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Слободан Владушић, Универзитет у Новом Саду (Србија)
Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо, Универзитет „Габријеле д᾽Анунцио” у Кјетију–Пескари (Италија)
Слободанка Владив-Гловер, Монаш универзитет, Мелбурн (Аустралија)
Ала Татаренко, Национални универзитет „Иван Франко” у Лавову (Украјина)
Татјана Тапавички Дуроњић, Универзитет у Бањој Луци (Босна и Херцеговина)
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SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH
Publisher
Association for the Development of Serbian Studies, Novi Sad
Editorial Address
Stevana Hristića 19, 21000 Novi Sad, Serbia
tel.: +381 65 641 3628; fax: +381 21 6396 488
email: serbian_studies@hotmail.com
Editorial Board
Boris Bulatović (editor-in-chief), University of Novi Sad (Serbia)
Tomislav Longinović, University of Wisconsin, Madison (USA)
Goran Maksimović, University of Niš (Serbia)
Ljiljana Bogoeva Sedlar, University of Arts in Belgrade (Serbia)
Slobodan Vladušić, University of Novi Sad (Serbia)
Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, Gabriele d’Anunzio University of Chieti–Pescara (Italy)
Slobodanka Vladiv-Glover, Monash University, Melbourne (Australia)
Alla Tatarenko, Ivan Franko National University of L᾽viv (Ukraine)
Tatjana Tapavički Duronjić, University of Banja Luka (Bosnia and Herzegovina)
Motoki Nomachi, Hokkaido University, Sapporo (Japan)
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Nenad Svilar
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Journal Description
Serbian Studies Research provides scholarly articles in the fields of Serbian linguistics and
literature, international relations, cultural studies, history, sociology, political science,
economics, geography, demography, social anthropology, administration, law, and natural
sciences, as they relate to the human condition.
Annual Membership
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НАУЧНИ ЧЛАНЦИ
Др Ангела Рихтер
Универзитет „Мартин Лутер” у Халеу–Витенбергу (Немачка)
ПРОСВЕТИТЕЉСКИ ДУХ И АУТОБИОГРАФИЈА ГЕРАСИМА ЗЕЛИЋА . . . 31
Др Саша Марковић
Универзитет у Новом Саду (Србија)
ПРОСВЕТИТЕЉСТВО УЗ ПРАВОСЛАВНУ МИСИЈУ ПАВЛА ПЛАТОНА
АТАНАЦКОВИЋA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Др Богуслав Зјелињски
Универзитет „Адам Мицкјевич” у Познању (Пољска)
ИВО АНДРИЋ КАО ПИСАЦ МЕЂУКУЛТУРНОГ И МЕЂУВЕРСКОГ
ДИЈАЛОГА . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
Др Небојша Петровић
Висока школа за комуникације, Београд (Србија)
ДЕМОКРАТСКИ РАЗВОЈ СРПСКОГ ДРУШТВА ОД КРАЈА 19. ВЕКА ДО
ДРУГОГ СВЕТСКОГ РАТА . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Др Владимир Умељић
Међународна комисија за утврђивање истине о Јасеновцу, Бања Лука (Босна и
Херцеговина)
ЈЕЗИЧКО-ФИЛОЗОФСКА ТЕОРИЈА ДЕФИНИЦИОНИЗМА И ДУХОВНО
СУИЦИДНО ПОРИЦАЊЕ ЕГЗИСТЕНЦИЈЕ ИСТИНЕ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Др Драгана Катић
Архив Војводине, Нови Сад (Србија)
ТРГОВИНА СЛОБОДНОГ КРАЉЕВСКОГ ГРАДА НОВОГ САДА У 18.
ВЕКУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279
ARTICLES
UDC 930.85(=163)(450.361)"18"
UDC 316.7(450:497.11)"18"
Оригинални научни рад
1
persida.lazarevic@unich.it (Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, Gabriele d’Anunzio University of Chieti–
Pescara, Department of Languages, Literatures and Modern Cultures, Italy)
16 Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо
2
Милорад Павић, Историја српске књижевности. 4. Предромантизам, Досије Научна књига,
Београд 1991, 30.
3
Исто, 30-41.
4
Иванка Јовичић, „Јован А. Дошеновић и Јакопо Андреа Виторели”, Зборник Матице српске
за књижевност и језик, 1/1, 1953, 72-80; Иванка Јовичић, „Јован А. Дошеновић и Ђамбатиста
Касти”, Годишњак Филозофског факултета у Новом Саду, 2, 1957, 271-278; Нада Савковић,
Јован А. Дошеновић између италијанских утицаја и српског надахнућа, Матица српска, Нови
Сад 2018.
5
Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо, „Између митологије и науке: Павла Соларића спис о пореклу
Словена”, Научни састанак слависта у Вукове дане, 39/2, 2010, 233-245.
6
Dejan Medaković, Giorgio Milossevich, I serbi nella storia di Trieste, Jugoslovenska revija, Belgrado
1987; Giorgio Milossevich/Ђорђе Милошевић, Il tempio di San Spiridione. Trieste / Трст. Црква
Светог Спиридона, Bruno Facchin Editore, Trieste [s. a.].
7
Marija Mitrović, a cura di, Mariangela Albanese, Alessandra Andolfo, Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo,
Snežana Milinković, Marija Mitrović, Vladan Relić, Jelena Todorović, Cultura serba a Trieste, Argo,
Lecce 2009.
„Тршћански културни круг”: 17
Појам и значај за историју и књижевност Срба
тивних односа двају култура јесте да ова српска или илирска скупина, како су
крајем XVIII и у XIX веку одређивани представници српске општине у Трсту,
није била у додиру са италијанском културном средином, односно није до-
лазило до размене између њих и италијанске културне интелигенције, и она
имена која су на неки начин била у реципрочном додиру са Италијанима нису
посебно релевантна за историју и културу Срба. Разлог томе је највероватније
што је српско-илирска општина у Трсту била оријентисана искључиво према
београдском пашалуку и слабо је успостављала сарадњу са тршћанском инте-
лигенцијом. У том смислу бележи тршћански историчар М. Дого да су Срби
као заједница били компактни и да је то било очигледно, да су им били зајед-
нички говор, вера, друштвене вредности и наде, али да су постојале значајне
разлике између српске општине у Трсту и Срба у београдском пашалуку: те
две групе су биле географски удаљене, па стога у суштини ни није било пре-
више заједничког додира и да, иако је у тренутку српског устанка православна
општина у Трсту осећала потребу да помогне своје сународнике, није, ипак,
дошло до веће помоћи8.
Ова српска/илирска општина је у том смислу била окренута леђима према
италијанској средини и није учествовала у италијанском културном животу,
за разлику од Илира католичке вере, тј. Истрана, Далматинаца и Хрвата који
су били дубоко и дуготрајно повезани са италијанском културом9. Ради се о
двема јужнословенским заједницама које су у млетачком заливу означаване
као „илирске”, али које су суштински имале различити однос према средини и
8
Marco Dogo, Storie balcaniche. Popoli e stati nella transizione alla modernità, Libreria Editrice
Goriziana, Gorizia 1999, 29: „Che i Serbi di Trieste fossero una comunità è evidente, come è evidente
che costituisse una comunità la popolazione serba del pašaluk di Belgrado, tenuta insieme da parlata,
religione, valori sociali, speranze e idiosincrasie. Altrettanto evidenti le differenze fra queste due
comunità serbe in termini di struttura sociale e di prospettive e aspettative politiche; differenze tanto
profonde da impedire che una solidarietà automatica si potesse dedurre dalla affinità etnica. Le
due comunità erano geograficamente distanti e lo stesso legame etnico tenue, dato che gli ambienti
d’origine dei Serbi triestini avevano poco in comune con il pašaluk di Belgrado. Eppure i due
gruppi si riconoscevano, ed è vero che nel momento del bisogno, nel 1806, i notabili della comunità
serbo-triestina furono molto generosi nella raccolta di fondi per il movimento insurrezionale di
Karadjordje. È però anche vero che in una comunità intrisa di etica mercantile, manifestazione
suprema di solidarietà verso gli insorti sarebbe stata investire nella loro impresa politica; ciò che
nessuno dei notabili triestini fece – né si vede perché avrebbe dovuto farlo”.
9
Lovorka Čoralić, U gradu svetoga Marka, Golden marketing, Zagreb 2001, 329: „Promatranje
prisutnosti, djelovanja i prinosa hrvatskih književnika, filozofa, teologa, znanstvenih i kulturnih
djelatnika mletačkoj baštini, u velikoj mjeri iziskuje sagledavanje opsega i raznovrsnosti njihovih
veza s tamošnjim tiskarama, knjižarama i nakladnicima. Raščlamba podataka o mjestu izdanja djelâ
većine hrvatskih autora najrazličitijega književnog i znanstvenog profila i interesa, zorno pokazuje
kako gotovo ne postoji istaknutija osoba s naših prostora koja barem jedno djelo (ili ponovljeno
izdanje) nije objavila u tiskarama grada na lagunama. Izrijekom je nemoguće spomenuti sve hrvatske
autore i njihova djela, kao i druge raznorodne oblike njihova življenja i stvaranja u Mlecima (jer bi se
takva raščlamba pretvorila u puko faktografsko nizanje stotina imena i naslova) [...]”.
18 Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо
271; Egidio Ivetic, “La patria del Tommaseo. La Dalmazia tra il 1815 e il 1860”, у: Niccolò Tommaseo:
Popolo e nazioni. Italiani, corsi, greci, illirici. Atti del Convegno internazionale di Studi nel bicentenario
della nascita di Niccolò Tommaseo, Venezia, 23-25 gennaio 2003, a cura di Francesco Bruni, Editrice
Antenore, Roma-Padova 2004, 595-623; Egidio Ivetic, “Il Tommaseo e la sua Serbia immaginaria”,
Atti dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Tomo CLXIII, 2005, 273-285.
20 Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо
14
Марко Цар, „Доситеј и Томазео”, Летопис Матице српске, 87, 278/6, 1911, 62–67; Коста Ми-
лутиновић, „Доситеј и Томазео”, у: Војводина и Далмација 1760-1914, Институт за изучавање
историје Војводине, 4, Нови Сад 1973; Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, “Intorno a Tommaseo e
‘Dositeo᾽”, Europa Orientalis, 32/2, 2005, 45-74.
15
Cfr. Carlo Raffaele Barbiera, Ricordi delle terre dolorose, Fratelli Treves Editori, Milano 1918; Giu-
seppe Caprin, Tempi andati. Pagine della vita triestina (1830-1848), Stabilimento Artistico-Tipogra-
fico G. Caprin, Trieste 1891; 1926.
16
Године 1825. један Падовљанин, Томазо Маркато (Tommaso Marcato) дао је овом локалу
своје име, а 1848. године локал је „прекрштен“ у име далматинског патриоте Николе Томазеа.
Као потврду везе између овог кафеа и рисорђименталног покрета, стављена је плоча на којој
стоји натпис да се управо из овог кафеа, године 1848, проширио пламен ентузијазма ита-
лијанске слободе: “Da questo Caffè Tommaseo, nel 1848, centro del movimento nazionale, si diffuse
la fiamma degli entusiasmi per la libertà italiana”.
17
Ugo Sogliani, Tre precursori, Levi & C. Librai Editori, Trieste 1875, 65, 84.
18
Marina Cattaruzza, Trieste nell’Ottocento. Le trasformazioni di una società civile, Del Bianco Editore,
Udine 1995.
„Тршћански културни круг”: 21
Појам и значај за историју и књижевност Срба
1835. године отворио Ђовани Орландини (Giovanni Orlandini), онај исти који
ће касније, 23. марта 1848. повести групу патриота према двору гувернера,
вијорећи италијанску и тршћанску заставу и тражећи успостављање Републи-
ке Сан Ђусто, по моделу Млетачке републике. У тој Орландинијевој књижари
састајала се и дискутовала о бројним актуелним питањима групица интелек-
туалаца вођена идејама демократије и уједињења са другим народима: дола-
зили су ту Истранин Антонио (де) Мадоница, затим песник Пасквале Безен-
ги дељи Уги, такође из Истре, или пак Ђулио Асканио Канал (Giulio Ascanio
Canal, 1815–1845), који је био оптужен да је помагао браћу Атилија и Емилија
Бандијера за време Рисорђимента. Патриота Мадоница је био пореклом из Ко-
пра, као и један други патриота, Карло Комби (Carlo Combi, 1827–1884), и сва-
како један од претеча италијанског Рисорђимента, као што је то био уосталом
и Ђан Риналдо Карли (Gian Rinaldo Carli, 1720–1795) који је још 1765. године
објављивао чланке у којима је прижељкивао независност Италије.
Кад је Мадоница дошао из Копра у Трст 1830, започео је адвокатску праксу
у правној канцеларији Доменика Росетија Де Скандера (Domenico Rossetti De
Scander, 1774–1842)19. Овај адвокат се осим правним питањима бавио и књи-
жевношћу20, и још од 1834. изразио je жељу и потребу да у Трсту почне да из-
лази један часопис у коме би се огледале потребе те младе тршћанске интели-
генције. Идеја је била његова, али Мадоница је био тај који је схватио да сам не
би успео то да оствари, па се удружио са књижарем Ђованијем Орландинијем.
Ову су идеју прихватили многи, из истарске, тршћанске и млетачке културне
средине: Франческо Дал’Онгаро је Мадоници осигурао своју сарадњу још из
Пирана, где је 1835. био учитељ деци маркиза Полезинија, а затим су на са-
радњу пристали и други: Јакопо Крешини (Jacopo Crescini, 1798–1848), браћа
Цекини, Пјервивијано (Pierviviano Zecchini, 1802–1882) и Ђовани Батиста
(Giovanni Battista Zecchini, 1804–1870), Франческо Комби (Francesco Combi,
1827–1884), Франческо Просперо Антонини (Francesco Prospero Antonini,
1809–1884), Саул Формиђини (Saul Formiggini, 1807–1873). Најважнија је тада
свакако била сагласност за сарадњу Луиђија Карера (Luigi Carrer, 1801–1850),
који је већ био уредник часописа “Il Gondoliere” у Венецији. Тражено је од Ка-
рера да дође у Трст и он то није прихватио, али је сарађивао из Венеције, и то
још од првог броја часописа. Часопис се звао “La Favilla – Giornale di Scienze,
Lettere, Arti, Varietà e Teatri”, и први број је изашао 31. jула 183621.
19
Cesare Pagnini, Appunti sulla vita e l’opera di Domenico Rossetti, Casa Editrice Idea, Istituto delle
Edizioni Accademiche, Udine 1944; Cesare Pagnini, Domenico Rossetti a 200 anni dalla nascita, Lint,
Trieste 1974.
20
Giovanni Quarantotto, “La Favilla e la polizia austriaca”, Archeografo Triestino, vol. XVI della III
serie, Officine Grafiche della Editoriale Libraria, Trieste 1930-31, 201-214.
21
Alberto Boccardi, Della Favilla, giornale triestino 1836-1846, Stabilimento Art. Tip. G. Caprin,
Trieste 1888; Giovanni Quarantotto, “Le origini e i primordi del giornale letterario triestino La
22 Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо
Favilla (su la scorta di documenti inediti)”, estr. da: L’Archeografo Triestino, L III, Tipografia del Lloyd
Triestino, Trieste 1923; Giorgio Negrelli, a cura di, La Favilla (1836-1846), Del Bianco Editore, Udine
1985.
22
Pacifico Valussi, Dalla memoria d’un vecchio giornalista dell’epoca del Risorgimento italiano, Tip.
A. Pellegrini, Udine 1967, 34: “Allora io entrai quarto fra tanto senno e più tardi restai solo col
Dall’Ongaro, accogliendo però anche scritti degli amici del Friuli, di Venezia, dell’Istria e della
Dalmazia.”
23
Bernard Stulli, „Tršćanska Favilla i Južni Slaveni”, Anali Jadranskog instituta JAZU, I, 1956, 7-82;
Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, “La stampa triestina sulle cose illiriche nella prima metà dell’Ottocen-
to”, у: Marija Mitrović, Cultura serba a Trieste, Argo, Lecce 2010, 139-159.
24
1842: 1) Storia; 2) Alfabeto degli Slavi; 3) Storia e poesia; 4) Un canto popolare della Servia; 5)
Canti popolari; 6) Il manoscritto di Kraljodvorski. 1843: 7) Proverbi popolari; 8) Etnografia; 9) Sta-
tistica delle popolazioni Slave nel 1842; 10) Costumi - Le nozze; 11) Adam Mickiewicz; 12) Dosithei
Obradovich; 13) Giovanni Gundulich; 14) Una lezione del Professor Mickiewicz. 1844: 15) Andrea
Ciubranovich.
„Тршћански културни круг”: 23
Појам и значај за историју и књижевност Срба
25
La Favilla, 15.12.1843, a. VIII, n. XXIII, 368: “Ci chiedono alcuni perché così spesso si occupi la
Favilla, giornale italiano, del popolo e delle cose illiriche. Questa domanda suppone un rimprovero,
al quale non vorremmo essere assoggettati senza adurre un perché. Ci doleva che in mezzo a tanto
movimento, a tanto ardore che mostrano tutte le nazioni d’Europa per ciò che concerne la storia e la
letteratura slava, non ancora alcun giornale italiano n’avesse preso una qualche parte”.
26
Cesare Pagnini, “Appunti sulla vita e l’opera di Domenico Rossetti”, y: Domenico Rossetti, Scritti
inediti. I, Idea, Udine 1944, 30-88.
