).51
,
, .
, ,
.52
, - ,
( 12 ) .
49
50
51
52
, 19. 1941.
, 30. 1940.
, 1940, XIX.

.
, 3736251. 24. 1939. 30. 1940.
7.818 ,
360
.
44
. .
...
Summary
The Nationalization of the National Bank of the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia
Key words: the National Bank of Yugoslavia, credit policy, monetary policy,
stocks of the National Bank, nationalization, inflation
The National Bank of Yugoslavia was the legal successor to the Privileged National Bank of the Kingdom of Serbia (as a corporation) although
already at the founding of the new state one wondered if one should turn the
Serbian emission-bank into the Yugoslav one, or if one should liquidate it first
and set up a new central financial institution afterwards.
From the very beginning the National Bank was criticized for its unprincipled monetary policy, selective credit policy, for keeping the interest rates
unchanged under rather changeable circumstances on the market, for allowing
over-indebtedness first of the State itself, and then of other economic players,
as well as for having in mind primarily interests of its stock holders. These
accusations were directly connected with ethnic and ownership make-up of the
stocks of the Bank, which were over 90% in Serbian hands.
Under conditions of the incipient federalization of the country (after the
CvetkoviMaek agreement) and the war in Europe in late summer 1940, the
issue of its survival as a corporation was raised. The initiative to nationalize the
central financial institution originated with Croat economists (R. Biani, J. utej,
A. Malbaa, A Kouti etc.). However, the nationalization didnt bring about the
desired results quite the contrary. Although it was considered only the first step
in the process of reorganization of the whole economic system it made possible
the more uncontrolled indebtedness of the state apparatus and the emergence of
hyper-inflation.
45
34/2008.
314.151.3-054.72(=163.3/.6)(569.1)1947/1952

19471952.*

:

, , ,
,
.
: , , , , , , ,

, , , , . ,
, *
, ,
(147043) .
46
...
. .
,

,
,
.1

,

. ,
, .

- ,
, .2
3
4 .5 ,
, .

, ,
, .

. 1946, ,
. , 1
4
5
: 1) B. Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije, III, Beograd, 1988; 2) B. Petranovi, Srbija u drugom svetskom ratu, Beograd, 1992; 3)
U. Kosti, Osloboenje Istre, Slovenakog primorja i Trsta 1945, Beograd, 1978.
A. Lebl, Prekid diplomatskih odnosa SFRJIzrael 1967. godine, Tokovi istorije, 14/2001,
Beograd, 2001, str. 55.
( :
), ( : ), 19471952.
, , 19471952.
( : ), (
: ), I3b.
47
34/2008.
, . 1948. ,
.

. 1945.
. ,
, ,
.
().
1945. 1947.
.
, .
(), (),
() ().
,
.
. . , .
, .

, -.
,
, , , ,
, , , ,
.
, , , , .
, .
, , ,
, .6 ,

.
, 23. 1946.
6
- : 1) C. Brown, Diplomacy on the Middle East.

The International Relations of Regional and Outside Powers, London New York, 2004; 2) B.
Milton-Edwards, C. Hinchcliffe, Conflicts in the Middle East Since 1945, London, 2003; 3) B.
Rubin, Tragedy of the Middle East, Cambridge, 2002; 4) S. Touval, The Peace Brokers. Mediators in the Arab-Israeli Conflict (19481979), Princeton, 1982; 5) R. Bullard (ed.), The Middle
East. A political and Economic Survey, London, 1958; 6) L. Tull, Politics. The military and nation security in Jordan, 19551967, London, 2002.
48
...
,
19. 1946. .7 5. 1947.

,
, 12. 1946.

13.

.8
.
- ,
.
9 20. 1947.
. ,
, ,
Assistenza Pontificia , .10

, .
,
,
. , .
,
7
8
9
10
, , 1947. , ( : .) 105, ,
414728, 7. 1947. .
.
(19031970). .
- -,
. 1945. 1947.
,
1951. . 1951. ,
. .
.

: D. R. ivojinovi, Vatikan, Katolika crkva i jugoslovenska
vlast 19411958, Beograd, 2007, str. 225266.
49
34/2008.
.
,

,11 12 .13

.
. ,
1944.
,14 1945.
.15 , ,
.16

.17
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
17. 1891. , 3.
1956. . , 1909,
.
. , ,
.
. 1919. ()
. , 19391941.
. 1941.
,
. 1945.
. 17.
. , .
,
, .
, .

.
.
: F. Jeli-Buti, Ustae i Nezavisna Drava Hrvatska 19411945, Zagreb, 1977.
, , 1947. , . 105, , 281/47,
, 20. 1947. .
, 1944. 1947.
,
1.963 ,
(M. S. Bjelajac, Jugoslovensko iskustvo sa multietnikom armijom, 19181991,
Beograd 1999, str. 47).
B. Dimitrijevi, Jugoslovenka armija 19451954. Nova ideologija, vojnik i oruje, Beograd,
2006, str. 134.
, , 1947. , . 105, , 281/47,
, 20. 1947. .
, , 1948. , . 160, , 41498,
16. 1948. .
50
...
.18

. 17. 1948.
,
,
.19 ,
, ,
.

.20
,
,
.
15 .
, .
,
.
,
300 , , ,

, , .21
.22
18
19
20
21
22
, , 1948. , . 160, , 41499,

10. 1948. .
, , 1948. , . 160, , 44608,
, 17. 1948. .
. , 19451956, ,
, , , 2007, . 374375.
, , I3b/709,
23. 1949. , . 4.
O a- :
1) M. Babi, Arapsko-izraelski ratovi, Zagreb, 1988; 2) A. Bregman, Israels Wars. A History
Since 1947, London, 2002; 3) T. N. Dupay, Elusive victory. The ArabIsraeli Wars, 19471974,
New York, 1978; 4) D. Horowitz, E. N. Lutwak, The Israeli Army, London, 1975; 5) P. Ovendale, The Origines of the ArabIsraeli Wars, London, 2003.
51
34/2008.
23
15. 1949,
.24
, ,
, ,

, ,

. ,

. .25

,
1949. ,
. ,

. .
,
.

. , ,
.

,
.26
23
24
25
26
1909. . 1935.
. 1943. -, 1944.
. 1947.
. . .
(18941965), . 1933. ,
(19481956).
, , 1947. , . 85, , 420020,

15. 1949. .
, , I3b/709,
23. 1949. , . 4.
52
...
, 1948.
1949. 1952,
-,
.27
, . 1951.
. :
, ,
. (
) .
:
, , 677
, .
:

... ----,

, .
, ,
. ,
,
, .

, , ,
.28 : ,
-, , , ,
, .
, .
, ,
27
28
, , 1947. , . 85, , 420020,

15. 1949. .
, , I3b/711,
19. 1951. .
53
34/2008.

.
, ,
, .29 -
,
, . .30 ,
, ,
. - ,
.
,
.
, .31 ,

,

.32 1952.
,
.33

. ,
. , ,
,
29
30
31
32
33
, , 1951. , . 69, , 45812,

23. 1951. .
, , 1952. , . 48, , 42838,
1. 1952. .
, , 1953. , . III, 276, 2. 1953. .
.
, , 1952. , . 79, , 42008, ,
12. 1952. .
54
...
.34
.35

, .36 ,

.

.
, - ,
, , ,
. , ,
.37

. ,
, , ,

1991. .

125 ,
.

() .38
34
35
36
37
38
. Suljak, Cration de banques populaires dans les pays qui aspirent la dmocratie conomique, Istanbul, 1958.
. Suljak, Les fates de lconomie cooprative, Damask, 1950.
. uljak, Odnosi islama i kranstva gledani kroz diplomatske veze islamskih drava s Vatikanom, Hrvatska revija, 1 (1951).
, , 1952., . 79, , 44667,
14. 1952. .
,
: 1) B.
Gligorijevi, Parlament i politike stranke u Jugoslaviji (19191929), Beograd, 1979; 2) .
, 19351939, , 1997.
55
34/2008.
1949. 39
,
. ,
. , , , ,
,
, 21. .40

.
, , .
,
.
.41 , ,

2 2,50 .
,
. ,
,
.42
39
40
41
42
1910. . .
1931. . 1928. , ,
.
1934. . , 1936.
.
. .
, , 1949. , . II, 10,
25. 1949. .
, , I3b/709,
23. 1949. , . 5.
, , I3b/709,
23. 1949. , . 6.
56
...
. , 1941.
,
, , , .
,
,
.
,

.

II .
, ,
.43

, .

.

.

.
: , ,
, -. ,
.

.
,

43
57
34/2008.
, .
,
,
, . , .

, .

1948.
.
, , . ,
- , ,
.
,
.
. .
.
Summary
Political Emigration from Yugoslavia to Syria 19471952
Key words: Yugoslavia, Syria, Middle East, Ustasha, the Independent State of
Croatia, emigration, Muslims, Albanians, Serbs
After having been defeated in the territory of Yugoslavia, the remnants of
the Croat armed forces found themselves in the territory of Austria. A considerable
number of members of these forces, many of whom were wanted by the new
Yugoslav authorities under suspicion of having committed war crimes during the
war, crossed into refugee camps in Italian territory. From there, most of them
proceeded to South America or Western Europe, whereas several hundred Muslims,
among whom high officers and prominent politicians, emigrated to Syria with the
large aid from the Organization for Displaced Persons and the Roman-Catholic
Church. Apart from them, Albanian emigrants from the Yugoslav territory, who
had been members of Albanian armed units or German SS-units during the war,
58
...
also arrived to Syria. A small number of Serbs, political migrs, was also in
Syria. They had spent the war in the Middle East and didnt want to return to
Yugoslavia after the war.
A considerable number of Muslims took part in the war in Palestine in
1948. Many of them continued serving in Syrian or Lebanese armed forces after
the war. The acceptance of Muslim refugees was motivated above all by military
considerations and Islamic solidarity. However, due to the Yugoslav-Syrian
rapprochement and the establishment of closer political, economic and military
cooperation between the two countries, the situation of the Muslim migrs
suddenly deteriorated. For that reason many radical emigrants left Syria and
settled down in Turkey, Saudi Arabia or Iraq. The number of Albanian migrs
in Syrian territory decreased for the same reasons. The Serbian emigration
disappeared soon after the war.
59
34/2008.
32:929 . . (093.2)
327(497.1:497.2)1948/1953
327(497.1:498)1948/1953
:

,
,

.
: , , , . . , , - , -
,
,

.
- 1948.

.1 -
*
, ,
(147043) .
- 1948. : Jugoslovensko-sovjetski sukob
1948. godine, zbornik radova, Institut za savremenu istoriju, Beograd, 1999; B. Petranovi,
Istorija Jugoslavije, knj. III: Socijalistika Jugoslavija 19451988, Beograd, 1988; D. Beki,
60
. .
...
, , ,
, , ,
,
,
. -
,
.
1948.
,

. ,
, , ,
. ,

, .
20.

, , . ,

.
, , ,
.

,
,
-

, ,
.
,
Jugoslavija u Hladnom ratu. Odnosi s velikim silama 19491955, Zagreb, 1988; Velike sile i
male drave u hladnom ratu: sluaj Jugoslavije, zbornik radova, Beograd, 2005; I. Banac, Sa
Staljinom protiv Tita, Zagreb, 1990; R. Luburi, Vrui mir hladnog rata, Podgorica, 1994.
61
34/2008.
. , ,
,
. , , ( ) , , ,

. ,

.
.
,
.
, , ,
, .
, .
,

. ,

,
. ,
, ,

.
,

.

.2
. ,
,
2
(: ),
(: ), 1953. , , 11, 6,
, . . . 4, . . 44805, 9. 1953. , . 1.
62
. .
...
,
,
, .3 , ,

,
, .4 , , .
,
, . , , ,
.5
(
)
. ,
, ,
-15,
, , 50 .6 100 .
,
, , , .7
, .
( ) .8
, ,
3
4
5
6
7
8
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4, 1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 1314.

, . 14.
.
, . 15.
.
D. Beki, Jugoslavija u Hladnom ratu. Odnosi s velikim silama 19491955, Zagreb, 1988, str.
476477.
63
34/2008.
. , ,

.
6. ,
, , -
.9
. ,
. ,
, ,
, , ,
. 6.
,

.10

.11
,

.
, , ,
,
.
,
.

.

,
10
11
, , 1953, , . 11, . 6, , .
. . 4, . . 44805, 9. 1953. , . 1.
, , 1953, , . 84, . 1,
. 64 -, . . 43073, 6. 1953. .
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 16.
64
. .
...
.12 ,

. ,
, ,

.13 .
, ,
.14
, ,
e . ,
, ,

,
.15
, .

-. ,
. , ,

.16
,
, e . , ,
.
7. .
,
12
13
14
15
16
, , 1953, , . 11, . 6, , .
. . 4, . . 44805, 9. 1953. , . 1.
.
, , 1953, , . 85, . 13, . 68
-, . . 43319, 11. 1953. .
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 35.
, . 34.
65
34/2008.

- .17 , , 11. , , -
:
,
.18
,

( ) . , ,

.19
, . ,
,
.
, -. , ,

.20
, , . ,

.
,
,

,
.21 17
18
19
20
21
, , 1953, , . 11, . 6, , .
. . 4, . . 44805, 9. 1953. , . 1.
.
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 3536.
, , 1953, , . 12, . 5, -
, 10. 1953. , . 2.
, , 1953, , . 85, . 13, . 68
-, . . 43319, 11. 1953. .
66
. .
...
, ,
-

.22 , ,

. ,
,
, ,
? , ,
.23
,
, ,
.
. ,
, ,

.
- .
.
,
-
.24
.
,

.
- 22
23
24
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 16.
, . 1617.
, , 1953, , . 11, . 6, , .
. . 4, . . 44805, 9. 1953. , . 2.
67
34/2008.
.

,
. ,

, , ,
. , ,
.25
- . ,
, .

-
.
.26
,
, ,
. , ,

,
-. ,
, ,

, ,
.27

,
.
,
-.28

25
26
27
28
.
.
.
, . 3.
68
. .
...
( , ) , .
,
-
.
, ,
. ,
-
.29
.
. ,
. -

- -
. ,

, .30
,
- , , .31

-.
.

,
.32
.

,

.
29
30
31
32
.
.
.
, . 4.
69
34/2008.
, .
.33
, .

.
, .
.
,

, , .34 ,

, .
, ,
.

, , , 25.
.35
.
, ,

,
, .36
,

. ,
5. 1953. .
,
,
, , , .37 ,
33
34
35
36
37
.
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . 8/53, . . 46652, 4. 1953. , . 12.
, . 14.
, . 13.
, . 3.
70
. .
...
(
) ,
. ,
. ,

,

.

,
, , .

1953. . .
, , , .
, ,
.38
: .

- .39
, , 1953.
, a .40 , ,
, -,
.41
.

. 36 ,
45 12. . , .
38
39
40
41
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 19.
, . 20.
, . 23.
, . 18.
71
34/2008.
,
, .42

. ,
,
, .
, 15. , ,
,
.
.43
,

.
, 1.
1953. , ,
e, , .44 ,

. , ,

- .45
, ,

, ,

.46
,

42
43
44
45
46
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . 8/53, . . 46652, 4. 1953. , . 1.
.
, , 1953, , . 74, . 4,
1953. , . . . 9/53, . . 47572, . 11.
, . 1213.
, . 1314.
72
. .
...
,
.

. ,

. 1953. ,
, 19
, 40, 75 39.47
,
.48 , 1953.

26, 31 41.49
,
, ,
. ,

.50
,
,
.
.
,
,

, ,

.51
, ,
,
.
47
48
49
50
51
, , 1953, ( ), . 14, . 3,
3. 31. 1953,
, 6. 1953. , . 1.
, . 2.
, . 1.
, . 2.
, , 1953, , . 11, . 6, , I
- , . . . 44805, 27. 1953. , . 1.
73
34/2008.
,
-, , -
, ,
. 10. ,
I -
, , -,

.52 - ,
. ,

. ,
1953.
30.
(. )

1948. . , ,
.
,
.
, ,
, .

.

,
, , . ,
, 52
, , 1953, , . 12, . 5, , I
- , . . 44686, 10. 1953. , . 1.
, , , ,
,
(D. Beki, n. d., str. 480).
74
. .
...

,
.
Summary
Yugoslav Impressions of the Echo of Stalins Death
in Bulgaria and Romania
Key words: Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania, J. V. Stalin, East-European countries,
Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations, Yugoslav-Romanian relations
Although Bulgaria and Romania were Yugoslavias neighbors, judging
by the state of their bilateral relations with it, several years before Stalins death
they could have been on another continent. The reason was a sharp ideological,
and then inter-state conflict between the USSR and Yugoslavia which flared up
in 1948 and which engulfed all peoples democracies of the Soviet block.
Yugoslavias relations with Bulgaria and Romania were completely spoiled, and
in the case of Bulgaria they were additionally encumbered with the unfortunate
legacy of the past. The situation on the borders verged on the state of war.
Observing the echo of Stalins death in Bulgaria and Romania during the spring
of 1953, Yugoslav diplomats on the spot noticed bigger or smaller signs of
change in these two countries. That echo in leaderships of these countries, in
their ruling parties, armies, diplomatic corps and citizenry served later on as basis
for Yugoslav estimates of general trends and possibilities of eventual changes in
Bulgaria and Romania, and concomitantly, the possibility for normalization of
Yugoslavias relations these with neighboring countries. The impression the echo
of Stalins death left on Yugoslav diplomats in Sofia, Bucharest and Belgrade
testify to their good knowledge of the essence of the then societies in Bulgaria
and Romania. As an occasion to summarize impressions, Stalins death showed
that all contradictions in the neighboring countries, which then became more
accentuated, were well known in Yugoslavia. The events that followed showed
that there was an outside and a real picture of relations toward the authorities
and the ruling ideology in societies there. They also showed how dependent of
the attitude and the will of the Soviet Union were the ruling elites, incarnated in
the Bulgarian Communist Party and the Workers Party of Romania.
75
34/2008.
327(497.1:47+57)1961/1962(093.2)
327(73:47+57)196(093.2)
-
19611962.*

: 1961. 1962.
-,
.
-
- ( )
.
: , , , , ,
- -,
- , 60-
20. .
.
, , 1961,

1945. -
() () :
19211991. (147039),
.
76
- ...
. (
) 1962. .
,

. ,
, . (),
, .
- ,
,
.
, ,
- . ,
,
(, , , , ,
), . ,
1961,
.
.
, ,
,
195356. , , .
,
, , ,
. , ,
,
, ,
. , ,
.
- 1961.
.
,
, 1960. 1961,
,
77
34/2008.
,
, -.1

- ,
, 1960,
.
,
, . ,

. , , 11.
1961,
.
- ,
- , ,
- . 1960,
-
.
22. -,
( , , ).
, 1958, :

, ,
. ,
. -,

22.
- .
,
, -,
1
, -
, ,
6. 10. 1961. - (), ., 1961, -2, . . 3 4, .
78
- ...
.
,

,
, .2

, ,
,
.
,
, , ,

.

,
.3

,

, -, - , ,
,

- -. , . , , ,
-,

- ,
- ,

.

,
,
2
, ., 1961, -2, . . 58 . .
11. 1961 ( ).
.
79
34/2008.

,
.4

, -
7. 13. 1961. .
,
.
, , -, , .
-
.
,
.5
, - 60-

, ,
, , 50- ,
. -

, , .
,
-,

, ,
. ,
1961,
.
, ., 1961, -2, . . 85 ,
, 8. 1961. 7.
. , . . ,
.
, 14. 1961. -.
80
- ...

(George Kenan),
,
. ,
(22. 1961),
, , ,
, .

.6

.7
1961, ,
.
,
( ,
.),
, .
, , ,
,
. , ,
, ,
.
11. , , ,
,
,
,
.
,
6
7
Foreign Relations of the United State (FRUS), 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 89.
, 1961, ., -2, I/160164 . K.
, 17. 1961. K. je
,
-, , ,
-, .
81
34/2008.

.

.8
,

, . , ,
. , ,
,
,
,
,
.

.9
, - - ,
(Chester
Bowles).
,
. ,
.

,
,
.10 ,

.

8
10
, ., 1961, -2, . . 142 - ,

15. 1961, .
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 93 Ke , 17. , 1961.
Ke je o :
, , ,
, ,
, , .
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 94 , 31.
1961.
82
- ...
-.
,
, ,
(
).
, -
, . , ,
-

, ,
.11
,
( , )
.

, .12 ,

- .13 , 15. , ( )
-
, ,
, . -
,
- .14
, 18. ,
, -
11
12
13
14
: . , - ,
20. , 2, , 2006, . 7186.
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 96 , 3.
1961.
.
, 1961, , -2, . 153 Aide-Memoire , 16. 1961.
83
34/2008.
, ,
.
,
, ,

.15
,
, .

,
. :
,
, 12.
(Foy Kohler),
.16

(Dean Rusk), -,
, 21. , .
:
, , ,
, -

. .
. ,
,
, 13 . , , . , ,
. ,

. 15
16
, 1961, , -1, . . 11 Aide-Memoire

18. 1961.
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 102.
84
- ...

, ,
.17
,
.18
, ,
-
.19
- 22.
- ( 1961).

.

20. (1956).

: , ,
.

,
,
. -
.

,
-.

.20
17
18
19
20
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 112. -

.
The National Archives of the United Kingdom, FO 371/163926
, 4. 6. 1962.
-
, 7. 1962 .
,
- . , . - . 8.
85
34/2008.
. ( ) ,
, 20. .

- ,
. ,
-, ( , ,
, ).21

.
,
,
.
-

.

, ,
( , ).

, ,
.
22. -
,
,

-
21
, ., 1961, -2, . . 178

( )
22. , 4. 1961.
86
- ...

, .22

1961. 1962. : -, 22.
- , , -, .

, .

,
.
- 1962. .
22. - , ,
. ,
,

.
, , , .
.
,
.
,
,

, .23

.

- . 29. 1962.
22
23
22. -
. - .
, 22. , 1962. - 16. 21.
1962.
87
34/2008.
. :
, , , , ,
- . , . ,

:
.24
, ,

. : ,
,
-
.25
- ,
,
(Adlai Stivenson), - -,
1962. . ,
- -, . ,
,
- ( , )
,

;
,
, .

( ,
) ,
24
25
, ., 1962, -1, . . 50 51
, 20 1962. ;
,
.
, -.
. - , 28. 1962.
88
- ...
.26

, -
- ,

. ,
, ,

,
, . , ,
, ,
, .
, , ,

.27

, ,

.28

.29
, 13. , ,
,

( ).

26
27
28
29
, ., 1962, -2, . . 62 3. 1962. ( .

, . , ).
, - -. - .
: . , . ., . 84.
, ., 1963, -1, . . 12 -, 1963.
89
34/2008.
.30

, .
,

- -
.
24. 4. 1962. , -,
, .

(
). , ,
.

,
,
, -
.

.31

, ,
,
.

.32
, ,
-.
30
31
32
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 138 , 13. 1962.

, 5. 1962.
, ., 1962, -2, . . 66 - (. ) , 6. 1962.
.
90
- ...

.
,
.

, .
. , ,

- ,
.

.
, , ,
.
-.
() ,

,
, .
,
, ,
,

. , ,
-, ,

, ,
,
- -.

(

)
, .33
33
: . , , 20.
, 2, , 2002, . 89102.
91
34/2008.
24.
,
,
.
.
29. -

- - -

, ,
.34
: , ,
.
1962.
-,
-
.
, ,
- :

.
,
.
-

, , -
.,
(, ,
), .35
34
35
, . 97 100. ,
(20. ), 28.

.
, ., 1962, -1, . . 78 ,
27. 1962.
92
- ...
,
.
,
. ,
,
.
, . -
-
1962. .
- 3. 20. ;
(
).
, , , ,
. ( ).
- (
), 12. , ,
, ,
, ,

.

.36
,
, - . ,
.

36
, 13. 1962.
93
34/2008.
.
,
.37

.

, , . , -,
.
,
, , ,
, .38
, ,
( ),
- ,

.39

- ,
. - , -,
1962. ( ),
1956. .40
, ,
. , ,
3. 1963,
37
38
39
40
,
-,
. - .
, 23. 1962.
, 30. 1962.
The National Archives of the United Kingdom, FO 371/169614 1962.
.
94
- ...
(), - .41 ,
-
-

,

, - -
.42
-

. 1963,
,
() .
-
, . - , .
1963.
-. . - ,

. -
.
, 1963. (
, -),

.
41
42
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, . 144 . , 3.

1963.
FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, . 147 . , 4.
1963. 1963. ,
.
95
34/2008.
-
. ( 1964)
, , ,
.

1968. .
Summary
The Improvement of the Yugoslav-Soviet Relations 19611962
Key words: Yugoslavia, USSR, Foreign Relations, USA, Cold War, Cuban crisis
After several years of coolness, the relations between Yugoslavia and
USSR started improving on Soviet initiative since 1961. The main reason
why the Soviet leadership headed by Nikita Khrushchev started the initiative
was the estimate that improvement of relations with Yugoslavia was in the
interest of USSR in view of publication of the misunderstandings with China
which would inevitably lead to the escalation of the conflict between these
two countries. Josip Broz Tito and the Yugoslav leaders accepted that initiative
deeming the improvement of political relations with USSR could have positive
effect on Yugoslavia. The process of improving relations went on gradually but
constantly throughout 1961 and 1962. The willingness of Yugoslavia to broaden
and strengthen cooperation in all fields was conditioned by preservation of the
basic tenets of its international situation, as well as by the concept of its internal
order i.e. the position of equidistance toward both blocks and non-alignment as
the main principle of its foreign-political orientation, and by the system of selfmanagement as the basis of its social and political order.
The process of improvement reached its peak during Titos visit to
USSR in December 1962, when the Soviet side opened the door for overcoming
ideological differences and quarrels through Khrushchevs public recognition of
Yugoslavia as a socialist country which was denied until then. This dimension
of the relations was very important since they were relations between countries
with one-party communist systems and the domination of the ideological factor.
The relations of the two countries during the next few years would develop
along the lines set in this period. The disturbance and crisis in the relations set in
96
- ...
due to the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Czechoslovakia in August

1968.
The process of improvement of relations between Yugoslavia and USSR
was taking place in a very complex international context. The tensions between
the two blocks were reaching culmination exactly then, the conflict of the two
super-powers in the Berlin, and particularly Cuban crisis, brought USA and
USSR to the verge of war. According to the principle of connected vessels,
due to the specific international situation of Yugoslavia, the process was also
influenced by Yugoslav relations to USA. These relations were cooled after Titos
speech at the first summit of non-aligned countries in Belgrade in September
1961, which was construed by the Americans as support of Soviet views on
international questions. However, by carefully observing and analyzing the
process of improvement of Yugoslav-Soviet relations the administration of John
Kennedy came to the conclusion that the process wasnt leading to Yugoslavias
accession to the Soviet block and that the Yugoslav leaders were firmly committed
to preservation of the independent position, so that USA should continue its
policy of support to Yugoslavia. The relations were improved and stabilized
during 1963.
97
34/2008.
327(497.1)1967

- 1967. *

:
- 1967. ,
.
: , , , , ,
, , , ,
1967.
,
,
.

, .

() () :
19211991, ( 147039),
.
98
...
-1
-. , ,
. ,
,
.
.
,

.

.
, e

,
.
,
1967.
,
- .2

, , .
-

-.

, , ,
.3
1
- ,
a: - 1967. - , XX
, 1, , 2008, . 101114.
, 1967, . , -9, 13, ;
, I2/, .
,
, 5. 6. 1967.

- .
99
34/2008.
( )

. ,
, , ...
...

.

-,4 :
,
, ,
, .

.5
, .
,
, , , . ... ...
, .
. , ,
.
,
. ( , 1967, , 1968, . 1341)
- , , - .
, - -
. ,
, 1963.
.
, .
,
- .
, , ,
, . (, I5, . 302,
; L. B. Johnson, 19631969, , 1974, . 186188).
, 1967, . , -4, 54, -
, 6. 1967. . 2025.
100
...
:

... .
, .
. .
,
,
. , .6

. , -
.
.7
,

- .

, 9. 1967,
. , ,
,
. ,
-

.8
. - -,9
6
, 1967, . , -4, 54, -

, 6. 1967. . 2327.
, 1967, . , -6, 99, , 20. 1967.
, I2/33. ,
9. 10. 1967. , . 18, 1322.

200
200 ,
. , . 8.
101
34/2008.
. ,
, ,
.
,
, .
: , , , .10

,
, .

.
, : ,

.11

,
. ,
, .12 ,
,

.
10
11
12
.
,
. .

,
: . , , . 1113;
, . 3334; , . 14.
, . 23.
102
...

,13

,
-.14
,

. , 12.
, , , ,
. : -
; (
)
;
, ;
,
. :
, ,
?15
,
,
.
, ,
.
je o

.16
13
14
15
16
, , 9. ,
.
,
( ) ( , 1967, , 1968, . 1302).
, I2/33, ,
9. 10. 1967. , . 23.
, I32/353, ,
, 12. 1967.
10. -

.
103
34/2008.

, .
,
. ,
,
.
,
, ,
,
.17
, . - , - . ,
,
-, . : .
,
, , :
, .
, .18

,
-
, .

17
18
: , , ,
( , 1967, , 1968, . 1302).
, I32/353, ,
, 12.
1967.
, 20. ,
, 24. 25. . ,
.
104
...

.19
- -

. , , 11. 12.
1967,
.
, ,

.

, ,
.
, ,
-,
. , ,
, .
, .

. , - , -, , .
,

.20

,
, , .

19
20
, I3/,
. . 20. 1967. .
;
. . 24. 1967. .
, I2/33. 7 ,
/1112. VII 1967. .
105
34/2008.

-
. ,
,
, . ,
,
.21 ,
, . ,
,
.22

.
.
, 15. , .
,
.
,
.
- .
.23
,
, .
, , .
. ,
, ...
.
: ,
, . ,

.24
21
22
23
24
, , . 2428.
, . 48 50.
, I3/, . 192. , 15. 1967. .
, ,
, 15. 1967.
106
...
-
, , 11. .25
- ,
- .26 , ,
.
.
.

, -
. , , :
, .27
, , ,
,
. ,

.

. .
.
,
, . ,

.28
, ,

25
26
27
28
10. 17. 1967, -, .

,
.
, 20.
1967, . - ,
-, .
, I2/, . 74, - .
; , 1968, . , -13, 5,
.
107
34/2008.
.29 -:
, ,

... , ... , ,
. , ,

.30

. , ,
, , ,

.
, :
4.
- ( ) 4.
,
- .31 , ,
29
30
31

( ): -, , ,
. (, I1, 1104,
, , 24. 1967,
, ;
; ).
, I1, 1104, , 24.
1967.
( )
. ,
. , ,
,
.
.
, , ,
. (, I1, 1104,
, 24. 1967).
108
...
, ,

.32

.
, - ,

- .
,

.33 , 6.
, ,
.34
, , , .

, , .

,
- ,
. ,
, .
, .35
32
33
34
35
.
, ,
, , ,
, , 17. 1967. (,
I2/, . 74, - ). ,
, 6. , -
. , 7
. 1967. 30.000 , 10.000
, 1.000 , 200 , 500 , 500.000
. ,
. ( ,
1967. , 20. , . 1, , 2007,
. 117128)
-, , ,
, , , .
, I3.
, 6. IX 1967. .
109
34/2008.

,36 . ,
,

.

125 .
,

.
,
(
).37
,

-, .
,

.
. , ,
, ,
.
- .
,
, , . (
) , , , , .
,
36
37
28. 3. 1967.
, , , , , ,
.
,
(
). ,
. (
. , 1967, , 1968, . 1415)
; , I3/, . 192, , , 8. 1967.
110
...
.
XXII -
. ,
-.

, () .38
-
.
16. . ,
, 24. ,
, . , ,
.
, , -,

.39
, ,
.
-

- . , ,
.

,40
,
. ,
38
39
40
.
, I1/1104, , , 16. 1967.
,
, 19. 1967,
: ,
, ,

. (, I2/, . 74,
)
111
34/2008.
,

.41

-
. ,

.
20. ,
.42 , 27. ,
.

.

. ,
:
,
.
.
, ,
.

. ,
- -
. , ,

,
.43

41
42
43
, I1/1104, ,
, 19. 1967.
, I3/, . 181,
. , 20. 1967. .
, I5/,
, 27. 1967.
112
...
, .

- .

.

.

- . 9. ,
50- .

.
,
.44
, ,
.
- .
. , , - , . ,
.
.45
,
-,
, .

.
( )
44
45
, I2/, 9. XI
1967. .
.
113
34/2008.
,
.46 ( 242), 22. ,
. ,
,

. ,

,

.
.

242 - ,
. ,
, .
, 19. 20. 1967, ,
, . ,
.

.
,

, .

-.47

.
46
47
: - ,
,
( , 1967,
V, , 1968, . 1505).
, I4.
, 20. XII 1967.
114
...
( ) .
- ,

( -) ,
. ,
- . ,
.
- ,
, , .
.

.
, ,
.48
.

.
- - .
.

.
1968.

.
48
115
34/2008.
Summary
Yugoslavias Rapprochement With the Soviet Block During
the Arab-Israeli War of 1967
Key words: USSR, Egypt, Arab countries, Israel, Yugoslavia, crisis in the Middle
East, United nations, war, occupied territories
The disastrous defeat of the Arab states in war with Israel in June 1967
and the situation in which these states have found themselves were the best proof
of real effectiveness of the non-aligned political orientation and of the scope of
cooperation between the countries pursuing that orientation. Since Tito was the
main champion of the non-alignment, the impotence of the Arab states to militarily
and politically defeat a much weaker adversary showed also the impotence of the
policy of which he talked with such enthusiasm during his frequent meetings with
leaders from African and Asian regions.
If the public denouncement of non-alignment by Arab leaders would lead
also to the definitive abandoning of that concept in favour of a pragmatic alliance
with USSR depended on the final resolution of the crisis in the Middle East.
Aware that the struggle for alleviating the dramatic consequences of the Israeli
aggression was the struggle for survival of the non-alignment, Tito was willing
to undertake radical measures. In order to establish as close cooperation with the
Soviet Union as possible with the aim of helping his Arab allies, Yugoslav president made the hard decision to join the periodical meetings of representatives of
socialist countries again. Just how big the Yugoslav sacrifice was is best proved
by the fact that Titos refusal to take part in this form of Soviet block activities
was one of the major sources of conflict in the Yugoslav-Soviet relations.
By taking part at as much as five meetings of representatives of socialist
countries devoted to finding solution for the crisis in the Middle East, Yugoslavia
was increasingly running afoul of USA accusing it of being behind the Israeli
aggression and Israeli intransigence concerning the peace in the Middle East.
With their severe anti-American campaign, the Belgrade officials seriously
endangered their relations with the country on whose economic and financial
support the realization of the economic reform and improvement of the critical
economic situation in Yugoslavia depended to a large extent.
The effects of Yugoslav aid to the Arab countries partly vindicated the
sacrifice that had been made in that context. The Resolution 242 of the Security
Council of the UN partly comprised those elements of the solution of the Middle East
crisis at which Tito arrived through long and hard negotiations with Arab countries
and Moscow officials, but also through marathon personal correspondence with
American president Johnson. In that way the Yugoslav leader fortified his position
in the non-aligned world and secured larger elbow space for himself in pursuit of
his initiative for formation of the non-aligned movement later on.
116
...
341.151.3-054.73(=163.3/.6)(620)1944/1946
Researches
.*

19441946.

, !
,

.

, 1909.1
: ,

.
, 1943. , .

.
: , , ,
, , , ,

, ,
*

. 1.500 30.000. . Danica Nola, Zbijeg El at. Zbjeg svoje zemlje u tuini, Deca, rat, revolucija. Poruke
NOB u brizi za djecu Titovoj generaciji slobode, Beograd, 1981, str. 378.
, , , , 1999, . 41.
117
34/2008.
, 1944.
,
, .
Yugoslav Refugee Camp, El Shatt M. E. F. Egypt.2
, ,
.
.
, .

. ,3 ,4
,5 ,6 ,7 ,8 ,9 ,10 ,11
,12 ,13 ,14
,15 16
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
.
, .

. , II9/3,
, , , , , 2. 1944.
Savka Dapevi Kuar, Hrvatski snovi i stvarnost 71, I, Zagreb, 1997.
D. Nola, n. d.
Rodoljub olakovi, Zapisi iz oslobodilakog rata, V, Sarajevo, 1955.
Drago Gizdi, Dalmacija 19441945. Prilozi historiji narodnooslobodilake borbe, Zagreb, 1964.
Branko Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije 19181988, II, Beograd, 1988.
, . 19411945, , 1998.
, ,
, (. ), , 2007, . 796838.
, : , , (. ), , 2007, . 839871.
, .
, , (. ), ,
2007, . 872890.
, .
, 19191922, , 2004.
, , , 2008.
, - 19221941,
, 74/2006, , 2006.
, , , (. ), , 2003.
, .
( ).
118
...
17
,

, 21.
.
, 1943. , . 3. 1943. . ,
. ,

. ,
, .
, , , .18 1943.
.19
1944. . ,20 ,21 , ,
.
12. 1943. .22
,
,
, ,
,
.
17
18
19
20
21
22
, 5. 2008.
B. Petranovi, n. d., str. 258259.
R. olakovi, n. d., str. 273274.
z . B.
Petranovi, n. d., str. 241.
, . 262.
, . 264.
119
34/2008.

.
. ,
, ,
. ,
23
. . ,
, ,
,
. ,

,
. () .24 ,25
, , , , . ,
, , .

.
, ...
.

.
23
24
25
. , . ., . 11.
. , . ., . 843.
6. 1935. . . .
. . , . ,
. .

. . . , 5. 2008.
120
...

, ,
, .26
,
1943. , . 1944.
, , , ,

, , ,
, .
.

.
: , .
. . . , .
,
. .
.
. . . : !
?, .
, ,

.
, , .27

,
.
.
23. 1943. .
.
. ,
. ,
, .
30. 1943.
. 3.960 .28
26
27
28
. , . ., . 843.
. , 5. 2008.
D. Gizdi, n. d., str. . 383384.
121
34/2008.
.
:
. . . .

,
.

.29

3. 1943. .30

.
31 . ,
.
, (
) .
,
,

. : ,
.32
.
1943. 1944.
. : .
29
30
31
32
. , 5. 2008.
, II9c/7, , 2. 1944.
,

. :
, -, -, ,
.
, , ,
. , .
- ,
. , (
) , D. Gizdi, n. d., str. 387.
, . 385.
122
...
. .
.33 ,
.
,

. . ,
.
... , ...
!

. , ,
, , : Signora scatolete
scatolete signora!
,
, ,

.

Camon kids!!!34
, , 35
,
.
, ,
,

, ,36
.
1935. .
37 , ,
20. .38
33
34
35
36
37
38
.
.
. , . ., . 235.
. , . ., . 56.
, . 66.
, . 53.
123
34/2008.
,
, . ,
.39

.
.40
, .
: . ,

,
,
,
.41

,
.
,

.42 .
. , ,
, ,
.
.

.

.43

,
1944. ,
39
40
41
42
43
, . 66.
, II9c/8, -a
, -a
, (), 915. 1944.
. , 5. 2008.
.
.
124
...
,
1.250 .44
1944,

.45

(MERRA)
(UNRRA).46
- .
,
.

.47 -
48 49 .
,
. .
.
: -, , ,
. : ,
,
.50

.
:
( ).
, .
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
D. Gizdi, n. d., str. 382.

, ,
. .
.
, ,
, .
,
. .
, . 410.
, . 396.
. . -. .
. . .
, . 397.
125
34/2008.
, , , .
. , , , .
, .51
, ,
1944.
. 13. , . . , 27. 1944.
,
, .52
.
1944.
11.000 .53
16. 1944. .
1944. 27.042 .54
30.000. 29.199 .
10.264 16 .55 , , .56
.
.57

1944.
. , .
.58
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
S. D. Kuar, n. d., str. 47.


. 8 2 .
10 . , . 395.
1944. , ,
, . 406407. 1944.
.
. , . 407.
, ,
.
426; 754;
3.288; 5.796. - D.
Nola, n. d., str. 377.
10.077. - .
6.701. - .
126
...
, ,
, , , 1943.
Campo di concentramento per
internati civili di Guerra Arbe .59 1944.
180
, , ,
.60 ,

,
. ,
. ,
,

1941. ,
,
.61
.
,
,
.
:
, ( ), .
, . ,
. , . , .
, . !62

.
. , , , , , , , ,

.63
59
60
61
62
63
. , . ., . 127130.
, II9c/16, () . -a ,
, 21. 1944.
. , . ., . 21.
127
34/2008.
. !
. , .
. . . . .
. ! ,
. .
! , . ,
. . ,
.64
, ,
.65
,

, , ? ,
,
. , ,
, ,

, .

, , ,
, . ,
, , , , , : ,
, :
; , ; , ; ,
. ,
,
;
.66
.
, ,
64
65
66

D. Nola, n. d., str. 378.
Pol Bouls, aj u Sahari, Beograd, 2005, . 72.
128
...
,67
. .
, , .

,68
. ,
?
,
69

.
, ,

, ,

, .70
, ,
, 71
. ,

72
? ,
, , ,
, , ,
, , .73
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
1929. . . , . .
, , , , (. , ), , 2004, . 396.
, . 400.
. , . ., . 796.
.
. , . ., . 848.
, . 839.
129
34/2008.
, ,

.74 .75
.
.
, .76 .77
, , 20. ,78

.79

, , . , ,
, , , .80 , , ,
.
: , , .81
. .
, . 1,
250 .
. 207
.82
, , ,

. , ,
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82

. , . , . ., . 400.
. , . ., . 844.
, , , (. , ),
, 2004, . 17.
. , . ., . 850.
, II9c/13, () . -a

, , , , - , , 30. 18.
1944.
.
130
...
, .83
,
,84

.

, , ,
.
, .
, . , .
: .
. ,
... .
... .
. ...
. !
, ,
. .
. ,
,
. , .
, , ...85
,
.
. ,
, . : (
) , , .86 , .
,
.87
. .
83
84
85
86
87
. , . .
. , . ., . 848.
. , . .
, II9c/13, () . -a

, , , , - , , 30. 18.
1944.
131
34/2008.

.88
1944. : ,
.

,
, .89 ,
.
, , . , , , , ,
.
. , : , , , , ,
, , , , Yankee Doodle, Its a
long way, Pack up your troubles, My god, Swinglow, My bonny, , , , , ,
, , , ,
, .90

. 475 . 172,
, . . 715 ,
.
.
, , , .91
88
89
90
91
. , 5. 2008.
, II9c/13, () . -a

, , , , - , , 30. 18. 1944.
.
-
. D. Gizdi, n. d., str. 412.
,
2003. .
http://sr.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%95%D0%BB_%D0%A8%D0%B0%D1%82
132
...
Partisan people92

, .
,
, .
1944. , ,
: ,
, .
.93
.
1944.
, . :

.
.94

.
. , :
, .
,
, ,
.
.95

92
93
94
95
partisan people.
. , 5. 2008.
, II9c/13, () . -a

, , , , - , , 30. 18. 1944.
, II9c/18, -a -a
, :
, , 31. 1944.
, II9c/13, () . -a

, , , , - , , 30. 18. 1944.
133
34/2008.
, -, -a
. .
, ,
, , , , . ,
. ,
, .96

,
.97
:
. . .
, .
, .
.
, , : ?
, .
, , ,
.98

,
,
,99 ,
, .
.
.
1944.
-a -

1946.
96
97
98
99

2004. .
http://arhiv.slobodnadalmacija.hr/20040221/mozaik01.asp
D. Nola, n. d., str. 381382.
134
...
.
. , ,
.

. ,

,
,100 :
, ,
.
,
, , .101
, ,
1943.
,
,
.
.
. ,

.

.
,
. . 31. 1944.
- : , , .

,
100
101
(2. 1943 26. 1943) .

,
, , . , .

. .
, . ., . 107108.
, . 195.
135
34/2008.
.
.
.102 ,

, .
,
.
,
.103 104
, ,
105
. , : . .
.106
1944. .
. ,

,
. ,

. ,
,
, . 1944.

102
103
104
105
106
, II9c/18, -a -a
, :
, , 31. 1944.
, . . .
.
136
...
, , 107
108 .
,

. ,

.

,
.
. ,

,
,
.109
. 1 .

1944. ,
.110
.
.
107
108
109
110
, II9c/6, ( Longmanna ) 23. II 1944.

, 1944.
, II9c/10, () 20. 29.
1944 , , ,
,
, 1944.
, II9c/6, ( Longmanna ) 23. II 1944.
, 1944.
, II9c/10, () 20. 29.
1944 , , ,
,
, 1944.
137
34/2008.
, .
1944. . -
- 17. 1944.

.

-a,
. 1944. :
,
.

. ,

.111

. . 1944.
. , ,
, , .
.
1945. .
1946. ,
.112
, 1946. . ,
, .
. ,
.113
,
, 1943.
111
112
113
, II9c/16, () -a ,
, 21. 1944.
D. Gizdi, n. d., str. 425426.
. , . .
138
...

,
, 20. .
,
. , ,
, , , .
,
,
,
. ,

,
, , ,
. , ,
.
, .
Summary
The Town of Linen of Yugoslav Refugees:
Yugoslav Refugee Camp, El Shatt M.E.F. Egypt 19441946
Key words: Refuge, partisan connection, Southern Italy, Northern Africa,
Egypt, El Shatt, Allied command, kraljevci
The article is an attempt to draw attention, on basis of available archival
sources and literature, to the fate of over 30.000 Yugoslav, i.e. Dalmatian refugees
who had left their homes fearing German revenge in late 1943. Thanks to the
partisan connection most of the refugees were transferred via Vis and Southern
Italy to Northern Africa and Egypt. The authors attempt at getting insight into
the perception of the African continent (which was just a geographic notion or
a voice from afar for most refugees) showed that most members of the refugee
community, comprising mostly children, women and the elderly, had mixed
feelings about it. Filled with fear of Africa, but also fearing for their lives, not
only of their own free will but also led by decisions which seemed a good political solution at that time, most of the refugees could only board Allied vessels
and go on a journey. Finding themselves in the middle of the whirlpool of military, but also of complicated political circumstances, they became not infrequently,
139
34/2008.
means of achieving certain higher aims. Ideological work was intertwined with
all aspects of life of the Yugoslavs who had temporarily settled down in Egypt.
With the end of WWII conditions were ripe for the refugees to go home. The last
group returned to the country in March 1946.
140
B. LE NORMAND
THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING...
711.4(497.11)1960
THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING

ATTITUDES OF SOCIAL SCIENTISTS AND URBAN
DESIGNERS IN 1960s YUGOSLAVIA
Brigitte LE NORMAND*
Indiana University Southeast
ABSTRACT: The socialist regime that came into being in Yugoslavia after
the Second World War produced a new kind of urban planning that is
commonly recognized as being socialist, embodied in such projects as
Novi Beograd, a new city center for the capital. This article investigates
how the socialist regime also produced a critique of this socialist urban
planning in the late 1960s, focusing on the role of specialists working
within the regime,particularly social scientists and urban designers.
Key Words: Novi Beograd, Social Scientists, Urban Designers, Urban
planning, Yugoslavia
Introduction
The collapse of Titos Yugoslavia put into question the value of the
various projects pursued and accomplished during the socialist period. This
reconsideration of Titos legacy is especially obvious in the field of urban
planning, for the obvious reason that present-day citizens are confronted daily
with the products of socialist urban planning. New Belgrade (Novi Beograd),
the new settlement that was founded across the Sava River from Belgrade after
*
Brigitte Le Normand is an Assistant Professor at Indiana University Southeast. She conducted

the research for this article with the support of a doctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences
and Humanities Research Council of Canada. She also wishes to thank the Institut za noviju
istoriju Srbije for its assistance during her research.
141
34/2008.
the Second World War and that was supposed to replace it as the center of the
city, has attracted particular attention. The Week of Architecture festival that is
held yearly in Belgrade attested to the timeliness of this topic in the summer of
2008, focusing several of its events on New Belgrades significance and future.
Architectural historian Ljiljana Blagojevic also recently published a detailed
history of the conception of this new settlement.1
Popular and professional opinion is divided on the merits of New Belgrade as an urban space, but there is a general consensus that it reflects the
socialist nature of the state that produced it. This idea is implicit in the claims of
urban planners who were active in Belgrade in the 1960s that this was a golden
age of planning, when the state had a total control of the development of the
city. Belgrade is presumed to have grown in a controlled manner because the
socialist state exerted an effective control of the population. This high degree
of control over space in the city is to be contrasted with the disappearance of
effective governance under Milosevic, a time in which people were not afraid to
build without a permit.
The citizens of Belgrade also express the belief that New Belgrade is
a product of the socialist regime when they describe its esthetics, gigantic
proportions, and organization as socialist.
The new socialist authorities that came into power after the Second World
War believed socialism to be an important consideration in how they would plan
Belgrade. They wished to modernize Belgrade and develop a new city center, New
Belgrade, which would express the socialist nature of the new regime. The urban
planners who were entrusted with the task believed that they could modernize and
transform the city into a socialist place by rebuilding it according to the ideas in
the Athens Charter, the urban planning manifesto of the International Modernist
Movement that had been strongly influenced by Le Corbusier.2 Consequently,
Belgrades 1950 master plan, and the plans for New Belgrade in particular,
put into practice many of the principles of the Athens Charter, including the
functional separation of urban activities, the enlargement of city blocks, and the
open disposition of tower and slab buildings in green-space.3
There is thus no question that the nature of the socialist state influenced
urban planning in Belgrade after the Second World War. It would however be a
mistake to conclude that we are dealing with an unchanging state and unchanging
urban planning practice. To the contrary, the evolution of urban planning in
Belgrade during the socialist period attests to the changing nature of socialism in
Yugoslavia. Actors within the Yugoslav state, such as architects, urban planners
1
2
Ljiljana Blagojevi, Novi Beograd: osporeni Modernizam, Beograd: Zavod za udbenike, 2007.
Le Corbusier, The Athens Charter. Translated by Anthony Eardley, New York: Grossman Publishers, 1973.
Beograd: Generalni urbanistiki plan 1950, Izdanje Izvrnog odbora NO Beograda, 1951.
142
B. LE NORMAND
and social scientists reflected on the experiments in urban planning that had been
tried since the end of the war, and on the foreign literature on the subject. The
result is that, as early as 1967, one saw the emergence of a socialist literature that
was critical of Modernist urban planning ideas. This critique was related to the
emergence of the broader Marxist-inspired social critique that led to the 1968
disturbances, but it should also be seen as a reaction to the perceived problems of
modernization and urbanization especially social dislocation that challenged
Yugoslavia in the 1960s. This critique was formulated and developed not only by
outsiders who wished to challenge the dominance of Modernist planners, but also
by urban planners and architects who had contributed to the Modernist project. :
The socialist regime produced both the Modernist city and its critique.
The fact that, by the late 1960s, actors within the socialist state had
developed a critique of current practice highlights the complexity of that socialist
state. Specialists were an especially interesting category, as their behavior was
shaped by their perception of belonging to multiple groups as policy-makers
within the state, as members of their profession at the national level, and as
members of their profession at the international level. For scholars to arrive at an
accurate depiction of the socialist state, its functioning and evolution, they need
to take these specialists seriously.
The Sharpening Gaze of the Social Sciences

As in the rest of the world, social scientists played an important role in
criticizing Modernist urban planning. Their emergence as social critics reflects
the evolution of their role in the socialist system, as they progressed from the task
of building socialism to that of evaluating other actors in their efforts to build
socialism.
Unlike in Western Europe and the United States, anthropologists do not
appear to have interested themselves in the matter of urban planning. In Yugoslavia, the social science that cast its gaze upon the countrys new settlements was
sociology. Urban sociology emerged late as a field in Yugoslavia in comparison to
other countries, including the United States, where Chicago adopted a leading role
in the field in the 1920s and 1930s, and France, where Chombart de Lauwe had
established a center (the Groupe dethnologie sociale, later Centre dethnologie
sociale) in Paris in 1949. In Yugoslavia, urban sociology arguably made its first
appearance in 1961 in the leading Yugoslav sociology review, Sociologija. In
an introduction to the topic, Cvetko Kosti focused on work by Durkheim and
Halbwachs, the work of Chicago School founders Park, Burgess and McKenzie,
Middletown and various other case studies of small American cities, and Chombart de Lauwes writings on the methodology of urban sociology.4
4
Cvetko Kosti, Perspektive sociologije grada, Sociologija 3, no. 2, 1961.
143
34/2008.
Initially, sociologists understood their role as that of supporting socialist

planners, including urban planners, in their task of designing the ideal settlement.
The urban planning profession encouraged this conception. The generation
of urban planners that came of age in the early 1960s had been pushing for a
broadening of the definition of urban planning to include not only architects,
but also economists, natural scientists such as geologists and meteorologists,
engineers, and sociologists.5 This, indeed, had been the main argument for maintaining the independence of the Yugoslav Association of Urban Planners from
the Yugoslav Association of Architects. By arguing for multi-disciplinarity,
urban planners not only secured their independence as a profession, but also increased their claim that urban planning was a total science. They anticipated that
specialists representing the different disciplines would contribute their expertise
in creating settlements that were ideal from every possible perspective. The
Belgrade Planning Office (Urbanistiki zavod Beograda) employed specialists in
a variety of scientific and artistic fields.
While sociologists working in planning offices were faced with very
concrete tasks, their colleagues in academia also saw their role as inquiring into
better ways to design settlements. They primarily concerned themselves with
finding ways of facilitating integration in a context of major social upheaval.
What made matters especially difficult is that they had to pay attention to two
separate processes simultaneously the integration of peasants into the city, and
the transformation of all Yugoslavs, including migrants, into citizens of a modern,
socialist state. Thus, sociologists preoccupied themselves with such topics as the
best organization of space in an apartment, and ways to facilitate good neighborly
relations and the mixing of people of different backgrounds.
Armed with the writings of well-known foreign authorities on urban
sociology, sociologists contributing to the design journal Arhitektura Urbanizam
did not fail to point out the enormous challenges faced in trying to facilitate
these two processes, but also expressed a definite optimism that success was
possible.6 Theories about neighborly relations, for example, offered tools for
improving the integration of migrants and promoting social cohesion between
different social groups. Steeping himself in American, British and German urban
planning and sociology texts, sociologist Vinko Jerabek inquired into factors of
integration in Yugoslavia. In a 1966 article in Arhitektura Urbanizam, he argued
that, although the local community (mesna zajednica) was supposed to foster a
sense of community, it was too large to play an integrative role, as it contained
several thousand people. Neighborliness, a well-known traditional form of so-
See, for example, Vladimir Bjelikov, Lik naeg urbanista, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 14,
1962, pp. 4647.
Vojislav uri, Stan kao soioloka vrednost, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 44, 1967.
144
B. LE NORMAND
ciability in rural Yugoslavia, could help mediate between the family and the local
community.7
While sociologists had secured a role in the conception of new settlements, the establishment in 1965 of the Federal institute for Housing and Communal Affairs (Savezni zavod za komunalne i stambene poslove) gave social
scientists an increased role in studying and evaluating these settlements once they
were built. Under the leadership of director Rajko Raji, an economist who had
been active in the Standing Conference of Yugoslav Cities (Stalna konferencija
gradova Jugoslavije), the Federal Institute gathered researchers from a broad
range of fields, including sociologists, economists, urban planners, and lawyers,
and charged them with conducting studies on a variety of topics, ranging from
housing construction methods and finance to neighborly relations in settlements.
Social scientists thus moved from playing a supportive role in urban planning to
evaluating urban planners.
Sociologists initially approached their task cautiously, refraining from
criticizing urban designers. Nonetheless, some of the methods that sociologists
used implicitly posed a challenge to urban planners, such as surveying. Whereas
urban planners were pre-disposed to be skeptical of popular opinion towards
their plans, the use of surveys inherently validated the opinions of respondents.
Reminiscing about the mandatory public meetings in which they presented their
detailed urban plans to local citizens, urban planners made it clear that their purpose was not to garner input on how the plan might be improved, but to successfully defend their project from attack. Any naive idealism about the inherent
value of the opinions of the common folk quickly evaporated as they realized
that people were only concerned with how they might personally be adversely
affected by the plan, never mind the benefits for the community as a whole.8
A 1967 study published by the Federal Institute, in contrast, refuted the
perception of urban planners that the local population was not interested in urban
planning matters.9 While it found that 41.3% of respondents from cities larger
than 300,000 inhabitants were not informed about their citys master plan, and
only 32.8% stated they had opinions on how their city should be developed,10
this general lack of knowledge about urban matters among the respondents did
not necessarily translate into apathy. Much to the contrary: 85.2% of respondents
7
8
9
10
Vinko Jerabek, Problemi integracije i socijalne segregacije u gradovima, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 39, 1966.
Interviews with Ljubodrag imi, 17 and 29 November, 2 December 2005.
The study surveyed inhabitants from two cities, Belgrade (651 respondents) and Zagreb (394
respondents), for its category of citizens in cities having more than 300,000 inhabitants.
Graanin subjekt ili objekt u procesu razvoja i izgradnje svog grada, Savezni zavod za urbanizam i komunalna i stambena pitanja Beograd, Belgrade, November 1967, 11.
Ibid., p. 42, 63.
145
34/2008.
living in cities over 300,000 stated that they were angry about errors made in
the development of their city, and 83.7% admitted to having private discussions
about the development of the city. Slightly more than ninety percent said that they
compared their city to other cities.11 Clearly there was a strong interest in urban
matters, which somehow manifested itself only in the private sphere.
The study also inquired into what kind of housing people wanted to live
in. They found that 64.8% of respondents in cities over 300,000 wished to live
in one-story family houses. Of the remainder, 12.5% wished to live in 4 to 5
story apartment buildings, 7.1% wished to live in buildings exceeding 8 floors,
1.9% wished to live in towers, and 13.7% did not have a preference.12 Across
Yugoslavia, people increasingly aspired to own such houses as their standard of
living increased.13
Significantly, the authors stopped short of the position that policies should
reflect popular opinion. They asked whether cities should accommodate large
areas of family houses, merely because people wanted to live in such houses
and were willing to foot the bill. Without providing a direct answer, the study
deferred to the science of planning, that would establish the suitable proportion
of family houses to apartment buildings.14
At this time, in the late 1960s, however, other social scientists were
increasingly willing to openly challenge urban planners work and methods.
The involvement of social scientists working for the SZKSP and elsewhere in
addressing the burning problems of urban planning might not have taken such a
polemical turn were it not for two other developments that created a sense of social
crisis in Yugoslavia. The first was a growing perception that urban growth was
out of control. Urban centers were losing their identities, they feared, engulfed by
a sea of migrants who faced visible difficulties integrating. The press promoted
this sense of crisis with such sensational titles as all are swarming to the city
will cities suffocate from immigration? and the village is dying because of
the cities.15
The second factor was a growing disenchantment and belief among
intellectuals starting in the late 1960s that Yugoslavia had failed as a socialist
state, because, rather than creating a classless society, it had enabled the rise and
entrenchment of a privileged class whose standard of living far surpassed that of
11
12
13
14
15
Ibid., p. 66, 70, 73.

Ibid., p. 81.
Yugoslavia, development with decentralization: report of a mission sent to Yugoslavia by the
World Bank, Dubey and World Bank, p. 185.
Graanin subjekt ili objekt u procesu razvoja i izgradnje svog grada, Savezni zavod za urbanizam i komunalna i stambena pitanja Beograd, pp. 9091.
Sela umiru zbog gradova, Beogradska Nedelja, 20 June 1965, Svi hrle u gradove Beogradska Nedelja, 26 June 1966.
146
B. LE NORMAND
the working class. This reproach was at the heart of the student protests in Belgrade
in 1968. Indeed, the first item on students agenda, as recorded in their Resolution
of the Student Demonstrations, stated that [they agreed] that the main problem is
the appearance of social inequality in our country. They listed energetic measures
against enrichment in a non-socialist way as one of their demands.16
The irony of the situation is that the primary vehicle of this social
inequality was consumption the very activity that the state had chosen as a tool
for rewarding workers and stimulating the economy. As Ivan Szelenyi argued
in 1981 regarding the Hungarian case, it would have been less troubling if this
social inequality reflected the actual value of a persons contribution to society.17
This, actually, was the basis of Yugoslavias wage policy. However, the Yugoslav
systems dependence on clientelist relationships, identical to that existing in all
the other state-socialist countries, had turned items of collective consumption
into a means of rewarding the powerful. Higher-ranking party members, military
officers, and other important persons, who already made a higher income than
average, were virtually guaranteed apartments in socially owned apartment
buildings because of their status. In contrast, workers and lower ranking civil
servants had to compete for the scarce remaining apartments.
Yugoslavias economic situation at the end of the 1960s aggravated the
situation. Inflation rose sharply after the 1965 reforms, which introduced the
liberalization of prices, with prices increasing by a yearly average of 10.4%
between 1965 and 1975.18 As a result of this, and due to the constant increases
in the cost of housing production, policy-makers struggling to make the housing
industry economically sustainable never succeeded in raising rents to actually
reflect the cost of their construction and maintenance. Inflation also benefited
those who had purchased apartments by starkly reducing the real value of the
loan payments. Consequently, access to state-owned housing actually increased
the purchasing power of the privileged class.
Inequalities in collective consumption led to further inequalities in
personal consumption. While they were free to spend their remaining income
conspicuously on designer clothing, vacations, cars and other luxury goods, a
substantial strata of the working class was obliged to devote a large portion of its
more meager savings into building their own houses. The spatial segregation of
the rich and the poor into easily identifiable rich and poor neighborhoods made
this disparity highly visible, as one article on New Belgrade emphasized.19
16
17
18
19
Jun-lipanj 1968. Zbornik dokumenata o studentskim zbivanjima u Jugoslaviji u junskim danima

1968. godine, Zagreb: Hrvatsko filozofsko drutvo, 1971.
Szelenyi, Urban Inequalities Under State Socialism.
Martin Schrenk et al., Yugoslavia, Self-Management Socialism and the Challenges of Development: Report of a Mission sent to Yugoslavia by the World Bank (Baltimore: Published for the
World Bank [by] Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979), p. 32, 3435.
onovi, I ne samo soliteri, Beogradska nedelja, 29 November 1964.
147
34/2008.
At first, concerned sociologists issued cautious warnings about this

widening wealth disparity. Writing in 1966, in an article on how to facilitate the
integration of different population groups in a neighborhood, Jerabek noted that,
far from promoting social cohesion, policies guiding the distribution of housing
created homogeneous settlements. The link between income and rent, he argued,
was channeling workers into one building and engineers and other specialists
into the other. He warned that New Belgrade risked becoming the home of the
Yugoslav bureaucracy at the very moment that self-management was aiming to
eliminate this class.20
Increasingly convinced that the new settlements were contributing to
creating social inequality, and frustrated by the inertia of the Yugoslav system
in responding to this issue, sociologists began to diverge from their prescribed
role as neutral and objective social scientists, instead adopting a more militant
role as social critics. A comparison between two studies on the experience of
inhabitants in new apartment buildings, one produced in 1967 and the other in
1969, highlights this shift.
In his 1967 study, Jerabek carried out a preliminary study of the factors
determining neighborly relations in New Belgrade for the Federal Institute. This
study was conducted in preparation for a meeting of the European economic commission of the UN on the theme of cities of the future, held in September of 1966,
which illustrates the importance of international gatherings in raising issues and
communicating new ideas from abroad to Yugoslav specialists. He had downplayed
the importance of the physical environment in shaping neighborly relations,
emphasizing instead the importance of income, profession, education, age and
marital status. Nonetheless, he did provide citations that expressed the frustrations
of those surveyed with the lack of shops, services, and cultural spaces, which his
conclusion listed as essential elements in fostering a sense of community.21
Another study published two years later by the Federal Institute, entitled
Stanovi u zgradama visoke spratnosti, went much farther in its criticism, issuing
an outright condemnation of apartment towers. The towers were objectionable
for a variety of reasons. The authors argued that they were an expensive form
of housing and that the apartments they contained were of poor quality and did
not meet the needs of their inhabitants, echoing oft-heard reproaches of cost
and quality. Furthermore, they noted that the distribution of apartments in these
buildings favored civil servants over workers and the wealthy over the poor,
raising a new issue: the bane of social inequality.22
20
21
22
Jerabek, Problemi integracije i socijalne segregacije u gradovima.