27
Bernardo Benussi, “Pietro Kandler nella sua vita e nelle sue opere”, y: Scritti storici in onore di Ca-
millo Manfroni nel XL anno di insegnamento, [s.n.], Padova 1925, 34-44; Bernardo Benussi, In difesa
della memoria di Pietro Kandler, [s.n.], Trieste 1926; Attilio Tamaro, Pietro Kandler storico di Trieste,
Tip. G. Coana e Figli, Parenzo 1933; Giulio Cervani, “Pietro Kandler storico di Trieste e dell’Istria”,
y: Atti e memorie della Società istriana di archeologia e storia patria, n.s., XXII, 1974, 3-16; Fulvio
Crosara, “L’importanza di Pietro Kandler”, y: Studi kandleriani, Deputazione di storia patria per la
Venezia Giulia, Trieste 1975, 9-62.
28
Уп.: Silvana Monti Orel, I giornali triestini dal 1863 al 1902, Edizioni LINT, Trieste 1976.
29
Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, “Tra Venezia e l’Impero ottomano: Viaggi e cospirazioni di italiani
e slavi meridionali durante il Risorgimento”, у: L’Unità dell’Italia nell’occhio dell’Europa, a cura di
Emanuele Kanceff, BIV, Studi 107, vol. I, CIRVI, Moncalieri 2013, 483-516.
30
Stuart J. Woolf, Il Risorgimento italiano. II. Dalla Restaurazione all’Unità, Einaudi, Torino 1981,
543.
31
Raffaele Ciampini, Vita di Niccolò Tommaseo, Sansoni, Firenze 1945, 383-385.
24 Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо
јунаку из народне поезије видели пре свега симбол отворене борбе против
туђина, што је одговарало борби против Аустријанаца на територији Италије.
Народна традиција Срба и Јужних Словена је била као нека врста заједничког
чиниоца у „књижевном вишегласју” у коме су се огласили Дал’Онгаро, Гацоле-
ти, Сома, Воло, Катерина Перкото, Пуцић, Казначић, Ћудина, Пелегрини и др.
Писали су они и о Морлацима, које су идентификовали са Истранима, Далма-
тинцима, Бокељима, или пак Србима, и та „морлачка књижевност” има своје
тематске константе које наглашавају чистоћу словенског народа, осветољуби-
вост, доследност, јунаштво. Свест о културном благу Словена је била јака, и
тим је интелектуалцима окупљеним око Томазеа било јасно да морају окале-
мити своје стихове поезијом која је садржавала лирску и епску душу Словена,
нове облике, али и нове теме, тада непознате европском Западу.
Такође су биле предмет пажње и бројне историјске теме40, па је у томе
предњачио Томазеов сарадник, Валуси који је пратио итало-словенске одно-
се41 и Томазеу предлагао „Итало-илирско приморје” или поморску Швајцар-
ску као решење односа Италијана и Словена42; касније је дошло до развоја те
идеје, када је, нарочито после уједињења, Валуси постао анексиониста и веома
одлучно инсистирао на одређивању граница између Италије и Славије43. Ва-
лусијеве теорије представљају новост за проучавање итало-јужнословенских
релација и отварају нове могућности истраживања.
И касније, после уједињења, у другој половини XIX века словенске и
српске теме су настављале да буду значајан функционални елеменат ита-
ло-словенских и конкретно итало-српских односа, иако су то већ били одјеци
једног времена које пролази. То време и ту групу тршћанских културних рад-
ника која већ више није постојала описао је Валеријано Монти (1872–1950?)
из Истре, пишући о последњим данима Микелеа Факинетија. Поменуо је Ва-
лусија, Гацолетија, Дал’Онгара, Сому, Кафија, и посебно Ђулија Солитра, као
представнике тршћанске књижевне републике која је обележила читав један
револуционарни период својим ентузијазмом и интересовањем за словенски
свет.44
40
Cесаре Pagnini, Atteggiamenti di Piacifico Valussi e di Francesco Dall’Ongaro nel 1848, Trieste,
1948.
41
Lajos Pásztor, “La concezione politica di Pacifico Valussi”, Rassegna storica del Risorgimento, Roma,
1950, a. XXXVI, fasc. I-IV, gennaio-dicembre 1950; Tafuro, Fabio, “Senza fratellanza non è libertà”.
Pacifico Valussi e la rivoluzione veneziana del Quarantotto, FrancoAngeli, Milano 2004.
42
Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, La Dalmazia di Pacifico Valussi: “uno stato medio tra italiani e
slavi” / Dalmacija Pačifika Valusija: “Jedna posredna država između Talijana i Slavena”, Adriatico /
Jadran, 2/2006, 153-184.
43
Andrea Massarut, Pacifico Valussi e il confine nord-orientale d’Italia, Tipografia Litografia Moderna,
Trieste 2014.
44
Valeriano Monti, “Gli ultimi giorni di Michele Fachinetti”, Pagine Istriane, a. VI, n. 10, Ottobre
1908, 227-228: “Ed intanto il gruppo si scioglieva: s’allontanava il Valussi, se n’andavano ad uno ad
26 Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо
uno il Gazzoletti, il Dall’Ongaro ed il Somma, che videro altrove giorni migliori, mentre Ippolito
Caffi troverà la tomba nel sommerso Re d’Italia a Lissa. Cosi passavano.
E con essi passava il quarantotto e la sua generazione di eroi e di maschere, come altri volle chia-
marla: eroi della penna e martiri delle idee innovatrici, maschere che sostenevano la parte nella
commedia del tempo con la gravita che si conviene alla tragedia. Passava il tempo che il Gazzoletti,
capitano della guardia nazionale triestina, arringava dall’alto d’una botte il popolino comicamente
rivoluzionario per una insegna d’osteria; ed il tempo glorioso di pensatori e poeti — ahi troppo pre-
sto dimenticati! — i quali, sia nei versi di facili stornelli, sia nelle terzine ben tornite, coltivavano in
questo ultimo lembo di terra il pensiero civile ed artistico. La primavera fiorita aveva durato appena
un decennio a Trieste.
Attori di un dramma di ieri, essi parlavano un linguaggio di cui abbiamo perduta l’abitudine: si
mostravano commossi da sentimenti di cui, pare, si è essiccata la scaturigine, e noi perdiamo la co-
scienza del nesso di continuità che a questo passato ci unisce, come se il quarantotto fosse un tempo
lontano, lontano.
Della repubblica l e t t e r a r i a triestina resto ancora solo e per poco quel Giulio Solitro, che ai
rappresentanti dell’Istria al parlamento di Vienna tributava una lode perche portavano seco il nome
della patria con quella dignitosa mestizia onde le donne antiche portavano 1’urna delle ceneri eare.
Poi tutto fini.
II quarantotto era passato come una meteora luminosa, lasciando dietro di se una striscia di luce
scialba; ma da essa si sprigiono la scintilla che accende il cuore di quanti, nei vari campi della civile
attività, fanno onore alla patria”.
„Тршћански културни круг”: 27
Појам и значај за историју и књижевност Срба
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Abstract: This paper presents an overview of the history and work of the “Triestine
cultural circle” – the international and cosmopolitan group of Italians, South Slavs, Aus-
trians and Germans, that gathered around Niccolò Tommaseo and Giuseppe Mazzini
in the first half of the 19th century. One of the main aims of this circle was to acquaint
Italians with the history, culture and literature of the South Slavs and Serbs in the 19th
century. Inevitably, the work of the circle gave an important feedback that was to be
influential on the culture of the South Slavs and the Serbs. Although the group’s name
would appear to suggest otherwise its activity was not limited to the city of Trieste. In
fact certain historical conditions caused some of the groups participants to move to
Venice where they worked during the two-year revolutionary period 1848–1849. In
this regard it must be kept in mind that the anti-Austrian struggle, to which the Slavic
and Serbian traditions were instrumental, took place in Venice, not in Trieste.
Keywords: Triestine cultural circle, Tommaseo, Mazzini, Trieste, Venice
Др Ангела Рихтер1
Универзитет „Мартин Лутер” у Халеу–Витенбергу
Институт за славистику
Немачка
1
angela.richter@slavistik.uni-halle.de (Angela Richter, Martin Luther University of Halle–Witten-
berg, Institute for Slavic Studies, Germany)
2
Аргументација о његовом рангу као српског (и југоисточно-европског) просветитеља бар
у (јужно)словенском контексту је излишна. О томе сведочи чињеница да се тешко може
32 Ангела Рихтер
стећи увид у све објављене радове и истраживачку литературу о њему и његовом делу (уп.
библиографије Лазић 1990 и Живановић 2017).
3
Недавно је у Београду одбрањена двојна дисертација Драгане Грбић, настала на универзите-
тима у Халеу и Београду, која је дала изузетан прилог међународном и интердисциплинарном
истраживању просветитељства и историје знања (уп. Грбић 2018). Ту је основни компаратив-
ни и интердисциплинарни приступ његовом делу допуњен, и истражују се механизми транс-
формације идеја и просветитељских модела из немачког говорног подручја на периферији
европског југоистока. У узбудљивој историји рецепције историјске фигуре Доситеја Обрадо-
вића, која је све више постала фигуром културног хероја (уп. Fischer 2007), ипак су неки до-
датни аспекти српског просветитељства остали у сенци. Види о томе између осталог у: Ђерић
2012.
4
Пун наслов гласи Житїе сирѣчь рожденїе, воспитанїе, странствованїя, и различна по свѣту
и у отечеству приключенїя и страданїя Герасiма Зелића архїмандрїта свето-успенске оби-
тели Крупе у Далмацїи. Бывшега кое у истой державы, у Бокки Которской, одь л. 1796 до
конца л. 1811. надь православными восточнога исповѣданiя церквами ГЕНЕРАЛ҆ – и ВЕЛИКО-
ГА – ВЇКАРЇА; Нимь Самымь Себи и своима за спомень списано; и другима за любопытство,
гдѣшто зарь и за поученїе, на свѣт издано. Оригинал је дигитализован у Библиотеци Матице
српске, а у овом раду се цитира према издању из 1988, док се у појединим деловима у којима
ово издање одступа од оригинала упућује на дигитално издање.
Просветитељски дух и аутобиографија 33
Герасима Зелића
5
Укупно се могу навести четири издања овог Зелићевог дела: претходно поменуто из 1823,
потом једно издање објављено у Панчеву 1886, и једно издање у три књиге, које су под насло-
вом Житије Герасима Зелића архимандрита објављене у период од 1897. до 1900. са допунама
из Зелићеве заоставштине. Једино потпуно издање у 20. веку је оно из 1988, које је уследило
након ових претходних.
6
Увид о овим подацима стекла сам захваљујући издању Ж. Ђурића Велико путовање Герасима
Зелића (2015).
7
У прилог обнављању интересовања за Зелићево дело у оквиру савремених српских и
славистичких истраживања говоре студије Радомира Ивановића (1999) и Душана Иванића
(2009), као и најновији чланак Николе Грдинића из 2018.
34 Ангела Рихтер
8
Копитар их назива „грчким хришћанима”.
9
Он је описао себе као човека дуге браде, мантијом и камилавком, што је у другим земљама
изазивало чуђење (уп. 291).
Просветитељски дух и аутобиографија 35
Герасима Зелића
Зелић је путовао у Трст, Беч, Кијев, Лавов, Краков, Смирну, Милано, Венецију, Париз,
10
11
Узгред, Копитар сасвим очигледно није био задовољан таквих Зелићевим вредносним хије-
рархијским поретком, што се види и на основу тога што је приликом сачињавања превода ау-
тобиографије на том месту одступио: „… und erfordert werden sie überall, vom Städter herab bis
zum Bauer und Hirten” (Kopitar 1824, 117). И то није једино Копитарево одступање у преводу
овог Зелићевог текста.
12
Документи ове врсте у првом саставку показују се у каснијим издањима као ирелевантни и
отуда су их издавачи изостављали. Ради се о молбама, петицијама, потврдама, препорукама,
које, уз остале изјаве, такође сведоче о Зелићевом погледу на свет (види на пример странице
361–364 првог издања). Ове „рупе” у издању се могу донекле објаснити интервенцијом цензу-
ре (нпр. Милица Винавер-Ковић 2015, 62). Она надовезује своју аргументацију на реченицу:
„Ево како је то писмо гласило“ (Зелић 1988, 272). Поглед на прво издање би могао изнедрити
закључак да је Зелић, у намери да очврсне своје ставове, заправо интерполирао још многе
друге документе и то двојезично (уп. Зелић 1823, 482– 486).
13
О његовој личној библиотеци је, нажалост, врло мало тога познато. Из извештаја о оп-
хођењу његовог противника Бенедикта Краљевића у додацима аутобиографији из 1823. може
се сазнати да је Краљевић секиром развалио врата ормара, иза којих је била сакривена мала
библиотека: „от различитије књига историческије на језику росијском, греческом и италијан-
ском” (371). Даље је још познато да је Зелић био међу пренумерантима на Историју најваж-
нији политични европејски прикљученија от Вијенског мира 1809. до 1821. год. Георгија Ма-
гарашевића, што се истовремено може тумачити и као израз његовог занимања за историју.
Просветитељски дух и аутобиографија 37
Герасима Зелића
Дакле, мотив за писање белешке би могао бити пре свега личног и субјек-
тивног типа, вођен намером да остави траг о свом предузимању и опажању,
односно да нешто читаоцу посредује и да читалац којем се он обраћа може
нешто и да научи. Међутим, комплексна намера аутора је амбициозна и ши-
роко формулисана. То је на крају могуће видети и у посвети, која стоји на по-
леђини насловне стране из 1823. године: „Посвећено туне моме љубезноме
Роду и отечеству”.
материјал (поред текстова Обрадовића, Орфелина, Рајића и других) служи као важан извор
за поједине истраживачке аспекте монографије Рађање модерне приватности (в. Тимотије-
вић 2006).
15
Подробније о томе у: Стојнић 1988.
16
„Нама је Русија послала у Кримеју толико фамилија Руса, које се населиле између Татара, да
се науче језику турскоме, а Татари језику рускоме. За Русе сазидане таки благочестиве цркве,
а Турцима су остале у слободи њихове џамије, ђе оџе по овом обичају вичу слободно на муна-
рима и зову Турке у џамије, као и звона цркви христијанскије” (67).
17
Престрашеност једне младе Калмукиње он овако представља: „ја јој се станем полагано
приближавати и руку пружати, осмејавајући се, да се не плаши од моје камилавке и браде и
креста, но она све натраг уступаше, и једва је Калмук увјери да јој нећу ништа учинити” (155).
Просветитељски дух и аутобиографија 39
Герасима Зелића
18
У вези са тим Душан Иванић говори о предности непостојеће књишке начитаности (Иванић
2009, 149).
40 Ангела Рихтер
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Angela Richter
Abstract: The text explores the autobiography of Gerasim Zelić, who, unlike Dositej
Obradović, retains the genre term hagiography of the middle-aged literature. Remaining
a true member of the highest ecclesiastical ranks from the beginning to the end of the
autobiography, he is, however, critical of himself, manifesting his own enlightened spirit in
relation to the “backward environment”. The aim of the review is to verify how Zelić came to
express these oppositions from the perspective of the autobiographical narrative on I-Other
relation and get acquainted with the episodes that are extremely striking and which provide
various conclusions about the horizon of interpretation.
Keywords: autobiography, hagiography, Gerasim Zelić, Enlightenment, enlightened
spirit, travel, tolerance, critical attitude
Др Саша Марковић1
Универзитет у Новом Саду
Педагошки факултет у Сомбору
Република Србија
1
milnik.markovic@gmail.com (Saša Marković, University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Education in
Sombor, Serbia)
44 Саша Марковић
2
Н. Вукићевић, „Платон Атанацковић Православни епископ Бачки”, Школски лист, број 8, 30.
април 1867, стр. 118-119.
3
„Некролог Платону Атанацковић“, Гласник Српског ученог друштва, свеска 21, 1867, 368.
Просветитељство уз православну мисију 45
Павла Платона Атанацковићa
њега више жртава очекивала него што је утехе могла да му пружи, створили су
утисак о могућем успеху у тешкој борби за опстанак уз једини ослонац на соп-
ствене снаге, почев од породице. „Родитељи треба да се побрину да се њихова
деца, осим у вери и побожности вежбају и у неговању племенитог карактера,
у слободним вештинама [...] како би, кад одрасту, знала разумно да делају”.4
Развој друштвене мисли за Србе „пречане” била је незаобилазна тема са
аспекта опстанка народа у наступајућем времену европског напретка. Срби
нису желели тога да се одрекну и трудили су се да иду у „корак са временом”.
Павле Атанацковић је био један од њих трагајући смело за место Срба у неиз-
весној, али неминовној будућности уз чврст ослонац на постојеће вредности
које су заслуге предака. Овај комплексан и надасве деликатан приступ био је
једино могућу уз одмерену дозу комформизма која је подстицала царску на-
клоност уз наду да је она најефикаснији пут узмицања од асимилације. Тра-
жећи одговорну власт, Атанацковић је често указивао речиту почаст царској
личности не са идејом осигурања својих позиција, већ из разлога подстицања
поверења, а у намери благонаклоног става према српском народу. Уважавајући
историјске прилике, сматрамо да је ово био један од примерених начина да се
очува српски идентитет и не упокоји нада у стварање нације и слободне држа-
ве. Бираним речима, уважавајућим приступом и пристојним убеђењем Ата-
нацковић је посветио пажњу владару. „Најмилостивији монарх, наших срца
вечни житељ, Франц Први, искрено, као отац прави, желећи да учини срећ-
ним све поданике своје, и у тој срећи своју сопствену да пронађе, налази начин
којим ће над срцем младог Србина бдети док душа овог светлост не пронађе да
осветли и најскривеније углове срца, и док снагу не добије да над њим влада.
Верни поданици! Љубљени Срби! Синови моји! – говори нам благост и добро-
та цара нашег – Будите срећни! То и заслужујете. Будите срећни, но никад не
заборавите да само кроз врлину то можете бити. Поштујте је као оруђе про-
мисла, којим вас к срећи води. Лепа је, равна је, безопасна је стаза њена. Не си-
лазите с ње, срећа вас чека на крају! О, милости, несравњиво већа од величан-
ства царског! О, доброте и благости примерене свим престолима! Шта може
српског језика и пера достојнији, пријатнији и часнији предмет бити од имена
Франца Првог?”5 Беседа изречена приликом пресељења Препарандије у Сом-
бору 1816, заснована на допадљивости цару био је уобичајени начин истицања
поданичке привржености. Њена снисходљивост имала је за циљ одређена по-
бољшања у друштвеном положају оних који су о њој писали, али је и испоља-
вали. Овај дискурс опхођења и приступа тешко да је био прихватљив у време-
ну националног романтизма и тежње за самосталном државном доктрином.
4
Јан Амос Коменски, Материнска школа, Завод за уџбенике и наставна средства, Београд,
2000, стр. 18,19.
5
М. Степановић, „Свечана беседа Павла Атанацковића приликом установљења српске Препа-
рандије у Сомбору, 3/15. новембра 1816”, Норма, бр. 2, 2016, 220.
46 Саша Марковић
6
„Само у християнству налазимо ми сва истинита и права начела доброг васпитаня.“ („Важ-
ност християнског васпитания“, Школски лист, бр. 7, 15. април 1867, 102.
7
М. Степановић, нав. дело, 216.
8
„Унутрашње врлине које Коменски излаже у Чешкој дидактици: опрезност, умереност, хра-
брост и праведност у потпуности се не подударају али се приближавају основним-главним
врлинама о којима говори у Великој дидактици. То су: мудрост, уметност, храброст и пра-
ведност.“ (Јован Ђорђевић, „Схватања Коменског о моралном васпитању“, Педагогија, бр. 1,
1970, 83).
9
Слово на прерадностный народный празникъ Иннсталацίе Кралѣ вскогъ педагогίческогъ ин-
ститута Српскогъ у Сомбору говорено Пауломъ Аθанацковичемъ, у Будиму 1817.
10
П. Атанацковић, Огледало човечности, у Бечу, 1823, 46.
11
„Правду, да да правду валя препоручиваmи да свыма Людма, она чисmи, она подиже срдца
народа” (Исто, 109).
Просветитељство уз православну мисију 47
Павла Платона Атанацковићa
12
Исто, 111.
13
Н. Вукићевић, нав. дело, 117.
14
О. Срдановић-Бараћ, „Владика Платон Атанацковић (1788–1867)”, Теолошки погледи, бр. 1-3,
1985, 163.
15
„Правый отацъ деце свое” (П. Атанацковић, нав. дело, 167).
48 Саша Марковић
16
П. Атанацковић, Принось родолюбивыхъ мыслiй на жертвеникъ народнога напредка, у
Новом Саду, 1864, 46.
17
Исто.
18
„Обраћеный човекомрзацъ” (П. Атанацковић, Огледало човечности, 185).
19
Исто, 197.
20
„Види народъ да ни у чемъ напредка нема, са сузама гледи како му н. пр. Школе све худье и
худье бываю” (Диєталне бесѣде Платона Аθанацковића, Епископа Будимскога, Београд, 1845,
35).
21
Александар Сандић, „Елогија Платону Атанацковићу”, Српски летопис, за годину 1867, 1868
и 1869, у Новом Саду, 1871, 360.
22
„Земљи није ништа теже на себи носити до необразованог човека“; Н. Нинковић, Политич-
ка и културна делатност митрополита Павла Ненадовића, докторска дисертација, Фило-
зофски факултет, Нови Сад, 2015, 421.
Просветитељство уз православну мисију 49
Павла Платона Атанацковићa
23
П. Атанацковић, Приносъ родолубивыхъ мыслίй на жертвеникъ народног напредка, у Новом
Саду, 1864, 43.
24
П. Атанацковић, Бiблiическа повҍ сть Старога Завҍта за юность, у Будиму, 1843, 1.
25
П. Атанацковић, Малый Катихизисъ, у Бечу, 1859, 19.
26
„То да я могу, съ драгомъ душомъ бы отъ исток до запад све саме миле Сҍрбле у найсяйниїе
службе понамҍштао!” (П. Атанацковић, Изяснениє, у Будиму, 1848).
27
П. Атанацковић, Друга кньига о єзыкословїю и читаню за српска народна училишта, у Бечу,
1856, 199.
28
Н. Вукићевић, нав. дело, 113.
29
Ближе види и: М. Степановић и К. Селихар, Никола Ђ. Вукићевић, животопис и библиогра-
фија, Педагошки факултет у Сомбору, Сомбор, 2010.
30
Ђорђе Натошевић је свој радни век посветио културно-просветној делатности и политич-
кој одбрани њене потребе. Рођен је у патријархалној и моралној породици у Сланкамену 1821.
године. Током детињства суочио се са умирањем петоро браће и сестара што је вероватно
утицало на његову наклоност према људима. Био је вредан и марљив и успешно је завршио
школовање 1851. тако што је постао доктор медицине. Његова лекарска пракса трајала је све-
га три године, јер је од 1853. постао управитељ Српске гимназије у Новом Саду. Одлучан у
подизању угледа школства код Срба, попут Уроша Несторовића, он је 1857. постао Царски,
краљевски саветник за школу и прихватио се дужности надзора и управе над свим српским
50 Саша Марковић
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Saša Marković
UDC 821.16.09:398
Оригинални научни рад
Dr Dimitris Petalas1
Hellenic Folklore Society (Athens)
Greece
Zusammenfassung: Die von der Erzählung Tolstois „Die drei Eremiten” her bekannte
russische Sage von den drei armen Eremiten, die das Wunder des Herrn wiederholen, indem
sie auf den Wellen wandeln, taucht variiert auch in der serbischen Volkserzählung „Hilf
nicht, lieber Gott!” auf.
Schlüsselwörter: Bischof, Eremiten, hl. Franziskus von Paola, hl. Hyazinth von Polen
(Jacek Odrowąż), Vuk Karadžić, hl. Nikolaus, hl. Raimund von Peñafort, Russland, Serbien,
Leo Tolstoi, Vaterunser, Serbische Volkserzählungen, Wandeln auf den Wellen
Die Volkserzählung aus Serbien „Hilf mir nicht, lieber Gott” („Не помози,
Боже”), aufgezeichnet von Vuk Karadžić2 um 1850 fiel mir wegen ihrer frappanten
1
dpetalas@otenet.gr (Димитрис Петалас, Хеленско друштво фолклориста, Атина, Грчка)
2
Српске народне приповијетке. Скупио их и на свијет издао Вук Стеф. Караџић / Sammlung
und Herausgabe: Vuk Stef. Karadžić, Нолит, Београд [Nachdruck (o.J.) der Ausgabe von 1853], S.
263f.
56 Dimitris Petalas
Ähnlichkeit mit einer Legende des Wolga-Gebiets auf, die von Leo Tolstoi in seiner
Erzählung „Die drei Eremiten” („Три старца”) literarisch wiedergegeben wurde.
Die serbische Legende geht so (eigene Übersetzung):
Als der hl. Nikolaus einmal spazieren ging, traf er am Meer einen Menschen,
der ständig rief: „Hilf mir nicht, lieber Gott!” Als (der Heilige) ihn fragte, was er (mit
diesen Worten) bezwecke, antwortete ihm jener, er bete zu Gott. Da entgegnete ihm
der hl. Nikolaus, so bete man doch nicht zu Gott, sondern man müsse sagen „Hilf
mir, lieber Gott!” Der Mensch folgte dem Rat gern und begann sogleich so zu rufen
(wie ihm der Heilige gesagt hatte). Nachdem der hl. Nikolaus das Schiff bestiegen
hatte und aufs Meer gefahren war, vergaß der Mensch sofort, was ihn der Heilige
gelehrt hatte, und so rief er ihm vom Ufer zu, er möge zurückkehren, um ihm das
richtige Gebet noch einmal zu sagen; als er aber sah, dass seine Stimme ungehört
blieb, riss er eilends seine Kleidung von der Schulter, breitete sie auf dem Meer aus
und begann mit seinen Armen zu rudern, um zum Heiligen zu gelangen. Als er auf
diese Weise das Schiff erreichte, rief er dem hl. Nikolaus zu: „Na, wie sollte ich zu
Gott beten?” Da der hl. Nikolaus dieses Wunder sah, dachte er bei sich: „Wenn der
so das Meer überqueren kann, dann ist sein Gebet, mag er sagen, was er will, gottge-
fälliger als meins„ und antwortete ihm: „Wie bisher, wie bisher”.
Tolstoi schrieb seine Erzählung 1886; dem Untertitel „Eine Legende aus dem
Wolga-Gebiet” folgt Mt 6, 7–8:
Wenn ihr betet, sollt ihr nicht plappern wie die Heiden, die meinen, sie werden nur
erhört, wenn sie viele Worte machen. Macht es nicht wie sie, denn euer Vater weiß, was
ihr braucht, noch ehe ihr darum bittet. (Einheitsübersetzung)
Tolstoi erzählt uns kurz gefasst Folgendes:
Ein Bischof fuhr einmal mit dem Schiff von Archangelsk3 zum Solowezki-Klos-
ter.4 Von einigen Mitreisenden hörte er, dass nicht weit von ihrer Schiffsroute eine
Insel liege, auf der drei hochbejahrte, in Lumpen gekleidete Einsiedler lebten, die im
Ruf von Heiligen stünden. Das weckte das Interesse des Bischofs, der den Kapitän
bat, ein wenig vom Kurs abzuweichen und ihn zum Inselchen zu bringen. Der Ka-
pitän versuchte anfangs, ihn umzustimmen: Diese Mönche seien alt und kindisch.
Schließlich jedoch lenkte er das Schiff zur Insel. Es ging in einiger Entfernung von
der Küste vor Anker und Matrosen brachten den Bischof in einem Ruderboot an
Land. Dort stieß er auf die Greise, segnete und fragte sie, was sie zu ihrer Seelen-
rettung täten, wie sie Gott auf der kleinen Insel dienten und wie sie beteten. Der
älteste antwortete: „Wir beten folgendermaßen: ‘Drei Du und drei wir, erbarme Dich
unser᾽”; sogleich erhoben die drei ihren Kopf zum Himmel und wiederholten das
Gebet. Der Bischof lächelte und erklärte ihnen gütig, sie hätten zwar etwas von der
Heiligen Dreifaltigkeit gehört und wollten Gott danken, machten das aber nicht
3
Russische Stadt am Weißen Meer. Von September bis Juni herrscht dort Frost.
4
Gleichnamige Insel im Weißen Meer.
„Die Heiligen wandeln auf den Wellen”: Ein Vergleich 57
zweier slawischer Erzählungen
richtig. So begann er sie das Grundwissen über die Fleischwerdung des Herrn und
das Mysterium der Dreifaltigkeit zu lehren. Danach betete er ihnen das Vaterunser
vor und ließ sie es wiederholen. Anfangs hatten sie Schwierigkeiten damit, lernten
es aber schließlich auswendig, nachdem sie einen ganzen Tag geübt hatten. Gegen
Abend war der Bischof sicher, seine Mission vollendet zu haben und schickte sich
zum Aufbruch an. Er verabschiedete sich von den Alten, die ihm zu Füßen fielen und
ihn anbeteten; er hieß sie aufstehen, küsste jeden einzelnen und betonte, sie sollten
so beten, wie er es sie gelehrt hatte. Dann ging er ins Boot und kehrte zum Schiff
zurück. Als die Insel nicht mehr zu sehen war, sah der Bischof, der auf dem Deck
saß, plötzlich auf der Linie des Widerscheins des Mondes etwas Weißes glänzen und
glaubte anfangs, es sei eine Möwe oder das Segel eines anderen, kleineren Schiffes.
Als sich jedoch der Lichtschein mit großer Geschwindigkeit näherte und dabei war,
sie einzuholen, erhob er sich und fragte den Steuermann, was dieses Licht bedeute.
Da sahen beide voller Schrecken die drei Einsiedler, wie sie strahlend leuchtend,
ohne dabei die Beine zu bewegen, über das Wasser glitten und wie ihre Bärte glänz-
ten. Bevor das Schiff anhielt, sagten sie wie mit einer Stimme zum Bischof:
„Diener Gottes, wir haben deine Lehre vergessen. Solange wir sie wiederholten,
war sie uns erinnerlich, doch als wir kurz aufhörten, das Vaterunser zu sagen, entfiel
uns zuerst ein Wort und danach, wie schade! Jetzt haben wir es total vergessen. Sag
es uns noch einmal!”.
Der Bischof schlug sein Kreuz und sagte zu ihnen: „Euer Gebet wird zum Herrn
gelangen. Ich bin es nicht wert, euch zu lehren. Betet für uns Sünder!”.5
Vergleichen wir die beiden Legenden, schälen sich folgende Motive heraus:
1) Ein hochrangiger Kirchenmann (Bischof in der russischen Legende, und in
der serbischen einer der größten Heiligen der Orthodoxen Kirche) begegnet drei auf
den ersten Blick naiven Eremiten (russische Legende) oder einem gleichfalls einfäl-
tigen Bauern (serbische Legende).
2) Die Eremiten / Der Bauer beten nicht richtig.
3) Der Kirchenmann übernimmt es, sie das richtige Gebet zu lehren (das Va-
terunser in der russischen Legende und die Anrufung „Hilf, lieber Gott“ in der ser-
bischen).
4) Die drei Eremiten / Der Bauer folgen dem Kirchenmann bereitwillig und
demütig und tun alles, um richtig zu beten.
5) Nach Beendigung seiner Mission fährt der Kirchenmann mit einem Schiff
weg.
5
Zusammenfassung der englischen Übersetzung der Webseite Literature Network „Leo Tolstoy
Three Hermits”.
58 Dimitris Petalas
6) Gleich nach der Abfahrt des Kirchenmanns merken die Mönche / der Bauer,
dass sie das richtige Gebet vergessen haben.
7) Um es erneut zu lernen, beeilen sich die drei Eremiten, das schon weit ent-
fernte Schiff zu erreichen „indem sie auf den Wellen gehen“ und so das Wunder des
Herrn wiederholen (Mt 14, 22–24, Mk 6, 45–52, Joh 6, 16–21), während der Bauer
seine Kleider aufs Meer wirft und sie als Boot und seine Arme als Ruder benutzt.
8) Die Mönche / Der Bauer holen das Schiff ein und bitten den Kirchenmann,
ihnen das richtige Gebet zu lehren, das sie vergessen hatten.
9) Furcht des Kirchenmannes vor dem gewaltigen Wunder. Der Bischof schlägt
sein Kreuz, während der hl. Nikolaus, Heiliger der Schiffahrt, seine Wunder über-
schattet sieht von dem, was der Bauer leistete.
10) Demütigung des Kirchenmannes: Der Bischof sagt zu den Eremiten, ihr
Gebet werde vom Herrn erhört, und er sei unwürdig, sie es zu lehren; der hl. Niko-
laus gesteht ebenso, dass Gott sich mehr über das Gebet eines ungebildeten Bauern
als über seins freue.
11) Damit verbundene Aufforderung des Bischofs an die Mönche, für seine See-
le zu beten, ebenso für alle anderen Sünder / des hl. Nikolaus an den Bauern, weiter-
hin auf seine alte, unorthodoxe Weise zu beten.
Ich kann nicht wissen, ob und bis zu welchem Grad Tolstoi in die ursprüngliche
Legende eingegriffen hat, indem er z.B. die drei Alten ihr asketisches Leben in der
ungastlichsten und feindlichsten Umgebung führen lässt, die man sich vorstellen
kann (eine kleine Insel im Arktischen Ozean), und sie als Polaräquivalent der Kir-
chenväter in der Wüste darstellt, was ihre Heiligkeit natürlich noch stärker unter-
streichen würde. Ebenfalls weiß ich nicht, ob es auch Tolstois Idee war, die drei As-
kese Übenden am Ende der Erzählung mit einem intensiven und suggestiven Glanz
zu umgeben: Der russische Schriftsteller beharrt besonders auf diesem Punkt: Die
drei Alten – nach dem Bild der Heiligen Dreifaltigkeit – sind zur Vereinigung mit
dem Göttlichen gelangt und strahlen wie eine in „thaborischem” Licht; deswegen
bringen sie auch das Gotteswunder mit solcher Leichtigkeit zustande. Diese zutiefst
theologischen Elemente fehlen in der – eher grobgeschnitzten – serbischen Varian-
te. In dieser begegnet indessen ein anderes Element, wohl „lateinischer” Herkunft:
das Kleidungsstück, das der Bauer ins Wasser wirft, um es als Boot zu benutzen.
Diesem Motiv begegnen wir auch bei vielen Viten westlicher Heiliger: So überquert
z.B. der hl. Franziskus von Paola die Meerenge von Sizilien zusammen mit einem
anderen Mönch; der hl. Raimund von Peñafort reist auf ähnliche Weise von Mal-
lorca nach Barcelona, während der hl. Hyazinth von Polen (Jacek Odrowąż) auf die
gleiche Weise die über die Ufer getretene Weichsel überquert, wobei er sein „Boot”
noch mit drei Gefährten beschwert hat, und später zu Fuß den Dnjepr.