Susedski odnosi u naseljima novog Beograda, Savezni zavod za urbanizam i komunalna i
stambena pitanja Beograd, Belgrade: January 1967.
Stanovanje u zgradama visoke spratnosti, Savezni zavod za urbanizam i komunalna i stambena
pitanja Beograd, Belgrade: November 1969, pp. 95106, 162163.
148
B. LE NORMAND
In addition, the authors blamed apartment towers for all kinds of ills,
some of which were hardly supported by their survey data. For example, they
emphasized the negative effects on peoples psyche of living at great heights,
despite the fact that the majority of inhabitants responded that they were not
affected by dizziness, fear of heights, or the loudness of the wind. Interestingly,
the authors claimed that the fear generated by living at such heights promoted
neighborly relations between occupants seeking reassurance in the company of
strangers. By and large, however, towers were complete failures at promoting a
sense of community among their occupants, because people most often socialized
with people living on the floor above or below them, provoking the indignation of
the authors: the only thing towers were good at, was in bringing people together
under one roof, and hindering them from every getting to know each other!
Living at great heights was even held responsible for bone and lung diseases in
children. The accuracy of the authors claims is not important here rather, what
is noteworthy is their conviction that they had to oppose a form of housing that
was strongly endorsed by policy makers.23
The press, and especially Beogradska Nedelja, a weekly newspaper with
a strong interest in social issues, played a role in disseminating sociologists
skepticism about settlements like New Belgrade. An article ostensibly on Vinko
Jerabeks 1967 study sensationalized his findings, reporting that inhabitants of
New Belgrade who lived in towers were like sky-scrapers self-sufficient within
their families, atomized households without any ties to their neighbors. They
lived in New Belgrade as if in a hotel, only staying there to eat and sleep. The article
singled out urban planners for blame while pointing at the larger responsibility
of the state, noting that, probably in the face of the inexorability of material
conditions and the housing crisis, they gave up convincing the decision-makers
that it is socially incorrect to build [settlements containing] only apartments.24
Other social scientists went further in their criticism, formulating a critique of the very assumptions that underpinned urban planning, accusing Yugoslav
planners of resorting to technical solutions to systemic problems. This critique
was the basis, for example, of the January 1969 issue of the social studies journal
Pregled, which featured articles by an urban planner, a dissident writer, an urban
historian, and two sociologists. Unlike the Federal Institutes reports, whose
readership was limited to relevant specialists, consultative bodies and policy-makers, Pregled was a published journal with a much broader circulation.
Criticizing urban planners from the first half of the twentieth century
throughout the world, urban historian Milan Prelog took particular aim at current
practitioners in Yugoslavia. Their problem, he claimed, was that they understood
23
24
Ibid., pp. 192197, 208214.

Novobeograani ljudi soliteri?, Beogradska Nedelja, 19 September 1966.
149
34/2008.
urbanization as being an activity directed at regulating the consequences of the

growth of cities, rather than as the source of their growth.25 Failing to understand
that the real transformation had its roots in the changing relationships and values
provoked by the rural exodus, they attempted to transform society by applying
technical solutions. All in vain:
The numerous Grands Ensembles, new quarters, and mikrorejoni which in the last two decades have grown on the periphery
of all larger cities represent in large part monumental indictments
of the powerlessness of planned urban growth just as settlements
made of improvised buildings and new slums (in which enormous
numbers of the worlds newly urbanized population lives)
represent indictments of uncontrolled processes of urbanization
and witnesses to the anarchic character of contemporary technical
civilizations.26
This pathological urban growth was not merely a burden to citys
infrastructure; it also destroyed the traditional values of urban life without
replacing them with new ones. Prelog did not mention what these values might
be, but he might have been referring to traditional urban spaces and social
relationships, such as neighborly relations and local organizations.
Prelog implied that urban planners had an oversimplified understanding of
society. In his mind, they took urbanization to be an operation that they performed
on cities, rather than the outcome of broader sociological processes. The solution
was not to find new, better designs for urban settlements. Planners could never
hope to gain control of change inside cities unless they concerned themselves with
the bigger picture: growing out of mans desire to oppose basic, uncontrolled
processes with rational planning, urban planning theory has, to the contrary, for a
long time been limited by its scope, which limits the effectiveness of their plans
as predictive tools.27 The solution, in Prelogs view, was to undertake spatial
planning on a much broader geographical scale, beginning with the regional
level, and focus on limiting the uncontrolled growth of cities. In the rest of his
article, he argued that a truly self-managed society could only be realized through
decentralization of the population, and therefore, of economic activities in other
words, by encouraging the growth of rural settlements and towns.
In the same issue of Pregled, novelist, dissident and enfant terrible Dobrica osi made a similar argument for regional planning and refocusing attention
on the urbanization of villages. Like Prelog, osi felt that urban planning failed
because it had not been ambitious enough. In his view, spatial planning should
25
26
27
Milan Prelog, Suvremene urbanistike dileme, Pregled 59, no. 1 (1969), p. 7.

Ibid.
Ibid.
150
B. LE NORMAND
no longer focus only on cities as if they were islands cut off from the hinterland.
In our existing policy, or non-policy of urbanization, there is no concept of the
complementary natures of the village and the city, no conception of a broader
space of regional urbanization.28 Furthermore, also like Prelog, he envisioned
a renewed flourishing of Yugoslavias villages. He added that any vision for the
development of Yugoslavia had to include a program for the urbanization of the
villages.
It should be emphasized that Prelog and osi were not only criticizing
the implementation of urban planning. They were critiquing its fundamental
premises and methods. Urban planners had failed, in their view, because they
did not recognize that cities were part of the much larger system of the national
economy. Urban growth simply could not be regulated at the municipal level
it had to be coordinated at the regional or national level. Prelog, a Croat,
emphasized regional planning, whereas osi, a Serb, argued in favor of national
coordination.
In osis view, the task of comprehensive planning called for completely
different methods: can we think of urban planning in our society not only from
the perspective of anachronistic studios, of an artisanal, traditional, artistic
understanding of architecture, but rather from the perspective of modern design
institutes that use computers, [] in which specific and complementary disciplines
are concentrated and united?29 This computers, interdisciplinary collaboration
was the urban planning of the future.
Revisiting the City: the Evolution in Urban Design Thought

It would be oversimplifying things, however, to understand the critique
of urban planning merely as an assault by sociologists and other social scientists
on monolithic urban planning and architectural professions. At the same time as
social scientists were dev eloping their critique, urban planners and architects came
to their own conclusions about the weakness of the Modernist city. While they
were indubitably influenced by the sociologists with whom they came in contact
in their work places and at conferences, their critique reflected their professional
training and identity as well as their personal experiences in the field.
Urban planner Milica Jankovis intellectual journey provides a good
example. As a newly minted urban planner, Jankovi had embraced the project
of modernizing Yugoslav society, which to her, for a long time, was synonymous
with building new settlements. She was an enthusiastic participant in the
Belgrade mission sent to help rebuild Skoplje after the earthquake of 1963 using
28
29
Ibid., p. 38.
Ibid., p. 42.
151
34/2008.
pre-fabricated buildings. Her reports from the field sought to identify some
lessons that could be learned from this emergency reconstruction and applied to
construction efforts in Belgrade.30
Modernizing Belgrade, for Jankovi, also involved replacing primitive
settlements to replace them with modern ones. In an article in Arhitektura
Urbanizam published in 1966, she advocated the complete reconstruction of
a settlement on the periphery of New Belgrade. Although the city could very
well have brought new infrastructure into this village, and built in the interstices
of existing buildings, instead of knocking down these old village houses and
replacing them with a modern, urban settlement, Jankovi argued that the
changing character of its population justified total reconstruction. Because a large
number were employed as workers, they should live in an urban settlement, not
in a rural one.31
Jankovi seems to have experienced a sort of conversion in the late 1960s.
In 1971, she published an evocative piece in Arhitektura Urbanizam in which she
described ambiance as essential to the individuals well being. Gone was the selfconfidence and optimism in planners ability to create viable new settlements.
Bravely, she asked whether socialist plannings obsession with the functional city
and with living environments that objectively mirrored social relations had not
somehow missed the point:
[] can we call humanist the ambiance that we sometimes
encounter in new settlements, based on all possible hygienic,
technical and other norms, in the wasteland and monotony of
enormous beehives for living, on the playgrounds that have
remained strange and foreign to children for whom they were
planned? There is no humanity in such ambiances, although it
cannot be denied that they are authentic.32
Jankovi acknowledged the responsibility of planners in creating these
landscapes, while pointing out the difficulty of their predicament: it is difficult
to build ambiance in tandem with the new settlements. They sprout quickly and
spring quickly into life, and ambiance is warmest, most intimate when it comes
into being slowly, gradually, organically.33 Jankovi recognized that ambiance
was difficult to design. It was certainly not a matter of copying beloved old places
an enchanting scene in one location would lose its charm when transposed into
another, foreign environment.
30
31
32
33
Milica Jankovi, Nova prigradska naselja u Skoplju, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 28 (1964).
Milica Jankovi, Analiza opravdanosti rekonstrukcije naselja Beanija u Beogradu, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 4142 (1966).
Milica Jankovi, O fenomenu ambijenta u savremenom gradu, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 67
(1971), p. 57.
Ibid., p. 58.
152
B. LE NORMAND
Her evaluation of new settlements evoked the writings of an important

Yugoslav architect, Bogdan Bogdanovi. Born and educated in Belgrade, and
later employed in the department of urban planning at the Sarajevo faculty of
architecture, Bogdanovi wrote a column in the newspaper Borba in which he
described the small-scale elements that gave Sarajevo its personality not grand
prospects, streets or alleys, which got all the attention, but rather [] signs,
courtyards, attics, basements, chimneys.34 He brought the focus of urban planning back to its architectural and creative aspects. Not everyone could practice
small-scale urban design: only those with soul and imagination, who possessed
a playful sensibility for the characteristics of a place, for the qualities of small
urban spaces.35
Bogdanovi collected these essays and others into a small book on the
subject, simply entitled Mali urbanizam, or small-scale urbanism, published in
1958. These essays focused in on the qualities of particular places, or else dealt
with particular themes, such as chimneys and roofs, or advertisements, and were
accompanied by sketches that attempted to capture the rich and idiosyncratic
nature of Yugoslav cityscapes (figure 1). He appears to have been a man before
his time, because the idea of small-scale urbanism did not elicit widespread interest in Belgrade until many years later.
Figure 1. Sketch by Bogdanovi illustrating an article on roofs and chimneys

(Source: Mali Urbanizam, 1958)
In Jankovis writing, the presence of ambiance was signaled by the
presence of positive social interactions: it is a question of the alienation of
34
35
Makabijada, website for Yugoslav Jews, Ida Haider-Labudovi, Interview of Bogdan Bogdanovi, http://www.makabijada.com/bogdan.htm (accessed July 5, 2007).
Bogdan Bogdanovi, Mali Urbanizam, Univerzum Biblioteka savremena znanja, Beograd;
Zagreb: Narodna Prosvjeta, 1958, p. 11.
153
34/2008.
individuals or their sense of belonging, of their confusion or security, a question

of educating children, a question of the family atmosphere of social contacts, and
question of the quality and productivity of work.
Her focus on the physical characteristics of intimate public spaces
modest streets and neighborhood haunts rather than monumental boulevards or
large parks and her suggestion that they had important implications for security,
the education of children, and the general well-being of neighborhoods suggests
that she was acquainted with the ideas of Jane Jacobs. Yugoslavs would have had
a chance to become familiar with her work in the course of the decade since the
publication of the Death and Life of Great American Cities. Like Jacobs, Jankovi
also emphasized the importance of learning from existing urban spaces.
However, while she acknowledged the spontaneous, fleeting and
unpredictable therefore unplannable nature of the social contacts that made
for successful urban spaces, she did not go as far as Jacobs, for whom the primary
pre-condition of a successful space was that it allowed such contacts to take place.
Jankovi believed that the key to success was in seizing the spirit of a place, in
building upon its esthetic qualities. Planners had to reveal the true face of the city,
which, she explained, was already hiding beneath the surface:
[] it is hiding in the preexisting ensembles of buildings from
the past, from yesterday and from today; it is offering itself in
buildings that seek a suitable background in order to shine with
unimaginable colors, it appears from the trace of streets, from
interesting groupings of green space.36
While Jacobs advocated that inhabitants of neighborhoods should have
the initiative in urban planning, Jankovi persisted in advocated a leading creative
role for planners. Far from questioning their top-down approach to planning, she
argued that they that they should refine their goals, from merely creating a habitat
to seizing the popular imagination. The following passage also makes clear that
she still believed in the planners civilizing mission, his or her pretense to making
a new kind of person:
The urbanist-creator is always confronted with the big tragic
question: having looked at rationally measurable needs, movements and relations, given them physical shape through urbanistic
organization, and ennobled them formally, did he at the same time
succeed in identifying with that elusive person, the future user;
did he succeed in understanding him to the point of being able
through his city to channel his life, change him, educate him,
make him better.37
36
37
Ibid.
Ibid.
154
B. LE NORMAND
Jankovis new frame of reference was local, in contrast to the international, non-culture specific models that had inspired New Belgrade. Such a
site-specific approach, however, did not imply an abandonment of the civilizing,
modernization mission that had drawn urban planners to the Athens Charter in the
first place, which was still very present. As an urban planner, she could question
the methods that had been accepted until then, but she could not simply write
herself out of the picture.
This new concern for ambijent, which, depending on the context, can be
translated as ambiance or atmosphere, or as environment, had obvious applications for the reconstruction of parts of the old city and for the design of new
settlements. In effect, the emphasis on the subjective experience of space and the
value placed on the creation of intimate public spaces brought a serious challenge
to the Athens Charter concept of towers and slabs standing freely in green space.
The idea of small-scale urbanism put into question existing approaches which
replaced the complex, intimate spaces created by the proximity of buildings
with tower-and-slab compositions that were more open and uniform. Without
resorting to the mechanical copying of historical urban forms, it suggested that a
new approach altogether to organizing space was required.
There are signs that designers were becoming aware of the importance
of intimacy, if only on the level of rhetoric. Starting in the late 1960s, writers in
the professional press, themselves urban planners, praised the designers of new
settlements for creating a pleasant ambijent. These articles were sometimes even
written by the designers themselves. Thus, the term, if not the philosophy, of
ambijent was of common currency among urban planners, who sometimes even
differentiated between micro and macro ambijent.
The feeling among some urban designers that the new settlements were
empty of soul was accompanied by a revalorization of Belgrades built inheritance. Echoing Prelogs dissatisfaction with new urban forms on the grounds that
they had gotten rid of the old values without replacing them with new ones, Yugoslavs, including urban planners, were now looking back to older urban forms. In
the early 1960s, Belgrades press began to pay attention to the citys architectural
heritage.38 The total reconstruction of several areas in the old city starting in the
mid 1960s attracted popular attention to old buildings that were being torn down
and neighborhoods that were losing their personality.39
This revalorization of the local past was not only a turning away from the
aesthetic of the Athens charter, but also a turning away from the West, accompanied by a new interest in non-Western models considered potentially more
38
39
Beogradska Nedelja, for example, began to publish a column entitled veliki i mali urbanizam,
or large and small urbanism, starting in about 1963, often pausing to lovingly describe particular historical landmarks.
Sauvajmo stari Beograd. Also, Potovanje za staro.
155
34/2008.
suitable for Yugoslavia. Veteran architect Juraj Neihardt epitomized this reorientation in a 1970 article in Arhitektura Urbanizam. Tellingly, his article began
with a reference to the godfather of Modernism. Reminiscing about the period
when he worked in Le Corbusiers office, Neihardt recalled that his boss had
urged him in 1935 to board the next boat to Algiers. Looking at a photography
of an Algerian city, Neihardt found striking resemblances with his own city of
Sarajevo. He contrasted the ambiance in Sarajevo and Algiers, whose architecture
was inspired by an oriental focus on intimate spaces, with the renaissance city of
Venice, whose architecture was informed by representations of power and status.
Echoing osi, he intimated that such types of spaces were incompatible:
[] thats why we protest when Roman and American
proportions are completely unnecessarily brought in to our subtle
urban environment, that increasingly push out the tame, pleasant
[pitom] native proportions, influenced by the Orient, which could
readily be identified as humane, popular [narodni] proportions.40
Neihardts concern with proportions reflected his belief that intimate
spaces were the bulwark against massive social alienation in the wake of rapid
urban growth. His comments also testified to the changing gaze of some Yugoslav
urban planners and architects. Skeptical of the effects of blindly imitating Western models of modernity, they sought in the historical heritage of their country
indications of how to craft a uniquely Yugoslav modernity, and a uniquely
Yugoslav Modernism. Far from suggesting that architects and planners engage in
historicism, Neihardt was a resolutely Modernist architect, who believed that the
past should be reinterpreted in modern form. He praised Israeli architect Moshe
Safdies Habitat building, completed for the 1967 world exhibition in Montreal,
as a successful incarnation of the intimate oriental aesthetic.
In distancing themselves from monumental urban planning inspired by
the Athens Charter, urban designers responded to one of the anxieties that also
preoccupied the social scientists: a fear of the social alienation that resulted from
rapid modernization and urbanization. They did not, interestingly, respond to the
critique of social inequality that was associated with Modernist settlements. This
is perhaps because, as technical specialists, they wished to see their work as being
beyond politics. The urban design critique of the new settlements also reaffirmed
the importance of the urban designer in the imagining and development of cities.
It did not, as elsewhere in the world, recognize a role for citizens to participate in
that process of imagination.
It is also worth pointing out that the social scientific critique also perceived a continued role for planning, although this was seen as a completely different kind of process, that involved collecting and processing social and economic
40
Juraj Neihardt, Gradski centar i njegov ambijent, Arhitektura Urbanizam, no. 63 (1970), p. 36.
156
B. LE NORMAND
data at the local, regional and national level to develop spatial development plans.
The urban planners personal vision for the city was put to the wayside.
Critique and the Practice

The different critiques of social scientists and urban designers reflect
their different professional methodologies and approaches. They also reveal how
different groups of specialists vied for an important role in the socialist system,
with sociologists touting their better grasp of the social and economic problems
facing Yugoslavia, which urban planners had ignored, and urban planners maintaining that only they possessed the skills to recognize the special qualities
that make a space successful, and translate this knowledge into new architectural
realizations.
In the short term, the critique of Modernist planning had only a limited
impact on urban planning policy at the local level, because the designs and
production methods associated with Modernist settlements were especially well
suited to the existing system for financing and building housing.
Some concessions were made to intimacy, without marking a significant
departure from the Athens Charter. Instead of dispersing buildings evenly throughout the site, as they had on Kanarevo Brdo (a two phase project initiated at
first in 1961, and again in 1965) or in Konjarnik (whose DUP was approved in
1965), they clustered buildings into groups, expecting that this proximity might
create a sense of intimacy.41 The design by Aleksandar oki and Mihailo anak
for Kneevac-Kijevo settlement, approved in the course of 1971 and 1972, grouped seven- and eleven-story apartment buildings together around a diamond-shaped courtyard described as collective spaces, which would be landscaped
with a combination of tiles, green space and sculptural objects. oki expressed
hope that this more intimate and humane treatment of space would encourage
neighborly gatherings and promote close relations in each grouping.42
41
42
According to an 1969 article published in Urbanizam Beograda, construction for Kanarevo Brdo
took place in two phases, between 1961 and 1963, and the second phase begun in 1965 and was
expected to end in 1969. An article from the same year on Konjarnik noted that construction
had begun in 1967 and expected to end in 1970. These anticipated completion dates might very
well have been exceeded. Milica Jankovi-Jaki and and Milan ari, Konjarnik Detaljni
urbanistiki plan, Urbanizam Beograda, no. 6 (1969); Jovan Luki, Naselje na Kanarevom
Brdu, Urbanizam Beograda, no. 3 (1969).
Interestingly, this design replaced an earlier plan conceived by a team working under Josip Svoboda, the designer of Beanija, which was approved in 1969. This earlier design devoted a greater surface area to single family homes, and also including apartment buildings, but measuring
only four stories. This plan was discarded because the per capita cost of infrastructure was
considered too high. The 1969 plan for the settlement had a projected population of 22,800.
Aleksandar oki, Naselje Kijevo Kneevac, Urbanizam Beograda, no. insert 5 (1973);
Jovan Luki, Naselje Kijevo Kneevac, Urbanizam Beograda, no. 7 (1970).
157
34/2008.
A design for a much smaller development on Banovo Brdo, designed by

Vera Miti under the direction of Andrija Mendelson, similarly grouped threestory apartment buildings into clusters. A write-up on this project indicated
that this was supposed to create an intimate feeling for each unit. By creating
groupings of buildings, an intimate space is created which, when arranged in
the form of terraces, gardens, childrens playgrounds, attempts to make living
[stanovanje] more comfortable and pleasant.43
Residential development projects also began to include single-family
housing, although this was only partly due to an increasing interest in popular
opinion on housing. Pressure from municipal governments arguably played a
more important role, as they struggled to deal with an epidemic of illegal selfbuilding.44 umice, for example, included spacious row houses for sale on the
market. Half of Kneevac-Kijevos housing was also in the form single-family
dwellings. Four types of houses were planned, ranging from row houses to villas.
Svobodas 1965 plan for Beanija, and Housing Complex II in Brae Jerkovi
also incorporated family houses.45
Social scientists belief that computers would move urban planning
into the 20th century, however, found a receptive audience amongst some urban
planners. The Belgrade urban planning office embraced computer modeling in
their preparations for the second master plan of the socialist period for Belgrade,
which was adopted in 1972. They invited a team of consultants from Wayne
State University to come help them to use this new methodology, with mixed
results.46
The limited impact of the critique of Modernism should not be taken
as indicating that specialists were powerless in socialist Yugoslavia, but rather
as indicating the limited power of specialists in any state. Specialists began to
condemn Modernist housing settlements in the rest of Europe by the 1970s, but
this is not necessarily what led policy-makers to abandon them as an urban form.
Changing conceptions of the place of social housing in the national economy were
far more important.47 Inertia in policy-making, in the Yugoslav case, concealed
the existence of a vibrant debate on how to create social cohesion in a rapidly
changing society.
43
44
45
46
47
Detaljni urbanistiki plan kompleksa stambene izgradnje na Banovom Brdu, Urbanizam Beograda, no. 7 (1970).
Brigitte Le Normand, Make no little plan: Modernist projects and spontaneous growth in Belgrade, 19451967, East Central Europe, Vol. 33, No.12 (2006).
Branka Jugovi, DUP stambenog kompleksa II u ulici Brae Jerkovi u Beogradu, Urbanizam
Beograda, no. 21, 1973, p. 68; Detaljni urbanistiki plan stambenog naselja u optini Novi
Beograd / Blokovi 61, 62, 63 i delovi blokova 64 i 57a, UZGB, G4/41-50.
Aleksandar orevi, Generalni urbanistiki plan Beograda, (1972).
Michael Harloe, The Peoples Home? Social Rented Housing in Europe &America, Studies in
urban and social change, Oxford, UK; Cambridge: Blackwell, 1995, pp. 357358.
158
B. LE NORMAND
:

60-
: , , ,
.
,
,
. ,
.
.

, ,
.

,
.

.
159
34/2008.
378.18(497.1)1949/1956(093.3)
338.1(497.1)1949/1956(093.3)

(19491956)*

: , .

,
. 1949.
1951,
,
1956. .
: , , , ,
, ,
. ,
,

. () :
.1
() () : 19211991 (147039),
, .
, , , . 4, 27. 1956, . 7.
160
...

.
,

,
. 1945/46. 1950/51.
103%. 1945. 4,8%, 1949. 8,3%
,
.2
19451950.
1945/46.
15.181
1946/47.
21.922
1947/48.
27.274
1948/49.
33.795
1949/50.
32.899

,
,
. ,
,
,
,
.
,
.
,
(
, ) 1.100
,
2.000 . ,
20% , ,
. 1946.

1.500 , -
, 337 ,
2
kolstvo u FNRJ 19451951, Beograd, 1952, str. 218; Statistiki podaci o visokom kolstvu u
FNRJ 1947/48 1949/50, Beograd, 1951, str. 5. 1949. 1950.
: 1949. 1.505,
1950. 1.910. (kolstvo u FNRJ 19451951, str. 219220; Statistiki podaci o visokom kolstvu u
FNRJ 1947/481949/50, str. 50).
161
34/2008.
. , 1947.
.3
1947. 2.275, 1948.
2.325 . 1948/49.
2.554 7.395 , 1949/50.
11 , 2.967 7.057 .4
19451950. .

1945/46.
3
1.100
3
4.000
1946/47.
5
2.275
4
5.000
1947/48.
5
2.325
5
6.545
1948/49.
8
2.544
10
7.395
1949/50.
8
2.967
11
7.057

,
,
, . ,
, , . 1946/47. 3.000
.
. ,
, , , ,
,
. , ,

3
, . 5, 8. 1946, . 8; , . 12, 27. 1946, .

5, 6; , . 14, 18. 1947, . 3; , . 21, 28. 1947, . 5; , .
22, 4. 1947, . 5; , . 31, 1. 1947, . 5; , . 34, 24.
1947, . 1.
, , 31657, , 1948; , , . 69,
1947/48; kolstvo u FNRJ 19451951, . 224.
: , 18381998, , 2002, . 101104; Dragomir Bondi, Beogradski univerzitet
19441952, Beograd 2004, str. 172178.
162
...
, ,
,
.5
,
.
1946. 500 , 1947.
1.500 . 1948.
3.000 , ,
, , .
, :
1.000 , 6.000
2.500, :
, , .6
, ,
,
. ,
1947. .
, ,
, .

1951. 32.000
14.350 . 1,8
,
5
, . 2, 18. 1946, . 3; , . 3, 25. 1946, . 4;

, . 5, 8. 1946, . 8; , . 22, 4. 1947, . 5; , . 36, 7. 1947, . 2; , . 21, 22. 1948, . 8; , . 23, 5. 1948,
. 4; Zapisnik sa sastanka Univerzitetskog komiteta (UK), 11. septembar 1946, Zapisnici
i izvetaji UK KPS 19451948, priredili Momilo Mitrovi i ore Stankovi, Beograd, 1985,
str. 9499; Zapisnik sa sastanka UK, 28. oktobar 1946, isto, str. 110111; Izvetaj UK, 5.
novembar 1946, isto, str. 120; Zapisnik sa sastanka UK, 3. april 1947, isto, str. 178; Zapisnik
sa sastanka UK, 18. oktobar 1947, isto, str. 275276. , ,
, .
900 .
27.

( , , I, , 1996,
. 441).
, . 5, 8. 1946, . 8; , . 34, 24. 1947, . 1;
, . 23, 5. 1948, . 4; , . 27, 2 1948, . 1.
163
34/2008.
. ,

.7
, . 1948. 450600
( 1949. 360 , ).
1949. 550
- . , , ,
1949. 1950.
. 79% , 10-12
, ,
,
.
.8
,
40-

.

,

, , , ,
, -, 7
19471951, , 1947, . 28, 62, 91, 95; . , . ., . 104.

, 31657, , 1949; Zapisnik sa sastanka UK, 29. jul 1949, Zapisnici i izvetaji UK KPS 19481952,
priredili Momilo Mitrovi i ore Stankovi, Beograd, 1987, str. 223224; Izvetaj UK za
1949. godinu, isto, str. 300305; , . 21, 22. 1948, . 8;
, . 27, 2. 1948, 1; , . 15, 23. 1949, 3; , . 25, 16.
1950, . 1; . , . ., . 100117, 126137. 1948.
(3.000) 15
, . 1 , ,
( , . 23, 5. 1948, . 4).
164
...
.9 ,
.

,
,
,
.
,
, .10 ,
,

,
, ,
250.000 .11
,
, ,
.12
1947. ,
, ,
( , ) . 11. 1948. 1950,
9
10
11
12
: ,
19471951, , , . VIII, . 12/2007,
, 2007, . 108118.
19471951, ,
1947, . 66; , . 6162, 93,
9899.
19471951, . 6, 3338, 43, 44, 45,
50, 61; , ,
3, , , 1974, . 587589, 670671.
, 1945,
,
1949. 1950. . (. , . ., . 670671). ,

, . ,
, . 1, 17. 1948.
165
34/2008.
.
. ,
1947. 1950.
142.389 .
, , -, ,
,
, .
, , , , , , , .13
. ,

.

,
1948. ,
1947.14 , , ,
,
, 1948. .
62 1.000 100
, , ,
, ,
, .15

1948, . -
13
14
15
, . 1, 17. 1948, . 1; ,
19471950 , , V,
, 1958, . 363, 366367, 410; . , . ., . 589, 672; . , .
., . 126; , .
19461963, , , VI,
. 12/2005, , 2006, . 8889; , .
19471950, , 4/2007, , 2007,
. 7679. , 1947. 1950. : . , . ., . 363413; . ,
, . 7695.
. , . ., . 589, 672; . , . ., . 127, 128; ,
1948/1949. ,
, - , II, , 1986,
. 197198.
. , , . 77; , 1948.
166
...
1948.
1949. , ,
3.000
1951. 10.000 ,
.16

, , ,
,

.

,17

, , , ,

- .18
,

.
16. 1949,
,

6.000 .19
1949. ,
,
1949. ,

16
17
18
19
, 316139, , . . 1520,
18. 1948.
. , . ., . 672.

1954. 1968. ,
. : , 1954. , 19141954, , 2000, . 233234; .
, . ., . 193196; , 1968,
18381988, , , , 1988, .
983985.
, , . 2, 16. 1949, . 2.
, - , .
167
34/2008.
2.500
4.000 .
.20 5.
1949. ,

.21
,

, ,
. 1949.
1949. 287 (205
82 ). ,
,
, ,
,
,
.
.
1949.

.
,
( , ), 3.000 4.500
.22
,
,
, , 1949. .
,
, , 20
21
22
, . 46, 5. 1949, . 1. . , . 48, 20. 1949, . 4.

, . 51, 10. 1949, . 1; , . 52, 17. 1949, . 1.
, 316139, , .
. 124, 4. 1949;
, , . 3807, 22. 1949; , 3497, 17.
1949; , . 3715, 3. 1949; , . 3625, 19. 1949, .
8.
, - . (,
, . 3479, 8. 1949).
168
...
, .
. 1. . 9 ( )
.
,
. ,
.
19 , 3.000 , 200 900
. : ,
.
,
4.000! , . ( ,
, , , , ),
( ), ,

(, , , , , , , ). ,
,
,
, , . , ,
, ,
, .23
, ,
, .

, , , ,
, , - , , , , , , 6% 900%, ,
(
, , ,
, ,
23
, . 54. 1. 1949, . 3; . , . ., . 384385; . ,

, . 78.
169
34/2008.
,
,
.).
:
, , , , , ,
. ,
.24

,
.
( , , )
100%, 397%! 30. 1949. ,
5. .25
1949,
,

. .
,
.26

. 1949, , 13 1.400 ,
, , ,
.27
1949. ,
.

. , :
, , .
- ,
24
25
26
27
. , , . 8590; , , . 9295.
, , ,
. : , 19481950.
, . 67, 1. 1949, . 2.
, . 71, 29. 1949, . 2; , . 76, 3. 1949, . 4; , . 80, 31.
1949, . 3. , ,
.
, . 64, 11. 1949, . 3; . , . ., . 198199.
170
...
, -
- , (
), , . ,
: , 92%
1949. .28
1950.
. 1950. ,
, .29 ,
, ,
: ,
,
.30

1.

.31 .

( ,
)
.32
, 1950. .
, , 1949. 1950. - , , , , ,
, . ( 1950. 40 ) . 1950.
1951.
.
28
29
30
31
32
, . 82, 15, 1949, . 3; , . 83, 22. 1949, . 1;

, . 86, . 13.
, . 92, 24. 1950, . 2; , . 94, 7. 1950, . 1; ,
. 96, 21. 1950, . 1; , . 97, 28. 1950, . 3.
, . 102, 4. 1950, . 3; , . 106, 1. 1950, . 3.
, . 107, 9. 1950, . 1.
. , , . 94.
171
34/2008.
, ,
1948.
1949, .33
,
, .
,

.
, .

.

, .
, ,
, ,
, , ( , ,
.), . :

; , ,
; ,
, ;
. 1950.

15 .
.34
, 1950. III
, 1951.
800 .35
33
34
35
. . ., . 130135. 1949. ,
. (, ,
, . 50).
, 507, , - , . IV/30,
, 5. 1950; . ,
, . 7980.
, . 3, 31. 1951, . 2; , . 4, 14. 1951, . 6;
, . 13815, 18. 1951, . 5. 1. . , , , -,
172
...
4.149 ,
50% 10.500 .

.
1951. 40
.36 ,
.

.
, , ,
,
.37 , , , , .
, : , ,
, .38

50- , .
?
. 1953. , .39 , ,
1954. I IV . ,
( 1955.
36
37
38
39
. , , . ,
, .
, , 3171125,
, . . 754, 13. 1950; ,
, . . 65, 10.
1950.
, , . 1,
1950; , , ,
. 49, 1950/51; , 31661
1951; . , . ., . 135138.
, , . 253, 24. 1951,
. 2.
, . 24, 2. 1953, . 3.
173
34/2008.
1956), (
.)
50-
.40
1956,
. ,
,
, ,
, (
).41 1956.
I IV 1.800 . 5.000,
4.000 ,
1956/57. 7.800,
15.000 .42
, . 1957,
, , ,
, ,
, ,
,
.43
40
41
42
43
, . 18, 15. 1955, . 1; , . 19, 27. 1954, . 1, 4.