„Die Heiligen wandeln auf den Wellen”: Ein Vergleich 59
zweier slawischer Erzählungen
Dimitris Petalas
Abstract: The variant of the motif of the three poor monks repeating the Lord’s miracle
while running on the waves, widely known through Leo Tolstoy’s short story “The three
hermits”, as it appears in the Serbian folk tale “Don’t help me, my God!”.
Keywords: bishop, hermits, Vuk Karadžić, the Lord’s Prayer, St Francis of Paola, St
Hyacinth of Poland (Jacek Odrowąż), St Nicolas, St Raymond of Peñafort, Russia, Serbia,
Serbian folk tales, Leo Tolstoy, walking on the waves
UDC 371.671(497.12)
Оригинални научни рад
Dr Zoran Božič1
University in Nova Gorica
School of Humanities
Slovenia
Abstract: The paper deals with responses to World War I in Slovenian secondary school
literature textbooks in the interwar period. Among other texts, these textbooks in the 1920s
feature writings about the Isonzo front, expressing the pain due to the loss of the Littoral
region. The textbook published within the frames of fascist Italy is a special case, since its
compiler had to express his national awareness and the condemnation of war atrocities in a
concealed way. In the 1930s, only texts describing the retreat of the Serbian army to Corfu
or to the Macedonian front are published, since the Kingdom of Yugoslavia could not build
national awareness with texts depicting suffering or heroism of the defeated soldiers.
Keywords: history, didactics, Yugoslavia, Isonzo front, Macedonian front
The end of World War I, the disintegration of Austria–Hungary and the emer-
gence of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Kingdom of SHS), but above all
the plebiscite in Carinthia and the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo in 1920, marked
fateful changes for the development and the further existence of the Slovenian na-
tion. The newly formed state significantly improved the position of Slovene language,
particularly in the field of education: Slovene became the language of instruction at
primary and secondary levels, and in 1919 our university was established. Simul-
taneously, we lost south Carinthia and the Littoral region, together with the cities
Celovec (Klagenfurt), Gorica (Gorizia) and Trst (Trieste), which were important
education and cultural centres during the times of the Austria-Hungary monarchy.
The Littoral region, which only started developing after the Bohinj railway had been
built (in 1913 the first Slovenian state grammar school was established in Gorizia),
was first affected by the Isonzo front, then by the period of fascism, when Slovenian
1
zoran.bozic@guest.arnes.si (Зоран Божич, Универзитет у Новој Горици, Факултет за хумани-
стику, Словенија)
62 Zoran Božič
schools were abolished and Slovene language banned from public life, and therefore
a great portion of the population, particularly educated people, emigrated either to
the new state of South Slavs or to remote overseas countries.
2
Civic school – a secondary school, modelled after German Bürgerschule.
World War I in Secondary School Literature Textbooks 63
during the Interwar Period
is this? My breath is at a standstill, I’m suffocating. My heart aches as if an icy fist has
grabbed it. Cold slowly creeps over my hair, along my back, in my marrow. I look more
closely – the sleeve of the hand holding a small dagger is moving!
Two texts connect the Isonzo front with the loss of the Littoral region. Ivan
Lah refers to the contents of Gregorčič’s prophetic poem To the River Soča (Us – Mi,
Wester III, p. 22):
And the Soča of ours was flowing in blood, we defended its rocky banks; we know where
the nation sleeps under lumps of earth, where foreigners take possession of its property!
Even more interesting is the narration of France Bevk, later one of the leaders
of the National Liberation resistance movement in the Littoral region. The dismem-
bering of ethnically Slovenian territory and the loss of Carinthia, the Raba and the
Littoral regions is compared to Christ’s crucifixion (Spring 1919 – Spomladi 1919,
Brinar III, p. 112):
In Korotan (Carinthia) they crowned our head, in Prekmurje they pinned our hands
down, in Gorizia they drove nails through our feet, our blood flooded the Soča and the
Drava, in Versailles they pierced our heart […].
In his simple but lyrically melodious and strongly expressive poem, Anton De-
beljak conveys pain and affliction because of deeds by foreigners, but also hope that
historical injustices will one day be redressed (Slovenian Land – Slovenska zemlja,
Wester IV, p. 119):
Slovenian land, holy land, a stranger grabs it with his hand; I feel sad, with heavy feelings,
as if an arrow pointed in my eye. My native land, the fertile land, small you are, small, but
still they cut you to pieces. How long ago a part of your land was taken away – and still
the fresh wounds hurt! My Veli Joža, my strong Krpan, if only I had your fist: on my palm
would I take the land to the shelter, our property would remain intact.
condemning the imperialist greediness for foreign territories and the general use of
warfare for solving international disputes.
He made this impression by first including a few texts that glorified the beauty
of the Italian past and present. He found useful a writing by the historian Simon
Rutar about the town of nearby Aquileia (the Mighty Aquileia - Mogočna Akvileja,
p. 122):
Old writers speak with one voice about the splendour and mightiness of Aquilea. It is
called “second to Rome, the biggest, the mightiest, the richest and the liveliest city in
Europe, especially distinguishing itself with the beauty of public and private buildings”.
Few know that one of the Slovenian realists, poet Anton Aškerc. was also an
avid traveller. Budal included the poet’s experiencing the Gulf of Naples (O bella
Napoli – addio! p. 138) in his textbook:
Capri is sinking in the sea, Sorento is lying behind us, getting cool among green trees …
our fast steamer is homeward bound. Hey, white seagull, the fast ship, why do you hurry
so much? Where in this divine world is it nicer for my soul and my eye?
Together with these promotional texts, we can find texts from ancient Roman
history that express the right to freedom. Anton Funtek included this topic in his
own experience of Christian history (Living Torches - Žive plamenice, p. 159):
And not a call, not a dawn is over ever again: “Death to slavery!” is a thundering call;
“For Christ!” a shining dawn. Limitless is your crime, the world trembles with it … Your
memory is cursed, cursed, cursed, for ages! The emperor Neron with sunken cheeks sits
on a golden throne. A thousand torches of freedom, of Christianity, burn across the earth.
A dramatic text by Fran Saleški Finžgar, where the author clearly condemns the
imperialistic rapacity of Romans, is even more explicit (Forum Romanum, p. 175):
A temple beside a temple, rows of columns all around, beautiful basilicas, sculptures by
the most skilful chisel, marble and mosaic on the floor, a podium, assemblies and “mil-
iarium aureum”, a white column with a golden crown on top, from where all roads lead
from the Forum to all the sides of the world, used by Roman troops marching to subdue
peaceful nations and triumphantly bringing back princes and kings fettered in chains.
Forum Romanum – the heart of the whole world, and the roads starting there – all nour-
ishing veins, blood vessels bringing gold, wealth, booty and enslaved nations!
A very clear condemnation of the cruelty of war is included in a story by France
Bevk. The story is about the implementation of the death penalty for six young sol-
diers who opposed a senseless order. All soldiers feel solidarity with the condemned
(Who Will Shoot – Kdo bo streljal? p. 236):
Sergeant waited for a few moments, then he got angry. “Are you cowards? Who
will shoot? Well?” Again, there was complete silence. Half of the faces grew pale.
Some of them looked straight ahead, but all at attention, with arms at hips, as if
World War I in Secondary School Literature Textbooks 65
during the Interwar Period
awaiting punishment. The sergeant summoned them once again without selecting
his words, then he stepped to the officer. “I beg to report, nobody will volunteer.”
Bajec’s literature textbooks for lower secondary schools, with very progressive
content and didactics, and Gaspari’s literature textbooks for civic schools were pub-
lished in the 1930s when the Octroic Constitution was adopted in Yugoslavia and
unitarism was becoming stronger. Unfortunately, the textbooks were no longer used
after World War II, the former due to the ideological narrow-mindedness of the
new authorities and the latter due to the abolishment of civic schools. In the com-
mon state of South Slavic nations there were attempts to erase differences between
nationalities and to build unity based on the unifying power of royal authority; nev-
ertheless, a disagreement in evaluating war events was emerging between the North-
West and the South-East of the state. In spite of the triumphant breakthrough of
the Austrian-Hungarian-German army at Kobarid, Slovenians ended the war in a
defeated position at the Piava River, while Serbs, in spite of their taking flight from
the Austro-Hungarian army and escaping to the island of Corfu, came out as the
winners of the Macedonian front. Therefore, there are no longer texts describing the
Isonzo front, but only texts depicting the suffering or heroism of Serbian soldiers.
A memorial text, written by a Slovenian witness, Josip Jeras, vividly describes
atrocities suffered by the Serbian army during their retreat across the Albanian
mountains and their rescue to the island of Corfu (The Island of Death – Otok smrti,
Gaspari III, p. 8):
On the shore, there were whole depots of naked corpses, stacked like one-metre firewood
pieces one on top of another. The stack was as high as an adult person and more than ten
metres long. Dead corpses were brought here and piled up the whole day. The next day a
special French burial ship came and took them to the southernmost part of Corfu, where
they were released into the waves.
A text by an anonymous author describes the king’s role in encouraging soldiers
in difficult war conditions (King Peter in the Albanian Mountains – Kralj Peter v al-
banskih gorah, Bajec I, p. 92):
Then he turned to other soldiers and continued: “Don’t despair, friends! As long as we
have such faithful and loyal soldiers, there is no fear for the homeland. Everything will
be fine, we shall soon come back as winners to this poor beloved country which we are
leaving now.”
Even when the suffering of the Littoral Slovenes is mentioned, it is used to extol
the king, his goodness and the hope that the king’s authority brings. On the occasion
of the king’s visit to Ljubljana, a delegation of oppressed people from the Littoral
66 Zoran Božič
region spoke, as recorded in the testimony of Pavel Plesničar (A Kiss for the Unsaved
Country – Poljub neodrešeni domovini, Gaspari I, p. 28):
“We have written to our brothers in Trieste, the Gorizia region and Istria, that you are
coming among us, bright Prince, so we gathered these flowers on our mournful land
for you to see our love, our hope! The heart of your best sons and daughters greets you:
Welcome, tsar! You are greeted by those who hunger for victory!”
After the assassination of King Alexander in 1934, several texts preserving
the cult of personality in the textbooks and through the king, named the Unifier,
strengthen the myth of Yugoslav unity. The description of the journey of the coffin
carrying the king’s body from Split to Belgrade is similar to events accompanying
the death of Yugoslav president Tito, with the difference that in the 1980s such texts
no longer appeared in literature textbooks (The Final Journey – Na zadnji poti, Bajec
III, p. 6):
All the long way the funeral train was accompanied by an unbroken, thick double line of
our people who knelt by the railway and shed tears of mourning. Humble people of Lika,
who regarded the king as a great friend to them, kissed the rails and stared at the train
receding into the distance. They came to the railway from the remotest villages as though
on pilgrimage, bearing flowers and lighting candles.
A very special and still relevant text even today is another anonymous one
which grounds Yugoslav unity in the reconciliation between Serbs and Slovenes, two
nations that fought on opposite sides during World War I. A memorial text describes
a Serbian soldier whose homestead was burnt down by the order of a Slovene in the
Austrian army. Later, this Serb fights in Carinthia and after the plebiscite enters the
army of the Kingdom of SHS. One day he recognizes that a fellow soldier is the Slo-
vene who harmed his family. Instead of taking revenge on him, he breaks down and
forgives him (Brat, Gaspari II, p. 7):
“But why didn’t you stab him? … Does he deserve mercy?” they asked him. He sobbed
with pain and suffering. At last it broke out of his chest: “He is my brother …” Everyone
fell silent. They found no words to express what was happening to them. They only felt
that something strange and incomprehensible, something great had happened, incapable
of being expressed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sources
Literature
Зоран Божич
821.163.41.09 Andrić I.
Оригинални научни рад
Др Богуслав Зјелињски1
Универзитет „Адам Мицкјевич” у Познању
Институт за словенску филологију
Пољска
1
zielbog@amu.edu.pl (Bogusław Zieliński, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, Institute of Slavic
Philology, Poland)
2
Анджеј Валицки прави разлику између месијанизма (распрострањеног у пољској литера-
тури) и месијанизма (од речи Месија). Први термин дефинише „све промене вере у пољској
историјској мисији, нарочито у мисији одбране Запада пред муслиманским и руским вар-
варизмом и [означава] ширење мисије латинске цивилизације на словенском истоку”. Док
термин месијанизам који потиче од речи Месија – пише Валицки – има богатији садржај и
одговарајући ужи спектар значења: означава, наиме, веру у избавитеља (индивидуалног или
колективног), који ће доћи после катастрофе и сачувати од зла људе који од њега страдају». A.
Walicki, Mesjanizm Mickiewicza w perspektywie porównawczej. Warszawa 2006, стр. 16.
70 Богуслав Зјелињски
[у:] Научни састанак слависта у Вукове дане, год. 22, бр. 1, 1994, стр. 235–243. Од пољских
радова видети такође M. Dąbrowska-Partyka, „Ivo Andrić albo paradoksy pogranicza”, [у:]
Narodowy i ponadnarodowy model kultury. Europa Środkowa i Półwysep Bałkański. Pod redakcijom
B. Zielińskiego. Seria Filologia Słowiańska, nr. 7. Poznań 2002, стр. 196.
6
Види B. Zieliński, „Wokół Andricia jako pisarza dialogu międzykulturowego”, [у:] Tradycja
łacińska i bizantyjska wobec idei jedności europejskiej. Pod red. A. W. Mikołajczaka i M. Walczak-
Mikołajczakowej. Gniezno 2003, стр. 332–356. На истом месту опширна библиографија.
7
A. Kłoskowska, Kultury narodowe u korzeni. Warszawa 2005, стр. 59.
8
Уп. B. Zieliński, „Kosowo w serbskiej kulturze i tradycji”, [у:] Język, literatura i kultura Słowian
dawniej i dziś – III. Litteraria. Pod red. B. Zielińskiego. Poznań 2001, стр. 15–48).
72 Богуслав Зјелињски
9
И. Андрић, На Дрини ћуприја. Сарајево 1977, стр. 60. Сви цитати Андрићевих дела су из
овога издања.
10
Ibid., стр. 61. У роману читамо даље: „Зар не видиш да се посветио? Светитељ, болан. И
сваки је испод ока мерио покојника који се држи усправно као да ступа пред четом. Горе, на
својој висини, он им није више изгледао ни страшан ни жалостан. Напротив, свима је било
јасно сада колико се издвојио и узвисио” (Ibid., стр. 60).
Крст је најпре симбол смрти, али такође као резултат његове значењске амбиваленције и
симбол избављења и живота. У теологији св. Јована Еванђелисте крст није само знак стра-
дања, већ антиципација славе Божије. По Јовану Христос тријумфује управо у моменту стра-
дања, што укацује кроз опис небеског узношења Христа. „Не стоји на земљи, не држи се ру-
кама, не плива, не лети; он има своје тежиште у самом себи; ослобођен земних веза и терета,
не мучи се; не може му више нико ништа, ни пушка, ни сабља, ни зла мисао ни људска реч
ни турски суд. Онако наг до паса, везаних руку и ногу, прав, забачене главе, уз колац, тај лик
није личио толико на људско тело које расте и распада се колико на високо уздигнут, тврд и
непролазан кип који ће ту остати заувек” ( Ibid). Имајући на уму своје распеће Христ је рекао:
„А ја кад будем над земљом узвишен, привући ћу све до себе” (Ј 12, 32). „Човек на коцу постао
је општа брига и светиња” (ibid., стр. 61).
11
A. Walicki, Mesjanizm Adama Mickiewicza..., op. cit., стр. 16–17.
12
Уп. ibid., стр. 19.
Иво Андрић као писац међукултурног и 73
међуверског дијалога
13
Ibid., стр. 21–22.
14
И. Андрић, На Дрини ћуприја, op. cit., стр. 60.
15
G. Grela, „Nieporozumienie jako warunek istnienia pluralizmu kultur”, [у:] Dialog kultur. O
granicach pluralizmu. Pod red. P. Bytniewskiego i J. Mizińskiej. Lubelskie Odczyty Filozoficzne.
Zbiór szósty. Lublin 1998, стр. 99.
74 Богуслав Зјелињски
16
J. Mizińska, „Outsider jako wytwórca i męczennik niezrozumienia”, [у:] Dialog kultur. O granicach
pluralizmu, op. cit стр. 23.
17
Уп. T. Szkołut, „Tradycja kulturowa i twórczość w refleksji filozoficzno-estetycznej Michała
Bachtina”, [у:] Dialog kultur. O granicach pluralizmu..., op. cit., стр. 48. Уп. такође E. Czaplejewicz,
Wstęp do poetyki pragmatycznej. Warszawa 1977, стр. 140–144.
18
Уп. B. Zieliński, „Kosowo w serbskiej kulturze i tradycji”, op. cit., passim.
19
Z. Stachowski, „Miejsce dialogu w kulturze chrześcijańskiej”, [у:] Dialog w kulturze. Pod red. M.
Szulakiewicza, Z. Karpusa. Toruń 2003, стр. 243.
Иво Андрић као писац међукултурног и 75
међуверског дијалога
20
A. Walicki, Mesjanizm Mickiewicza…, op. cit., стр. 20–21.
21
Уп. C. Wilson, Outsider. Poznań 1992.
22
Уп. T. Szkołut, „Tradycja kulturowa i twórczość w refleksji filozoficzno-estetycznej Michała
Bachtina”, op. cit., стр. 57.
76 Богуслав Зјелињски
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Bogusław Zieliński
UDC 323(497.11)"18/19"
Оригинални научни рад
Др Небојша Петровић1
Висока школа за комуникације (Београд)
Република Србија
1
nebojsa.petrovic1973@gmail.com (Nebojša Petrović, Faculty of Communication, Belgrade, Serbia)
80 Небојша Петровић
5
Latinka Perović, Dominantna i neželjena elita : beleške o intelektualnoj i političkoj eliti u Srbiji: (XX-
XXI vek), Dan graf, Beograd • Radio-televizija Vojvodine, Novi Sad, 2015, 28.
6
Латинка Перовић и Андреј Шемјакин (прир.), Никола П. Пашић, Писма, чланци и говори
(1872-1891), Службени лист СРЈ, Београд 1995, 131.
7
Исто, 239.
8
Радош Љушић, Историја српске државности, књ. 2: Србија и Црна Гора: нововековне српске
државе, Огранак Српске академије наука и уметности, Нови Сад 2001, 196.
82 Небојша Петровић
9
Михаило Ђурић, Хуманизам као политички идеал, Српска књижевна задруга, Београд 1968, 28.
Демократски развој српског друштва од краја 19. века 83
до Другог светског рата
10
Луиђи Пирандело, Покојни Матија Паскал, Народна књига – Политика, Београд 2004, 137.
11
Lešek Kolakovski, Glavni tokovi marksizma. Tom II, Beogradski izdavačko-grafički zavod, Beograd
1983, 590.
84 Небојша Петровић
12
Isto, 594.
13
Љубиша Деспотовић, Глобализација и геополитика идентитета, Каирос, Сремски
Карловци 2017, 13.
14
Џон М. Робертс, Европа 1880–1945, Clio, Београд 2002, 398.
Демократски развој српског друштва од краја 19. века 85
до Другог светског рата
15
Mark Mazover, Mračni kontinent: Evropa u dvadesetom veku, Arhipelag, Beograd 2011, 31.
16
Чедомир Попов, Од Версаја до Данцига, Службени лист СРЈ, Београд 1995, 55.
17
Ernst Nolte, Fašizam u svojoj epohi: francuska akcija, italijanski fašizam, nacional-socijalizam,
Prosveta, Beograd 1990, 205.
86 Небојша Петровић
18
Марк Мазовер, Мрачни континент, 29, 36.
19
Ivan Т. Berend, Ekonomska istorija Evrope u XX veku: ekonomski modeli od laissez-faire do
Демократски развој српског друштва од краја 19. века 87
до Другог светског рата
23
Светозар Прибићевић, Диктатура краља Александра, Мостарт, Београд 2018, 117.
24
Васа Казимировић, Никола Пашић и његово доба: 1845-1926, књ. 2, Нова Европа, Београд
1990, 512.
Демократски развој српског друштва од краја 19. века 89
до Другог светског рата
25
Erik Hobsbaum, Doba ekstrema: istorija Kratkog dvadesetog veka: 1914-1991, Dereta, Beograd
2002, 109.
26
Đorđe Stanković, Istorijski stereotipi i naučno znanje, Plato, Beograd 2004, 63.
27
Овакво мишљење је постепено овладавало и било присутно у политичком деловању српских
странака и политичких организација од самих почетака заједничке државе. Али, оно је наји-
лустративније дефинисано пред сам почетак Другог светског рата у политичком програму
Српског културног клуба. На страницама њиховог листа Српски глас објављивани су бројни
текстови значајних српских интелектуалаца тог времена. У уводнику првог броја наведена је
„потреба окупљања Срба у доба великих политичких прелома, уз подсећање на идеале и ми-
нимум националних интереса, који треба, попут Хрвата, да окупе све партије и организације”.
Милош Тимотијевић, „Драгиша Васић и Српски глас: један недовршени национални проје-
кат”, у: Борисав Челиковић (ур.), Живот и дело Драгише Васића: зборник радова са научног
скупа одржаног у Горњем Милановцу 26. и 27. септембра 2005. године поводом 120. годишњице
рођења и 60. годишњице смрти Драгише Васића (1885–1945–2005), Музеј рудничко-таковског
краја, Горњи Милановац 2008, 123.
90 Небојша Петровић
28
Branko Petranović, Istorija Jugoslavije: 1918–1978, Nolit, Beograd 1981, 95–97.
29
Мари-Жанин Чалић, Историја Југославије у 20. веку, Clio, Београд 2013, 127.
30
Исто, 132.
31
Мари-Жанин Чалић, Социјална историја Србије 1815-1941: успорени напредак у инду-
стријализацији, Clio, Београд 2004, 378, 379.
32
Види: Дарко Гавриловић, Мит о непријатељу: aнтисемитизам Димитрија Љотића, Служ-
бени гласник, Београд 2018.
Демократски развој српског друштва од краја 19. века 91
до Другог светског рата
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
33
Душан Чкребић, Живот, политика, коментари, Службени гласник, Београд 2008, 111.
34
Ерик Хобсбаум, Доба екстрема, 111.
92 Небојша Петровић
Nebojša Petrović
Abstract: In this paper the author has carried out a short analysis of the democratic
developments of Serbia from the end of the 19th century until the World War II. While in
Serbian society until 1914 was created impressive level of democratic freedoms, interwar
period was marked by constant erosion of democratic institutions. Author considers that the
crisis of democracy and liberal capitalism worldwide affected the progress of Serbian society.
Besides, the reasons should be searched also in new common state, which had different
priorities comparing to the pre-war Serbia. Multinational state, consisted of irreconcilable
ethnic communities and different interests, was a “fatal virus” for democracy, as Hobsbaum
says for this type of creations.
Keywords: democracy, liberalism, Serbia, monarchy, capitalism, communism, fascism
UDC 327(497.1:44)"194/199"
Оригинални научни рад
Dr Felipe Hernandez1
École des hautes études en sciences sociales (EHESS), Paris •
Institut d’études européennes, Université Paris VIII
France
1
hernandezg.felipe@gmail.com (Felipe Hernandez, School for Advanced Studies in the Social
Sciences, Paris • Institute for European Studies, University of Paris 8, France // Фелипе Хернандез,
Универзитет друштвених наука, Париз • Институт за европске студије, Универзитет у Паризу
8, Француска)
96 Felipe Hernandez
que le discours des dirigeants yougoslaves véhicule des idées très proche de celles
prônées par l’Occident, telles que la libre circulation, le droit à l’organisation et le dia-
logue avec les démocraties européennes. Cela démontrait que la hiérarchie du Parti
était plus encline à adopter un accord avec le monde occidental qu’à compromettre
le projet titiste à cause des règles du communisme soviétique.
Afin de profiter de l’ouverture occidentale et de sécuriser le Sud-Est européen,
la Fédération accepte de s’approvisionner en matériel militaire venu de l’étranger et
de renforcer les structures de sécurité. Pour la diplomatie française, cette décision
marque l’éloignement de la Yougoslavie du champ soviétique2. À l’automne de 1950,
l’alliance occidentale (la France, les États-Unis et l’Angleterre) décide d’alimenter
Belgrade en matériel militaire allemand que la Yougoslavie possédait déjà en partie.
La Direction de l’Europe du Quai d’Orsay sait que la France est le seul territoire en
mesure de fournir rapidement cet équipement, notamment en raison de la faible
distance géographique qui sépare les deux pays. Aussi, en 1951, Paris envoie des
armes allemandes stockées depuis 1945. Ces livraisons représentent 25 % du total de
l’assistance occidentale à Belgrade (Soutou: 2003, 123).
Par la suite, la question de la coordination stratégique avec Belgrade devient
de plus en plus présente. Paris considère que Tito ne doit pas obtenir de l’aide sans
contrepartie. En novembre 1952, les affaires de sécurité sont menées avec l’État-ma-
jor par le général états-unien George Handy, accompagné par des attachés militaires
français et britanniques à Belgrade. Ils savent que Tito attend un engagement de
l’Occident en cas d’attaque de l’URSS et de ses satellites. Pour cela, les Occidentaux
sont, en principe, favorables à l’intégration de la Yougoslavie dans l’OTAN (Soutou:
2003, 124 ; Simić: 2008, 75).
L’intérêt que porte Paris pour la Yougoslavie grandit lorsque Belgrade négocie,
avec la Grèce et la Turquie, la présence de l’OTAN dans la Méditerranée. Ainsi, Bel-
grade devient le point de rencontre de plusieurs personnalités balkaniques qui dé-
battaient avec Tito de la position à adopter sur la scène internationale. L’ambassadeur
Philippe Baudet parle ainsi de Mehmet Fuad Köprülü, historien de renom et homme
clé de la politique étrangère turque. Köprülü, visitant la Yougoslavie, rencontre Tito.
L’ambassadeur écrit: « L’impression que lui a fait le Maréchal Tito paraît forte. Il a
trouvé le nouveau président plein de sens politique et d’équilibre. La largeur et la
longueur de ses analyses l’ont captivé. De même il vante la finesse d’esprit de Kardelj
et ses problèmes profonds de politique extérieure » (MAE: 25 janvier 1953). Baudet
sait que la Yougoslavie et la Turquie veulent trouver un accord sur la présence de
2
Jusqu’à la fin de sa vie, Tito a su profiter du conflit entre les deux puissances pour renforcer son
influence dans la région. Selon les agents diplomatiques français, Belgrade avait pour ambition de
moderniser ses appareils militaires d’aviation, d’armée de terre et de la marine. Moscou et Washington
se disputaient la première place de fournisseur d’armes de guerre et de défense en direction de la
Yougoslavie (MAE: 19 octobre 1978).
100 Felipe Hernandez
3
L’équipe est composée de: Gaston Palewski, François Mitterrand, René Mayer, l’Abbé Alber Gau,
Louis Vallon, Leo Hammon, Henry Torres, Abdennour Tamzali, Schreiber-Cremieux, Philippe
Olmi, Pierre de Léotard et Frédéric Dupont.
Le role de la diplomatie dans le processus de legitimation 101
de la Yougoslavie dans le monde
***
104 Felipe Hernandez
Malgré les projets de coopération conclus entre les deux pays, la direction du
Quai d’Orsay se méfie du rôle accru de Belgrade en Afrique, notamment à travers
l’aide apportée au Front de libération nationale algérien. Les communistes anticolo-
niaux algériens remercient publiquement la Yougoslavie pour son soutien. Cet appui
est également partagé par l’URSS qui, en accord avec Belgrade, parle en faveur du
FNL lors de séances de l’ONU.
Le 18 janvier 1958, la présomption se confirme: le navire marchand yougoslave
Slovenija est arraisonné par l’Armée française à plus de 75 kilomètres des côtes algé-
riennes. Selon les informations officielles du Quai d’Orsay, il transportait 148 tonnes
d’armes et de munitions destinées à la « rébellion » anticoloniale, argument que Bel-
grade rejette catégoriquement.
Mladen Iveković, sous-secrétaire d’État des affaires étrangères yougoslaves, a
pour mission d’éclaircir et de clore cette affaire le plus rapidement possible, avant
qu’elle ne nuise davantage à l’image de la Yougoslavie en France et en Europe. Ive-
ković indique à la Direction du Quai d’Orsay que la cargaison saisie était destinée
à un acheteur privé de Casablanca et non au FNL (Boustra: 1958). Il défend la sou-
veraineté de la Fédération et son droit de vendre des armes (Le Monde: 22 janv.
1958). Il exige également la restitution de la cargaison confisquée et le versement de
dommages-intérêts: « c’est le seul moyen d’éliminer les conséquences malheureuses
que cette affaire pourrait avoir sur les relations internationales, notamment com-
merciales, ainsi que sur les rapports entre la France et la Yougoslavie » (Le Monde: 3
mars 1958). Selon le dirigeant yougoslave, l’affaire Slovenija permet à Paris de pré-
senter la Fédération yougoslave comme « un pays contrebandier des armes destinées
à l’Algérie ». Le porte-parole officiel du gouvernement français déclare: « Nous n’ac-
cusons pas la Yougoslavie de complicité […], mais il me semble que du côté yougos-
lave, il n’y a pas eu suffisamment de vigilance en ce qui concerne de voir ces armes
parvenues aux mains des insurgés » (Boustra: 22 janvier 1958). Le dossier Slovenija
est perçu sous deux optiques différentes: pour Paris, il s’agit d’un problème politique
tandis que pour Belgrade, il relève de l’ordre du juridique.
L’État majeur des Forces armées françaises fait savoir que la cargaison au bord
du navire Slovenija fut vendue par la Tchécoslovaquie à la demande du FNL et em-
barquée au port de Rijeka, en Croatie (Boustra: 31 janvier 1958). Cette information
inquiète la direction générale du Quai d’Orsay qui soupçonne le ministère de la Dé-
fense tchécoslovaque de participer au renforcement des « insurgés » en utilisant la
Yougoslavie comme point de transition vers l’Afrique (MAE: 15 mars 1958).
Les Yougoslaves repoussent énergiquement les thèses françaises qui affirment
leur complicité avec les milices algériennes. À Belgrade, les dirigeants entendent
« défendre le prestige » du pays et menacent même de porter l’affaire devant la Cour
internationale de justice. Pourtant, un tel avertissement ne serait mis en œuvre que
si Tito le considérait nécessaire (Boustra: 2 février 1958).
Malgré la situation franco-yougoslave conflictuelle, Paris s’est engagé à soutenir
Le role de la diplomatie dans le processus de legitimation 105
de la Yougoslavie dans le monde
***
Après des années de relations fragiles, le Conseil des ministres français accepte
de renforcer la coopération internationale avec la Yougoslavie à partir de 1962. De
Gaulle n’a jamais totalement approuvé le régime communiste de Tito, en partie à
cause de l’exécution du général Draža Mihailović (Peyrefitte: 1994, 806). L’idée d’une
unification des Croates, des Serbes et des Slovènes sous un même État le laissait
dubitatif. Le 1er juillet 1964, le ministre Louis Joxe raconte sa visite en Yougoslavie:
« Tito est un héros national, qui aime jouer le professeur d’indépendance nationale ».
De Gaulle répond à cette appréciation.
Joxe dit que Tito est un héros national. Moi, je veux bien. Encore faudrait-il qu’il y ait
une nation yougoslave. Il n’y en a pas. Il y a que des bouts de bois qui tiennent ensemble
parce qu’ils sont liés par un bout de ficelle. Le bout de ficelle, c’est Tito. Quand il ne sera
106 Felipe Hernandez
le travail de renforcement des relations avec l’Europe doit être repris. Ce désir est
sans aucun doute influencé par le développement rapide du marché commun de la
communauté européenne, dont la Yougoslavie ne tire pas grand profit. Tito rappelle
au président Pompidou que la France est le neuvième pays à établir des échanges
économiques avec Belgrade (MAE: 23 octobre 1970). Les dirigeants se soucient de la
récession et du taux de chômage en Yougoslavie. Ils ont donc besoin de l’engagement
de l’Occident. Cependant, Pompidou, comme Charles de Gaulle auparavant, n’envi-
sage pas d’attribuer une aide financière significative à Belgrade.
Les années soixante-dix sont marquées par l’effort de Tito pour établir de nou-
veaux accords avec les États-Unis et la Communauté économique européenne. En
l’espace de trois semaines, Tito et son équipe visitent Bonn, invités par le chancelier
Willy Brandt, la Belgique, le Luxembourg et les Pays-Bas. L’un des objectifs de ces
visites consiste à négocier la place de l’immigration économique yougoslave en Al-
lemagne. En effet, durant ces années, des réformes sont votées pour réduire la main-
d’œuvre étrangère.
L’Allemagne de l’Ouest (RFA) se trouve confrontée au chômage et à la crise
énergétique liée au pétrole. Pour lutter contre la baisse de l’emploi, le cabinet fédéral
propose une loi sur la suspension d’embauche des travailleurs étrangers. Selon la
direction des affaires financières de la diplomatie de Paris à Bonn, les Yougoslaves
représentent en RFA 19,9 % de l’immigration économique, soit l’une des plus impor-
tantes (MAE: 28 novembre 1973). Le deuxième pays de prédilection de cette émi-
gration est l’Autriche, avec un chiffre de 17,8 % et, en troisième position, la France
avec 8,6 %. Les pays de la Communauté économique européenne représentent pour
Belgrade un tiers de son économie, ce qui explique les nombreux déplacements de
Tito en Europe. Ce dernier cherche à faire naître de nouvelles relations commer-
ciales afin de briser tout projet qui pourrait compromettre les postes de travail de
l’immigration yougoslave. Il ne faut pas oublier qu’à la fin des années soixante, le
chômage s’amplifie au sein de la Fédération (MAE: 1972).
Dorénavant, la France cherchera à décrypter la Yougoslavie sur des sujets très
ponctuels. En 1973, Michel Jobert, ministre des Affaires étrangères, reçoit Miloš Mi-
nić et son équipe diplomatique à Paris. La commission française veut obtenir de
renseignements sur la position de la Fédération yougoslave vis-à-vis de l’URSS, ainsi
que sur l’avenir du mouvement des pays non-alignés. D’après Minić, la Fédération
maintient des relations économiques avec Moscou et souhaite également améliorer
les relations économiques avec le « tiers-monde » et travailler sur le processus de dé-
colonisation. Grâce à cette visite, le ministre Jobert apprend que le colonel algérien
Houari Boumédiène et son collègue de confiance Abdelaziz Bouteflika voulaient as-
socier la Yougoslavie à la conférence des pays non-alignés de la Méditerranée, afin
de tracer une ligne d’action orientée sur l’économie et la circulation maritime (MAE:
28 mai 1973).
Le président Valéry Giscard d’Estaing sait que les dirigeants yougoslaves af-
108 Felipe Hernandez
frontent une récession économique et que, dans les principales villes, la contestation
commence à prendre de l’ampleur. L’affaiblissement des structures de l’autogestion et
de l’économie est un sujet qui n’échappe pas à la France.
En Yougoslavie, le corps diplomatique français analyse l’accélération de la crise
du système titiste et décrit l’éloignement marqué entre les Républiques socialistes.