50- . 1954/55.
16.667 32.486 , 11.332
27.142 . 1954/55. 9 5.888 ,
5.000
, .
, (
1954/55. , , 1955, . 2223, 51).
, . 2, 10. 1956, . 6; , . 3, 19. 1956, . 1; , . 4, 27.
1956, . 1, 2.

. (, . 5, 6. 1956, . 2).
1956/57. ,
, . 4, , 1957, . 110111; , , 1956,
. 3; , . 15, 10. 1957, . 5, .
, (, .)
,
.
, . 8, 1. 1957, . 1; . . ., . 137138.
174
...
Summary
The Building of the Students City in New Belgrade (19491956)
Key words: Students, dormitories, canteens, Students City, New Belgrade,
building, moving in
The authorities of the State and the University strove in several ways to
solve the problem of the lack of room for lodging and feeding students of the
Belgrade University coming from the province. Apart from bringing into shape
old and building new dormitories and canteens, in the first years after WWII,
under the influence of the First Five Years Plan of 1947, the idea was launched to
build a large students settlement which would house several thousand students
and which would solve the problem of students lodgings as a whole. It was
decided to realize the project in New Belgrade which was being built at that
time. The building of the Students City in the area of Toin Bunar in New
Belgrade started officially in spring 1949, the work being done by the workers of
the company Novi Beograd and students themselves. Despite ambitious plans,
deadlines, hard work and enthusiasm, the building progressed slowly, with many
problems and stoppages due to the lack of the skilled labor force and materials
as well as due to shoddily done work. It was only in 1950 that the first block
was finished. 800 students moved into it in early 1951. Work on other sites was
interrupted then, to be continued on and off throughout the first half of 1950s,
and to be finished in 1956. Although all four blocks were populated then, works
at the Students City were not completely over and they continued throughout
the next years in form of repairing shoddily done work, acquisition of equipment,
cultivating the space between the blocks, building of facilities for social, cultural
and sport life of the inmates.
175
/ ?
930.1:141.78(4)197
Historiography
/ ?

:
70- 20. .

, , , , ,
.
: , , ,

. ,
,
, , . , 19. ,
, , .
wie es eigentlich gewesen,
. ,
,
, -
177
34/2008.
.1
, ,
.
. 19. .
2 , .

.3
. , , 19. 20. .
, ,
, .
(Methodenstreit) 19. ,

1
, ,

. Georg G. Iggers,
Geschichtswissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert. Ein kritischer berblick im internationalen Zusammenhang, Gttingen, 2007, . 21.
, ,
(Einleitung in die
Geisteswissenschaften), 1883. .
Historicism Revisited, : Arnaldo Momigliano, Essays in Ancient and
Modern Historiography, Oxford, 1977, str. 365373.

19. , ,
,
: Historische Zeitscrift
(1859) Rivista storica italiana (1884), Revue Historique (1886), English
Historical Review (1889), American Historical Review (1896),
. , o
,
. : Stefan Berger, Mark Donovan, Kevin Passmore, Writing National Histories.
Western Europe since 1800, London, New York, 1999, str. 114
178
/ ?
(Annales dhistoire conomique et sociale) 1929. . ,

, ,
,

. , , ,
. ,
,

,

.4 ,
. 20. -
(New History) ,
.
,
. ,
,
.
20. ,

(Historische Sozialwissenschaft), .

.5

4
: Traian Stoianovich, French Historical Method. The Annales Paradigm, Cornell, Nw York, 1976; Peter Burke, French Historical Revolution. The Annales School
19291989, Stanford, 1990; e , . , , 2004. : , ?, , 39 (1992), str. 259285.
: Piter Berk, Istorija i drutvena teorija, Beograd, 2002, str. 2529.
179
34/2008.
. , 60- , .

.6
70- 80- .
, , ,
.
,
, . ,

, , . ,

.

,
, .7

,
. ,

,
. ,
, . ,
.
70- , 6
.
- (New Economic History)
. : Deremi Blek, Donald M. Makrejld, Izuavanje istorije,
Beograd, 2007, str. 9899, 147153.
Georg G. Iggers, Geschichtswissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert, str. 8687.
180
/ ?
,
.
,

.8
,
. ,
, . ,
.9
, 80-
, ,
. ,

60- 70- . ,
20. ,
,
.
***

,

.10
, ,
. ,
, .

8
10
Lawrence Stone, The Revival of Narrative: Reflections on a New Old History, Past and Present, No. 85 (Nov., 1979), str. 324.
20.
: Georg G. Iggers, Geschichtswissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert, str. 86111; Mirjana
Gross, O historiografiji poslednjih trideset godina, asopis za suvremenu povijest, God. 38,
br. 2 (2006), str. 583609.
: Mile Savi, Politika filozofskog diskursa.
Praktine implikacije postmoderne filozofije, Beograd, 2004, str. 1314.
181
34/2008.
.
, 19. , ,
, . 20. ,
,
, ,
,
, ,
. ,

-

.11 , ,

.

, , .12
, - ,
, ,

.13
11
12
13
Jean-Franois Lyotard, Postmoderna protumaena djeci. Pisma 19821985, Zagreb, 1990, str.
3334.

19. .
, . ,
, . :
, Conditio Moderna, , 1995, str. 912.
(Michel Faucault, 19261984) ,
. - ,

. ,
.
(Jacques Derrida, 19302004), - ,
.
. ,
. ,
.
182
/ ?
,14
, .15 (Grand Rcits) ,
, .
,
,
. ,

. .
,
, .16
. , ,

.

. (linguistic turn),
, .

, 50- 20.
(New Criticism),
,

. ,

. , . , ,
.
14
15
16
- (Jean-Franois Lyotard, 19241998),

.
: Mirjana Gross, Suvremena historiografija korijeni, postignua, traganja, Zagreb,
1996, str. 326329; Entoni Gidens, Sociologija, Beograd, 2003, str. 693695.
: Mile Savi, Izazov marginalnog. Dometi
kritike logocentrizma u sporu Moderna Postmoderna, Beograd, 1996.
an-Fransoa Liotar, Postmoderno stanje, Novi Sad, 1988, str. 6.
Jean-Franois Lyotard, Postmoderna protumaena djeci, str. 35.
, . 40, 47.
183
34/2008.

.
, .17

, ,

(1928) .
19. .18
, , . ,
. , ,

, , .

(verbal fiction), .

,

, /
. ,

, , ;
. , , ;
, , .19
. A 19. ,
, ,
17
18
19
Georg G. Iggers, Geschichtswissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert, str. 103105; ,

, . ,
, , . LII (2005), . 355359.
Hayden White, Metahistory. The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe, Baltimore, London, 1973.
, . X.
184
/ ?
, .20

(): , , .

.

. ,
, , ,
.
, , .21
, (1978)22
(1987).23

. , ,
.24
.
,
.

.
,

.25
(1945)
. - ,
20
21
22
23
24
25
, . 133264.
, . XIXII.
Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse. Essays in Cultural Criticism, Baltimore, 1978.
Hayden White, The Content of the Form. Narrative discourse and Historical Representation,
Baltimore, 1987.
Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse, str. 8283, 122.
Hayden White, The Content of the Form, str. 192209.
185
34/2008.
. ,
,
.
.26

90- .
(1994).27
, ,
.28 ,

, ,
. , , , , ,
.

.29 . , ,

,
. ,

.30
(1947), , 26
27
28
29
30
F. R. Ankersmit, Historiography and Postmodernism, History and Theory, Vol. 28, No. 2
(1989), str. 137153.
F. R. Ankersimt, History and Tropology. The Rise and Fall of Metaphor, Berkeley, 1994.

80- .

. ,
. , . 172.
, . 170. 19.
, . : . , , , 2003, .
185187.
F. R. Ankersimt, History and Tropology, str. 224.
186
/ ?
(1997).31

, , ,
.

:
?
?
,
?
?
, , , . , ()
, , .

.

. .

.
, , .
, .
,
.
.32
31
32
Alun Munslow, Deconstructing History, London, New York, 1997.

.
, , , ,
, . , . 20.
187
34/2008.
, 20.
, ,
, , .
.33 ,
,
()
.34 -35 , , .
.36

. .
, , , ...,
, ,
.
, 20.

, , , .

, .

, ,
33
34
35
36

, , ,
. , - - , ,
. , . 21.
Alun Munslow, n. d., str. 10.
, , , , , , ,
. , . 21.
, . 21, 2728. : , , .
., . 356357.
188
/ ?
, , .37
, ,

.
e
,
, ,
, , .
)

. .
) ,
.
,

. ,
(wie es eigentlich gewesen) ,
, . . ,

. , , .
) .38

(, , , ...)
()
.

.

,
37
38
Alun Munslow, n. d., str. 1617.

: Brian Ward, The Chaos of History: Notes Towards a Postmodernist Historiography,
LIMINA, Vol. 2 (1996), str. 817.
189
34/2008.
, .
- , ,
. ,

.
,
.39
,

.
, ,
: , , ,
, , ,
.40 ,
,
.
,
: ,
;
;
;

39
40
(Perez Zagorin, 1920) /

.
,
. (A History of Political Thought in the English Revolution, 1954).
: Frederik Dejmson, Postmodernizam ili kulturna logika kasnog kapitalizma, Trei
program, . 64 (1985), str. 181228; Perez Zagorin, Historiography and Postmodernism: Reconsiderations, History and Theory, Vol. 29, No. 3 (1990), str. 263274.
190
/ ?
;
,
. , ,
, ,
.41

, ,
19. .
,
,
, , , , .
, ,
,
. , ,

.
.42
.
,
(1927) .
, ,
,
.43
. ,

. ,
19.
,
41
42
43
.
Perez Zagorin, History, the Referent, and Narrative: Reflections on Postmodernism Now, History and Theory, Vol. 38, No. 1 (1999), str. 17.
Georg G. Iggers, Historiography between Scholarship and Poetry: Reflections on Hayden
Whites Approach to Historiography, Rethinking History, Vol. 4, No. 3 (2000), str. 381.
191
34/2008.

. ,

, , .44

. ,
,

.
,
.
,
.45
() ,

conditio sine qua non . ,
, ,
,
.46
47

(1997).48 ,
44
45
46
47
48
, . 382383.
, . 387.
Georg G. Iggers, Geschichtstheorie zwischen postmoderner Philosophie und geschichtswissens
chftlicher Praxis, Geschichte und Gesellschaft. Zeitschrift fr Historische Sozialwissenschaft,
Vol. 26 (2000), str. 346.
(Richard J. Evans, 1947) , 19.
. : Death in Hamburg: Society and
Politics in the Cholera Years 18301910 (Oxford, 1987), Rethinking German History (London,
1987), In Hitlers Shadow: West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi
Past (New York, 1989).
,
. , , , 2007.
192
/ ?
.
,
, . ,

, 16. 17. .
, ,
. ,
.49

20. .
, -

, ,

. ,
,
.50

, , . . ,
.

49
50
, . 119146, 144145.
, . 193195. :
,
, . Erik Hobsbaum, O teoriji, praksi i razvoju istorije i njenoj
relevantnosti za savremeni svet, Beograd, 2003, . 205.
193
34/2008.

. , ,
, , .
, .51
, ,
,
,
.52
,

, .53
,
, , .54
: , . ,

,
, ,
, , 90-
, .

, , .
,
51
52
53
54
. , . ., . 213231, 237.
, . 265270.
Todor Kulji, Postmoderna i istorija, Sociologija, Vol. XLV, No. 4 (2003), str. 293.

. , ,
. , . 300.
: Lutz Niethammer, Posthistoire. Ist die Geschichte zu Ende?, Reinbeck bei Hamburg,
1989; Frensis Fukujama, Kraj istorije i poslednji ovek, Podgorica, 1997.
194
/ ?
,
.55

.
,
,

.
,
,
.56
, , ,
. ,
, . ,
, , , , , .

. , ,

.

.
. .57

,
55
56
57
Frensis Fukujama, n. d., str. 19.

, ,
, .
Georg G. Iggers, Geschichtswissenschaft im 20. Jahrhundert, str. 111113.
: Andrej Mitrovi, Klio pred iskuenjima i raspravljanja sa Klio, Beograd, 2001, str.
3135, 107111, 153156.
195
34/2008.
, (
. ),
. ,
, .58

.
,
.
, , .59 Main stream
,

.60

,
. . ,
,
. , - . ,

. ,
58
59
60

,
,
. : . , . ., .
265.
,
History and Theory, Past and Present, Social History, Journal of Contemporary History, American Historical Review
. ,
. 400407.
Erik Hobsbaum, n. d., str. 265.
196
/ ?
. ,
, ,
, , .
Summary
Post-Modernism and/or Historiography
Key words: Post-Modernism, history of historiography, methodology of historical
science, philosophy of history
Post-Modernism, as a specific ideal orientation typical of the last three
decades of 20th century, reached historiography with certain delay. Despite that,
proclaiming the end of the rationalist European tradition and showing mistrust in
meta-narration, Post-Modernism strongly influenced historiography, particularly
with the thesis of impossibility to know the past reality and of historiography
as a literary form. Cognitive skepticism and denial of the scientific nature of
historiography were thus the direct consequence of the influence of Post-Modernist thinking on historical science. Questioning the basis on which historiography
rested, Post-Modernism influenced historians to re-examine the fundamental
suppositions on which the historical science rested and to devote more attention
to theoretical and methodological questions by increasing the level of their
criticism, developing professional self-awareness and broadening the horizon of
their interest to many neglected fields of research.
197
...
94(=163.3/.6)(560.118)1919/1939
Supplements

*

: 19. 20.
1918. .
. , .
: , , , ,
/,
326. 330. , .
, ,
. ,
.
1453. 1923.1
19.
.
, ( ) ,
.2
1
28. 3. 1930. ,
.
.
. ( ), , , , , , 1889, . 1617.
199
34/2008.
. .
.3
1889. ( 400.000 , 250.000 , 250.000 ).4
19.
, -, , . 20. , . .
,
.5 , , (19051910).
. , .
, . .
, .6 1910.

3
. ( ), . ., . 1617.
,
, .
, ,
. . , ,
(Orhan Pamuk, Istanbul. Uspomene i grad, Beograd, 2008, str. 160).
, , ,
1889, . 3 10. . ,
1852. , ,
, , , ,
( , )
,
.
, , (Orhan Pamuk, n. d., str.
213).
, - -
. (18711928), , 34, 2000, , 2001, . 95106; -, .

(19181929), ,
2002, . 180.
, . 1, 1909; , :
18811950., , , 2005, . 6785.
200
...
, .7
,
, 19.
20. , , ,8
1918.
.
, 8.000
. .
()9
7
, , ,
30. 10. 1910, . 198; 1910 , . .,
. 69.
Ejup Muovi, Jugoslovensko iseljenitvo u Turskoj, Zbornik radova Etnografskog instituta, knj. 12, Beograd, 1981, str. 6567; Vladan Jovanovi, Interministerijalna konferencija
Kraljevine Jugoslavije o iseljenju neslovenskog elementa, u Tursku (1935), Prilozi, 35, Sarajevo, 2006, str. 105124.
, ,
. 14. . : , , ,
. : ,
, , ,
. , ,
(19111912), ,
.
, , ,
. , -. . 1878. ,
. ,
, 18
.
.
.
,
. ,
. - 1908. , ,
, . , .
,
.
- .
.
, . . , : - , . ,
, 1976; , : -
, , 2002; www.pastrovici.net; http://www.rastko.org.yu/rastko-bo/ljudi/
djgregovic-pastrovici_l.html.
201
34/2008.

.10
1879.
-.
-.
. .
. . . 1.800 .
-.
1913. .

, .11
, . , (1919), (1920),
( ) , ,
, . . (16. 1920. 6. 1923),
.12 , - 1919.
.
1920. 2. .
19191922. (, 1921.
, 1922),
,
. 1922.
.
1923.
,
.
. -
VI 1922. .
22. 10. 1923. , - .
10
11
12
, 4113224228, , 25. 11. 1932.

, 41121616618, .
, , , 2003, . 147.
202
...
(). , 1934. ,
( ).13
1919. .
() .
, ,

.14
.
.
, ,
,
. 5.000 .15
. ,
,
.
1920. 1,2 ,
560.434 , 384.689 -, 118.000 44.795 .16 :
, ( ).
.17
1923. . ,
13
14
15
16
17
. . , , , 1939, . 148155;
A. Hifzi-Bjelavac, Istanbul, grad na obalama Mramorskog mora, Zagreb, 1944, str. 41; . .
, ( ), . . , , , .
., . 159, 178; A. E. Montgomery, The Making of the Treaty of Sevres of 10 August 1920,
The Historical Journal, Vol. 15, No. 4 (Dec., 1972), str. 775787; Peter Kincaid Jensen, The
Greco-Turkish War, 19201922, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 10, No. 4
(Nov., 1979), str. 553565; Stevan K. Pavlowitch, A History of the Balkans, 18041945, Longman, 1999, str. 237241; Marija Todorova, Imaginarni Balkan, Beograd, 1999, str. 300301;
Alec Lawrence Macfie, The End of the Ottoman Empire 19081923, Longman, London and
New York, 1998; , , , 2000, . 49, 95105;
V. Jovanovi, Iseljavanje muslimana iz Vardarske banovine: izmeu stihije i dravne akcije,
Pisati istoriju Jugoslavije: vienje srpskog faktora, Beograd, 2007, str. 85.
, 41121616618, .
, 4113224228, , 25. 11. 1932.
Clarence Richard Johnson, Constantinople Today; Or, The Pathfinder Survey of Constantinople;
a Study in Oriental Social Life, Clarence Johnson ed, (New York: Macmillian, 1922), str. 16.
. . , . ., . 534.
203
34/2008.
,
. .

.

.18 , ,
.
1. 10. 1923.19
,
, .

,
.
( ) , .
,
, ( 70 ).
3.000 , 1.000 .
.
, 1923. ,
. - 28. 10. 1925.
, ,
,
. ,

, .20 , ,
, .
,
18
19
20
, 4113224228, , 25. 11. 1932.

, 4113224230, .
1912. -. , . ., . 90.
204
...
.
,
.

. 80.000 ,
15.000 . 1924.
. .
.21 ,
.

1924.

.
. 1925,
(
).22 1925.
,
.
,
. 80 , 1928/29.
70, .
.23
,
, , .

, 90 . ,
.
, . 1925/26.
1928/29. 30 (17 13 )
100.000
. ,
.

. , ,
.
21
22
23
, 41121616618, .
, 4113224230, .
, 4113231236, .
205
34/2008.

.24

30-,

. 1928. .
.25

.
.
30- 45. 45
12 .
/ 450.000
.26
, ,
( . ),

.27 1. 9. 1932.
,
.28

1930. .
290

.
. 1932. ,
24
25
26
27
28
, 4113237239, .
, 41135154, .
, 4113110115, 4113175179, 4113187, 4113199, .
1930. , , . , 4113224230,
, 25. 11.
1932.
, 4113110115, 4113175179, 4113187, 4113199, .
206
...
1932.
.29
, .30
31. 1. 1933.
.

.

,
. 1932.
,
.
,

.
30-

. 2007,
13. 6. 1932, 1. 6. 1933.

. 31 ,
.
.
.32
1.200 1.300 ,
400 500 ,
500 600. ,
, 29
30
31
32
, 41121616618, .
, 4113109, 4113175179, 4113187,
.
1) , , , , ; 2) ; 3) , ,
, ; 4) , , ; 5) , , ; 6) , , , , . V. Jovanovi, n. d., str. 87.
.
207
34/2008.
.33
.
, , 200 300,
.
,

2007. .

, ,
. 20.000
15.000 ,34 , 200 .35 2007
,

30- . .
1933.

.36

16. 1933.
.

. 1934.

.37
33
34
35
36
37
, 4113269272, .
V. Jovanovi, n. d., str. 87.
, 4113275, .
V. Jovanovi, n. d., str. 87.
,

. . - 1934. : ,
, , .
, ,
.
, . , ( ,
, ).
208
...
1933.
,
, 1932/33. 40. ,
17. 2. 1933.
.
1. 3. 1933.38
10. 5. 1933.
- 17. 2. 1. . ,
.

,
.
- 6. 3. (21. 2) 1933.
,

.39
-, .
, .
.40
: , . . ,
, , , .41
-,
,
,
38
39
40
41
,
, ,
1935.
. V. Jovanovi, n. d., str. 8788.
, 4113264 4113328, .
, 4113284, .
, 4113292, .
2.660
500 . 3.000 .

. , 4113290, .
209
34/2008.
29. 4. 1933.42
18. 5. 1933. - ,
, . 30.

.43
-
( )
-
. - 1928.
.44

, , 11. 8.
1936. ( 31. 3. 1930)
.
.45 .
21. 8. 1936.46 26. 8.
1936.
.47
17. 9. 1936.

( ).48
.
.
,
.49 , 28. 9.
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
, 4113288, .
, 4113299300, .
, 4118114, .
, 4113460, , 19. 8. 1944. .
, 4112041, .
, 4112041, .
, ,
, , , 2007, . 63101.
, 41120531, .
210
...
-
,
. ,
.

.50
1936. ,

.
1938. ,
. 51
1936. 2.000 ,
1937. 2.300, 328
935 . 1933.
1937/38. 3.000 .
400 1.500 .
. 40 .
. ,

.52 . . -
.53
32 .
,
.54 1938,
. , , ,
,
,
.55
50
51
52
53
54
55
, 41120533, .
, 41120620621 411214245, .
, 41121619, .
, 41120551 20580, .
, 41120537 20550, .
, 41120601, .
211
34/2008.
1939. -
,

.56
, .

, , 25. 10. 1941.
,
28. 11. 1941. 1. 11.
,
.

.57

.

.58
, - ,
.59

1944. .60 1. 6. 1945.
16. 11. 1945. - . 504 .61 10. 5. 1947. -
- .

.
.62
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
, 4113426, .
, 41120734748, .
, 41120752755, .
, 41120749751, .
, 4113460, ,
19. 8. 1944. .
, 4112041, 41120793796, .
, 41120814, .
212
...
Summary
The Yugoslav Colony in Constantinople Between
the Two World Wars
Key words: Constantinople, Istanbul, Turkey, colony, the Kingdom of the Serbs,
Croats, and Slovenes / Yugoslavia, the Serbian Orthodox Church
Functioning and lives of the members of the Yugoslav colony in Constantinople/Istanbul which came to being after WWI, was influenced by many
factors ranging from those concerning political changes in Turkey to relations
of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia with the colony.
Taking over of Constantinople by the Turkish authorities led to suppressing of
Christians, and the loss of the role of the political center of the state contributed to
gradual emigration of the population due to deteriorating economic situation. The
lack of clear direction on the part of the authorities of the Kingdom of the Serbs,
Croats and Slovenes in which one should work to aid and develop the colony,
its primary concern with the colonys Orthodox members, conflicts among them
and their gradual assimilation led to the decrease of numbers and weakening of
compactness of the colony. On the basis of the existing archival sources it isnt
possible to determine the exact number of the members of the colony, but it ranged from 10.000 at the end of WWI to 2.000 at the beginning of WWII. Members
of the colony were mostly engaged in crafts, commerce, sailing, services, but
also in heavy menial jobs in building and other industries. Most members of the
colony were poor during the inter-war period. The process of extinguishing of the
colony was completed during WWII.
213
34/2008.
316.728:39(=163.41)(497.113)19
94(=112.2)(439.5)18
:
*

: . ,
. ,
,

,
,
.
: , , ,
.
,
.
1 , .

1

. : , , , 2004 (2. .); Nives Rittig-Beljak, vapski kulinarij dodir
tradicija u Hrvatskoj, [Zagreb, 2003]. ( -
, .)
214
: ...
.2 ,
,
.3
, . ( ) , . , ,

XVIII XIX .4
2

,
.
, . : Zoran Konstantinovi, Deutsch-serbische
Begegnungen, [Berlin, 1997].
18.

. (Up. Viktor Pratscher, Die deutsche
Gemeinde Feketi Feketitsch, Novi Vrbas, [1936], str. 27; Karlsdorf im Verlauf donauschwbischer Geschichte 18021944, Mnchen, 1985, str. 17; Die Deutschen aus Betschmen, Syrmien. Chronik einer 200-jhrigen Wanderung 17841984, [Bisingen] 1984, str. 7578; Bulkes,
Geschichte einer deutschen Gemeinde in der Batschka 17861944, Kirchheim unter Teck, 1984,
str. 252; Christian Ludwig Brcker, 200 Jahre Schowe, [Winnenden], s. a., str. 12, 23, 28; Johann Achtzehner, Ergnzungen und Berichtigungen der Geschichte der Gemeinde Zichydorf auf
Grund von nachtrglich eingegangenen Hinweisen ehemalighen Zischydorfer, [Bisingen-Steinhofen] s. a., str. 8; Johann Awender, Heimatgeschichte von Stefansfeld 17971947, [Salzburg
1955], str. 8; Felix Milleker, Geschichte der kniglichen Freistadt Werschetz, I, Budapest, 1886,
str. 7778, 88; Josef Volkmar Senz, Geschichte der Donauschwaben. Von den Anfngen bis zur
Gegenwart, Mnchen, 1987 (3. izd.), str. 38, 57; Anton Tafferner, Quellenbuch zur donauschwbischen Geschichte, Stuttgart 1977, str. XXXII; Konrad Schnemann, sterreichs Bevlkerungspolitik unter Maria Theresia, Berlin, s. a., str. 66, 73; Eik Roth, Die planmig angelegte
Siedlungen in Deutsch-Banater Militrbezirk 17651821, Mnchen, 1988, str. 26, 51; Ladislaus
Michael Weifert, Beitrge zur Mercyschen Besiedlung des Banats, Gedenkschrift fr Harold
Steinacker (18751965), Mnchen, 1966, str. 133. ,
: . , , II.
1790, , 1990 (2. .), . 2627, 40; ,
16901945,
, 1981, . 197; , XVIII XIX , , 1977, .
153; , II, , 1960, . 10611062; . ,
19191941, , 1972, . 8; , 17901792,
, . 3233, 1962, . 115. (Felix Lackner, Rumnische und deutsche Siedlungsbewegungen im Banat, ihre
Beziehungen und gegenseitige Bedingtheit, Sdostdeutsches Archiv, XVIIXVIII, 1974/1975,
str. 75; Gerhard Seewann, Serbische Sd-Nord-Migrationen in Sdosteuropa als Voraussetzung
fr die deutsche Ansiedlung im 18. Jahrhundert, A Krpt-Medence vonzsban , Pcs, 2001,
str. 441; Josef Wolf, Entwiklung der ethnischen Struktur des Banats 18901992, Wien, 2004,
str. 3032), , ( ,
215
34/2008.
, ,
, ,
,
.
,
, , , ,
.
, , .
.

, .
: ,
XVIII
,
.
, , , ,
, .5
, .
, .
.6
( )
. , .
, ,
( , ). ,
. .
.7
(17161718), , II, 1970, . 30; ,

XVIII
, , 12, 1976, . 26).
Roth, n. d.; Ingomar Senz, Die Schwaben in der Batschka. Geschichte und Kultur einer deutschen Volksgruppe zwischen Thei und Donau, Deutsche Geschichte und Kultur in Sdosteuropa. Sechs Vortrge, Horst Khnel (ur.), Mnchen, 1988, str. 2728; Johann Weidlein, Entwicklung der Dorfanlagen im donauschwbischen Bereich, Stuttgart, 1965.
Peter Jung, Wie das schwbische Dorf entstand, Heide und Hecke. Beitrge zur Volkskunde
der Banater Schwaben, Hans Gehl (ur.), Temeswar, 1973, str. 3031; Roland Vetter, Hans Keiper, Unser Tscherwenka. Der Weg einer Batschkadeutschen Grogemeinde in zwei Jahrhunderten, Tuttlingen, 1981, str. 131.
Ovaj tip kue je imao razliite nazive u raznim delovima Nemake. Up. http.//de.wikipedia.
org/wiki/Ernhaus; J. V. Senz, Geschichte, str. 82; Karl Reb, Wohnkultur und Wirtschaftshof im
216
: ...
,
( ) , (
) . ,
, ,
.8 , ,
. ,
. , , ,
(, ),
, .
.
XV
, ,
.9 ,
,10
10
Wandel der Zeit, Heide und Hecke., Gehl (ur.), str. 36; Johann Bach, Neuhatzfeld Tschestelek
estereg 18281944. Geschichte einer Banater Heidegemeinde, Mnchen, 1972, str. 31.
. , : Wack, n. d., str. 294339; Bulkes, str.
93108; Irmgard Hudjetz-Loeber, Heimatbuch Neu-Pasua, Die, Geschichte eines donauschwbisches Dorfes, Stuttgart, 1956, str. 2021, 9295; Ingomar Senz, Die Schwaben in der Batschka. Geschichte und Kultur einer deutschen Volksgruppe zwischen Thei und Donau, Deutsche
Geschichte und Kultur in Sdosteuropa. Sechs Vortrge, Horst Khnel (ur.), Mnchen, 1988,
str. 2728; Gottlob Holder, Das Deutschtum in der Unteren Baranya. Eine bevlkerungs - und
siedelungsgeographische Studie ber die Schwbische Trkei, Stuttgart, 1931, str. 98103; Lisa
Flassak (ur.), Ernsthausen. Das Schicksal eines deutschen Dorfes im Banat, Rastatt, 1983, str.
108110; Roland Vetter, Hans Keiper, Unser Tscherwenka. Der Weg einer batschkadeutschen
Grogemeinde in zwei Jahrhunderten, Tuttlingen, 1981, str. 134136; Hans Herrschaft, Das
Banat. Ein deutsches Siedlungsgebiet im Donauraum, Berlin, 1940, str. 134; Felix Milleker, Die
Besiedlung der Banater Militrgrenze, Vrac, 1926, str. 7; Peter Jung, Wie das schwbische
Dorf entstand, Heide und Hecke. Beitrge zur Volkskunde der Banater Schwaben, Hans Gehl
(ur.), Temeswar, 1973, str. 3235.
, ,
, 1819, 19691970, . 83; . , , , 1819, 19691970, . 1314; Peter Wack, Torschau 17841934, s. l., s. a., str. 334; Walther Konschitzky, Die Volksarchitektur im Banat: Stil
und Ornamentik, Cluj-Napoca, 2000, str. 25; Nikolaus Hefner, Franz Egger, Josef Braschel,
Franztal 18161944. Erinnerungen an Franztal/Semlin. Heimat an der Donau. Ansiedlung,
Dorfleben, Flucht, Neubegin, Salzburg, 1984, str. 7980; Bach, n. d., str. 32.
.
. Hermann Haller, Syrmien und sein Deutschtum. Ein Beitrag zur Landeskunde einer sdostdeutschen
Volksinsellandschaft, Leipzig, 1941, str. 57.
,
.
Friedrich Lotz, Aus der Vergangenheit der Gemeinde Odaci. Historisches Heimatbuch mit besonderer Bercksichtigung der Ansiedlergeschichte, Novi Vrbas, 1929, str. 64, 6667; Roth,
n. d., str. 37.
217
34/2008.
, , .

.11
12
, XIX
. , .
( , ),
. .13 ,
, , , .14 ( , )
,
, .15
.
, .16 (
) ,
.
/ XIX
, ( ) .17 (
) :
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
Nikolaus Hepp, 150 Jahre Baka Palanka. Die Geschichte der drei Schwestergemeinden Palanka bis zur Gegenwart, Novi Vrbas, 1930, str. 23; Milleker, Die Besiedlung der Banater Militrgrenze, str. 7.
Gang, ,
, .
Wack, n. d., str. 295, 299; Vetter, Keipert, n. d., str. 136; Roth, n. d., str. 345.
Haller, n. d., str. 59; Roth, n. d., str. 285. ,
, . ,
: , , 79,
1985, . 172.
Reb, n. d., str. 44; Roth, n. d., str. 285286, 345.
. . I. Senz, Die Schwaben, str. 30; Isti, Die Donauschwaben, Mnchen, 1994, str. 19; Konschitzky, n. d., str. 15; Rudinski, n. d., str. 193.
I. Senz, Die Donauschwaben, str. 22; Wack, n. d., str. 311339; Helmut Frisch, Werschetz (Versec, Vrac). Kommunale Entwicklung und deutsches Leben der Banater Wein- und Schulstadt,
Wien 1982, str. 232235; Valentin Oberkersch, India. Deutsches Leben in Ostsyrmien (1825
1944), Stuttgart, 1978, str. 196200; J. V. Senz, Geschichte, str. 82.
218
: ...

. , , ,
XX .18
, (
) .19
, , , . ,
:

.20 ,
.

. , ,
, .21

.
. (, )
.
,
: . 22 .23 18
19
20
21
22
23
, . ., 14. () . Haller, n. d., str. 58.

XIX , XX . XIX - . Adam MllerGuttenbrunn, Deutsche Kulturbilder aus Ungarn, Leipzig, 1896, str. 164.
30- .
Gottlob Holder, Das Deutschtum in der Unteren Baranya. Ein bevlkerungs- und siedlungsgeographische Studie ber die Schwbische Trkei, Stuttgart, 1931, str. 103.
, . ., . 1922; , . ., . 8385; Roth, n. d., str. 287288;
Oberkersch, n. d., str. 201.
, , II, . 279; , III, 85; , . ., . 85.
XX ! (.
, , , 30, 1966,
. 47)
Martinov, n. d., str. 42; Wack, n. d., str. 508; Erich Lammert, Banater Beinamen und Namen
einiger Kulturpflanzen, Hans Gehl (ur.). Schwbisches Volksgut. Beitrge zur Volkskunde der
Banater Deutschen, Temeswar, 1984, str. 161.
Bulkes, n. d., str. 119.
219
34/2008.
, Grundbirne
Krummbeere.24
, .25
,
.26
,
XX .27 ,
.28 ,29
.30
, ( - ) , , , , ,
() , .31
, , ,
.32
, .33
,
,
. (
). , ,
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
Karl Eugen Reb, Volksnahrung im Wandel der Zeit, Schwbische Familie. Beitrge zur Volkskunde der Banater Deutschen, Hans Gehl (ur.), Temeswar, 1981, str. 59; Pratscher, n. d., str. 180.
Kartoffel,
. (. , , ,
1937, . 37; , Deutsche Lehnwrter im sdslawischen Sprachraum, Belgrad, 1941,
str. 9)
Lammert, Banater Beinamen, str. 166; , , II, . 276.
Wolfgang Venohr, Fridericus Rex. Friedrich der Groe Portrt einer Doppelnatur, Bergisch
Gladbach, 2004 (4. izd.), str. 237238.
Lotz, n. d., str. 154; I. Senz, Die Schwaben, str. 3435.
, 1918. 1929/30.
, , 1965, . 99, 172.
, . 42; . , , I, 1990, . 219.
Up. Rittig-Beljak, n. d., str. 112; , 14591804,
, 2007 (2. .), . 65.
Trivunac, Nemaki uticaji, str. 37; Isti, Deutsche Lehnwrter, str. 9.
Martinov, n. d., str. 42.
Up.: Martinov, passim. . ,
, , . (. , . ., . 65; Martinov, n. d., str. 30; Bertalan Andrsfalvy, Modelle buerlichen Lebensformen in Sdungarn
im 18. Jahrhundert, Das Schwbische Trkei. Lebensformen der Ethnien in Sdwestungarn,
Mrta Fata (ur.), Sigmaringen 1997, str. 57; Lammert, Beinamen, str. 165; Margitta Schnellivanovi, Interferenzen in der sdosteuropischen Kchenterminologie, Jahrbuch fr deutsche und osteuropische Volkskunde, 42, 1999, str. 187; Peter Metz, Perles. Geschichte einer
Militr-Gemeinde, Tuttlingen, 1980, str. 17)
220
: ...
.34
,
.35
, ,36
.37 ,
.38
,
.39
,
.40 . ,
,41 ,
, .42
,
XX .43 , ,
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
Bulkes, n. d., 121, 124; Renz, Wack, Trissnak-Enzmingen, n. d., str. 125; Heimatbuch der Heidegemeinden Heufeld-Mastort-Ruskodorf, Mnchen 1987, str. 272273; Popovi, Srbi u Vojvodini, II, str. 275.
Bulkes, n. d., str. 124; Hudjetz-Loeber, n. d., str. 81; Heimatbuch der Heidegemeinden HeufeldMastort-Ruskodorf, str. 412.
Bulkes, n. d., str. 125.
Haller, n. d., str. 47.
, , II, . 243.
Wack, n. d., str. 492493; Hans Tabar, Geschichte von Zerne. Heimatbuch der Schwestergemeinden Deutsch- und Serbisch-Zerne, Mnchen, 1973, str. 26; Jabuka, Ludwigshafen s. a., str. 151.
Felix Milleker, Geschichte des Werschetzer Weinbaues, Vrac, 1927, str. 34, 1011; Ludwig
Bauer, Kurze Geschichte der Stadt Werschetz-Henemannstadt, Werschetz, s. a., str. 14. , , . (Gehl,
Wrterbuch der donauschwbischen Landwirtschaft, str. 899)
Renz, Wack, Trissnak-Enzmingen, n. d., str. 125.
. Up. Awender, n. d., str. 74; Wack, n.
d., str. 550; Friedrich Lotz, Werbass17851975. Zur Geschichte der Doppelgemeinde Alt- und
Neuwerba, Stuttgart, 1975, str. 169.
Wack, n. d., str. 364.
Irmgard Hudjetz-Loeber, Heimatbuch Neu-Pasua. Die Geschichte eines donauschwbischen
Dorfes, Stuttgart, 1956, str. 81; Friedrich Renz, Johann Wack, Ella Trissnak-Enzmingen, Krtschedin das war unsere Heimat, Stuttgart, 1984, str. 101, 285; , ( ),
, . 286, , 1912, . 4851, 55; Isti, O raskou (modi) i ostalim
tetnim obiajima i navikama naim, Zagreb, 1905, str. 3536; ,
1900. , . 1997 (2. izd.), . 27. XIX XX,
o ,
. (Wack, n. d., str. 546, 550; ,
, , . 330. . 12, , 1931, . 118; ,
, III, . 183; Geza C. Paikert, The Danube Swabians. German Populations
in Hungary, Rumania and Yugoslavia and Hitlers Impact on Their Patterns, The Hague, 1967,
str. 33). , , ,
. . ( ) (,
221
34/2008.
.

.44
,
.
, .

, .
.
, , , ,
, , , .
,
. ,
,
, .45
,
. (
), .46
,
.
,
. ,
, ,
47 .48 ,
,
, , , , , . .
44
45
46
47
48
, II, . 275; Lotz, n. d., str. 160161; Roth, n. d., str. 64; Wack, n. d., str. 546,
550; Jabuka, n. d., str. 151; Franz G. Schenzinger, Erinnenrungen an Kubin, Obrigkeit Asbach,
1984, str. 175 ( ),
, (up.: Hans Gehl, Wrterbuch der donauschwbischen
Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, 2003, str. 522, 992; Isti, Wrterbuch der donauschwbischen Lebensformen, Stuttgart, 2005, str. 386).
, , . 22, 2728, 3334, 64, 7380; , , . 56, 1922, 2632; , , . 46, 70.
Up.: Martinov, n. d; Rittig-Beljak, n. d; Schnell-ivanovi, n. d., str. 180185.
Martinov, n. d., str. 87. , .
. . .
, 17901918, I, , 1989, . 240.
Hans Gehl, Schwbische Tracht der Arader Gegend, n. d., str. 245.
Oberkersch, n. d., str. 250; . , , ,
, , 1998, . 248; , ,
. 79.
222
: ...
,
. .

.49
,
.
,
.
.50 ,
.
, .51
,
, .52

.
, .
.
,
. ,
, , , . ,
, , .
,
,

.
49
50
51
52
, . ., . 43.
, , , 4, 1962, . 42;
Theodor Grentrup, Das Deutschtum an der mittleren Donau in Rumnien und Jugoslawien. Unter besonderer Bercksichtigung seiner kulturellen Lebensbedingungen, Mnster in Westfalen,
1930, str. 25; Hermann Rdiger, Die Donauschwaben in der sdslawischen Batschka, Stuttgart,
1931, str. 45, 90; Andreas Dammang, Die deutsche Landwirtschaft im Banat und in der Batschka, Novi Sad, 1931, str. 43.
Hans Gehl, Wrterbuch der donauschwbischen Baugewerbe, Stuttgart, 2000, str. 20. , ,
. . , XIX , , 12, 1958, . 8788; Trivunac,
Deutsche Lehnwrter, str. 1011; Isti, Nemaki uticaji, str. 5355.
Schenzinger, n. d., str. 112118, 124126.
223
34/2008.
Summary
Immutable Everyday Life: German Contribution
to the Folk Culture in the Vojvodina
Key words: Germans, the Vojvodina, Serbs, everyday culture
The article examins the cultural contribution members of the German
ethnic minority made to various aspects of everyday culture in the Vojvodina.
The Germans were settled down in the province during 18th and 19th centuries
by the Viennese court with the aim of vivifying the economy. Coming from better
developed parts of Europe, they taught the native population (Serbs, Romanians,
Hungarians) many useful skills, they brought new plants, tools, working methods,
dishes etc. The article examins their contribution in the fields of building and
furnishing of houses, agriculture, crafts, cuisine and other spheres of daily life
whose traces and influences determin the cultural landscape of the Vojvodina to
this day.
224
377.8(497.11)1972/1993
371.13(487.1)196/197
:

,
1. 1972. .
: , , ,
, , ,

19. .
- 1911. .
, (1935)
(1938), .1 ,
.
, ,
. ,

.
,
,
*
, ,
(147043) .
1963/64. , , . 5.
225
34/2008.
, .2

,
1953. ,
.3

(1960), (1962),
(1963). ,

, .4
7. 1963. , , .5

, ,
.
6. 1964. , ,
. , - .6
,
1964. ,
,
.
,
18. 1964. .
,

2
3
4
5
6
.
.
.
, . 6
, . 8.
226
, ,
, 31. 1968. ,
:
, ,
, : ,
,
XIX .

,
.
, ,
,
. ,
, 1961.
,
,
,
, ,

, ,

. , ,
. ,
, ,
,
.7

.

.

, 6. 7. 1968. .
.
, 30. 1969. , -
7
1968/69. , , 1969,
. 10.
227
34/2008.
,

.8
,

.
25.
1970. , , , , :
.
, . ,
, 10
,
. 10-12
, .
1.200 , 300
. , .9
,
,
.10

, 23. 1970. ,
,
.
, ,
15 , 1.200
, , 300350
. 1.000
, .
, , 1970/71.
.11

8
9
10
11
, . 4.
, , 19681972.
.
.
228
,
,
.

. :
, , 2.000
,
.
.
.12

,
, ,
,
,
, :
? .
,
.
.
, ,
, .
,
.13

,
1965. ,
,
. , , 26. 1959. ,
,
.
,
.14
12
13
14
.
.
.
229
34/2008.

, ,
. : ,
.
,
, .15
,
, :
1. . :
, , ,
;
2. ;
3.
.16
11. 1970. .

, ,
, . ,
.
, ,
,
, , , .17

9.
1971. . ,
,
.
, - . ,
.18
15
16
17
18
.
.
.
.
230

,
,
. ,
.19
,
.20
,
:
1.
.
, : , ,
, , , , ,
: , ,
, .
, -
;
2. :
) 20. 1971. ,
46 ;
)
;
)
;
)
;
3. ,
,
.21
, 9. 1971. ,
19
20
21
.
.
.
231
34/2008.
.

1971. ,
, , 1971. ,
,
. , ,
.22
,
.

,

. ,
, , :
; ,
- , , - ,
, ,
. , ,
, ,

, , ,

.23
,

,
.24
, ,
,
- ,
22
23
24
, ,
19691973.
.
.
232
, ,
.25
30. 1971.
,
.26

: ,

,
11. 1971. .
-

.

: , , ,
, , , , ,
, .
, : )
, )
)
.

, .
- .
: ) , )
, ) -

(, , .)
, )
, .27
25
26
27
.
, 19721993, 130
, , 2001, . 515.
, ,
19691973.
233
34/2008.

,

, 15. 1971. ,
, -
,
.28
, .
1.

.
2.
.
3. ,
,

,
.
4. , , , ,
.
5. , 500 ,
, .
, , :
) , ,
. ( ).
)

, ;
28
234
) ,

. ;
)

,
.

,
.
, , , ,
, , , . ,
, , , .
:

. , , ,
.29
6. -

.
7. 1972/73.
, :
, ,
, , .30
, -
,
29
30
.
.
235
34/2008.

,

,
,
- .31
, , :
)
, ;
)
,
, ;
; ,
, .32
.
,
27. 1972. , , . 6.666/72-10-04 27. 1972. , , :
I ( :
).
. 33
II
, .
III
.
31
32
33
.
.
: , , , , ,
. , , ,
, , ,
, .
236
. ,
.
IV
.
V
:
: , ;
:
1. , ,
2. , - ,
3. , ,
4. , - ,
5. , ,
6. , ,
7. , ,
8. , .

, ,
01. 1972.
.
.
VI 1. 1972. .34
, .

, , 06-02 . 61220/72.
, ,
,
34
, . ., . 515516.
237
34/2008.
, ,
.35

29. 1972. , :
,

,
, ,
, ,
,
1. 1972. .36
, 8. 1972. , :
) ;
) , ,
, ;
) ,
;
)
,
, ;
)
,
,
.37
, , 8. 1972. ,
:
1)
35
36
37
.
.
.
238

, .
2) ,
, 31. ,
1. 1972. ,
.
3)
,

,
,
.38
31. 1972, 1. , , 31.
1972, : . 43 , 790
. . 43, . 100, , , ,
. 6.666/72-10-04 27. 1972.
, .39

8. 1972,
, .
31. 1972,40
, . 31.
1973. , 100- 100
,
,
, , 1. 1972.
, .
38
39
40
.
.
,
.
239
34/2008.
Summary
Formation of the Pedagogic Academy in Belgrade
Key Words: Normal School, Pedagogic Academy, Belgrade, Serbia, Masters,
Teachers, education
Outgrow of the Normal School in Belgrade into the Academy for Pedagogic designated for education the teachers was incertitude because the Parliament
of Belgrade in the beginning was not interested in financing the formatting of
the Academy regarding that teachers needed to educate Faculty of Philosophy.
In the primarily proposal of the rationalization of the network of normal schools
and optimal network location of pedagogic academies in Serbia, Belgrade was
not among five towns whose normal schools could became pedagogic academy.
After long and intense negotiations and coordination of attitudes, Parliament of
Belgrade finally decided to establish Pedagogic Academy in 1972.
240
32:929 .
061.751972(093.2)
:
.
: , , ,
1972. .
, ,
.
, ,
, ,
, , , .1
, , , ,
, , , , , .
,
.
1
1971.
50.000, 5.000 . 1972. 1973.
2.000 , 19611971.
400. M. Tripalo, Hrvatsko proljee, Zagreb, 2001, str. 237.
241
34/2008.
1972.

1948.
1972. 80 ,

.2

. .3
,
.
,4 , (),
, , ... -
-.5
,
, ,6
.7
( ),
, . ,
- , , , . ,
-
. , .8 ,
2
3
5
6
7
M. Tripalo, n. d.
Googl 80-
30.000 , 14.700 .
, 1927. .
, , 25. 1972.
, 22. 1972.
, 23. 1972.
, .
, 4. 1972.
: , ,
, , , , ,
, , , , , , , , , ,
242
,
. , 1. 1972. , ( . .)
,
.

.
. , , .9
a ,
.

.
.
, ,
. ,

, ,
, ,
, , .10
,
,
.11 ,
. 25.
,
, .12

1972.
- ,
, .
-
9
10
11
12
, , , .
, ( 507) . XXXV /2.
, , 4/1 .
.
.
.
243
34/2008.
. , ,13 . , ,
15. 1972. , ,
,
,
.

.14

, ,
80. . , ,

,
.

.15

.
: .
,
15. . , ,

.16
, ,
.
.
- ( ),
.
.
, . ,
13
14
15
16
, , , .
, , , 2/2 .
, 22. 1972.
, 4. 1972.
244
. ,

, -,
.17 :

. ,
, , .
.
. ,
, ,
. ,
,
.18

.19
-, , , ...
,
18 .20
.

.
.
:
, ,
, .
.21
,
17
18
19
20
21
.
, 20. 1972.
, 24. 1972.
, , 3/6 .
.
, 3/6 .
245
34/2008.
, .22
, ,

.
80.
, , ,
,
.
,
, .
25. :
, , , .
, .
1972. ,
, , , ,
.
. , 7.500, 3.0003.500 .
.
24.
, 1972.
, ,
(, ,
1.5002.000 ).
, 15. .
10.000 ,
, :

.
, ,

.23

,
,
22
23
, 2/2.
, 16. 1972.
246
, ,
.

.24
11.000 ,
.25
, 24. 1.600 .
, : , ,
, , .
...
, , ,
, , ,
.
, .
.
,
. .
. , , , , ,
. , ,
, .
, , ,
.26
, 80. ,
1972. .

: 1. , 2. , 3.
, 4. , 5. - , 6. .
, 24. ,
24
25
26
, 26. 1972.
25. ,
.
. , 20. 1972.
, 25. 1972.
247
34/2008.
, -
.
, 30 , ( ), ( ),
.
,
, :

, , ,
,
, .

, ,
, .
, ,

,
, ,

,
.
, 80.

, ,
.27

.
.28
, ,
.29 ,
27
28
29
, 26. 1972.
, , /2.
: , ,
. , 3/7 . 80. ,
.
,
- ,
, 80. .
, 25. 1972. 16. 1972. ,
248
1972.
. , , ,
.
,
.
1973.

.
,
,
- ,
.
, .

.
, ,
, - ,
, -, , . ,
.
, .
, ,
.
,
- .
, ,
,

, . , 17. 1972.
249
34/2008.
Summary
Josip Broz Titos 80th Birthday
Key words: Josip Broz Tito, 80th Birthday, Youthd Day, Yugoslavia
In the moments of the evident crisis of social and economic development
of Yugoslavia in early 1970s, the countrys leadership used the occasion of Josip
Broz Titos 80th birthday to show how well grounded his revolutionary and political activity had been. By displaying loyalty of political institutions and individuals to the personality of Josip Broz Tito, the institutions of the State and Society
lavished on him various honors, events and manifestations of loyalty. All that was
connected with the jubilee of his 80th birthday and the traditional celebration of
the Youth Day. In 1972 Tito was awarded the second medal of the National Hero,
the Deed of the People, the most massive celebration of May 25 was organized,
events were staged as he traveled the country and much effort was put into filing
his candidature for the Nobel Prize.
250
1953/54:
32:929 .
316.323.73
Views
1953/54:

:
1953/54. ,
, .
, .
, .
: , , , ,
.
,
,
20. .

. , , , , .1
1
. , , ,
, 2008.
251
34/2008.
. , ,

.

.
, , , , .
, , , .
:
, ,
1953/54,
.
, , .

, .
,
.
.
:
. , ,
. 1953. 1954. ,
.
(19111995) .
1954.
. , ,
, ,
. , ,
. ,
,
.

-
252
1953/54:
, . ,
, ,
,
.
. , , , , .
.
,
. ,
, ,
, . , ,
. , , . , ,
. , ,

, .
.
.

1953. . .
,
. 1953.
; ,
.
,
, -
. ,
.2
2
. uvar, Vladimir Velebit svjedok historije, str. 185.
253
34/2008.
,
,
.
. 1953.
.

. 1950.
.

,
.
;
.
1953. . - , 1946.3
1953. , ,
:
...4 , ,
1953. .
: , . ,
- . . 5 1948.
.
1952.
.6 , , , . ,

3
4
5
6
. ilas, Osporavana zemlja, Beograd, 1990, str. 251.

. ilas, Vlast i pobuna, Beograd, 1991, str. 261.
: D. Russinow, The Yugoslav Experiment 19481974, London, 1977.
I. Banac, Sa Staljinom protiv Tita, Zagreb, 1990, str. 140.
254
1953/54:
. ,
, ,
.7
.
, :

, .8 ,
.
, ;

, .9

;
1953. 1954.
.
1953. .
, ,
.10 ,
. , , , - .11
, , , , , ,
.
, , , ,
.
12.000 , ,
.12 ,
(160 ), , , , , , , ,
7
8
9
10
11
12
B. Petranovi, M. Zeevi, Jugoslavija 19181988, Beograd, 1988, str. 10351037.

, 6. 1952.
. ilas, Vlast i pobuna, str. 262264.
Nova misao, 10. 1953.
M. ilas, Vlast i pobuna, str. 266267.
, . 266.
255
34/2008.
, .

.
spiritus movens
, .
. ,

. -

,
.13
.
, , -,
,
: , , , , , , , , .
. ,
, .
;
,
, .
,

. , , . ,
.
,
,
.
14
13
14
S. uki, ovek u svom vremenu. Razgovori sa Dobricom osiem, Beograd, 1989, str. 3036.
Nova misao, 1 (1953), str. 3768.
256
1953/54:

, 1952. . , , , , , ,
. , .
,
, , ,
.
?
,
, , , , . ,
,
.
, .
,
,
. , ,
,15
, , .16
. ,

.
. 17 .
:
. : ,
15
16
17
, . 60.
, . 60.
Nova misao, 1 (1953), str. 128132.
257
34/2008.
, ... ...
. , , , , , .18
,
. , ,
, , :
, (
, ) ...
,
, ,
, ,
.19

,
,
:

.
( . . .)
, .20
1953.
: .21 ,
. ,

.
,22 , , ,
.
,
,
.23
,24
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
, . 129.
, . 130.
Nova misao, 5 (1953), str. 677683.
, . 682.
Nova misao, 8 (1953), str. 163205.
258
1953/54:
,
.
:
,
,
, , .25
? ,
. , ,

:
( , ) , ,
,
, , ( ),
( )
.26 , ,
. ,
.
, .
, -
:
,
( , .
) (,
) .27
,
, . :
, ,

...28
, :

, . ?
25
26
27
28
, . 164.
, . 166.
, . 172.
, . 179.
259
34/2008.
,
. ,
, ,
.29
.
, , , , ,
, , 30 .
: ? , , (
). .
, , ,
.31
,
.
.
, ,
.
, ,
,
.32
33 ,
.
, , . , ,
, . ,
:
, ...
, .34
, , , , ,
29
30
31
32
33
34
, . 183184.
, . 184.
, . 184.
, . 192.
Nova misao, 10 (1953), str. 519558.
, . 531.
260
1953/54:
.

.
;
, ,
, , ,
.35 :
, , .

, .

.36
,
: , : , ,
, .
,
.37
,
. ,
,
38. ,
, . ,
, . , .

, , . :
, ,
. . ,
.
. .
.39 35
36
37
38
39
, . 527.
, . 528.
, . 550.
Nova misao, 11 (1953), str. 769781.
, . 771.
261
34/2008.
,
, . , ,
, .40

( ),

. ,
, .
,

.41
1954. .

. ,
.
.42

.
.
,
,
. ,
,

. , .
, ... , .43 , .
, : ,
, , , :
, ,
,

, ,
,
40
41
42
43
, . 771.
, . 777.
Nova misao, II 1 (1954), str. 320.
, . 5.
262
1953/54:
, , , ,
, , .44
,
, .
, ,
,
. ,
,
, , , , -,
,
,

.45 ,
, . ,
, .
, , ...

. , .46 : ?
? ?47 , ,
.
48
. , ,
. :
, , ,
,
,
44
45
46
47
48
, . 6.
, . 7.
, . 17.
, . 20.
, . 104107.
263
34/2008.
.49 ,
,50

, -
...51
;
;
.

. . . 52 .53

,
.
,

() .54 , , . , .
,
, .55

XVI XVII , 1953. .

.
.
XVI XVII ,

, ,
.56 ,
. ,
,
.
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
, . 104.
, . 105.
, . 106.
, . 108112.
, . 131134.
, . 110.
, . 112.
, . 132.
264
1953/54:
, , .
:

; ,
,
. , , , .
.
, . , , ,
. ; , ,
. ,
, .
.
:
1953.
1954. . , . ,
,57
. 11. 1953. , .
, 22.
, .
58 . :
, . . ,
57
58

, 11. 1953.
265
34/2008.
: , .59
,
, .60
, .
.
. , , ,
, . ...
,
. . .61
.
, .

.
,
. , , ,
, . .
, , , ,
, .
, .62
, , ,
.
1953. . , ,63
.
64
,
,
( ).65
, . , , , 59
60
61
62
63
64
65
.
.
.
.
, 25. 1953.
.
266
1953/54:
, , , , 66 .

, :
, , ( , ,
), ,
.67
.

.

.

.68 : , .69 , . , ,
, , ,
.
, . , ,
, ( ).
,
, . .70
,
, ,
.
. ,
,
.
,
.71
, .
, , . ,
66
67
68
69
70
71
.
.
, 1. 1953.
.
.
, 8. 1953.
267
34/2008.
, . ,
, . , ,
.
, ,
.
.72

( . .),
.
,
.
, , ,
, . , ,
.
, , . . , . . .
( , , ),
.73
, .
. .
.74
75 .
,
. , . ,
, , .
,
.76
72
73
74
75
76
, 15. 1953.
.
.
, 22. 1953.
.
268
1953/54:
.
,
.

. , ,
.
.
, , , , ,
.
. ,
,
. :
? , ?
? ?
?77
.
78 .
, ,
.
,
, , . , .
.
.79
, .
, .
, , . , .
, , .
, ,
, , ,
, , .
, ;
77
78
79
.
, 6. 1953.
, 13. 1953.
269
34/2008.

.

, , .
, .
, .
.
,
.80 .
, .
, , : , : , ...81
;
82
. 83
. ,
,
. ,
:
. ,
.84 85
, .86
, ,
, .
87
. ,
-. :
,
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87

.
. ilas, Milovan ilas: kratka hronologija ivota i rada, str. 13.
, 20. 1953.
.
, 22. 1953.
.
, 24. 1953.
270
1953/54:
, , ,
,
.88 ,
.
, . ,
... .89
, , ,
.
.
25.
. ,

, ,
.90
:

, ,
,
.91 , , , .
: ,

,
.92

.93 ,
, : .
( )
,
88
89
90
91
92
93
.
.
, 26. 1953.
.
, 27. 1953.
271
34/2008.
.94 .
, . .95 , ,
.
,
.
96 ,
,
. ,
,
. .

.97 .
1954.
.98 ,
.
.
,
,
.99 ;
, , . , ,
( ) . , ,
.
100
. 94
95
96
97
98
99
100
.
.
, 29. 1953.
.
, 1, 2, 3. 1954.
.
, 4. 1954.
272
1953/54:
.
:
.
,
, . ,
, ; , ;
, . ,
,
, ,
.
, , ,

.
1954. .101 , , 10.
.
.
, .
,
; ,
.102 .
, . , . ,
, , .

. , .
, .
, , ,
, , .103
101
102
103
: M. orgovi, ilas vernik i jeretik, Beograd, 1989, str.

307309.
, . 221.
, . 223.
273
34/2008.
:
? ?
, - .
, - . ,
.
, . , ,

.104
.
, .

. ,
, .
, ,
. .
:
,
, ,
, . , . , ,
.
. .
, , ,
. , . ,
,
,
. , , ,
, .
. . ,
, , . (, , , .), ;
,
104
274
1953/54:
. ,
, .
,
,
.

.
:

. 10. 1954.
.105 16. 17.
1954. 109
, 30 , .
.106 ;
.107
,
,
. , ,

.108
. ,

.109 ;
.
.110
. ,111 18.
, , . ,
,
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
, 10. 1954.
D. Toi, Ko je Milovan ilas: disidentstvo 19531995, Beograd, 2003, str. 18.
. , (19511968), , 2001, . 39.
I. Banac, Sa Staljinom protiv Tita. Informbirovski rascjepi u jugoslavenskom komunistikom
pokretu, Zagreb, 1990, str. 140.
, . 285.
V. Dedijer, Veliki buntovnik Milovan ilas, Beograd, 1991, str. 403.
275
34/2008.
. :
, .112
? ,
:
,
.
,
. , , . ,
.
,
, ,
. , ,
, .
,
, .
je
.
,
.113 : ...
, ,
, ,
.114
1955.
. , .
***

, .

112
113
114
, 18. 1954.
, . 289291.
276
1953/54:
. .
, , ,
, . ,
. ,
,
.
?
. ,
a . ,

.
.
.

,
. , 1953/54. ,
.
.
, .
.
, .
.
1953/54.
, .
,
, .