Quelques années plus tard, ces analyses seront confirmées par l’historien Michel
Collon. Il explique que les contradictions économiques internes et l’augmentation
du capital marchand aboutissent à un conflit nord/sud et à l’apparition d’une classe
plus favorisée: « En accordant tant de libertés [...] le titisme leur a laissé la liberté
de concentrer leur activité dans les régions les plus riches et les plus profitables [...]
la croissance limitée, artificielle, et déséquilibrée de l’économie titiste n’a pas réduit
l’écart initial Nord/Sud » (Collon: 1997, 221). L’objectif principal de la décentralisa-
tion et de l’économie autogestionnaire était l’égalité entre les républiques. Pourtant,
ce système a engendré une tendance à la bureaucratie. Par conséquent, un appareil
bureaucratique s’installe dans les hautes instances des entreprises (Vratuša-Žunjić:
1997, 263).
En mai 1975, Jean Sauvagnargues, ministre des Affaires étrangères, voyage en
Yougoslavie. Il souhaite, en particulier, évoquer un éventuel déplacement du pré-
sident Valéry Giscard d’Estaing. Le Chef d’État séjourne ainsi en Yougoslavie entre
le 6 et 7 septembre 1976. Il est le premier président français à se rendre dans la
Yougoslavie socialiste. Son ambition se concentre, d’abord, sur les actions interna-
tionales à mener afin de développer une politique de détente pour la communauté
européenne et, ensuite, sur les relations économiques et les rapports bilatéraux. Sur
ce dernier point, le domaine de la culture est élargi et consolidé par une continuité
des échanges, notamment dans l’enseignement des langues et de la science (MAE:
1976). Les pays de l’Europe occidentale ne s’opposaient pas réellement au soutien fi-
nancier de la Fédération yougoslave. Cependant, les interrogations sur le devenir de
la Yougoslavie après Tito inondent la quasi-totalité des préoccupations concernant
les rapports bilatéraux.
À la fin des années soixante-dix, Tito, appelé affectueusement « le vieux » (Stari)
par les hommes de son cercle, doit faire face aux forces opposées et à la crise mon-
tante. Au cours des dernières années, sa vitalité est fortement touchée par des pro-
blèmes de santé qui s’aggravent rapidement. Son effondrement physique est évident.
Le 13 janvier 1980, il subit une intervention dans la clinique de Ljubljana. Le 4 mai
1980, trois jours avant son 88ème anniversaire, le bastion de la Yougoslavie socialiste
s’éteint en Slovénie. Les télévisions de tous les pays retransmettent les images de
millions de personnes qui attendent dans les gares le passage du train qui amène le
corps de Tito à Belgrade.
Entre le 12 et le 14 novembre 1980, Raymond Barre, Premier ministre du quin-
quennat du président Giscard d’Estaing, est officiellement invité à Belgrade. Il doit
évaluer la condition financière yougoslave et se renseigner sur sa situation politique
Le role de la diplomatie dans le processus de legitimation 109
de la Yougoslavie dans le monde
afin d’informer Paris sur la coopération à mener. Pour le ministre Barre, le cercle
qui a suivi Tito jusqu’à la fin de sa vie se confronte à l’incertitude de pouvoir donner
une continuité favorable au projet économique et international que le Maréchal avait
fondé avec l’autogestion et le non-alignement. Ce défi intérieur n’est pas détaché du
sujet de la place de la Yougoslavie en Europe après les années quatre-vingt (MAE:
14 novembre 1980). D’autres visites importantes se succèdent, telles que celles de
Claude Cheysson en novembre 1981, Michel Jobert en 1982 et de nouveau celle de
Cheysson en avril 1983. Le but de ces hauts fonctionnaires est d’évaluer la situation
intérieure.
Le grand intérêt porté par la diplomatie française à l’égard du développement
du système titiste est une conséquence de la politique internationale de Paris qui
veut parer à l’éventualité de voir disparaître la Yougoslavie. Ce sujet avait déjà été
traité au moment des funérailles du chef de la révolution yougoslave. Le chancelier
allemand Schmidt affirme que lors de l’enterrement du leader yougoslave « certains
dirigeants européens concluent que cet État (…) tenu ensemble par le dictateur ta-
lentueux et ses méthodes brutales disparaîtrait dans cinq ou dix ans ». Cependant,
l’élite politique fidèle au Maréchal n’envisage point la dissolution de la Yougoslavie.
L’histoire montrera que la création de Tito et celle de Staline disparaîtront simulta-
nément (Schmidt: 1999, 20‑24)
Le 21 mai 1981, l’élection de François Mitterrand entraîne un changement dans
les relations de la France avec les pays socialistes. L’un des objectifs de Mitterrand
était de renforcer les liens avec les différents partis communistes d’Europe. Hubert
Védrine, chef du cabinet de Mitterrand, examine la situation intérieure de la Fédé-
ration: « Avant le voyage du Président François Mitterrand lui-même en décembre
1983 à Belgrade, Zagreb et Ljubljana, une note du centre d’analyse et de prévention
du Quai d’Orsay relève que “jamais les nations composant la Yougoslavie n’ont été
aussi éloignées les unes des autres [...] les autorités centrales ont elles-mêmes contri-
bué à l’émergence de ces tensions en jouant sur les divisions nationales pour consoli-
der leur position, sans mesurer les conséquences” » (Védrine: 1996, 594).
En 1989, Michel Châtelais est nommé ambassadeur à Belgrade. Il sera le dernier
fonctionnaire diplomatique à résider dans la Yougoslavie telle que conçue par Tito
en 1945. Il trouvera un pays marqué par des crises nationales d’ordre idéologique et
économique et un net affaiblissement du pouvoir central. La Fédération subissait
exactement les mêmes problèmes que les pays soviétisés: monopolisation du pou-
voir par la bureaucratie du parti, chute inexorable de l’économie, clivages nationaux
et ethniques, corruption, désaffection de la jeunesse et incapacité des élites poli-
tiques à mesurer le déclin des sociétés à parti unique.
À son arrivée à Belgrade, le nouvel ambassadeur reçoit une relève d’instruc-
tions. Il s’agit d’une analyse des problèmes fondamentaux de la situation interne de
la Fédération. Ce document peut être interprété comme une synthèse de l’entropie
politique qui marquait le pays: « Les éléments constitutifs de la Yougoslavie de Tito
110 Felipe Hernandez
BIBLIOGRAPHIE
Archives diplomatiques:
Autres sources:
Felipe Hernandez
Abstract: This article examines Franco-Yugoslav relations, which are considered cru-
cial for international policy in the Cold War era. During the 20th century, when the conflict
between socialism, nationalism and western democracy broke out throughout Europe,
Yugoslavia played a significant role on the international scene. The archives of the French
Ministry of Foreign Affairs provide abundant and highly relevant documentation in the di-
plomatic, cultural, military and political fields. They reveal the prominent role that France,
along with the United States and Great Britain, played in monitoring trade with the first
communist country which became “dissent” shortly after the Second World War. The cor-
respondence of French diplomacy, about the events and processes that marked the Yugoslav
Federation, fundamentally completes the understanding of a broader context in which the
fate of the SFRY depended not only on internal conflicts but also on the decisions of the
international community.
Keywords: Yugoslavia, France, diplomacy, Cold War, international cooperation
UDC 341.322.5(=163.41)(497.13)"1941"
Оригинални научни рад
Dr Rory Yeomans1
Institute for Advanced Study (Princeton)
United States of America
Abstract: This article examines memory culture and its evolution in socialist Yugoslavia.
In particular, it considers how the post-war Yugoslav state aimed to come to terms with the
mass intercommunal violence precipitated by the occupation and the rule of various local
fascist organizations. Using the case study of the Ustasha atrocities in Glina in the spring and
summer of 1941, two of the most infamous massacres in wartime Croatia, it explores how the
authorities in the post-war federal Republic of Croatia aimed to create a common narrative
which stressed the state’s guiding principles of brotherhood and unity while addressing the
fact that the massacres had been committed by members of one ethnic group (the Croats)
against members of another (the Serb minority). It also examines how artists and writers
were mobilized in the campaign to make sense of genocide and the fratricidal slaughter of
the 1940s, in particular through creating a sharp division between “Ustasha criminals” on
one side and the mass front of “patriotic Croatian working people” on the other. The article
uses the moving testimony by the sole apparent survivor, Ljubo Jednak, and the haunting
photograph said to depict the Glina victims shortly before their mass execution to unravel
how it was that this specific war crime came to acquire such a central place in the canon of
Yugoslav historiography of the Second World War as a meta-symbol of the horror of fascist
occupation.
The article argues that while the official narrative about the occupation of wartime
Croatia and the genocide committed by the Ustasha regime appeared to be hegemonic,
in reality from the outset there was significant contestation about what had happened in
Glina and the meanings that were attached to the massacres. Despite the efforts of the
party to control and mediate the terms of the memory politics, especially within the Serb
community, they were never totally successful. Moreover, since the narrative about the
Second World War was closely connected to the legitimation of the revolution, national
liberation struggle and the post-war retributive purges, many of the core tenets of Yugoslav
memory politics, as the example of Glina illustrates, did not remain monolithic but changed
over time to reflect broader ideological and national changes within the Republic and the
1
roryyeomans1977@gmail.com (Рори Јоманс, Институт за напредне студије, Принстон, Сје-
дињене Америчке Државе)
118 Rory Yeomans
Yugoslav federation. This particularly became apparent in the late 1960s in the wake of the
mass national movement in Croatia. By the time armed conflict broke out in the early 1990s
between the newly-independent Croatian state and its Serb minority, the memory politics
of the Glina atrocity which had sought to bring Serbs and Croats together as Yugoslavs and
overcome national enmity was already helping to divide them along ethnic lines. As such,
the memory politics of Glina represented a metaphor for the rise and fall of the Yugoslav
ideal. Serbs and Croats, like the victims in the photograph, were frozen by the lens of history,
increasingly separated by different conceptions of the past and the meanings that should be
taken from it.
Keywords: Glina, photography, genocide, memory culture, Ustasha regime, wartime
Croatia, socialist Yugoslavia
The Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh is housed in the notorious
S-21 secret Khmer Rouge prison where between 1975 and 1979 over 14,000 people
were interrogated, tortured and murdered. Since no one was released and only seven
prisoners are known to have survived, the identification of each arriving prisoner
bears witness to the terror of the Khmer Rouge, as David Chandler has described:
“Frozen by the lens, the prisoners stare out at their captors. Nearly twenty years later
they are also regarding us. Their expressions ask their captors: ‘Who are you? Why
am I here?’ and ask us: ‘Why did this happen? Why have we been killed?’” Frances
Guerin and Roger Hallas write that installed in the museum as “individualised
enlargements and grid-like portraits,” these photographs not only stand as historical
documents of the Khmer Rouge’s “genocidal machine,” but more importantly, “open
up an intersubjective space in which the museum visitor encounters the iconic
presence of the ultimate witness – the one who has not survived.”2 Like the mass
extermination perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge, many other modern genocidal
regimes have been defined by the photographs of their victims. This is particularly
true of the Holocaust, the meta-genocide of the modern era: the images of Nazi
Einsatzgruppen shooting Jews at the edge of a pit in the Soviet Union or the victims
of the pogrom in Lviv are just two of the better-known examples. Of all the European
states occupied by Nazi Germany and its allies during World War Two outside the
Soviet Union, few countries experienced such a brutal occupation or experienced
such communal violence as the former Yugoslavia; within it, the satellite Independent
State of Croatia which was established in April 1941 following the Axis invasion
of Yugoslavia surely represents a paradigmatic study. Ruled by the fascist Croatian
Ustasha movement, the initiation of the mass murder of Jews preceded the formal
implementation of the Holocaust while the mass murder of the indigenous Serb
minority was the first systematic campaign of extermination attempted during the
2
Frances Guerin and Roger Hallas, “Introduction,” in The Image and the Witness: Trauma, Memory
and Visual Culture (London and New York: Wallflower Press, 2007), 12-13.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 119
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
3
On the systematic destruction of Serbian Orthodox churches and their use as sites of mass atrocities
under the Ustasha regime, see Dinko Davidov, Totalni genocid: Nezavisna Država Hrvatska 1941-
1945 (Belgrade: Zavod za Uždbenike, 2013); Aleksandar Stojanović, “A Beleaguered Church: The
Serbian Orthodox Church in the Independent State of Croatia,” Balcanica 48 (2017): 269-287.
120 Rory Yeomans
From the beginning, however, the photograph also represented the problematic
question of how a multi-ethnic state could commemorate those who had died during
the occupation given that, especially in Croatia, many of the victims had been killed
not as a result of German bayonets but through interethnic slaughters. An important
aspect of Yugoslav memory politics involved acts of judicial retribution against those
accused of war crimes and campaigns to “unmask” and purge society of fascists who
were allegedly still present and who had disguised themselves in the ideology of the
new socialist order. At the same time, an equally central task of socialist memory
politics was attempting to make sense of the sacrifices of the war and, in particular,
show that the suffering engendered by mass killing and terror had meaning. Only
once this had been achieved could ordinary people be imbued with a true Yugoslav
consciousness, becoming active agents in the building of real existing socialism. The
chief method by which the party aimed to make sense of the violence was through
the memorialization of war crimes victims. In the Socialist Republic of Croatia
especially, memory politics focused on making sense of Ustasha mass killing in a
manner not essentially different from other socialist states in Eastern Europe. In
his study of how the Soviet Union came to terms with the war experience, Amir
Weiner notes that the memory of the war was integrated into everyday life through
a series of rituals in the form of monuments, cemeteries, collective farms and streets
that “bore the names of battles, heroes, and the dates of the great event.” Literature,
music, and cinema, likewise, witnessed an avalanche of war anthologies, memoirs,
poems, albums, and films that celebrated this epic event. “The war,” he wrote, “was
impossible to ignore.” Crucially, Weiner notes that the hegemonic Great Patriotic
War myth did not come solely from above in the form of the state, but also from
below through its everyman articulators in the provinces, peasants for whom the
war turned into “an autobiographical point of reference and point of departure.”
Meanwhile, the war was situated in the overarching feature of the Soviet enterprise:
the revolutionary transformation of society from an antagonistically divided entity
into a conflict-free, harmonious body.” The war was followed by an acceleration
in the “continuous purification campaign” that sought the elimination of “spies
and saboteurs.” Exclusion and violence were not random or preventive policing
measures; rather, they were “integral parts of the ongoing enterprise of community
structuring.”4
Memory politics in socialist Croatia, freighted as it was with ethnic meaning,
faced a more challenging task. In order to overcome the ethnic dimension of crimes
committed in occupied wartime Croatia during which ethnic Croats and, to a lesser
extent, Bosnian Muslims had slaughtered Serbs socialist commemorations of Ustasha
crimes stressed the resistance of ordinary Croats to fascism and their separateness
4
Amir Weiner, Making Sense of War: The Second World War and the Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution
(Princeton, NJ and London: Princeton University Press, 2001), 7, 19-20, 34-7.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 121
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
5
Clearly, Serbs in the form of various Chetnik groups and, to a lesser extent, the Partisans also
murdered Croats and Muslims but that subject is not the focus here. For a recent study of this subject,
see Max Bergholz, Violence as a Generative Force: Identity, Nationalism, and Memory in a Balkan
Community (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2018).
6
Hence Western journalistic accounts of Yugoslavia in the wake of the 1990s conflicts asserting
122 Rory Yeomans
that post-war Yugoslavia repressed memory of Ustasha massacres in the cause of national cohesion
are incorrect even if memory politics was heavily mediated. On the ideological and social uses
of forgetting more generally, especially following civil war, see Paul Connerton, “Seven Types of
Forgetting,” Memory Studies 1, no. 1 (January 2008): 59-79.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 123
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
by Ante Pavelić, the supreme leader [Poglavnik] of the Ustasha movement and the
Croatian state, was filmed and found its way into the state cinematic news reel series.
One of those accompanying the Ustasha leader that day was Mirko Puk, a former
lawyer and one of the intellectual instigators of the massacres which took place in
1941.7 The other mainstay of everyday town life was the football team GŠK Glina,
founded in 1920 and known by supporters as Geška. Supported by all the residents of
the town, it had completed successfully in the Sisak football tournament and in 1939
Oberstarija, at one stage the most popular promenade in Glina, was transformed
into a football pitch hosting illustrious teams such as HAŠK and Gradjanski and, in
1940, representatives of the Croatian Football Union.
Despite these signs of normality and prosperity, by the late 1930s radical
nationalism was on the rise and a group of Glina residents established a branch
of the Ustasha movement led by Puk who, among older townspeople, had gained
an unenviable reputation for his “moneygrubbing” behaviour and his anti-Serb
prejudices.8 Other prominent citizens who were members of this cell included
the lawyers Mirko Jerec and Juraj Devčić, the Glina hospital doctors Juraj Rebok,
Šime Cvitanović and Katarina Vojvoda, the Vidaković brothers Nikola and Stipe as
well as their father Mato, a well-known carpenter. In 1935, Puk was chosen to be
the president of the official committee for the arrival of the archbishop-coadjutor
Alozije Stepinac who visited Glina on 3 August. According to newspaper reports
around 5,000 people came to spectate while the houses en route were adorned with
Croatian banners. On the entrance to the town at the bridge between Glina and
Jukinac, the municipal mayor Svetozar Davidović greeted the eminent guest and
Cvitanović welcomed him in the name of the committee. After this, Puk gave a
speech shot through with nationalist discourses about the Catholic, European and
western traditions of the Croats. In the evening, following a visit to the parish church
where Stepinac performed a solemn mass and a banquet at the Croatian Home in
Glina, there was a procession with torchlights and lamps led by an orchestra of the
Catholic Crusader youth group from Zagreb which traversed the streets, finishing
in front of the Croatian Home where the choral society Slavulj from Petrinja sang
songs in honour of Stepinac. The procession then set off for Puk’s house where his
wife Ljubica who had been given the honour of godmother to the banner of the
Djevojački društvo Srca Isusova [Girls’ Society of the Heart of Jesus] addressed the
procession, giving a speech about the duties of the Croat woman. For the Catholic
newspaper Hrvatska straža, the event “gave expression and complete vent to their
long-stifled national feelings and their delight that in their midst they saw their
archbishop.” The Yugoslav newspaper Jedinstvo argued, by contrast, that the jeering
7
Igor Mrkalj, “Stoljeće kina u Glini: časna prošlost i neizvjesna budućnosti,” Prosvjeta 127 (October
2015): 51-55.