,
. ,
,
.
. , , , , ,
.
1953/54. .
. ,
,
, .
,
.
277
34/2008.
Summary
Milovan ilas 1953/54: Between Revolution and Freedom
Key words: Milovan ilas, Communism, revolution, freedom, dissidence
The article analyses the change of Milovan ilas views as he split from
the Union of the Communists of Yugoslavia in 1953/54 and became a critic
of the Communist system. Explaining such a dissenting U turn isnt possible
without connecting several key elements of ilas intellectual development.
Particularly important for ilas understanding of politics are spiritual heritage
of Montenegro and his deep zeal for literature. They shaped ilas political way
in the spirit of idealist understanding of politics and the Communist revolution
was seen as fulfillment of absolut freedom. The post-war reality brought about
the clash between his views and the methods of work and ilas became the critic
of shortcomings of the Yugoslav society. The begining of his critique lay in the
ideological defence of the country against the Soviet Union. However, it was
transferred to the Yugoslav experience too, so that ilas, in his articles in Nova
misao and Borba vehemently attacked Party privileges, bueraucracy, the issue
of property, corruption, and inquality in Yugoslavia. The sharpening of ilas
critical thought and development of the concept of socialist democracy diverged
from the orientation of Tito and the state leadership which strove to curb the
democratization which had been proclamed at the 6th Party Congress of the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Developments in foreign policy after Stalins
death directed Tito to normalize his relations with the Soviet Union. Politically
and intellectually ilas split from this stream. His downfall marked the limits
of democracy and freedom of thought in Yugoslavia and the beginning of a farsighted critique of Communism.
278
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
LA NOCIN EUROPEA DE NACIN...
323.1(497)
LA NOCIN EUROPEA DE NACIN Y

NACIONALISMO APLICADO A LOS BALCANES:
UN ENFOQUE TERICO.
Miguel RODRGUEZ ANDREU1
ABSTRACT: The goal is to develop notions of nation and nationalism,

both questioned from Western Europe, among other reasons, due to the
last Balkan conflict. This text is a prescriptive proposal of analysis of this
terminology, through the lens of several Spanish and international authors
who analyzed this notions and the Yugoslav conflict. For elaboration, the
author considers capital to rebuild the units of analysis and make them
closer to European historiography, beyond the binary division ethnic
nationalism-civic nationalism with the aim of eliminate the substrate of
subjective identification. The author assumes the validity and effectiveness
of these categories applied to the Western Balkans, as ethnic, but argues
that its indiscriminate association from West Europe with the conflict has
prevented a more accurate approach. In the text are holding among other
explanation the coincidence of the conflict with the emergence of the EU
project as one of the main.
Key words: nocin, nacionalismo, Europa, Balcanes, Yugoslavia
Estudiante de post-grado de la Facultad de Ciencias Polticas de Belgrado. Becario del MAECAECID
279
34/2008.
1.- Hacia una nocin normativa de nacin.La historia es el producto ms peligroso que la qumica intelectual haya
inventado. Suscita sueos, embriaga a los pueblos, les hace engendrar
recuerdos falsos, exagera los reflejos, alimenta viejas heridas, los
atormenta durante el reposo, los lleva al delirio de grandezas o al de la
persecucin y hace que las naciones se agrien y se vuelvan insoportables
y vanas.2
La intensidad y complejidad de los mitos balcnicos no pueden ocultar
un aforismo que no ofrece mucha discusin: todos los estados son constructos
artificiales3. Un hecho que no es exclusivo de la regin de los Balcanes occidentales, sino que es extensible a todos los estados que dan color al mapa internacional. Trminos como nacin o nacionalismo representan parte del engranaje
terico de los estados, y por aadidura han sido utilizados tradicionalmente en
el anlisis de la fragmentacin de la antigua Yugoslavia. Estos trminos, como
otros, son un recurso constante en el examen del mosaico mal ensamblado de
los pueblos y etnias de los Balcanes.4 Son trminos que se esgrimen de forma
procelosa en artculos periodsticos y acadmicos para referirse a la historia
reciente de Serbia, Croacia, Macedonia o Eslovenia. El objeto de este artculo,
en este sentido, es reconocer como estos trminos son voces polticas que
no mutan en su dimensin balcnica, sino que nacin y nacionalismo
forman parte de las coordenadas del proceso de edificacin del sistema estatal
europeo. Un proceso constante, todava inacabado, que no est libre de tensiones,
desafos y que en la antigua Yugoslavia adquiere toda su actualidad. Este episodio
est inscrito en una Europa ampliada, como una unitas multiplex, una unidad
mltiple que por esa misma razn, es inconcebible si se ignoran sus partes.5 El
proceso de desintegracin yugoslavo no es un episodio aislado, un fenmeno
con denominacin de origen, o un islote apartado dentro de un ocano compacto
de uniformidad, sino que tiene elementos compartidos e interrogantes todava
no resueltas ya clsicas en los estados europeos. Es por todo ello que se hace
preceptiva una relectura de los conceptos asociados a la antigua Yugoslavia.
FORN, J. (1995). Las dos caras del nacionalismo. Haranburu. San Sebastin. Cita de Paul
Valery
AGUILERA DE PRAT () Los nacionalismos en la desintegracin de Yugoslavia num 27, p.p.
77-93
MESA. R.() Europa, la Comunidad y los cambios en el este. Una perspectiva desde las Relaciones Internacionales.
GARCA PICAZO, P (2002)
280
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
La definicin prejuzga el objeto de estudio cuando se trabaja con terminologas tan etreas y a la vez tan complejas como nacin o nacionalismo.
Ambas han sido objeto de largos y detenidos estudios desde la teora normativa
de los que este texto slo va a hacerse eco en unos pocos. Hay cierto consenso
sobre la naturaleza inabarcable de nacin como campo de conocimiento. Un
trmino de unas dimensiones tericas difcilmente aprensibles en su totalidad,
porque su inconveniente reside en las dificultades inherentes al trmino para
elevarlo a categora conceptual6 La nacin no es una realidad esttica, sino
permanentemente inacaba, evasiva y elusiva.7 Se hace pertinente citar la siguiente definicin:
Nacin es la proyeccin en el mundo de una sociedad territorialmente delimitada, no necesariamente constituida en Estado,
actuando para dominar sus condiciones materiales y culturales
de existencia, mediante fuerzas ideolgicas y polticas que forjan
para ella una identidad y una voluntad colectivas, a base de
elementos culturales, tnicos, e histricos.8
La nacin no es una hecho natural y espontneo, sino que tiene toda una
genealoga poltica detrs; un recorrido constante que contribuye a dar cuerpo a
sus contornos con el paso del tiempo, pero que no encuentra legitimacin en hazaas histricas, sino en su expresin poltica reconocida. La nacin trasciende
en tanto en cuanto se convierte en accin de la colectividad y permanece siempre
que sea tangible en la arena poltica. Sus miembros la moldean no mediante
sucesos predestinados que estn adscritos al pasado, sino mediante su ejercicio y
observacin en un momento presente. La averiguacin interesada de un potencial
etno-nacional desde el pasado hacia el futuro es especulacin calculada o
tautolgica. La nacin debe superar el riesgo de distorsin que la historia puede
generar porque:
Los mitos fundadores de una nacin tienen la piel: dura: an
desahuciados por la crtica demoledora de sus falsificaciones
sucesivas e interpolaciones flagrantes, siguen ofuscando algunos
6
7
ACOSTA SNCHEZ, J. (1992)

Perspectiva asumida por un gran nmero de pensadores. Vase: JELLINEK (1954) Allgemeine
Staatslehre, trad Fernando de los Rios, Albatros. Buenos Aires, pg 86-88. MAMADOU DIA
(1963) Nations africains et solidarit mondiale, PUF, Paris 1963, pag 5. Tambin EDUARD
MEYER (1907) ber die Anfnge des Staats and sein Verhltniss zu den Geschlechtsverbnden
und zum Volksthum. Acta publicada de la Real Academia de Ciencias de Prusia, XXVII, Berlin,
pag 29. KAUTSKY (1908) Nationalitt und Internationalitt. Neue Zeit. WEBER M. (1979)
Economa y Sociedad. FCE, Mxico, pgs 324 y 327. Referencias bibliogrficas obtenidas de
ACOSTA SNCHEZ, J. (1992).
ACOSTA SNCHEZ, J.. (1992)
281
34/2008.
historiadores contemporneos y se perpetan en los manuales

de enseanza por pereza y rutina, debido a la incomodidad y
esfuerzo que ocasionara un nuevo y perturbador planteamiento
de la realidad historiable.9
2.- La nacin como sujeto poltico.Ser rasgo obligado, adems del gusto por la diversidad y el inevitable entusiasmo por lo que es propio de cada pueblo, su base supraindividual. El protagonista de la nacin es la etnia, los derechos de la nacin no son los que se
derivan de los ciudadanos que la integran, sino los que se deducen del organismo
vivo y eterno que es la nacionalidad de base cultural10
Cuando la nacin se hace cognoscible como sujeto poltico? En qu
momento las naciones se vuelven entidades con capacidad de hacer poltica?
Para resolver estas preguntas primeramente tenemos que retroceder al concepto
de etnia.11 El objetivo es fijar en qu punto la etnia se convierte en nacin.
Para Acosta hay una mala aportacin de la antropologa a la teora de la nacin.
Su argumento estriba en que la antropologa entiende la nocin de nacin como
una comunidad tnica; una etnia no puede tener voluntad poltica, al contrario que la nacin, que debe tenerla para poder existir. Desde visiones antropolgicas la nacin y la etnia se confundiran al no delimitarse sus respectivos
espacios de significacin. Para construir una nacin no bastara con ser una
comunidad tnica, sino que adems la comunidad tendra que realizar acciones
con repercusin poltica. El autor considera que esta concepcin antropolgica
est ya superada desde principios de siglo por pensadores como Weber o Heller.12
9
10
11
12
GOYTISOLO, J. El Pas. 14-9-1996

GARCIA GARCIA, J. (1994)
A efectos de una mayor comprensin del concepto de etnia se recomienda la lectura del texto de
U. Moulines. Se recogen las siguientes caractersticas: 1) Las etnias son entidades aprehendidas
a cierto nivel de abstraccin de la experiencia. 2) Las etnias rigen una parte sustancial de la
evolucin poltica, social y cultural de la humanidad. 3 ) No podemos investigar cada una de las
etnias existentes en un momento dado de manera emprica directa, pero podemos determinar sus
caractersticas esenciales mediante un razonamiento abductivo a partir de los datos de los que
disponemos respecto a sus manifestaciones especficas. 4) Las manifestaciones de las etnias son
de carcter cultural en la inmensa mayora de los casos. 5) La determinacin fenomnica de las
etnias (casi) nunca es unvoca. 6) Las etnias son entidades genidnticas: cambian preservando su
identidad. 7) Las etnias son entidades de lmites sincrnicos y diacrnicos difusos. 8) Las etnias
suelen mostrar lo que podemos llamar diversos niveles de agregacin; es decir, pueden constatarse subetnias y superetnias respecto a una etnia dada. 9) Las naciones constituyen un tipo
particular de etnias. Texto ntegro en: http://es.geocities.com/sucellus25/nd28.htm
Heller dej claro que slo cuando media voluntad poltica podemos hablar de nacin.. Y se
sabe que la voluntad poltica no es rasgo propio de la etnia, ni siempre que se ha desarrollado
lo ha hecho en una etnia, ni siquiera generalmente. Para constituir la nacin no basta en modo
282
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
Lo tnico slo cabe concibiendo una nacin natural, anti-poltica y antiestatal nos dice Acosta.13 En definitiva, resulta inconcebible asumir que una
comunidad tnica es una nacin si no funciona polticamente.
Pero todava habramos de necesitar una fuerza que vaya componiendo
la nacin para que se convierta en una realidad de facto. En palabras de Hobsbawm el nacionalismo antecede a las naciones las naciones no construyen
estados y nacionalismo sino que ocurre al revs.14 No podemos desglosar a
la nacin del nacionalismo porque ambos van de la mano. As Cruz Campos
dice que es el nacionalismo el que como ideologa y movimiento poltico,
quien forja la identidad colectiva y la voluntad unitaria que se dicen constitutivas
de la nacin.15 Se puede apreciar una causalidad entre el nacionalismo y la
constitucin de la nacin. Como es natural existen otros elementos que afectan
a la formacin de una nacin: el estado, el territorio, el clima, el idioma pero
el nacionalismo es la dinamo que impulsa la constitucin de la nacin con
independencia de que devenga en estado. Un proceso donde la movilizacin de
los miembros de la nacin y la expansin de la idea de estado a travs del
nacionalismo son procesos complementarios conducentes al sistema estatal.
Este sistema internacional de estados tendr su primer relieve histrico
en la Paz de Westfalia de 1648. Es decir una fase de reajuste y entrega de todo
el dominio poltico a aquel que detenta el poder (el Rey), o quien de este se
ramifique, forzando al nacionalismo a responder y entender en trminos estatales la bsqueda de una identidad poltica para la nacin. Lo natural se adapta a lo poltico respetando los mrgenes que impone el estado como si de un
molde se tratara. Los ejrcitos regulares se hacen permanentes, los gobiernos
se acaudalan mediante los recursos que llegan al erario pblico, emergen las
burocracias administrativas, se disean los emblemas del estado, se elabora una
gramtica de la lengua, se abren escuelas y museos un impulso nacionalista
conducente a la construccin del estado y que con mayor intensidad discurre entre monarquas autoritarias y revoluciones liberales entre el S-XVII y S-XIX; de
ah esa incmoda contradiccin que ayuda a entender que el liberalismo aspirara
13
14
15
alguno el sentimiento de comunidad meramente tnica. Texto obtenido integro en ACOSTA

SNCHEZ, J. (1992)
ACOSTA SNCHEZ, J (1992).recoge otras aportaciones al debate. Ver: ALAIN DARR: art.
cil., pg. 254. PIERRE VILAR (1982) Hidalgos, amotinados, guerrilleros, Crtica, Barcelona;
BENJAMN AZKW. Estado y Nacin, FCE, Mxico, Breviario nm. 200; U. MARTINEZ VEIGA (1981) Etnicidad y nacionalismo, en Documentacin Social, 45; R. LAFFONT (1968)
Sur la France, Gallimard, Pars. El nacionalismo no es ms que un caso particular de la
etnicidad. D. PARROT y R. PREISWERK La nacin se sita entre la microetnia y la etnia
regional.
Hobsbawm (1997) Naciones y nacionalismos desde 1780. Grijalbo. Barcelona. Gellner propone
una definicin similar: el nacionalismo engendra las naciones, y no a la inversa, dialnet.
unirioja.es/servlet/fichero_articulo?codigo=197116&orden=65278
CRUZ PRADOS, A (1995)
283
34/2008.
a derribar al antiguo rgimen a travs de sucesivas revoluciones europeas (1789,

1820, 1830 o 1840) pero que construyera los mrgenes de sus entidades polticas
a partir de ese mismo rgimen. Un estado-nacin autorizado para perfilar los
cuadros mentales de las antiguas sociedades desunidas, para dominar y controlar
todas las periferias, para establecer una irrenunciable agenda poltica y lograr que
los miembros del estado pese a sus diferencias se identifiquen con esa entidad
superior. Un proceso monopolizador y unitario que permanece en formaciones
mentales: leyes, religiones, lenguas, costumbres, hroes, El nacionalismo
exhortar a que la nacin se convierta en la razn y la medida de todas las leyes
que regulen a la convivencia entre todos los miembros de la comunidad. Kohn
afirma as que el nacionalismo encierra una tendencia a erigir la nacin en un
todo absoluto, donde se reclama del individuo que pertenezca a esa comunidad
por encima de otras comunidades a las que pueda adherirse.16
3.- Nacionalismo tnico vs. nacionalismo cvico?

Como dice el lcido e incisivo ensayista serbio Ivan Colovic, refirindose al
discurso oficial del nacionalismo tnico, el escenario iconogrfico poltico evoca y recrea un conjunto de personajes, sucesos y lugares mticos con miras a
crear un espacio-tiempo, igualmente mtico, en el que los ascendientes y los contemporneos, los muertos y los vivos, dirigidos por los jefes y hroes, participen
en un acontecimiento primordial y fundador: la muerte y resurreccin de la
patria.17
Por tanto la propuesta de una teora normativa de nacin, que reivindique su vigencia en la modernidad, tambin encuentra su equivalente normativo
en el nacionalismo. Es clsica la distincin realizada por Kohn, herencia directa de las ideas desarrolladas por Renan y Meinecke, entre nacionalismo occidental (cvico) y nacionalismo oriental (tnico).18 La diferencia radica en que
mientras el nacionalismo cvico fundamenta su existencia en los principios y
valores polticos de la democracia, la libertad y la igualdad,19 que descienden
de la tradicin liberal de la Revolucin Francesa (1789) y, por tanto, ligados
a la idea de ciudadana, el nacionalismo tnico retrocedera al movimiento
romntico que surgi en el seno alemn del S-XIX de pensadores como Fichte,
Herder, Novalis, Schleiermacher o Savigny. Al respecto cabra hacer la siguiente
divisin elaborada por R. Miz:
16
17
18
19
Un desarrollo ms detallado de esta idea se encuentra en CRUZ PRADOS, A (1995)

GOYTISOLO, J. El Pas 14-9-1996
Tal como se recoge en Miz (2003) esta una tradicin que viene de lejos, desde la tradicional
alternativa alemana entre Kulturnation oder Staatsnation, la dualidad posterior entre Naciones con historia (Estados nacin) y naciones sin historia (naciones asimiladas).
Idem pg 4.
284
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
1. Nacionalismo tnico.- Romanticismo, emocin, religin, kultur, naturaleza, organismo, raza, cultura, nacin sin estado, tradicin, destino,
asignacin, primordial, decadencia, reaccin, nacin, comunidad,
campo, fidelidad, autenticidad, fusin, chauvinismo, costumbre, origen, adhesin, liderazgo carismtico, autoritarismo, populismo, holismo, ius sanguinis, particularismo, oriente, Alemania
2. Nacionalismo cvico.- Ilustracin, razn, secularizacin, zivilisation,
contrato, mecanismo, voluntad, poltica, estado-nacin, modernidad,
contingencia, eleccin, progreso, revolucin, pueblo, sociedad, ciudad, libertad autonoma, crtica, patriotismo, ley, futuro, deliberacin,
liderazgo, legal-racional, liberalismo, civismo, individualismo, ius solis, universalismo, occidente, Francia
Sobre esta divisin categrica se abren dos cuestiones que trataremos
de enunciar. La primera radica en la existencia de una presunta lnea temporal
entre el nacionalismo tnico y el nacionalismo cvico de tal forma que vaya
una detrs de la otra, como si de una lnea histrica del progreso se tratara.20
Esto supondra que el calificativo de nacionalismo tnico asociado al conflicto
yugoslavo encontrara en este captulo un paradigma de subdesarrollo frente a un
nacionalismo cvico ms avanzado y desarrollado.21
Al respecto esta sera la lnea temporal que se encontrara implcita en la
distincin clsica entre nacionalismos:22
20
21
22
Una afirmacin encontrada con Jafrelot que sostiene que no se distingue la era de las etnias de
la era de las naciones (), que sin lugar a dudas no constituyen un continuum, sino que existe
entre ellas una ruptura JAFRELOT. C. Les modles explicatifs d lorigine des nations et du
nationalisme. Revue critique, en thories du nationalisme, ed. Cit., pag 160. Texto obtenido en
ACOSTA SNCHEZ, J. (1992)
Sobre esta cuestin desde una perspectiva sociolgica y antropolgica merece la pena la visin
de Gurvicth: Las agrupaciones tnicas y las minoras nacionales son, asimismo, unas unidades
suprafuncionales [significa que sus caractersticas se hallan ligadas a las propiedades de su
unidad, y gracias a esa unidad del fenmeno social total, que les es propio, esas agrupaciones
devienen estructurables, muy a menudo estructuradas, y sus funciones se hallan corrientemente
expresadas en los estatutos de esas organizaciones], en la medida en que ambicionan, sea ocupar el lugar de la nacin para sus miembros, sea integrar a stos en una nacin otra que aquella
en el seno de la cual viven. En Gurvitch, G. (1963). La vocation actuelle de la sociologie, Paris,
PUF. Texto obtenido en APALATEGI, J (1997).
MIZ (2004).
285
34/2008.
En segundo lugar, y de acuerdo a la distincin anteriormente hecha entre

nacin y etnia, parece haber una contradiccin para el caso del surgimiento
de los nuevos estados en la antigua Yugoslavia. No hay prueba ms fiel que la
aparicin de 6 nuevos estados (Eslovenia, Croacia, Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Macedonia y Montenegro) con sus respectivas instituciones y todas ellas, adems, vinculadas polticamente a sus respectivas etnias con mayor o menor
intensidad segn sus respectivas poblaciones. Esto discutira la versin que viene
a decirnos que lo tnico no cabe en lo poltico la etnia recordemos que se
presuma antipolitica y antiestatal. No es aceptable, desde esta ptica, como en
suma resultan tambin vlidas otras aproximaciones,23 decir que la desintegracin yugoslava es fruto del nacionalismo tnico en contraposicin a un nacionalismo cvico. Esto nos exigira cuestionarnos dos aspectos:
- Si el nacionalismo contribuye a la construccin de la nacin, y
la nacin es una realidad poltica, se podra decir que existe una
contradiccin manifiesta en el trmino nacionalismo tnico una vez
que etnia y poltica son realidades aparentemente incompatibles.
Se puede concluir que las divisiones clsicas de etnia/nacin y de
tnico/cvico en los trminos que ha venido enunciando la teora
poltica no resultan acertadas.
- Parece que la distincin entre nacionalismo tnico y nacionalismo
cvico como una receta binaria no resulta vlida una vez los contornos
entre uno y otro no estn claramente definidos, ora que pueden ser los
dos igualmente polticos y culturales.
El planteamiento de Miz en relacin a esta cuestin parte de la teora
poltica normativa del nacionalismo. Esta teora se puede manifestar en lo relativo a este apartado a travs de dos cuestiones que resultan procedentes. El primero: que difcilmente el nacionalismo cvico est libre de factores culturales
y que estos deben ser tomados en consideracin segn el objeto de estudio, y
el segundo: que el nacionalismo tnico guarda componentes polticos que
logran confundir esas fronteras tradicionalmente resueltas entre lo tnico y lo
poltico.24 En la tradicin histrica europea y occidental se han dado ejemplos
muy grficos donde el concepto de poltica, etnia o cultura se confunda
entre s por iniciativas polticas de orden estatal y dimensin nacional donde la
ingeniera y la tradicin se mezclaban fruto del nacionalismo. Sirva al caso la
lengua, como un bien cultural fuertemente arraigado a las culturas nacionales,
pero que al mismo tiempo contribuy a articular y homogeneizar estados-nacin.
El ejemplo de una Francia donde ni el 10 por ciento de la poblacin entenda las
23
24
Este punto nos remite a las causas de la desintegracin yugoslava.

Extremo que sera acertado para el caso de los conflictos sufridos durante la desintegracin de
Yugoslavia, una vez que la categora tnica en los Balcanes tiene una dimensin civil.
286
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
declaraciones revolucionarias, pero donde se reanimaba el mito celta, el mito

galo o el mito de Juana de Arco para construir identidad colectiva es muy
revelador si tenemos en mente el valor actual de la francofona; tambin podemos
citar la Italia del Risorgimiento, a mediados del S-XIX, cuyo parlamento en
Torino se comunic en francs en un primer momento porque ni un 3 por ciento
hablaba el que luego sera el italiano: el dialecto de la Toscana,25 mientras que
se alimentaba un espritu anclado en el mito de la Roma imperial para vehicular una historia cuarteada por ciudades-estados durante la Edad Media.26 En
otro plano se puede hacer referencia al Reino Unido donde se permita a los
sbditos de la Commonwealth llegar a ser British pero nunca English, lo
que muestra fehacientemente las imbricaciones cvico-tnicas.27
No es necesario irse a tiempos de revoluciones liberales, sino que tambin podemos incluir la Espaa de los Reyes Catlicos de la post-guerra civil
espaola, la Grecia de los filsofos de los tiempos modernos, los EE.UU.
blancos, protestantes y anglfonos del medio este y del medio oeste o cualquiera
de las representaciones nacionalistas que acompaan al marketing del turismo
internacional o a la celebracin de unos Juegos Olmpicos. Slo estos son algunos
ejemplos, por no mencionar ms, de estados donde el concepto de neutralidad
estatal o libertad ciudadana pueden hacerse igualmente mito, si con ello lo que
queremos es generar distancias entre el nacionalismo tnico y el nacionalismo
cvico. Parece por tanto plausible que la realidad del nacionalismo tiene
sustrato para adherirse a diferentes latitudes geogrficas y polticas que han existido y existen en el proceso de construccin estatal europeo.
4.- Los Balcanes y la vergenza ajena.

The west is not in the west. It is a project not a place28
El concepto de hogar comn europeo sugiere antes que nada una grado de
integridad (), aunque sus estados pertenezcan a distintos sistemas sociales y a
alianzas poltico militares opuestas. Combina la necesidad con la oportunidad.29
Que decir tiene que la palabra Balcanes est asociada al recuerdo popular, ancestral, telrico o histrico dentro del imaginario europeo. Ha sido materia
25
26
27
28
29
Holm-DETLEV Khler (1997)

El idioma es una de las manifestaciones culturales ms caractersticas de cada pueblo, pero
nada ms una de ellas, sin que pueda servir para deducir las dems ni para explicarlas por si
solo; en APALATEGUI J. (1997)
MIZ, R. (2004)
GARCIA GARCIA, J. (1994)
GORBACHOV. M. Perestroika. Un mensaje a Rusia y al mundo entero. Barcelona. Ediciones
B, 1987.
287
34/2008.
de historiadores y politlogos desmontar la superchera que existe no slo en

torno al pasado, sino tambin respeto a la desintegracin de la misma Yugoslavia,
y ponerla en un orden cientfico de las cosas para poder conocer su naturaleza
con unas ciertas dosis de objetividad. Desde Occidente se quiso en un inicio fijar
las claves del conflicto - sobre todo a travs de sus medios de comunicacin30 - en
factores como las viejas rencillas histricas, la inviabilidad de su proyecto estatal,
la cultura violenta del lugar31 o la irracionalidad primitiva de sus habitantes,32 en
una abierta confrontacin con el escenario de una Europa que despegaba despus
de la cada del muro Berln (1989) y que haca de las tesis liberales su dogma
de fe (derechos humanos, libertad de movimientos, igualdad,). Se tena ante
s una suerte de conflicto vergonzoso en la geografa europea, que emerga a
contracorriente de lo que se presuma como un prspero final del S-XX. Tal vez
la lectura inicial del conflicto habra sido otra si el conflicto se hubiera iniciado al
poco de morir el mariscal Josip Broz Tito (1980), coincidiendo poco despus
con los disturbios albano-kosovares en Kosovo (1981), y con cierta crisis de
identidad del proyecto comunitario; pero no fue as, y concord con una periodo
de efervescencias de la Comunidad Europea que generaba un enorme y entregado
optimismo.
En las fechas en las que se estaba ratificando el Tratado de Maastrich
(el 7 de febrero de 1992) con la vocacin espiritual entre otras cosas de crear
una ciudadana europea, estaba asumido como inevitable la fragmentacin
yugoslava. El conflicto contribuy adems en su desarrollo a manifestar una falta
de cohesin europea muy seria ya desde sus inicios, avalado por la ausencia de
criterios comunes ante las independencias de Croacia y Eslovenia (25 de junio
de 1991) Alemania empuj a los pases miembros de la CE al reconocimiento
de los dos pases en contra del veredicto de la Comisin Badinter.33 Todo este
30
31
32
33
El apresuramiento de los medios de comunicacin y de muchos analistas occidentales por dar

explicaciones por dar explicaciones rpidas y sencillas a los conflictos yugoslavos olvidan que
un serbio de Serbia se considera bastante diferente de otro de la Krajina o de Bosnia, aunque
ms parecido a los de Vojvodina.; en Veiga, F. (2002).
Son vidas amargas y vacas, entre maliciosos, entre maliciosos pensamientos de venganza y
revueltas peridicas. Son sensibles a otra cosa que no sea eso. Uno llega a preguntarse algunas
veces si el espritu de la mayora de los pueblos de los Balcanes no estar envenenado para
siempre, y pueden que no sean ya capaces de otra cosa que de sufrir de la violencia y causarla
()Todos los mitos se han caido en Yugoslavia, la autogestin como modelo econmico, el no
alineamiento, el marxismo made in Belgrado, y las repblicas se detestan, aunque todos sean
eslavos y hablen el mismo idioma; en Leguineche M. () se mencionan muchos de los estereotipos asociados a la regin.
Merece la pena una visin muy constructiva que nos propone Francisco Veiga en Para entender
los Balcanes: claves ciertas e inciertas; en http://www.istor.cide.edu/archivos/num_6/notas.pdf.
Al respecto el autor se hace eco de un comentario del sesgo citado en el texto del periodista
Arturo Prez Reverte en uno de sus libros: los Balcanes entraron chorreando sangre en el SXX y entrarn del mismo modo en el S-XXI. Se puede encontrar en Prez-Reverte, A. (1994)
Territorio comanche. Ollero y Ramos Editores, 1994.
Veiga, F. (2004).
288
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
scenario alej si cabe ms el conflicto yugoslavo de la realidad y las mentes

europeas, convirtindolo en un fenmeno inexplicable a las puertas del S-XXI.
Comenz arreciando en los medios la exposicin continuada de los Balcanes al
Imperio Otomano durante varios siglos de historia, la figura del serbio Gavrilo
Princip, inscrita con letras de sangre en los inicios de la I Guerra Mundial tras
asesinar al archiduque austro-hngaro Francisco Fernando, los crmenes perpetrados en el campo de concentracin de Jasenovac durante la II Guerra Mundial
y toda la literatura vinculada a lo que ms tarde volvera a tomar dimensin
internacional: los fantasmas balcnicos.34 Esto si cabe ms selectivo en el uso
cuando pases como Serbia vivieron revoluciones anti-imperialistas a comienzos
del S-XIX, transitaron por el nacionalismo liberal de mediados del S-XIX, introdujeron derechos como el de libertad de confesin en 1888, lucharon en el
bando victorioso durante la I Guerra Mundial, se enfrentaron a la invasin nazi
en la II Guerra Mundial, o estuvieron en comunin con otras repblicas en la
construccin de un proyecto federado, que recordemos estaba no alineado entre dos
formas de entender el mundo como eran la sovitica y la capitalista: Yugoslavia.
En una situacin de esta envergadura muchos analistas emigraron hacia otros
tiempos buscando acomodo, buscando un tiempo acorde con el propio, con su
manera de hacer las cosas.35 La seleccin de eventos histricos para justificar
lo presente fue dirigida a buscar un hilo conductor que hilara como una correa
unos hechos histricos a otros, olvidando que la historia no nos provee de
concepciones de la vida poltica que puedan trasladarse mecnicamente a los
problemas actuales.36
El nacionalismo fue una ideologa que volvi a adquirir especial magnitud durante la desintegracin de la URSS y de Yugoslavia, pero cuya naturaleza pertenece al campo de las ideas, ideas que todava permanecen vigentes
en Europa y que han contribuido a racionalizar estructuras sociales en muchos
pases. Los fenmenos nacionalistas que se produjeron durante el conflicto,
unas veces por ser desconocidas y extraas, con lo que se volvan atvicas,
34
35
36
Se puede apreciar una lectura sobre los argumentos histricos que se barajaron en RAMONET
I.(1993), donde el carcter conservador de la Serbia de 1878, la insostenibilidad del Reino de
los Yugoslavos o la ingeniera poltica de Tito son recursos para buscar los orgenes del fin de
Yugoslavia. Tambin merece atencin la lectura sobre el factor religioso: La influencia de las
dos iglesias cristianas, esa fractura tan antigua en los Balcanes, la profundidad del cisma, as
como el islam en otras partes de ella En MATVEJEVIC P. (1991) Los demonios de la destruccin, en el Pais , 21 de diciembre. Se puede apreciar a su vez la trayectoria de la historiografa
europea asociada a la regin en FLEMING, K. E. (2000) Orientalism, the Balkans and Balkan
Historiography. The American History Review. Tambin en Mishkova, D. (2006) In quest of
balkan occidentalism. Tokovi Istorije.
Idea adquirida de IRANZO, J. M. Tiempo y sociedad. Crtica de libros libro de Ramn Ramos
Madrid CIS Siglo XXI 1992. Reis 62/93.
SUNSTEIN, C.R. (2004). Ms all del resurgimiento republicano, en F. Ovejero, J.L. y R.
Gargarella (comps): Nuevas ideas republicanas, Paids, Barcelona, 137-190. Texto obtenido en:
VELASCO J.C (2007).
289
34/2008.
folklricas y primitivas,37 y otras, porque eran crmenes de guerra que resultaban

desde cualquier punto de vista inaceptables, no deben hacer obviar la trayectoria
que ha transitado y transita el nacionalismo . Naciones como la serbia o la
croata, en evidente ebullicin como resultado de la situacin de conflicto,38
eran identificadas como realidades ajenas y rezagadas, que por momentos se
desprestigiaron e, incluso, se les neg su propia identidad colectiva:
La propuesta formulada por algunos de que no existan diferencias reales entre bosnios, serbios y croatas que lo que los
separ fueron fronteras sin sentido- no slo estuvo basado en un
profundo malentendido, sino que se convirti en un elemento que
amenazaba con devaluar activamente las normas colectivas de
estas comunidades.39
Tal como sostiene Schpflin las identidades tnicas y nacionales generan mundos pensamientos de largo alcance que, en ocasiones, reivindican una
abarcabilidad total y pretenden ofrecer respuestas a todas las preguntas. Esto es
lo que se denomina cosmologas.40 Una cosmologa que no es exclusiva de estados incipientes como son los de la antigua Yugoslavia, sino que como vimos forman parte de una larga tradicin comn que se practic en otros espacios. Veiga
nos recuerda como en 1986 un poltico hngaro, Imre Pozgsgay, estuvo detrs
de las movilizaciones a favor de los hngaros que protestaban contra la poltica
de la vecina Rumana.41 Hoy tampoco nos puede extraar tanto que el catolicismo ayudara a cimentar la comunidad tnica polaca frente a protestantes y
ortodoxos de otras nacionalidades, creando un estado, Polonia, donde una inmensa mayora de la poblacin es catlica. Tal vez fruto de un anlisis ms juicioso y cientfico en el tiempo, podamos sustituir las implicaciones negativas
del nacionalismo en cada caso, y asumir que el nacionalismo excluyente
es resultado de situaciones de desacuerdo anteriores con diferentes ndices de
gravedad, y no genera de por s conflictos ineludibles. Es evidente que varios
siglos de convivencia multitnica, y un pasado socialista de ms de 40 aos en
comn, no se vienen abajo de la noche a la maana, sino que se hace obligado
analizar los intereses enfrentados, los contextos desfavorables, las circunstancias
37
38
39
40
41
CRUZ PRADOS, A (1995)

A este respecto el autor de este texto considera que el nacionalismo no es el causante de los
conflictos, sino que representan un resultado ms de una situacin cualquiera de conflicto y que
puede tener por tanto diferentes implicaciones segn el caso.
SCHPFLIN, G. La Construccin de la identidad. Pg. 31, en FERRERO, R (2004)
Idem op. Cit.
VEIGA, F. (2004) Muecas yugoslavas: minoras, mayoras y elites nacionales en la Federacin y los Estados sucesores. GONZLEZ ENRQUEZ, C. (dir) (2004)
290
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
particulares y la mala gestin por comisin o por omisin para entender los
ltimos aos de Yugoslavia.42
Parece poco cuestionable que el nacionalismo en su vertiente ms
virulenta se abraz de forma intensiva y extensiva durante la dcada de los aos
80 y 90, y que resulta indudable la fuerza en los Balcanes de los localismos familiares, religiosos y culturales en general, pero cuyas implicaciones en el conflicto
son como consecuencia de un proceso mucho ms amplio43 que, no por no ir
acompaado de un enfrentamiento armado deja de practicarse en otros estados
europeos. Qu provoca que la Ley Fundamental de Bonn (1949), la Grundgesetz,
supusiera un garante de cohesin mientras que esto pareci faltarle a la constitucin de Yugoslavia en 1974? La concepcin meramente tnica del conflicto nos
remite a espacios de simbolismo, sentidos y afectividades que pasan por alto, o en
su caso, invisibilizan, el funcionamiento de las instituciones, la balanza comercial
del pas, la estructura social, y se acude al nacionalismo tnico por su aparente
irracionalidad y retraso para articular un discurso en clave desarrollo-subdesarrollo. Es un modelo de cinismo balcnico donde si bien se reconoce la complejidad del territorio, se busca la fcil explotacin de la cultura retrasada que se encuentra siglo tras siglo en busca de una autosuficiencia bblica.
5.-Conclusiones.Los factores que suelen emplearse para definir a la nacin (son la) homogeneidad tnica, una lengua comn, una memoria colectiva y una tradicin comunes,
un territorio compartido, una misma religin y un largo etctera () La nacin
implica una dimensin poltica propia () Si me siento a la vez y sin problema
gallego y espaol, aragons y espaol, es que concibo a Galicia o Aragn como
regiones. Si, en cambio, por considerarme miembro de la nacin catalana, o de
la nacin vasca, resulta incompatible con la pertenencia a la nacin espaola, la
idea de la nacin es excluyente.44
Fue la aparicin de una nueva clase media en las diversas repblicas, la que
desde finales de los aos sesenta tendi a crecer y a enfeudarse en sus parcelas
de poder, lo que terminara por movilizar al resto de la poblacin con base en
consignas nacionalistas.45
42
43
44
45
Es nutrida aunque siempre insuficiente la literatura sobre las causas que explican la disolucin
de Yugoslavia. No es objeto de este trabajo analizar cada una de ellas, sino ms bien, reflexionar sobre el uso incorrecto de determinadas acepciones que esconden tras de s relaciones de
desigualdad y falta de comprensin respecto al sudeste europeo.
RODRGUEZ ABASCAL. L (1992) El papel del nacionalismo en la guerra yugoslava: los casos
serbio y croata. Cuadernos del Este nmero 4
Sotelo I. 25-11-1996
En VEIGA, F. Para entender los Balcanes: claves ciertas e inciertas. Notas y Dilogos. En
http://www.istor.cide.edu/archivos/num_6/notas.pdf.
291
34/2008.
Los mitos y leyendas se crean, se interiorizan y se deforman. Una vez que

existen es difcil cambiarlos, y su sola mencin contribuye a reproducirlos aunque
la intencin sea toda la contraria. La desintegracin de la antigua Yugoslavia no
es el resultado inevitable de un mal nacimiento como estado unitario,46 o de
cualquiera de los mitos histricos que sobrevuelan los paisajes balcnicos, sino
que es el resultado de una conjuncin de factores coyunturales de los que no
estn a salvo ningn estado europeo aunque se presuma su improbabilidad. La
matriz histrica o cultural de los estados no les condena inevitablemente sino los
caminos que recorren, cmo los recorren y con quin los recorren. Los mitos slo
contribuyen a alejar el objeto de estudio. El conflicto de Yugoslavia merece un
anlisis tal, que procure ver en lo particular de su desarrollo unas coordenadas
que nos sean a todas luces comunes. Efectivamente, despus del conflicto, si
cabe con mayor intensidad, en Europa Occidental el nacionalismo es asumido
como defensa contra la erosin de la diversidad cultural y la soberana popular,
junto a unas fuertes tendencias federalistas,47 pero ello no nos puede servir para
apartar a un lado la realidad balcnica sino para reconstruir unidades de anlisis
como nacin y nacionalismo vinculadas fuertemente a la tradicin terica
europea.
Tal como hemos tratado de desarrollar la existencia de las naciones
balcnicas se expresan en tanto en cuanto se vuelven realidades polticas
reconocidas. La divisin entre nacin y etnia o entre nacionalismo tnico
y nacionalismo cvico crean dos mundos diferenciados que en la prctica se
confunden. La nacin ha permitido que el hombre entroncara con las instituciones
del estado moderno, y desde ah se articula parte de la cultura cvica de la que
se enorgullece Occidente y que cree con ella poder superar sus particularismos
indeseados todava presentes. El objeto de estudio est en la lucha entre saber
diferenciar el rigor cientfico que nos propone una unidad de anlisis determinada,
del mensaje que puedan hacer elites o colectivos polticos cualesquiera.48 El
conflicto de la antigua Yugoslavia no es un conflicto de orden primitivo, sino que
es parte de un proceso ms amplio y contemporneo. El nacionalismo que se
practic a muchos niveles fue el resultado de aspectos sumamente complejos y no
la causa y origen que explica el conflicto en su totalidad. Las fechas en las que se
46
47
48
VEIGA F. Algunes reflexions sobre lorigen dels nacionalismos balcnics al segle XIX en
A.Cuc (ed) Naci i nacionalismo a Luropa central i oriental Afers v.VII n 14 1992; en
AGUILERA DE PRAT.
FERRERO, R (2004). Sobre esta cuestin merecen la atencin las palabras de Jaspers: La idea
del estado-nacin es, hoy da, la gran desgracia de Europa y de todos los continentes. Mientras
esta idea representa hoy la fuerza omnipresente en el mundo, nosotros podramos empezar por
analizarla y superarla desde sus races.
Por ejemplo cmo analizar estas declaraciones: Los nacionalismos actuantes de verdad son hoy
precisamente los estados que se resisten a perder soberana Declaraciones de Xavier Arzalluz
a El Pas, 20 de enero de 1992. ACOSTA SNCHEZ, J. (1992)
292
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU
produjo la desintegracin coinciden con un momento de explosin europeo que,

por ser un acontecimiento feliz y optimista, hizo interpretar a muchos analistas
lo sucedido en la ex-Yugoslavia como un hecho de otras dimensiones tericas y
prcticas que, porque ser incomprendidas en sus inicios, no nos deben resultar tan
lejanas a los europeos.
Libros.- FERRERO, R (ed.) (2004) Nacionalismos y minoras en Europa Central y Oriental. Institut de Cincies Poltiques i Socials
- GONZLEZ ENRQUEZ, C. (dir) (2004) Minoras nacionales y conflictos tnicos en Europa del Este. UNED Ediciones. Instituto Universitario General Gutirrez Mellado.
- VEIGA, F. (2002) La trampa balcnica. Grijalbo.
Artculos.- ACOSTA SANCHEZ, J. (1992) Los presupuestos tericos del nacionalismo y el nuevo ciclo del fenmeno. Revista de Estudios Polticos
(Nueva Epoca) n 77.
- ACUA R.L. La balcanizacin de los Balcanes en
www.cuentayrazon.org/revista/doc/055/Num055_029.doc.
- AGUILERA DE PRAT () Los nacionalismos en la desintegracin de
Yugoslavia n 27, pg. 77-93.
- APALATEGI, J (1997) Psicosociologa de los movimientos nacionalitarios de Europa Occidental. Alteridades, pg 7-37.
- CRUZ PRADOS, A (1995) Sobre los fundamentos del nacionalismo.
Revista de Estudios Polticos (Nueva poca). n 88.
- FLEMING, K. E. (2000) Orientalism, the Balkans and Balkan Historiography. The American History Review
- - FORN, J. (1995). Las dos caras del nacionalismo. Haranburu. San
Sebastin. Cita de Paul Valery
- FRANQUESA VILA, R. (1988) La crisis del modelo yugoslavo. Afers
Internacionals n 14-15.
- GARCIA GARCIA, J. (1994). Nacin, identidad y paradoja: una perspectiva relacional para el estudio del nacionalismo. Reis 67/94, pg
165-183.
- GARCA PICAZO, P (2002) Campo Minado. Una reflexin sobre los
Balcanes. Papeles del Este. Pag 1-14.
- GMEZ GONZLEZ, , S (2002). Lecciones por aprender del domin
balcnico. Tempo Exterior n 4 segunda poca.
293
34/2008.
- HOLM-DETLEV (1997) K. El nacionalismo: un pasado ambiguo y un

futuro sangriento. Revista de Estudios Polticos (Nueva poca) n 98.
- LEGUINECHE, M. La estpida tragedia yugoslava en
www.cuentayrazon.org/revista/doc/073/Num073_014.doc.
- MARIO MENNDEZ, F. (1992) El reconocimiento de los nuevos
estados nacidos del desmembramiento de Yugoslavia y de la URSS.
Tiempo de Paz, n 23.
- MIZ, R. (1997) Nacionalismo y Movilizacin poltica. Zona Abierta 79
o (2003) Nacionalismo, democracia y federalismo. Papers de la Fundaci.
o (2004) Per modum unius: ms all de la dicotoma nacionalismo
cvico vs. nacionalismo tnico. En El presente del estado nacin.
Coord. Por Ander Gurrutxaga Abad.
- MESA. R.() Europa, la Comunidad y los cambios en el este. Una
perspectiva desde las Relaciones Internacionales.
- MORA BENAVENTE. E. (2000) Intervencin militar y gestin de
crisis en los Balcanes. Afers Internacionals n 49, pag. 89-104.
- RAMONET I.(1993) Nationalismes: la tragedia yougoslave. Maniere
de Voir n 12. Le Monde Diplomatique.
- RODRGUEZ ABASCAL. L (1992) El papel del nacionalismo en la
guerra yugoslava: los casos serbio y croata. Cuadernos del Este n 4.
- VEIGA, F. Para entender los Balcanes: claves ciertas e inciertas. Notas
y Dilogos. En http://www.istor.cide.edu/archivos/num_6/notas.pdf
- VELASCO J.C (2007) Patriotismo constitucional: una forma republicana de identidad colectiva. Revista Virtual de Filosofa Jurdica e
Teora Constitucional.
Miguel Rodriguez Andreu
294
M. RODRGUEZ ANDREU

:
: , , , ,
, , , , .
.

,

. ,
je ,
. ,
,
.
The European notion of nation and nationalism

applied to the Balkans: to theoretical approach
Key words: nation, nationalism, Europe, Balkan, Yugoslavia
The objective is to develop to the slight knowledge of nation and nationalism, both questioned from the European West, among other reasons, by
Balkan conflict. This text is a normative proposal of analysis of this terminology
through the optics of diverse Spanish and international authors who analyzed the
Yugoslav conflict. For his elaboration the author considers capital to reconstruct
the analysis units and to approximate them to the European historiography,
surpassing the binary division ethnic nationalism - civic nationalism with the
intention of eliminating the substrate of subjective identification. The author
assumes the validity and use of these categories applied to the western Balkan
Mountains, like ethnic, but she maintains that its indiscriminate association
from the European west has prevented one more a more accurate approach. In the
text it is maintained, among other factors, the coincidence of the conflict with the
appearance of the European Union like one of the main ones.
295
34/2008.
398.332.416(497.16)1991/2008(049.3)
:

-
:
,
,
, , 2008, 357 .

1
.

, -,
.
:
, 357
B5 .
,
, : ,1 , InASEA (20052007).
1
. , : ,
, , 1990, . 330.
296
: ...
, - 1998.
2008. ,
.
,
,

.
,
, ,
. ,

,

, .

,
(. 81)
.
-
(. 18)

, . ,
. ,
, , -,
.
,

, . ,
297
34/2008.

.
- ,

.
,

, ,

.2 -

.

, , - . ,

, (
) ,
, ,
. ,

. ,
.
,
,
, .
3 .
,
, 2
L. Radulovi, Koncept Duana Bandia: narodna religija i narodno pravoslavlje u kontekstu

istraivanja religije u domaoj etnologiji XX veka, Antropologija savremenosti, S. Nedeljkovi
(ur.), Srpski genealoki centar i Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju Filozofskog fakulteta u
Beogradu, Beograd, 2007, str. 102124.
Slaem se sa primedbom Vesne Vuini-Nekovi da je odabrani prevod knjige The Invention
of Tradition kao Izmiljene tradicije, najmanje dobar izbor i njenim predlogom naslova
Izumevanje tradicije. Pogledati: E. Hobsbaum, T. Rejnder (ur.), Izmiljene tradicije, Biblioteka XX vek, Beograd, 2002.
298
: ...
,
.
,
.
,

.

.
,

, , ,
, .
,
,
,
, ,
.
,
,
,
, , ,
.

,
,
.
-

,
, , . ,

299
34/2008.

. , ,
,
,
.
,
,
. ,

.

.

, , .
.
,
,
, ,
,
. ,

, .
, , , .
, ,
.

300
: ...

,
, , , . ,
, .
-

1991. 2008.
, .
, , , ,
. ,

,

, , , .
-

.

. (. 46)

.
301
...
Sources

1946.

-
. , .
, 1946. 1947.
. ,
()1 .
,
. , . 92 , ,
1
(Svaz ptel Titovy Jugoslvie)

1945. - .
, .
-
, , , , .
,
.
(), :
( ), 1946, . 16, . . 4180; Nrodn archiv, (dalje NA), fond: Svaz
ptel Titovy Jugoslvie Archiv ministerstva vnitra, slo fondu 402, (dle SPTJ AMV), k.
21, . j. 40253/2, Svaz ptel Titovy Jugoslvie, sted Praha, Zpise schz pedsednictva
v roce 1947; Zpis z valn hromady SPTJ v eskoslovensku konan 30. 3. 1947; Slovansk
pehled, asopis pro poznvni politickho, socialnho a kulturnho ivota slovanskch nrod
a stat, ronik XXXII, 1946, slo 34, str. 207.
303
34/2008.
22 .2 60.000 ,
1. 7. 1946. .3
.

. 20. 1946. , ,
. : 275
84 . -
.4 , 25
, 10. ,
, , , .
,
.5 , 24. : , , , , .
.
,
, ,
. , -
2
, , IIII, , 1988, . III/85. : , . 19461963, , VI,

12, 2005, . 87101; ,
19461963., , VIII, 12, 2007, . 119137.
, .
19461963, , VI, 12, 2005, . 88.
NA, fond: SPTJAMV, k. 22, . j. 40255/2, Svaz ptel Titovy Jugoslvie, sted Praha /oddlen brigda/ Mldenick brigda BrkoBanovii v roce 1946; Prvn eskoslovensk pracovn
brigda SPTJ na Omladinsk pruze BrkoBanovii v Jugoslvii 20. 6 8. 8. 1946.
1946.
,
Jednota, , V
. , , - ,
-, ,
, . ,
.
brigda SPTJ na Omladinsk pruze BrkoBanovii v Jugoslavii 20. 6 8. 8. 1946.
304
...
.
.6 1947. .
***

,
.

7
,
: ,
, .
, ,
, ,
, , ,
, ,
.
,
,
.

. .
.
, ,
.
,
.
(. ) (20 30 )
. , .
. 6
7
NA, fond: SPTJAMV, k. 21, . j. 40253/1, Schze stednho vboru SPTJ (14. srpen 1946).
brigda SPTJ na Omladinsk pruze BrkoBanovii v Jugoslavii 20. 6 8. 8. 1946.
305
34/2008.
,
.

. ,
,
. .
92
, ,
1. 1946. . ,

700 ( ),

200 .
.

. ,

, ,
- , ,
.
!
, , .

11. 1946. . 600.000 , 90
, 2.019 , 96 , 5.400
, 107 , 300 , 35.714
6.927 .

.
.
.
-

, 275 84 .
- .
.
.
. .
.
,
306
...

.
,
100, .
.
(
)
, .

. ,
, , , , , , .
,
.
24.
, 25 . ( ,
).
, .
.
.

- ,
, ,
.
,
. ,
.
,
,
.
, ,
.
.
(, , , ).
, //, -
, , .
(410; 1014:30; 14:3020), ,
.
, .
307
34/2008.
. ,
, ( 200 ),
. ,
.

.
, .
,
, ,
, . 15. ,
,
.
23. . ,
21. ,
, ,
.
, 23.
( . . .) ,
,
, , , ,
.
. ,

.
. , , , ,
. , , , , .
. ,
.
, (
360) ,
. ,
, .
, 26.
4 26 ( ,
,
308
...
,
). ,
. , , .

.
(
360).
( ). ,
( ). , (
29. . . .) .
, ,
.
, .
.
;
, , , .
,
, .
.
, , ,
.
, .
, . .
.
( 3. . . .)

, .
, , , .
21
, ,
, . ,
, ,
.
, , . , 28 , .
309
34/2008.
,

-,
.
, , . , ,

.
,
,
. , .
,
,8

, ,
.
:

, ,
, 9. 1946. - 11. 1945. .
310

, ,
,
a
, .
19. .1

, ,
.2
, . . ,3 . ,
; 19.
20. .4 . 1900. ,
18,7 , 1940. ,
, 8,4 (1900. 42,0 23,3
1
, , 1945. 2004,
19452004, , 2005, . 31.
20. .
Karl Kazer, Porodica i srodstvo na Balkanu. Analiza jedne kulture koja nestaje, Beograd, 2002,
str. 434.
19. ,
(Karl Kazer, n. d., str. 145).
Karl Kazer, n. d., str. 145. ,
. , .
311
34/2008.
1.000 1940. 22,7 14,3

).5 ,
20. ,
1933, 1936. 1937. ,
,
.
,
20. .
.6
,
,
,
, . , . 1950. 1952.
30 .7
, ,
( , , ,
, , , ) .
( )
.
,
. , ,
.
18631880.
, .8 1931.
40 , :
23,90, 18,85, 17,86 .9
19341939. .
5
6
7
8
Karl Kazer, n. d., str. 435.

, , , ,
1953, . 75.
. , . ., 32; . , . ., . 77.
18631880. 42,7,
: 43,6 42,6, 40,2, 18801910.
41,4, 38,2, 34,8.
( , , , . 2, , 1955.
. , . ., . 76.
312
, , ,
.
, 1931, 55.117
, 1948. 55.134 .10
( ) . ,

.
,
.11
19.
20. .
, ,
. ,
. 1905. 25% , 1933. 3.235
,
500.12 , , 20.
97% , .
19. a
.
. ,
.13 , , . ,

. ,
, - . .
.
.14
10
11
12
13
Statistiki godinjak sreza zajearskog 1953, Zajear, 1955, str. 1315.

. , . ., . 218.
, . 219220; ,
19012002, , , XV
2425. 2006 , , 2007, . 148
149.
, . 221220.
,
(Vera Erlih, Porodica u transformaciji.
Studija u tri stotine jugoslovenskih sela, Zagreb, 1964, str. 252253).
313
34/2008.
,
19.
,
( , , ),
.15

.
, .

- ,
.

-
.
.

1951. 1952. .16

( , , , ). , , . 1952. -.17
, ,
.
1951.

.
14
15
16
17
Karl Kazer, n. d., str. 331.

, . 135.
, , -89,

, 28. 1951; , 17. 1952.
.
, , , -234,
13. 1952 .
314
, 13. 1952 . .
:
1. 18
2. . 19
3. . 20
4. 21
18
19
20
21
(19081977), /
( 1928). 1951. 1953. ,
(19461951).
. -
1942. , -
- 1945. . ,
-.
(19451963). , ,
. ( :
18052005, , 2005, . 443; , A, ,
2004, . 337338; Jugoslovenska enciklopedija 1, AB, Zagreb 1980, str. 399).
(19181982) - .
1952. ,
.
-a.
1966. .
(Jugoslovenska enciklopedija 2, BC, Zagreb, 1982,
str. 630).
(1909) .
. 1942.
, 1943.
,
, 1948. 1952. ,
. . ,
,
(Ko je ko u Jugoslaviji, Beograd, 1957, str. 770).
(19162005) a, .
1938. .
. 19471954,
19541960, .
a a. -. .
. :
. (Enciklopedija Jugoslavije 5, Zagreb,
1962, str. 579; 2, , 1978, . 513).
315
34/2008.
5. 22
6.
7.
8.
9. . . 23
10. 24
11. .25
-
. ,
.
.
: 50
. 24
1-2 .
.
-. .
.
.

.
22
23
24
25
-
- (Ko je ko u Jugoslaviji, Beograd, 1957, str. 275).
. (18931969) - . , , .
, .
. 1923. ,
- , 1925.
.
. .
1946.
, (19461948) (1950
1951). (1946) (1946) ,
( ) (1948/49),
. (19511953),
- (19521965) . , , 1957. ( , , , 2004, . 517518).
.

. , .
316
, , ,
. (
7 ,
).
.

.

.

, ()
. , ,
.
, ,
. , .

.
, . , ,
, .
-: -.
35
. -
.
e . , .
, .
. , , . ,

. a .
, , -
317
34/2008.
.
.
. ,
,
. :
1)
-.
2) .

.
3) (
)
.
4) .
5)
, . ,
.
: . .
.
. ,
.
.
. . : . .
,
.
, ,
,
, . ,
, , ,
, .
,
. ,
,26
. -
318

, . ,
.
:
,
.
:
.
-: , .
, 1-2
, .
.
:
.
, ,
.
. . : , . ,
.
: ,
.
-: ,

.
: , , -, .

26

20. . .
319
34/2008.

1. -
,
, , ,
, , .
2.
, , ,
.
3. , , - ,
.
, , ., .
4. , .
.
5. ,

, .
6.
.
7.
.
320
...
1
1956.*

, , 3.
1956, , , ,
,
,
.
- , ,
.
, 12.
1956. .

. , , :

, ,
*
Rad je deo projekta (Ne)uspena integracija (ne)dovrena modernizacija: meunarodni poloaj i unutranji razvoj Srbije i Jugoslavije 19211991, (broj 147039), koji finansira Ministarstvo
nauke Republike Srbije.
Arhiv Jugoslavije, CK SKJ, IX, 119/I83, Pismo generalno sekretara CKSKJ J. B. Tita,
CKKPSS i N. Hruovu, 3. decembra 1956.
321
34/2008.

.

, ,
,
.
- 1956. 1948. .
,
(1953)

, 1955,
.
1956. , , 20. -, . ,
-, , , ,
.
- 50-
, .
, ,

. , ,

20.
-. , , , (
) ,

.

, -
322
...
,
,
,
- ( ). ,
.
(, 1957)
:
.
,
, ,
1958.
; - 1961. .
Beograd, 3. decembra 1956.

CENTRALNOM KOMITETU KP SOVJETSKOG SAVEZA
DRUGU N. S. HRUOVU
Dragi drugovi,
injenica je da se stanje izmeu naih dviju partija i vlada u posljednje
vrijeme prilino pogoralo, to je u suprotnosti sa naom zajednikom eljom
izraenom u Beogradskoj i Moskovskoj deklaraciji,2 tj. da radimo svim snagama
na daljem uvrivanju i produbljivanju prijateljskih odnosa izmeu Sovjetskog
Saveza i Jugoslavije. Po naem dubokom ubjeenju, sada je vano i potrebno
temeljito proanalizirati razvoj naih odnosa za poslednjih nekoliko mjeseci i
zajedniki utvrditi one elemente koji su doprinijeli tome da danas ne moemo biti
zadovoljni sa situacijom u pogledu naih odnosa. Osim toga, ako mi zajedno i uz
dobru volju ne priemo uklanjanju negativnih elemenata, koji nas razdvajaju, to
moe imati takve posljedice koje e tetiti ne samo naim dvi/je/ma zemljama
nego i socijalizmu u svijetu uopte. ta vie, to se moe negativno odraziti i u
dananjoj napetoj meunarodnoj situaciji, kad je potrebno da sve progresivne snage zajedniki rade na tome da se sprijei nova meunarodna katastrofa. Moda
2
Beogradska deklaracija, u kojoj su sadrani principi saradnje izmeu FNRJ i SSSR-a, potpisana
je 2. juna 1955. prilikom posete sovjetske delegacije na elu sa N. Hruovm Jugoslaviji. Moskovska deklaracija o odnosima izmeu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i Komunistike partije
Sovjetskog Saveza potpisana je 20. juna 1956. prilikom posete jugoslovenske delegacije koju je
predvodio J. B. Tito SSSR-u.
323
34/2008.
e vama takva konstatacija izgledati pretjerana, ali mi mislimo da je ona potpuno

tana i da nam dosadanje iskustvo pokazuje da protivnici mira i miroljubivog
rjeavanja meunarodnih problema nastoje da iskoriste svaku negativnu pojavu
u odnosima izmeu socijalistikih zemalja, sa eljom da meunarodnu javnost
pridobiju na svoju stranu, da bi lake ostvarili svoje ciljeve.
Nemamo namjeru da ovdje hronolokim redom i detaljno iznosimo stvari
koje su dovele do dananjeg stanja. elimo samo da se osvrnemo na nekoliko, po
naem miljenju, veoma vanih stvari koje su dovele i do nerazumijevanja i do
zaotravanja odnosa izmeu nas.
Vi ste reagirali veoma otro i, po naem uvjerenju, nepravilno na izlaganje druga Tita pred partiskim aktivom u Puli u vezi sa sadanjom meunarodnom
situacijom i dogaajima u Maarskoj.3 Nama je naroito krivo to su se mnoge
stvari iz Titovog govora u Puli u vaoj tampi poslije nepravilno prikazivale i ak
iskrivljavale. Nama je veoma ao to je vaa tampa propustila da objavi itav
govor druga Tita, jer kad je rije o otvorenoj diskusiji treba onda s obe strane
podjednako prilaziti tim pitanjima, da bi se i lanstvo partije i narod obavijestili
o emu se radi. Mi smo tako i postupili i objavili smo do posljednjeg slova oba
lanka Pravde, koja su uslijedila kao odgovor na govor u Puli, bez obzira to
je u Pravdi bilo nemalo iskrivljenih stvari. Prema tome, to dokazuje da na
poloaj u diskusiji o ovom pitanju nije ravnopravan i ovako preutkivanje naih
stavova pred vaom, sovjetskom javnou, moe ii na tetu ne samo Jugoslavije
nego i naih odnosa uopte, jer je razumljivo da e vai ljudi, ovako nedovoljno
obavjeteni, stvoriti veoma ravu sliku o naim odnosima. S druge strane, u
jugoslovenskoj javnosti, pa i u svijetu uopte, takav metod u diskusiji ni u kom
sluaju nee koristiti uvrenju povjerenja u pravdoljubivost u socijalistikim
zemljama.
Naprimjer, u Pravdi je imputirano da je Tito pod sistemom mislio
itavo drutveno ureenje Sovjetskog Saveza, tj. da je, osudivi sistem pod kojim
smatramo razne staljinske metode, osudio itavo sovjetsko drutveno ureenje,
tj. tekovinu velike Oktobarske revolucije. To je za nas i za svakog komunistu
veoma krupna stvar i mi moramo odluno odbiti takvo tumaenje. Rije sistem
kod nas se u ovom sluaju odnosi na izvjesne negativne metode koje su dobile
oblik sistema u staljinskom periodu, a za koje mi smatramo da imaju tragova jo
i danas. Kad je Tito govorio o sistemu, govorio je o onom negativnom to se nagomilalo u staljinskom periodu i koje je nalo dubokog korjena ne samo u svim
zemljama socijalistikog lagera nego i u shvatanjima vodeih komunista u raznim
3
Re je o govoru J. B. Tita partijskom aktivu u Puli, 12. novembra 1956, u kojem je on kao glavnog uzronika katastrofe u Maarskoj apostrofirao to to je dolo do koenja procesa zapoetih 20. kongresom KPSS-a i zadravanja osnove staljinistikog sistema u SSSR-u i istonoevropskim dravama, kao i konzerviranja negativne prakse u odnosima izmeu komunistikih
partija i socijalistikih drava. - Borba, 16. novembar, 1956.
324
...
komunistikim partijama. To je dovelo do tragedije u Maarskoj, koja je na sreu

sprijeena u Poljskoj.4 To je bilo i u naim glavama do 1948. godine, pa donekle i
kasnije, no mi smo uporno nastojali da iivimo to negativno iz staljinskih metoda,
tj. da izbacimo iz nae prakse. Mislimo da smo u tome uspjeli i smatramo da ne
bi trebalo da nam se to pripisuje kao negativna stvar.
O nekim drugim pitanjima iz tog govora koja su bila iskrivljena u Pravdi
reeno je ve i u odgovorima u naoj tampi. Prema tome, mi ne bismo elili ovdje
o tome govoriti, jer bi to zauzelo previe mjesta i bie potrebno da mi o tome
diskutujemo u okviru dalje razmjene pisama. elimo ovdje da podvuemo da su,
po naem dubokom ubjeenju, rukovodstva nekih komunistikih partija i njihova
tampa, kao naprimjer francuske KP, ehoslovake KP, albanske i bugarske KP,
odigrali u itavoj toj stvari i danas jo igraju veoma negativnu i destruktivnu
ulogu. ta vie, oni su otili i daleko naprijed, van granica vaeg reagovanja
na govor u Puli. Doli su dotle da je itava njihova kampanja usmjerena protiv
nas, optuujui nas nepravilno, pa i klevetniki. Jo vie, u toj kampanji se
indirektno, pa ak i direktno, napadaju i neke odluke XX kongresa vae Partije,
bez obzira to oni to ne pominju. Nama je teko povjerovati da oni sve to rade
na svoju inicijativu, ali isto tako teko nam je vjerovati da vi smatrate sve to to
oni rade pozitivnim za socijalistiki razvoj u svijetu. Naprotiv, mi smatrano da
se takve stvari vrlo negativno odraavaju u glavama ogromnog dijela lanstva
komunistikih partija, pa i itave napredne javnosti u svijetu, jer e ljudi, hoe-nee, izvui zakljuak da se prema Jugoslaviji poelo sa slinom kampanjom
kao 1948. godine, u staljinskom periodu, i da se ona na taj nain eli ponovo
izolirati od socijalistikog svijeta. Vi ete moda rei da to nije tano i da je
ovakva formulacija preteka, ali moramo kazati da ovako gledaju kod nas ne
samo lanovi Saveza komunista ve i obini ljudi, da to veoma ogorava nae
iroke radne mase i stvara kod njih ponovo nepovjerenje i prema Sovjetskom
Savezu i prema rukovodstvima nekih komunistikih partija. Sigurni smo da to
ini takav utisak i u svijetu uopte. Mislimo da se te stvari ne bi smjele olako
primiti, da mi moramo ozbiljno razmisliti o njima i ukloniti sve one elemente koji
mogu prouzrokovati teke posljedice.
Vi ste se veoma iznenadili i s ogorenjem upitali naeg ambasadora u
Moskvi, druga Miunovia, zato je Tito ovako istupio u Puli i ta je uzrok tome.5
4
U Poljskoj su krajem juna 1956. izbile masovne demonstracije, protesti i trajkovi u organizaciji
opozicionih grupa i intelektualnih krugova; centar nemira bio je u gradu Poznanju (2830 juna).
Poljsko rukovodstvo je odluilo da bunt u Poznanju ugui silom, tako da je prilikom vojne intervencije bilo poginulih i ranjenih, a vie stotina uesnika ovih nemira bilo je uhapeno. Ipak,
ova masovna demonstracija nezadovoljstva dovela je do smene na vrhu vlasti: za novog lidera
poljskih komunista izabran je Vladislav Gomulka koji se smatrao umerenim komunistom.
U razgovoru sa Veljkom Miunoviem, jugoslovenskim ambasadorom u Moskvi, 18. novembra, N. Hruov, M. Bulganjin i V. Molotov su, uz optube na raun ponaanja jugoslovenskog
rukovodstva u maarskoj krizi, Titov govor u Puli ocenili kao napad na sovjetsku partiju i
325
34/2008.
Sve to nije moguno ovdje izloiti, ali moramo kazati nekoliko osnovnih stvari
koje su bile razlog da je Tito morao tako istupiti.
Prvo, poslije naeg odlaska iz Sovjetskog Saveza, gdje je naa delegacija
bila u posjeti, nastalo je sveopte aputanje u partijama koje su naprijed navedene.6 O tom istupanju mi ne govorimo napamet, mi imamo i dokumenta o tome.
Razni rukovodioci tih partija govorili su kako je sve to skupa taktika Sovjetskog
Saveza prema Jugoslaviji, da bi se ona istrgla ispod kapitalistikog uticaja i uvukla u lager socijalizma, da je unutranji poredak u Jugoslaviji sumnjivog karaktera neka mjeavina kapitalizma i anarhizma a ne socijalizam, da je SKJ neka
vrsta socijaldemokratske partije itd. Ta prianja nisu ostala samo u uem krugu
nego su davana u diskusiju u partiskim organizacijama dolje i dobila su vie
konkretan, organizovan i formuliran karakter od onog momenta kad je CK KP
Sovjetskog Saveza uputio jedno tajno pismo komunistikim partijama, koje mi
nismo dobili, a koje je izazvalo vrlo negativne posljedice.7
Drugo, veoma je karakteristian u tom pogledu stav Envera Hode8 poslije povratka iz Moskve. Citiramo dokumenat upuen u ime Politbiroa albanskim komunistima:
Dragi drugovi, posle povratka druga Envera Hode iz Sovjetskog Saveza odran je sastanak Politbiroa CK Albanske partije rada na kome je podneo
referat drug Enver Hoda. Sastanak je odran specijalno po pitanju Jugoslavije
i dalje nae saradnje s njom. U svom referatu drug Enver Hoda konstatovao je
da je teorija Jugoslavije o postojanju razliitih puteva u izgradnji socijalizma
pogrena i da zbog takve pogrene postavke Jugoslavija zasluuje otru kritiku.
Svi prisutni lanovi Politbiroa sloili su se sa ovakvim izlaganjem druga
Envera i u svojim diskusijama javno istakli da je ovakav stav Jugoslavije tetan
za socijalistiki pokret u svetu i da e on postati problem za dalji razvoj politikih
i partiskih odnosa s njom.
U nastavku diskusije prvi sekretar albanske partije rada rekao je da su
ovakve postavke Jugoslavije osuene ne samo od nae Partije ve i od mnogih
drugih KP u svetu. On je zamolio sekretarijat da ove konstatacije o skretanju
Jugoslavije unese u program organizacije i da se o tome obavesti svo partisko
lanstvo. Posle toga drug Enver je predloio Politbirou da se najotrije osudi
meanje Jugoslavije u unutranje stvari Maarske, koje je kao rezultat imalo:
6
7
rukovodstvo, na koje oni moraju da uzvrate, te da oni ne misle da menjaju svoj odnos po dravnoj liniji, ali da je sama jugoslovenska strana poremetila odnose po partijskoj liniji. - AJ, CK
SKJ, IX/I81, Izvetaj V. Miunovia, 18. novembar 1956.
Re je o poseti J. B. Tita i jugoslovenske delegacije u junu 1956. godine.
Radi se o pismu najueg rukovodstva KPSS-a rukovodstvima komunistikih partija zemalja
socijalistikog lagera o pregovorima sa jugoslovenskom delegacijom, 1. jul, 1956. (videti uvodnu napomenu).
Enver Hoda, ef albanske KP i drave od Drugog svetskog rata do smrti, 1985. godine.
326
...
1. Ogromne rtve u ljudstvu i materijalu,