8
Idem, “Bolje da ti uđe u kuću vuk nego Puk,” Prosvjeta 135 (December 2016): 35-42.
124 Rory Yeomans
of the Serbian archpriest Ercegovac and some other Serbian Orthodox priests by
much of the crowd showed that the event could be described as a church festivity
or political rally but not both. A few days later on the night of 8 August, the young
director of the parish of Bučica, Janko Vedrina, was shot eight times with a revolver.
The suspected culprit was Stipe Vidaković, then a notoriously lazy student, and two
accomplices. He was held for some time in the investigative jail in Petrinja but after
six months was released due to a lack of evidence. While the reason for his release
is unclear, Franjo Žužek, a local Catholic priest, contended that because he was a
well-known nationalist student whose prosecution might have harmed the Ustasha
movement, Puk’s circle did everything possible to secure his release. This did not
prevent some Catholic newspapers like Milosti puni, the newspaper of the Shrine of
the Virgin Mary of Bistrica, claiming that Vedrina was killed because of his “Croatian
spirit” and that he was a victim of “great Serbian gendarme violence.”9
Irrespective of violent incidents like these, the influence of Puk and the Ustasha
movement continued to grow. Puk’s prominence became increasingly clear in the
summer of 1937 when he was selected as one of the lead defence lawyers for Franjo
Nevistić, Grga Ereš and ten other radical Croat students accused of stabbing to
death Krsto Ljubičić, a leftist law student of Serb ethnic origin in front of the Student
Centre at the University of Zagreb. His appearances in court, along with that of
the other defence lawyers, had something of a “demonstrative political character.”
Elsewhere, the annual celebration that year of the birthday of Vladko Maček, the
leader of Croatia’s most popular party, the Croatian Peasant Party [Hrvatska seljačka
stranka – HSS] on Oberstarija illustrated Puk’s growing status as an ideological
alternative to the political mainstream. Whereas the previous year, Maček’s birthday
had been celebrated by the majority of the town’s Croat citizens, a report by the
regional authorities noted that in 1937 there were, at most two, hundred visitors
including men, women and children. It added that the “response on the part of
Croat citizens of Glina was very weak because they are, for the most part, Frankists
[Ustasha sympathisers] now. The Croatian banner was hoisted by around ten in
all while the previous year all Croatian houses were adorned with a Croatian flag.”
As in small towns throughout Croatia, the Ustasha message of separatism and a
radical reordering of social, ethnic and economic life was being spread via leaflets,
agitprop and front activities. The movement was gaining new adherents at precisely
the same time that ordinary people were turning away from mainstream politics. In
the background, Puk’s small circle were bringing the “struggle for liberation” to the
people and preparing the ground for the “national revolution.”10
Meanwhile, Puk was taking an active role in promoting Ustasha principles
and financing illegal Ustasha literature being published by a group of Zagreb
9
Idem, “Organizator istrebljenja,” Prosvjeta 136 (March 2017): 43.
10
Ibid, 44-5.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 125
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
students led by Drago Jilek, Božidar Kavran and Dragutin Gregorić. The Yugoslav
authorities reacted sharply and at the beginning of 1938 arrested a law student, Ico
Kirin, for attempting to distribute banned leaflets and for having suspected ties
to the Ustasha movement overseas. Puk, however, remained undetected and was
able to destroy the compromising material. This did not prevent him continuing to
finance material with the help of two Ustasha front societies in Zagreb: the Cultural-
Academic Society August Šenoa and the Croatian Cultural-Educational Allowance
Ante Starčević Co-Operative. He also contributed to the newspaper of the Croatian
National Socialist Workers’ Party, Nezavisnost, in May 1938 publishing an op-ed
in which he proposed the “solving of the Jewish question” through the removal of
Jews from Croatia’s public life.11 After unsuccessfully attempting to relaunch his
political career during the 1938 elections for the National Assembly, he connected
with the novelist Mile Budak who had arrived back in the homeland that summer
as part of a wider amnesty agreed by the Yugoslav authorities and the Mussolini
regime for émigré Ustashas. By that time, he was also helping prepare the launch
of a radical nationalist newspaper which aimed to popularise the separatist Ustasha
agenda. Hrvatski narod [The Croat People] began to appear in February 1939 and
was financed by Puk who also promoted the newspaper in his home town, using
public events to do so. Puk’s financial support similarly aided in the founding of
Uzdanica, a Croatian savings and allowance co-operative, the regional branches of
which provided work and a cover for the activism of returning Ustasha members. A
cohort of public workers and young intellectuals as well as Ustasha activists gathered
around Uzdanica and Hrvatski narod to plan opposition to the national politics of
Maček and his perceived “compromises” with Serbian political parties. They greeted
the agreement of September 1939 which established a semi-independent Croatian
Banovina with undisguised contempt and barely one month after the signing of
the agreement, the president of the district HSS was complaining to Ivan Šubašić,
the regional governor of the Banovina, about the activities of local separatists.
Nonetheless, while he accused them of a series of crimes including the murder of
Vedrina, at the same time he pleaded for discretion since “these morally degenerate
people already pose a danger.” The town’s local authorities also sensed danger. In a
political assessment of December 1939, it assessed the HSS-[Serbian] Democratic
Party local administration to be stable, with the HSS still commanding the support
of most Croats, but added that Puk, the district mayor, “all the same has supporters,
in the main among the urban masses.”12
In fact, it seems that Ustasha brochures were spreading through gymnasiums
in Glina. Franc Žužek recalled approaching one pupil in his class and finding a copy
of one such brochure in his religious textbook. After he began to make enquiries,
11
Mirko Puk, “Ante Starčević i Židovi,” Nezavisnost 1, no. 15 (4 May 1938): 1.
12
Mrkalj, “Organizator istrebljenja,” 46-8.
126 Rory Yeomans
three of his classmates admitted that they also had copies. The intercepted copies
notwithstanding, this action reflected the success of the Glina Ustasha organisation in
distributing propaganda literature secretly to high-school students and surrounding
villages under Puk’s orders to develop and strengthen the Ustasha movement in
the Glina region. Meantime, prominent citizens in the town with connections to
the Ustasha movement such as Slavko Mrgan, a local businessman, would later
recall regular ceremonies at which people took the Ustasha oath and confidential
meetings in the hospital attended by Puk in which they discussed a range of subjects,
including how to rid themselves of the “Serbian oppressors” and creating a free
Croatian homeland. As well, Puk visited the local Franciscan monastery in Čuntić,
near Petrinja, numerous times to meet with Slavko Kvaternik and other homeland
Ustasha leaders, reflecting the increasing closeness of parts of the Catholic Church to
the Ustasha movement.13 One outcome of these clandestine meetings was that Jerec,
Puk’s deputy, was appointed Kvaternik’s roving emissary in charge of distributing
clandestine Ustasha propaganda material throughout Croatian regions, founding
chapters of the movement and swearing in new members. By 1940, members of
the Puk circle such as hospital director Rebok no longer bothered to hide their
positions or ideology and on one occasion he told Žužek that the Serbs “would have
to emigrate from Croatia to Serbia and their property would be confiscated.” Puk
now had a reputation throughout the town for being a man of the “most hardline
intolerance,” refusing to greet Serb neighbours and prominent Croats who were
known to be friendly with Serbs or who did business with them when he passed
them on the street. Hence, while his group based at his lawyers’ chambers and the
Croatian Savings Society in Ulica Petra Svačiča of which he was director did not
grow much it was larger than many internal reports assumed due to Puk’s “fanatical
persistence and forcefulness.” Moreover, due to its connections to the organisation
overseas it was armed before the establishment of the new state in April 1941 with
weapons which had come across the border from Podravina and were stored in the
warehouses of sworn Ustasha members in local villages. In all, it amounted to 750
rifles and 10,000 bullets. More than 300 rifles and four boxes of munitions were
also stored in the Glina hospital by Rebok. These weapons were distributed to local
Ustasha branches in advance of the arrival of German troops. On 10 April 1941,
there were sixteen villages which had Ustasha organisations. These included Glina
with nineteen members, Bučica with eleven, Prekopa with eight, Jukinac with seven
and Viduševac with four. In all, eighty-four members had already taken the oath of
13
In fact, after the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia, Hrvatski narod, the movement’s
daily newspaper, boasted about the active involvement of Franciscan monks throughout Croatia and
Bosnia, including in Čuntić, in preparations for the movement’s “bloody liberation struggle.” See
e.g. “U franjevačkim samostanu gdje su se izradivali planovi o krvavom ustaškom oslobodilačkom
ustanku,” Hrvatski narod, 26 August 1941.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 127
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
In spring 1941, GŠK Glina was experiencing unprecedented success, holding its
own against the leading teams in the Sisak league, thanks to the skills of its star player
Božo Metikoš, prolific strikers Dušan Dokmanović and Rodoljub Baltić, the winger
Milan Jarić and his brother Božo and the club’s numerous back-up staff. However,
after the establishment of the Ustasha state and the takeover of power in the town by
the local Ustasha organization, these shared communal events, recorded on a weekly
basis by Frane Paulić, a sports reporter for the Petrinja newspaper Banovac, were
consigned to memory as the team and its management were decimated. In all, nine
members of GŠK Glina fell victim to the mass round up and execution of Serb men
in the town which took place on the night of 11-12 May. Among the victims were
club players Milan Samardžija, Nikola Brković and Stevo Uzelac, the club treasurer
Mosija Vujasinović, the architectural engineer Boško Meandžija, who had been
responsible for the club getting Oberstarija as a permanent pitch, and Nino Sunjako.
While Frane Paulić was not counted among the victims, he did not survive the war,
perishing in the bombardment of Topusko in February 1944 as a member of the first
National Liberation Committee in Glina. Despite the picture of communal harmony
which the club projected, some Croatian members of the club became among the
most vociferous Ustashas. A few of them, such as the president of the club, Josip
Mison, were actively involved in the killings but had been among the loudest voices
in support of the raids.15
Terror against the Serbs in the Glina district began immediately after the Axis
occupation. One of the first signs of trouble came on 11 April when the monument
to King Petar I situated in the town centre was demolished by Ustasha activists.16 A
few days after the establishment of the state, Dušan Šostar, a peasant from Majske
Poljane, set off to visit his sister in his native village of Solun, a mixed Serb-Croat
village, to help her carry out the ploughing for the spring harvest. Returning home
on his cart, he was arrested by local Ustashas before he had even left the village who
killed him. He would later be recorded as the first victim of Ustasha terror in the
region. Three days after this, Ustashas forced their way into the house of Mihajlo
Ratković, the former district notary for Glina. They abducted him, transported him
to Jukinac and slaughtered him there the same night. The next morning, a Croat from
14
Mrkalj, “Organizator istrebljenja,” 46-8.
15
Idem, “Slava, zločin i zaborav,” Novosti, 21 December 2016; Slavko Goldstein, 1941: godina koje se
vraća (Zagreb: Novi Liber, 2008), 128-29.
16
Report by Jovan L. Obrenović to the Gornje-Karlovac diocese, 19 July 1941, AJ, f. 100/A IV/240,
s. 1.
128 Rory Yeomans
Jukinac found the dead body of Ratković and took it to his house so that it could be
handed it over to his family for burial.17 In the early days of the Ustasha takeover in
the town, before he was appointed the state justice minister, Puk’s apartment served
as the nerve centre of the Glina movement and almost all of those who testified after
the war agreed that he was the intellectual inspiration for the mass raids. By 8 May,
Puk was already allegedly in Glina to make arrangements for the operation. In the
meantime, Ivica Šarić, a commander of the elite Poglavnik Bodyguard militia and a
specialist in “cleansing operations,” was returning from the village of Blagaj where he
had been involved in a similar operation, arriving in Glina on Saturday 10 May. At
a meeting of the key planners held in the office of the director of the town hospital,
Vilim Klobučar, the circle drew up a registry of Serb males in the town aged sixteen
and above who were to be arrested. The meeting went on longer than intended after
Šarić insisted that the group also draw up a list of those who were to be executed for
their “anti-Croat” views. While some of those present at the meeting such as Juraj
Rebok opposed this proposal, hardliners such as the Glina Ustasha camp leader,
Nikica Vidaković, and Mison equally as adamantly supported it.18
The next day, Sunday, Mison cancelled a scheduled match with a club from
Topusko. That evening, two busloads of Ustasha veterans arrived in Glina from Za-
greb, stopping in front of the house of Nikica Vidaković in Karlovačka ulica. Inside,
a meeting of local Ustashas and émigrés from Zagreb took place in which they dis-
cussed the plan for the arrest of Serb males.19 During that Sunday, the circle of those
who were informed about the plan quickly expanded far beyond the town’s Ustashas
and the veterans from Zagreb. This meant that local Croat residents, and even some
Ustashas were able to warn their Serb friends of the danger they faced though some
of the latter would ironically, later be directly implicated in their killing. Just after
dark fell, the Ustasha units set out and the arrests began. Using the register of Serbs
they had compiled, a local Ustasha unit led by a group of émigré Ustashas began
going through the residential streets of Glina, knocking on doors and windows and
arresting Serbs. Those arrested were told they were only wanted for minor ques-
tioning and that once this was completed they would be allowed home. Most of
them left with the Ustashas voluntarily, convinced that nothing would happen to
them although from other houses the weeping, begging and the screams of house-
hold members could be heard.20 Not only Serbs were arrested in the raids. Croat
citizens who had attempted to protect their Serb neighbours, colleagues and friends
or protested at their arrest were also incarcerated in the cramped gendarme prison.
17
Ilija Batula to the Commissariat for Refugees, 8 July 1943, AJ, f. 110/A. IV/264, s. 1.
18
Goldstein, 1941, 127-28.
19
Ignac Haluza to the Countrywide War Crimes Commission, 16 October 1944, AJ, f.
110.1966/2240/2457/ 2460, s. 6.
20
Goldstein, 1941, 104-8; Darinka Blažić to the Countrywide War Crimes Commission, 12 January
1946, AJ, f. 110.486-242/B.1/22427-22506, s. 1-2.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 129
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
Until the morning, all the prisoners were crammed into the small prison area of the
gendarmerie station. After the morning roll call in the prison, the Croat prisoners
were released.21
Conditions in the cramped prison were harsh and the Serb prisoners were kept
in small confined spaces in sweltering heat. On 12 May, relatives of those arrested
arrived at the prisons with food for them. The Ustashas told them that they would
soon be released and sent home. In reality, the Ustashas were making plans for their
liquidation. The Ustashas identified a piece of land suitable for a mass grave on the
land of Nikola Lipak Čuljak, an Ustasha from Prekopa, who allegedly offered the
land voluntarily, quipping that he could not have better fertiliser for the harvest. The
same day the Ustashas began to interrogate individuals formally, in the meantime
securing the road from Glina to Prekopa. Around half past midnight, the men were
tied together two by two with wire and rope and loaded onto trucks accompanied
by a few Ustasha guards as escorts. After half an hour, the trucks returned for a new
group of prisoners. Bound and cramped on the back of the truck, concealed under
tarpaulin, they were taken to the village of Prekopa. When they got out of the truck,
the Serbs were ordered to march in a line to the edge of the pit where Ustashas
with knives, meat cleavers, mallets, hammers and scythes were waiting for them. The
chief planners had recruited gravediggers from local villages who prepared for the
task by drinking large amounts of alcohol.22
Following the liberation of Glina, war crimes investigators talked to many of
Glina’s residents in an attempt to reconstruct the facts about the two massacres.
The sole survivor of the first massacre, a young artisan named Nikica Samardžija,
who was also one of the few surviving members of GSK Glina, provided powerful
testimony to the war crimes tribunal about the atrocity. Before the war, he had been a
shoe maker, setting up shop in his small ground-floor family home. Regarded as one
of the most talented players in the club and frequently mentioned in reports of the
club’s matches, he often used his business to repair the club’s boots and crampons,
socks and other equipment. He was also musically gifted, entertaining team players
with music and songs on journeys to away matches as he did in 1939 when Geška
defeated Jedinstvo in Bihać. In 1940, at the age of thirty-two, he married a young
widow named Petra at the local Orthodox church of the Virgin Mary and brought
up her two young sons Ranko and Milan as his own.23 Samardžija was arrested on the
evening of 12 May following a knock at the door by local Ustashas led by Slavko Papa
and accompanied by four émigré Ustashas with Dalmatian accents. With his father
and neighbours, he was taken to the local prison where almost all the prisoners
21
Goldstein, 1941, 104-8.
22
Nikica Samardžija to the Glina Regional War Crimes Commission, 15 June 1945, HDA, ZKRZ-
GUS, 228.306/9650.
23
Igor Mrkalj, “Mislio sam samo kako da se spasim,” Prosvjeta: novine za kulturu 132-3 (November
2016): 50-52.