2. Upropaenje maarske privrede,
3. Putanje na slobodu zatvorenika, koji su odmah uzeli uea u obaranju
postojeeg poretka u Maarskoj.
4. Sve je ovo bilo uinjeno s ciljem da se diskredituje ugled Sovjetskog
Saveza u svetu itd.
Napominjemo vam jo i to da je za vreme boravka druga Envera u Moskvi,
prilikom razgovora sa sovjetskim drugovima o razvoju albansko-jugoslovenskih
odnosa, drug Enver bio detaljno upoznat o saradnji Jugoslavije sa zapadnim
zemljama kao i drugim njenim delima koje je ona uinila, a koja su bila na tetu
socijalizma.
Tree, kad je dolo do traginih dogaaja u Maarskoj u partijama koje
smo naprijed oznaili poela je otvorena kritika i prebacivanje Jugoslaviji da
je ona za te dogaaje najvie kriva, da tu ima prste rukovodstvo SKJ i slino.
Razumije se da mi ni u kom sluaju nismo ni smjeli ni htjeli dopustiti ovu veoma
teku optubu a da je ne odbijemo i da najotrije ne osudimo takvu insinuaciju.
Nas je takoe ogorilo vae veoma otro pismo koje smo primili kao
odgovor na nae saoptenje da Na kod nas ima pravo azila i da smatramo da bi
bilo i korisno i potrebno da se i vi sloite s tim.9 Iz tog vaeg pisma vidjeli smo
da vi smatrate da stvari u Maarskoj treba da se razvijaju drukijim pravcem od
onog o kome smo razgovarali kad su drugovi Maljenkov i Hruov bili kod nas.10
Krenje sporazuma izmeu nae vlade i vlade Kadara u pogledu Naa jo vie to
potvruje.11 Nama teko pada to to vi potpuno ignoriete nae gledite i obaveze
nae vlade, kako prema Ustavu tako i prema meunarodnom pravu, u tom pitanju
i mi mislimo da bi bilo veoma dobro da i vi nama pomognete da se pitanje Naa
nekako rijei. Jer, ovdje se ne radi samo o tome da se naa vlada izvue iz jedne
veoma neugodne situacije, nego se radi i o tome da se nae takvo rjeenje koje bi
9
10
11
Odmah po ulasku sovjetskih trupa u Budimpetu (4. novembra 1956), Imre Na, predsednik
maarske vlade, sa grupom svojih saradnika (i njihovim porodicama) sklonio se u Jugoslovensku ambasadu u Budimpeti i od jugoslovenske vlade zatraio i dobio azil. O tome je jugoslovenska vlada obavestila sovjetsku stranu i traila dozvolu za odlazak Naa i njegove grupe
za Jugoslaviju. Sovjetsko vostvo je, meutim, uz izraavanje ugroenosti zbog postupka jugoslovenske vlade, odbacilo ovaj predlog, traei da se Na stavi na raspolaganje novoj maarskoj
vladi Janoa Kadra. Videti: . Tripkovi, Jugoslavija i pitanje azila Imre Naa, Istorija 20.
veka, 1, 1997.
Odnosi se na sastanak koji je odran na Brionima u noi izmeu 3. i 4. novembra, uoi druge
sovjetske intervencije u Maarskoj, na kojem je jugoslovensko rukovodstvo dalo saglasnost za
vojnu intervenciju.
Prema sporazum izmeu dve vlade (u ime jugoslovenske vlade pregovore je vodio Dobrivoje
Vidi) bilo je predvieno da I. Na i njegova grupa napuste Jugoslovensku ambasadu i odu svojim kuama. Meutim, autobus kojim su bili prevoeni zaustavili su (22. novembar) sovjetski
oficiri. Na i ostali su potom prebaeni u Rumuniju, gde su ostali sve do suenja koje je odrano
1958. u Budimpeti, na kojem je Na osuen na smrt.
327
34/2008.
bilo korisno za pozitivan razvoj dananje veoma teke situacije u Maarskoj, da

se nae rjeenje koje bi koristilo i Kadaru i Sovjetskom Savezu. trajkovi, pasivna
rezistencija maarskih trudbenika i ogromno nepovjerenje koje je stvoreno danas
u Maarskoj prema Sovjetskom Savezu i socijalizmu, zahtijevaju da se pree
preko sitnica i da se nae jedna smjela, konstruktivna solucija. Vi ete moda
postaviti pitanje da li mi traimo da Na doe u Jugoslaviju. Mi smatramo da treba
drukije gledati na stvar. Naa je trebalo u prvom redu pitati u koju socijalistiku
zemlju hoe da ide a ne, protiv njegove volje, njega i itavu grupu otpremiti u
Rumuniju. Kad rumunski drugovi koji su bili u Beogradu kau da se misli da bi
Na bio opasan u ono vrijeme u Maarskoj zato je onda trebalo pokupiti djecu,
ene i one komuniste koji su poznati i mogli su biti korisni u Maarskoj i odvesti
ih protiv njihove volje u Rumuniju? Mi smatramo da je to pogreno. I ne samo
to. Mi smatramo da se Naa moglo ostaviti u Budimpeti, kod svoje kue, bez
svake opasnosti da bi se on mogao mijeati i smetati radu vlade. Mi smatramo
da bi se u tom pogledu jo uvijek moglo nai jedno rjeenje. Vjerujemo da bi
bilo korisno ako bi se Nau danas omoguilo da se vrati u Maarsku i da tamo
ivi. Jedna njegova izjava da se sada vraa u Maarsku, sa pristankom maarske
vlade, i da nee smetati naporima te vlade u obnovi zemlje itd. imala bi ogromnog
pozitivnog odjeka kod maarskog naroda i otpali bi argumenti za kampanju u
svijetu protiv deportacije Naa. Jednom rijeju, skinulo bi se sve to s dnevnog
reda i normalizacija situacije u Maarskoj mnogo bolje bi napredovala.
Jo vaniji razlozi za istupanje Tita u Puli bili su razvoj maarske tragedije i njen odjek u svijetu, a naroito u naoj zemlji. Ve prva intervencija
sovjetske armije izazvala je izvjesno zaprepaenje i negodovanje kod naih
ljudi, kako kod lanova Saveza komunista tako i u irokim masama.12 Druga
sovjetska intervencija je to pojaala jo u mnogo veoj mjeri, jer ljudi nisu znali
o emu se sve radi, a vidjeli su samo mijeanje vojnikom silom u unutranje
stvari Maarske.13 Razumije se da su izvjesni elementi i u naoj zemlji, koji
nisu prijateljski nastrojeni prema unutranjem drutvenom ureenju Jugoslavije,
iskoritavali sve to i pokuavali da raspire nezadovoljstvo kod naroda prema
naem dravnom i partiskom rukovodstvu. Moramo da kaemo da je sve to bilo
razlog, da Tito itavu stvar postavi otro i to jasnije za na narod, bez obzira na
to to se moglo misliti da vi to neete shvatiti onako kako mi to shvatamo, tj. da
12
13
Sovjetska armija je prvi put intervenisala u poetnoj fazi revolucionarnih zbivanja u Maarskoj
na zahtev Erne Gerea, generalnog sekretara maarske KP (ubrzo potom smenjen), 24. oktobra
1956, kada su sovjetski tenkovi uli u Budimpetu. Bila je to, prema angaovanim snagama i
postavljenim zadacima, intervencija ogranienog karaktera, a veina sovjetskih jedinica se posle
30. oktobra povukla iz Budimpete u garnizone unutar zemlje.
Druga, veoma snana vojna intervencija zapoeta je u ranim jutarnjim asovima 4. novembra
1956. godine. Sovjetske jedinice su u roku od nekoliko sati, krei slab i sporadian otpor,
uspostavile kontrolu nad svim stratekim pozicijama u Budimpeti i drugim veim gradovima
Maarske (poslednji depovi otpora eliminisani su do 10. novembra). Proklamovana je nova
vlada, na ijem elu je bio Jano Kadar.
328
...
ne smijemo sakrivati i zamazivati injenice i da se ne bojimo izai s istinom pred

narod, jer e nam to samo omoguiti da ubudue izbjegavamo takve stvari koje
mogu imati tako teke posljedice kakve su imali dogaaji u Maarskoj.
U svom govoru u Puli Tito je postavio stvari onako kako je mislio da e
biti najcelishodnije i najubjedljivije. Govorio je o prvoj intervenciji sovjetske
armije kao pogrenoj, a o drugoj kao manjem zlu, koju tek dalji razvoj u jednom
pozitivnom pravcu moe da opravda. Takvo tumaenje primljeno je jednoduno
kod lanova Saveza komunista i naroda. Mi smatramo da je ono veoma korisno
i za Sovjetski Savez. Jer, time se u izvjesnom smislu otupljuje ne samo otrica
meunarodne reakcionarne propagande nego i negodovanje ljudi sa dobrim
namjerama koji su u svemu tome gledali jednu negativnu pojavu svojstvenu
vremenu Staljina. Nama je ao to su kod vas preovladali oni elementi iz Titovog
govora koje je mogla iskoristiti meunarodna propaganda u kapitalistikim zemljama, a ne cjelina koja doprinosi pozitivnom rjeavanju itave stvari i lakem
razumijevanju onoga to se dogaa u Maarskoj.
Mi smatramo da su dogaaji u Maarskoj straan udarac socijalistikom
svijetu i da se o njima ne bi smjele voditi besprincipijelne i neplodne diskusije,
ve treba smjelo sagledati uzroke tih dogaaja i zajednikim snagama ih to prije
ukloniti. Mi smatramo da sadrina i duh koje unosi u diskusiju tampa nekih
komunistikih partija, u prvom redu onih koje su naprijed oznaene, ne doprinosi
sprijeavanju takvih uzroka ubudue, ve naprotiv izmiljaju se razni lani uzroci
i daju nepravilne karakteristike svega toga to se zbivalo u Maarskoj i Poljskoj.
Mi smatramo da oni vre veoma lo posao koji ne koristi, ve teti optim
interesima razvitka socijalizma u svijetu, a u prvom redu i samom Sovjetskom
Savezu. Razumije se da mi ne elimo diskutirati na tom terenu s tim partijama
i njihovom tampom. Ali kad nas napadaju i ako nas budu i dalje napadali, mi
emo se morati braniti i iznositi injenice onakve kakve jesu. Mi smatramo da
niko nema prava da nas zbog nekih quasi /kvazi/ viih interesa klevee i o nama
iri lanu propagandu, da bi nas na taj nain izolirao, uutkao i prikazao onakvim
kakvi nismo. Jugoslavija je, kao nezavisna socijalistika zemlja, stekla u svijetu
svoj ugled i ona ga je preko svojih pretstavnika uvijek stavljala u slubu interesa
ouvanja mira i miroljubive meunarodne saradnje, to je, razumije se, u prvom
redu i interes socijalistikih zemalja.
Na kraju elimo da vas informiemo, iako vam je to vjerovatno poznato,
da je Tito napisao pismo gospodinu Nehru-u,14 u kome mu je objasnio situaciju
u Maarskoj. Objasnio mu je to onako kako je mislio da e biti najkorisnije da
moe zauzeti objektivno stanovite u pogledu tih dogaaja. Vi ste i sami vidjeli
da je on poslije u izvjesnom smislu korigirao svoje gledite u pogledu Maarske.
No naalost, u poslednjem pismu kojeg je Tito dobio od njega vide se izvjesna
14
Davaharlal Nehru, premijer Indije.
329
34/2008.
njegova zabrinutost i nezadovoljstvo s tim to se danas dogaa u Maarskoj.

Ogorile su ga deportacije ljudi iz Maarske, a naroito odvoenje Naa i njegove grupe. U tom pismu Nehru je zamolio Tita da apelira na vas da se obustave te
deportacije.
Svi mi ovdje, ne samo rukovodei ljudi nego i iroke mase, smatramo
da je to nepravilno i da nimalo ne slui ugledu i stvaranju povjerenja prema
Sovjetskom Savezu, ve obratno. Mi smatramo da te stvari nisu nune. Zar zbilja
u Maarskoj nema mjesta za one ljude koji su sada u ovoj situaciji eventualno
opasni? Mi smatrano da je to moguno rijeiti na drugi, humaniji nain. Ma kako
mi govorili da postoji socijalistiki i kapitalistiki svijet, ipak moramo gledati
na opte meunarodno javno mnenje, jer i u kapitalistikom svijetu postoje
progresivni ljudi, postoje radnika klasa i napredni elementi, za koje moramo
kazati da su danas vrlo zabrinuti zbog tih stvari. Dajte, razmislite o svim tim
stvarima bez svake bojazni za presti, procijenite prosto komunistiki ta je
korisnije a ta tetnije i odbacite ono to je tetno.
elimo da shvatite nau iskrenu elju da ovakvim naim gleditima
mislimo samo pomoi u itavom tom spletu posljednjih dogaaja i da ne
pretendujemo da smo u svemu u pravu i da nae stanovite ne podlee nikakvim
potrebama za diskusijom.
S drugarskim pozdravom
Za CK SKJ
Generalni sekretar
330
Reviews and Critiques

Zdenk Mahler, Ano, Masaryk,
Nakladatelstv Slvka Kopeck, Praha, 2007, 110 str.

.
, 1918. 1935. .
,
: 1920, 1927. 1934.
,
.
.

,
. ( 1928) Ano,
Masaryk (, )
.

(
Alain Soubigou, Tom Garrigue Masaryk, Praha, Litomyl, 2004). ,
, (Tom Garrigue Masaryk, Parlamentn projevy: 18911893, Praha, 2001, Parlamentn projevy:
19071914, Praha, 2002). Ano, Masaryk
(110 ),
.
, ,
,
.
? ,
.
,
. 7. 1850. ,
, .
, .

(, ),
. ,
, .
331
34/2008.
, . ,

,
. .
.
,
. , ,
, .

.
.
, ,

. ,
, .
.
, , 1876.

, .
.
, , . ,
. , , .
.
,
.
, .
, .
,
, ,
, , ,
. ,
.

. ,
Ateneum, ,
.
, ,
. ,
,
.
, ,
. ,
, ,
332

. .
. ,
.
.
, , .
, . ,
! . , . 1891. , ,

. ,
,
, .
,
, .

, ,
.

.
.
: , , , .
,
. -.
, , .
, , .
.
, 1917. ,
. 1918,

.
. -,
. 28. 1918.
.
, -.
.
, .
. . ,
, .

. -
333
34/2008.
, , , . .
,
, ,
. ,
. , ,

. ,
. ,
, .
400 ,
.
1934, .

. 14.
1937. 87. . , , 1939. .
Ano, Masaryk
, , .
,
, , , .
, .

,
. , ,
19. ,
, (
, , ,
1937).

Ano, Masaryk
!

.
,
,
, 2007, 320 .
20. :

2007. . , 26 .
334

, , ,
.
.
, ,
.
, 20. ,
, , , ,
. 20.
,
.
( )
, ,
- . ,
, , , ,
, (1919, 1921.
1927. ), .
, ,
, , . .

.
20. ,
, .
,
, , .
, ,
. ,
1905,
1952, 2004.
1920. 1940. .
, , , , , , , , , , ,
.
, 350,
, 15 ,
1926. - , 1924/25.
6.855 , 12 14.023 33.000 ,
, , , , ,
, , -
335
34/2008.
. . :
, 1918.
,
,
.
1931. .
1923, ,
. 1934/35. 65 , ,
, ,
, , ,
. ( , , ,
, ). ,
1940.
, .
. , . , , , ,
, , , : . ,
, ,
, , . .
. , , . (
), ,
1934. .
, . 180 1961. 2001. 11 . .
- : .
.
, , ;

,
,
.
. - 27. 1920.
, ,
. , , .
336
, , - , ,
. 1924. .

. 1936, 1900,
1920. 1922. 133, 194 .
-

: ,
,
( , ),
,
( ,
), .
, - ,
18. .
18. ( -
1726)
,
, .

-.
, .
.
,
. 1924. 859 998 ,
.

. , .
.
,
,
() . 30.000

.
.
,

,

.
.
337
34/2008.
:
, , -
1944.
.
.

.
, , .
,
. ,
, ,
, . ,
1958,

, .

,
,
, , 2007, 176 .
, , 2007. , :
(778) (79161), :
, (163167).
. , . .

, .
, ,
, ,

,
.

, ,
, , , : ,
, , , , .
,
.
,
338
,
, , , .

,
, ,
, (19861989. 19961998).
, 1991,
1997. .
,
. ,
. , ,
,
.
, ,
.
,
,
, 1. 1999.
- , - , ,
, , , , .
: , , , . ,
, , , , , ,
, , 1955.
, 766 .
, , ,
2006. .

, ,
, , . , ,
,
.

,
.

339
34/2008.
John Breen (ur.),Yasukuni,

The War Dead and the Struggle for Japans Past,
Hurst & Company, London, 2007.

,
, Yasukuni, The War Dead and the Struggle for
Japans Past. 19. ,
. ,

.
19. , ,
.
,
.

,
.
14. ,
1868. .
, .
20.
,
, .

, , , .
( )

, . ,
.

(Yasukuni jinja hsankai)
.
(Nihon izokukaki) .
80.000 , -
340
. ,
1978.
.
.

.
, .
,
, , ,

.

,
, : .
, , . ,
.
Yasukuni, The War Dead and the Struggle for Japans Past
( Johna Breena, : Caroline Rose, Kevin Doak, Wang
Zhixin, Seki Hei, Takhashi Tetsuya, Nitta Hitoshi, Philip Seaton)
19. ,
, ,

. ,

.

,
. ,

19181920,
,
, 2008, 498 .
, .

. 1915.
341
34/2008.
. 1918, ,
. ,
.
- ,
, ,
, ,

,
.
,
,
.

,
.
. , , .
, (29118. .) , - , - ,
. , ,
.
(120228. .) (229278. .) ,
-,
, ,
. ,
, ,
.

(279394. .) . ,
,

, .
, -
. ,
,
342
,
.

(395470. .),

,
.

. ,
. , , ,
.
,
.
(471481. .) . ,
. .
,
,

,
.

Bogdan Musial,
Kampfplatz Deutschland.
Stalins Kriegsplne gegen den Westen,
Berlin (Propilen-Verlag), 2008, 586 str.
XX , ,
, ,
.

. ,
,
.
343
34/2008.
. ,
, .
.
, , ,
,
.
,
,

.
, ,
.
.
. , , (. 23225)

.
,
.
,
(
) (
).
.
,
.
,
.
(. 229467)
.
,
,
.
, ,
, ,
: , .
,
-.
, ,
,
. ( 1941.
.)
.

344
.

,
,
1941. , . 1939/40.

.
, . ( , .)
,
,
1940.
:

.

,
. ( )
. (. 475572),
(. 573582) (. 583586).

Boris Kanzlaiter, Krunoslav Stojakovi (Hrsg.),

1968 in Jugoslawien, Studentenproteste und kulturelle
Avantgarde zwisichen 1960 und 1975,
Verlag J. H. W. Dietz Nacif., Boni, 2008, 352 str.
1968 in Jugoslawien. Studentenproteste und kulturelle Avantgarde
zwischen 1960 und 1975, ,
() 1968. ,
. 1968.
. ,
, . 1968.
. .
345
34/2008.

.

1968. . , 1968. ,
( , ) . 1968.
( Prxisa, ) .

.

1970. ,
1984. ,
.

.
1968.
, , , . -,

.

1968.
1968 in Jugoslawien. Studentenproteste und kulturelle Avantgarde zwischen 1960
und 1975
1968.
. ,
1968. , , ,
.

(, ).
,
, , ,
( ). , 1968. .

Praxisa, , ,
.
1968. ,
.
346
1968 in Jugoslawien. Studentenproteste und kulturelle Avantgarde zwischen 1960 und 1975
1968,
.
, 1968. .

.
Praxis 1964. 1965. .
1968.

, .

1968. . 1968 in Jugoslawien. Studentenproteste und kulturelle Avantgarde zwischen 1960 und 1975
.

1968.
.

,
: 19081918,
,
, 2008, 160 .
.
, .
.

.
, .

, .

.

.
347
34/2008.
,
. .

.
19121913. 1913. .

1915/16.
,
. , .

.
, , .
. .

: , . . ., , , , -,
, , -, , , , , , ,
...
.

20. .

. ,

.
, .

,
.
.

348
People on the Move.

Forced population Movements
in Europe in the Second World War and Its Aftermath,
BERG, Oxford, New York, 2008, 272 str.
(Pertti Ahonen, Gustavo Corni, Jerzy Kochanowski,
Rainer Schulze, Tams Stark, Barbara Stelzl-Marx)
BERG (www.bergpublishers.com) 2008. .
(Pertti Ahonen, Gustavo Corni, Jerzy Kochanowski, Rainer Schulze, Tams Stark, Barbara Stelzl-Marx) , , , , , , .
,
, ,
ccupation in Europe: The Impact of National Socialist and Fascist Rule.
(European Science Foundation, ESF) , ,
: Surviving Hitler and Mussolini: Daily
Life in Occupied Europe (edit by Robert Gildea, Olivier Wieviorka, Anette Warring)
The War for Legitimacy in Politics and Culture 19361946 (edit by Martin Conway,
Peter Romijn). ESF-a
- , , ,
.
in the Second World War and Its Aftermath .
. , , , , ,

.
-

.

.

.
, , ,
, ,
.
349
34/2008.
, , (Forced Migration Plans and Policies of

Nazi Germany, The Popultion Policies of the Axis Allies, Population Movements at the
End of the War and in Its Aftermath, The Experience of Forced Migration, Forced Migrations and Mass Movements in the Memorialization Processes since the Second World
War, Forced Labourers in the Third Reich). , People on the Move. Forced population Movements in Europe in the
Second World War and Its Aftermath

1919. . ,

1900.
. , , ,

,

: Our relationship with
the past is subject to evolution and therefore possesses a historicity, which should be
brought to light. ,
,

,

,

. ,

.

. ,
.
,
. ,
,
, .
in the Second World War and Its Aftermath, , - , ,
.
350
,
( )
19191941,
( ),
,
. VI, , . 19,
, 2008, 568 .
1930. .
, . ,
. ,
1963.
1976.
( ) 19191929,
1929, 1982. XIX XX
. (19911995)
. 1999.
1929. .
, 1982. ( ) 19191941,
2008. .
, ,
: 1. ( ) 19191929 (.
21305), 2. ( )
19291941 (. 307555). ,
, ,
.

(. 2369),
, (. 71110), (. 111150), (. 151288).
(. 323375), -
351
34/2008.
1932. 1935. (. 377423),

(. 425476),
(. 477506), , 25. 27. 1941. (. 507
526).
, ,
,
. ,
, .
, 1919,
,
. ,
1920. . , ,
, ,
, .

.
,
.
. , .
, , , .
, , (). , ,
,
, , .

. ,
. , , ,
.

1920, , . , , ,
, , .
,
. -
352
,
.
( )
19191941
, , . (19181941).

Povratak u ezdeset osmu 40 godina od protesta

(priredila Nora Farik),
Fondacija Heinrich Bll Regionalni ured Beograd, 111 str.
: 40
, .
(Heinrich Bll)1 68. , ,
.2
11 , 1968. . , , , -, , , , . ,
.
. ,
, .
,
. ,
. ,
68. ,
, , ,
, .
, , ,
,
.

( ,
, ),
1968.
.
. ,
, ,
1
2
www.boell.de, www.fondacija-boell.eu
pdf http://www.fondacija boell.
eu/yu/web/31_103.html
353
34/2008.
. ,
, . 68.
, . (. 12).

, ,
, , . ,
(. 14).
, , (. 19).
19. , 1918.
(. 15).

.
.
, ,
1968. .
, , ,
. :

,
! (. 28).
, ;
. , ,
.
. ( , , ), ,
20.000 .

, 1.300
(. 59).
-,
, . 1968.
25.
,
.
354
. -, , ,
. , -,
.
, ,
(. 60). , (. 68)
,
. , .
.
, ,
1969. (. 60).
68. . ,

(. 32).
, , ,
.
,
68.

1968. . ,
, ,
, (. 72).
1968. , ,
1967, . ,
1973.
1976. .
, 1964. , 1968. , ,
.
, , . , .
1968.
(. 98).
, .
-,

68.
, .
(
), ,
355
34/2008.
, ,
.
,
,

, , ,
40 .
,
(. 93):
. ,
,
. ,
.
, , .
, , ,
1968.

. . ,
.
-
19531956 ,
. ,
, , 2008, 611 .
1948. 1953,
,
(. , . , . , .
, . , . , . , . , . ).
,
,

. , ,

- 1953. , .
-
. , , .

,
, .
356

,
1954,
, 1953.
, , ,
.
, ,

,

,
. ,
,
, , ,

- 1948. .
.

. , ,
, ,

,
.
,

,
, 1955. .

- 1954. 1955.
.

1955. .
, ,

.

1956.
, -,
. ,
357
34/2008.
, , ,
,

. ,
. ,

-

.

-

, - . , ,
,
, . ,
, - 1953. 1956. ,
.

358

Scientific events
,
, /
Information on conferences, workshops and symposia

, , , 57. 2008.
5.
7. 2008.
( ), II (
II), ( ).
(, , , ,
, ) ( ,
, , , ,
, , , -,
, , , ,
, , , ,
, , -, ,
, , , , ,
-, , , , , -, ,
, , ),
( , , , ) ( , ).

. ,
, 1998. , ,
,

.
,
359
3-4/2008.
,
.
( ,
, , ,
,
.) ,
, .

( , , 57. 2008)

2005. , , ,
.
, , , , , 5. 7. 2008. ,

.

, ,
.

Security Apparatus, Propagandism and Prague Spring,
Prague, 79 september 2008,
Bezpenostn apart, propaganda a Prask jaro,
Praha 7.9. z 2008, Praha
40

, 7. 9. 2008.
,
(),
() 1956.
(). .
360
,
:
1968, ,
,
. 20
(, , , , , ). :
, 1968. , ,
1968. ,
1968, ,
,
- .
The Echoes of The Soviet Occupation of Czechoslovakia in The Yugoslav press.
. , , ,
. , .
-
1968
1968
. (Ryszard
Siwiec),
.
. ,
( ),
, , ,
. , ,
, . , ,
, .
361
3-4/2008.

: 1968: 40 ,
, (, ), 28. 4. 2008.
(, ) 28. 4. 2008. ( : ) 1968: 40 ,
,1 (Heinrich
Bll)2 Balkan Trust for Democracy.3 25 , , , ,
, .
,

.
.

.
40 ,
.4
, - 1968. , ,

.
.
,
.
, , ,
. , 68. ,
. ,
,
(
), ,
.

. ; ,
.
1968.
, . ,
1
2
3
4
www.bos.org.yu
www.boell.de, www.fondacija-boell.eu
www.gmfus.org/balkantrust
. .
362
1968,
, , .
, ,
.
, ; ,
.
9. ,
,
, .
9.
.

68. .
,
,
, 68,
.
,

. , ,
, , . , -,
,
.
2000.
, .

.

.
, ,
1968.
.
( , )

.
. ,
, , , ,
. , . 68.
363
3-4/2008.

Ma
, , 1013. 2008.

() 10. 13. 2008. , .
- ,
: , , , , , ,
, (Viktor Friedman, Keith Brown),
( , ), (Oliver Schmitt),
(Vermund Arbace, Anastasia Karakasiduo), ( -),
( , , ), ( ),
( ) ( , ,
, ).

.

,
.
.
. ,
, , ,
.
.
. ,
. , ,
, , , .
,
, .

,
.
,
, ,
.
364

- , , 2324. 10. 2008.
23. 24. 2008. - .
,
. , , .

. , ,
. . .
, . 1968, . .

. . 1967. 1968.
. .
. . .
. .
1968. 1971. . .
.
.
, . .
, . , . .
.
- . .
.
1968. . 1968 , 2008. .

, , , 1968.
365

www. inis.bgd.co.rs

.
.
(
) ,
. ,

.
, ,
-mail: Inis@ptt.yu
:

.
.
100
250 . 25 (1.800
), . ( , ,
), . (,
, ) MS Wordu
MS Wordom MS
Word . Times New Roman,
12, 1,5. , 10,
.
.
. :

11
11000
: inis@ptt.rs
367
3-4/2008
2006. ,
.

.
.
( )
.
, :
: ( )
: italic ()
( ):
: italic ()
: italic ()
. .: italic ()
:
, 19181941, IIII,
, 1997, . I/235.
, . 44.
, , :
, ,
19551956, , 14/1998, , 1998, . 2360.
. , , , VI, 12,
, 1940, . 9.
. , . ., . 10.
:
, (19181945),
19. 20. , 2,
, , (. ), , 1998, . 3641.
:
( ),
, . 25.
, ( , ), 130-783-1259.
:
, , 7, , 1968, . 529.
World Wide Weba:

Carrie Mc Lauthlin, The Handmands Tale in the context of the USSR, Section 18,
2003, www.y.arizona.edu
: a .
368

2008 4

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

2008 4

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

34/2008.

The Nationalization of the National Bank of the Kingdom

Povratak u ezdeset osmu 40 godina od protesta (priredila

: M. Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine SHS/Jugoslavije 19221935, str. 1823.

, 6511625, Pro Memoria, , 7. 11. 1929, . . .

, 17, 133, 2, . . 18, ,

, 17, 207, 3, . . 4, 165. , 2. 1940.

19181938, , 1939, . 239.

1 10,20 1,0 235,54 18,0 1.317,63

80,34 7,2 1.103,20

92,29 7,0 1.323,37

70,70 4,5 1.401,63

82,92 6,0 1.503,27

68,21 4,0 1.483,48

4 20,90 1,0 124,92 8,0 1.585,42

27,83 2,5 1.103,20

39,63 3,0 1.323,37

45,47 3,0 1.401,63

63,46 4,0 1.503,27

77,34 5,0 1.483,47

75,36 4,7 1.585,42

31,37 2,4 1.317,63

26,5%; 11,5%; 6,6%;

, . 203, 16. 1940.

- : 1) C. Brown, Diplomacy on the Middle East.

, , 1948. , . 160, , 41499,

, , 1947. , . 85, , 420020,

, , 1951. , . 69, , 45812,

, , 1953, , . 74, . 4, 1953. , . . . 6/53, . . 44489, . 1314.

, ., 1961, -2, . . 142 - ,

, 1961, , -1, . . 11 Aide-Memoire

FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 112. -

, ., 1961, -2, . . 178

, ., 1962, -2, . . 62 3. 1962. ( .

FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, 138 , 13. 1962.

FRUS, 19611963, Volume XV, Yugoslavia, . 144 . , 3.

due to the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Czechoslovakia in August

, 1967, . , -4, 54, -

10. 17. 1967, -, .

D. Gizdi, n. d., str. 382.

S. D. Kuar, n. d., str. 47.

S. D. Kuar, n. d., str. 46.

D. Nola, n. d., str. 378.

D. Gizdi, n. d., str. 629.

(2. 1943 26. 1943) .

, II9c/6, ( Longmanna ) 23. II 1944.

THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING...

THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING

Brigitte Le Normand is an Assistant Professor at Indiana University Southeast. She conducted

THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING...

The Sharpening Gaze of the Social Sciences

Cvetko Kosti, Perspektive sociologije grada, Sociologija 3, no. 2, 1961.

Initially, sociologists understood their role as that of supporting socialist

THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING...

Ibid., p. 66, 70, 73.

THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING...

Jun-lipanj 1968. Zbornik dokumenata o studentskim zbivanjima u Jugoslaviji u junskim danima

At first, concerned sociologists issued cautious warnings about this

Jerabek, Problemi integracije i socijalne segregacije u gradovima.

THE MODERNIST CITY RECONSIDERED: CHANGING...

Ibid., pp. 192197, 208214.

urbanization as being an activity directed at regulating the consequences of the

Milan Prelog, Suvremene urbanistike dileme, Pregled 59, no. 1 (1969), p. 7.