130 Rory Yeomans
were beaten with rifle butts or a pistol. They were divided up in the corridor and
placed in cells. As well as his team mate Božo Metikoš, there were over a hundred
prisoners in his cell, some of them from Glina, the remainder being men who had
accidentally been in Glina that day. From time to time, the Ustasha guards would
call the prisoners outside, during which they were asked their profession and then
beaten. Samardžija recalled that those in middle-class professions like judges, priests
and teachers were beaten more than the others, sometimes until they bled and often
until they were screaming. At around nine in the evening, he heard trucks stopping
in front of the courthouse where they were being held. A little later, Ustasha guards
opened their cell doors and ordered them to come out. They lined up two by two and
were brought individually, then interrogated, beaten and their hands tied behind
their backs. He placed his hands in such a way that he could move them a little
in the hope that he would be able to free himself. “I thought: I had to save myself.
They put us, tied up and mutilated, into the trucks which were very high and had
tarpaulins on them so that the thought of escape from the truck was crazy.” He got
into the truck alongside Metikoš and about fifteen others. They were accompanied
by an Ustasha who had a revolver in his hand and a lamp. As soon as the truck began
moving, he tried to untie his hands which he succeeded in doing. Looking through
a small socket in the tarpaulin, he could see they were heading to Prekopa. He told
Metikoš to untie himself but he couldn’t and his efforts to help him were noticed by
a guard.24
The truck stopped and they were ordered to get out. Samardžija adjusted the
rope so that he wouldn’t feel as if he had untied himself and set off with the others
thinking how he could save himself. He looked around him to see where he was and
noted that they were next to the river in the vicinity of the bridge. He tried to look
around at Metikoš but the Ustasha guards noticed him and shouted at him to stop.
He looked at the water and thought about how he could escape since it had become
clear that they had been brought here to be killed. In the distance, he saw some white
planks and he realised that they were going to be used for the executions. Behind
him he heard the footsteps of an Ustasha guard who had come to check that he was
tied up. When the Ustasha guard grabbed him, Samardžija seized him and they flew
towards the river in struggle. Submerging himself in the water, he swam away. From
the shore, he saw a unit of Ustashas marching and dived under the water, but he was
already losing consciousness. When the patrol passed onto the other side of the bank,
he got out of the water and fled. After hiding with his father-in-law in Čemernice, his
brother-in-law Fric managed to get him a travel pass for Belgrade, obtained from a
Glina Ustasha, Mića Kovačević. For the entire journey, he was terrified he would be
recognised and arrested. Nonetheless, he arrived safely in Serbia and his family later
joined him. While Samardžija survived the massacre, his assets and property were
24
Samardžija to the Glina Regional War Crimes Commission, 15 June 1945.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 131
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
confiscated in their entirety and for all intents and purposes he, like the other victims,
ceased to exist in Glina in any meaningful sense.25 After the liberation, Samardžija
wanted to return to his native Glina and rebuild his life, but his wife refused even if
it cost her their marriage. Both her father and grandfather had been murdered by the
Ustashas and there were too many painful memories. In the event, Samardžija only
ever returned twice to the town: once to give testimony to the war crimes tribunal in
Glina and on 12 May 1946 when a memorial was placed on the grave of the victims
in Prekopa on the fifth anniversary of the massacre. On this occasion, many people
were in attendance, including the wives and mothers of the murdered men and he
told them what he had seen and experienced that night.26
Three months after the raids in Glina, another atrocity took place in the centre
of the town. Despite the fact that the victims did not actually come from the town
itself but the surrounding area, it gave the town an infamy which the first atrocity
had not. In time, it was to become a paradigmatic symbol of the cruelty and sadism
of Ustasha rule and the nature of occupation more generally. Although there remains
dispute about the details of the atrocity, the basic outline of what happened has long
since been established. The story begins at the end of July 1941 when a young female
teacher Ljubica Borojević gathered together nearly all the Serb residents of the village
of Čemernice and led them to Vrginmost to be baptised into Catholicism on the
promise that if they did so they would escape persecution and be able to keep their
jobs. In the event, the Serb males who had gathered in Vrginmost were separated from
the women in front of the Sokol building and the mayor’s residence. The intention of
the Ustasha units that took them from there to the church was to kill them as part of
the cleansing action in operation in Banija and Kordun. In her post-war testimony,
Borojević, who had been sent to Čemernice in 1940 on teaching duty, remembered
that after the creation of the Ustasha state, news spread in the surrounding villages
that Serbs would only be able to save themselves if they converted to the Catholic
faith. After she told a group of peasant women in Čemernice on that day that she
would be going to Vrginmost, they gathered in front of the building of the district
authority and begged her to ask the district mayor in Vrginmost, Andrija Čidić, if
the Serbs from Čemernice could be baptized. She promised to find out and that day
spoke to Čidić who told her that they could all convert to Catholicism and should
come immediately the next day all together because there would be five or six priests
to carry out the baptisms. The next day, the villagers, accompanied by Borojević
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid; Mrkalj, “Mislio sam samo kako da se spasim,” 50-52.
132 Rory Yeomans
and Ivan Generalić, a community leader married to a Croatian woman and known
for having friendly relations with Croats, set off for Vrginmost in “orderly lines of
two, three or four,” some of them carrying Croatian flags. As they crossed over the
bridge in Vrginmost they were met by twenty Ustashas and they stopped for a time
while the president of the municipality Josip Živčić, a financial worker, had a short
conversation with them. From there, the Ustashas led them to the building of the
district mayor and Sokol where there was some wasteland. They waited there for
an hour and then the Ustashas brought out some tables at which they wrote down
the names of the housewives. During the registration, Borojević met the mayor
and asked if the priests had arrived and he said they would be there soon. She also
met with the deputy school inspector, Branko Marić, who told her that he hoped
the baptism rites would be completed the next day. At 3pm, after registration was
finished, the villagers intended to return to their homes but were instructed to stay
where they were and an hour later a column of buses with Ustashas arrived in front
of the Sokol building. The women were told to separate themselves from the men
so that only the men were left. The Ustasha militia men who got off the buses made
a circle around the men while the women were moved away from the exit. Before
leaving, Borojević met her colleague Milan Mraović and his wife Mara and the three
of them went to Crevarska Strana where they spent the night at Mara’s sister’s house.
The next morning, she intended to return with Mara and Milan to Čemernice and
visit Branko Marić, but on the way from Crevarska Strana they were met by two
Ustashas who told them they could not return to Čemernice. When she complained
to Marić, he told her that she was being kept there for work purposes. She remained
there for two months, carrying out payroll and other administrative duties. During
this period she returned to Čemernice only once where she talked with her landlady
Ljubica Obradović and some other women who wanted to know what had happened
to the men. The rumour in the village was that they had been killed. The explanation
the Ustashas gave was that they had been sent to work in labour brigades while
they cleansed the area of communist “bandits.” Borojević could not offer any words
of consolation to the women though, publicly, she expressed the hope they would
be returned.27 Ivan Rojs, a Slovene expelled to Slavonska Požega by the occupation
authorities and living in Vrginmost, happened to be passing through the town in
late July 1941 and noted in his diary seeing a column of Serb men arrive outside the
Orthodox church in Glina for their rebaptism. He also observed how, later, Ustasha
trucks took them away from the church.28 In fact, the men did not return. In the
period between 25 and 31 July, these men and Serb males transported from other
outlying villages to the Church of the Nativity of the Mother of God in Glina were
27
“Zapisnik sastavljen u kancelariji OZNE za Beograd 12-II-1945,” HDA, ZKRZ-GUS, 306.470/37118-
37179.
28
Mrkalj, “Kako su rušili zajednicu,” Novosti 18, no. 922 (18 August 2017): 4-6.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 133
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
29
A full description of the massacre with eyewitness accounts can be found in the official Countrywide
Commission for War Crimes report, 23 October 1944, nos. 1, 4, 5. AJ, f.110/200/310/1222/ 260-274.
30
See Đuro Aralica, Ustaški pokolji Srba u glinskoj crkvi (Belgrade: Mužej žrtava genocida, 2011),
128, 140.
31
See “Vorkapić Pajo iz Topuskog, jedan od spašenih iz Glinske crkve opisuje ustaška zlodjela i klanja
na Kordunu godine 1941,” 10-11 May 1945, AJ, f.110/1767/45/304-975/78, 1-3.
134 Rory Yeomans
of petitions by persecuted Serbs, Jews and Roma in the archives similarly reinforce
– that many of the intended victims of the Croatian state survived not by resisting
but through attempting to write themselves into the discourse of the Ustasha state
and its values.32
The only published survivor testimony was that of a young peasant, Ljubo Jed-
nak, who survived the massacre in the church by pretending to play dead. Unlike
Vorkapić and Korač, Jednak’s account of the massacre became familiar to gener-
ations of Yugoslav schoolchildren and became perhaps the most famous survivor
testimony published in socialist Yugoslavia. It is arguable that one of the key reasons
why his testimony became so widely publicised was not just because of the symbolic
importance of the Glina massacre but because of the intrinsic qualities of Jednak’s
testimony itself. Not only was it vivid and compelling, emphasising the cruelty of
Ustasha rule, but his story of how he had outwitted his tormentors and would-be
murderers fitted well with the narratives of the socialist state about the resourceful-
ness, courage and toughness of the Partisan fighter. There was also almost certainly a
class element in that, in contrast to Korač and Vorkapić who were both members of
the educated middle-class strata of the Serb community, Jednak was a simple peas-
ant and hence a representative of the class of Serbs who had formed the backbone of
the Partisan resistance in its formative period. The changing details of Jednak’s tes-
timomy and memories over the years were less important than the essential “truth”
they told about the reality of life under occupation and the justification of the na-
tional liberation struggle. In addition, despite changed details, embellishments and
discrepancies in the various versions of his testimony, some of which were recounted
in front of the people’s court and others of which were later printed in various media,
the essential features of his account of what happened in the church over two nights
remained the same. One of the impressions which emerges most clearly from his
testimony is the humiliation and degradation to which the men in the church were
exposed before their liquidation as well as the ritualistic, performative and frenzied
nature of the violence. In his testimony to the regional people’s court in Glina in May
1944, for example, he recalled:
Night had already fallen when we were surprised to hear a truck in front of the church
and Ustashas came into the church shouting: Light candles straightaway so that we can
see better. When we had lit the candles, they asked all of us: Do you men believe in our
Poglavnik and our Independent State of Croatia? We all said that we did believe in it.
Then they commanded us: lie down, get up, lie down, get up and while we carried out
these commands they shot their rifles at the church itself which was in half darkness.
Then they issued a command that we should all remain in our shirts and underwear but
throw all our other things in the corner of the church. Then we had to lie on the floor and
On this, see Rory Yeomans, “In Search of Myself: Autobiography, Imposture, and Survival in
32
the Ustashas walked over us and stomped on us. After this, they ordered us to stand up
and turn our faces to the wall and then they fired at the church but intentionally didn’t
hit anyone because they wanted to terrify us. A little after this they once more brought
Pero Miljević to the front and asked him what he knew about the Chetniks. When he
answered again that he knew nothing, an Ustasha seized him and, in view of all of us,
stuck a knife in his back pushing it so far down him that the whole of his chest was
slit. Miljević fell down dead. On repeated calls for those who knew anything about the
Chetniks to make themselves known because they would be allowed to go home if they
told what they knew, one man said that he would tell everything...The Ustashas ordered
him to place his head on one of the tables in the church and when he did so the Ustashas
cut his throat and ordered him to sing. However, the blood from him spurted out some
metres in distance and when he was not able to sing this Ustasha beat him on the head
with his rifle butt so that his brain poured out onto the table. After this, the slaughter of
the men began in the order in which they stood in the church. They were seized one after
the other and, they threw them down on the table; one Ustasha knelt on his chest and the
other slit his throat. They didn’t wait for them to bleed heavily or die but carried them
half dead from the church and threw them into the truck.33
Jednak’s testimomy was both riveting and horrific. Its narrative arc evoked a
sense of tension as the listener or reader was kept in suspense about how he managed
to convince the Ustashas he was dead even as they held up his body to strip him of a
vest they wanted before throwing him into the pit. At the same time, his description
underlined the extent to which, for the Ustasha killers, the victims were subhumans
to be tortured, tossed and thrown around, objects whose undergarments were
infinitely more valuable than their mutilated bodies. In mentioning intimate details
about the individual victims, Jednak also succeeded in humanising the victims,
throwing into sharp focus the inhumanity of the Ustashas. His description evokes
in detail the sordid, horrifying reality of the journey to the pits as he lies crushed
and suffocated among the wet bodies of dead men. Jednak recalled that after the
slaughter in the church, the Ustashas began to haul the dead to the truck throwing
them by their leg onto the back of the truck “as they would throw out garbage.”
As there were a large number of victims they threw them so that there were three
or four in a heap and Jednak ended up at the top of the pile. When the first truck
was full, the Ustashas ordered the other bodies to be placed in the second truck
and he was grabbed by his leg and flung on the second truck. In the second truck,
he recalled, he was thrown in such a way that his mouth was resting on the slit
throat of a dead man from whom the wound was still bleeding. All he could do was
shut his mouth so that he did not swallow the blood. Nevertheless, he added, it was
“absolutely hideous” because he was coated in blood and it flowed over his body, into
his eyes and his mouth. While the corpses were being driven to Jukinac, Ustashas
33
Ljubo Jednak to the Regional People’s Court in Glina, 1 May 1944, AJ, f. 110/1966/2240/2457/304-
904, s. 1-3.
136 Rory Yeomans
sat on the corpses, two on the heads and two on the legs so that Jednak thought he
would suffocate as he didn’t have enough air. They then reached the pit in a small
wood and he was thrown by his legs into the pit. After they had thrown the bodies
into the grave, the Ustashas shot into it as it seemed to them that a body was rising
from the grave. When they came to Jednak’s body to “stack it in the corner,” the
Ustashas spotted a T-shirt on him that they wanted and lifted him up to take it off
him despite the fact it was covered in blood. After they had taken it off, the Ustashas
went into the woods to have a discussion and Jednak who was at the top of the pile
used this as a chance to escape, initially dragging himself through the corn and then
to bushes far away. In this way, he was “the only person who survived the gruesome
slaughter in the Orthodox church.”34
The massacres in Glina were part of a wider pattern of mass arrests, killings
and Ustasha terror then taking place in the Glina region in the spring and summer
of 1941. Like the terror, the May raid and the massacre in the church involved the
direct (and indirect) participation of ordinary men drawn from all the town’s social
classes. The shock troops of the second massacre in Glina in August 1941 such as
Nikola Vidaković and his sons, Božo Novak, Joso Zinić and the Kreštalica brothers
were mostly involved in low-grade work in the town as factory workers, tailors
and other manual professions while others were unemployed. However, many of
the organisers such as Jure Rebok, Šime Cvitanović and Katarina Vojvoda worked
in skilled and middle-class professions as school teachers, hospital doctors and
businessmen while the intellectual instigators of the massacre were lawyers and
bank directors such as Puk and Jerec. Yet even at the higher levels of the planning,
the composition was socially mixed and among those who attended meetings in
the hospital to discuss the cleansing were engineers, economists, businessmen,
doorkeepers, janitors, agronomists and clerical workers.35 Social mobility was
an important aspect of the killings in Glina. If social resentment was not a direct
driver of the cleansing, it is certainly true that many of those who had participated
in the murders materially benefitted. Joso Zinić, for example, a young Ustasha and
apprentice to the local Serb butcher Nikola Meandžija who had participated in both
the May raid and the slaughter in the church, inherited his boss’s business after his
murder before dying in battle against the Partisans as a member of the town Ustasha
militia. In fact, his funeral made a deep impression on some of the town’s residents.
34
Ibid, 2-3.
35
Veljko Rukavina to the Countrywide Commission on War Crimes, 26 October 1944, AJ, f.
110/1966/2240/ 2457/504-950, s. 14-15.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 137
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
One of them, Nikola Starčević, the treasurer of the municipal authority in Glina,
remembered that at the time he was buried local people gossiped about he used to
boast that he was forced to sharpen his knife after every ten men he had slaughtered
in the church. Similarly, another young Ustasha Božo Novak, who had driven the
bodies of the dead men from the church to the pits became, in the years before
his own execution for war crimes, Puk’s personal chauffeur. Meanwhile, Josip-Joco
Plemenčić, a butcher from Topusko, who had helped organize the arrest of Serbs in
Vrginmost was briefly appointed Ustasha commissioner for Vrginmost before being
captured in October 1941 by the Partisans and executed.36 As problematically for
a Partisan post-war discourse which stressed that the new socialist Yugoslavia was
a state from which the “remnants of fascism” had been ideologically purified and
the national groups reunited in brotherhood and unity, some of the perpetrators –
though mostly those indirectly involved – apparently made a smooth transition to the
new order. Accusations of collaboration need to be viewed with caution since in the
ideological atmosphere of early socialist Yugoslavia they were often used as a means
of pursuing personal vendettas or covering up one’s own history of collaboration.37
The testimony of Živko Tomac, an agronomist and former Ustasha camp leader,
is a case in point. He named the businessman Slavko Mrgan as a member of the
pre-war Ustasha circle, recalling that during the “national revolution” (meaning the
Ustasha takeover of power), along with his young son Mirko who later died as an
Ustasha, he had helped disarm the Yugoslav army and had walked around town
with a machine gun in his hand. Before the first arrests of Serbs took place, Tomac
alleged, there were regular meetings at the hospital which Mrgan attended while
around fifty Ustashas from Zagreb were also given a room in the hospital by Rebok.38
The contrast with Mrgan’s testimony is striking. Here, Mrgan made no mention of
having attended these meetings and claimed that he had not even been in the town
at the time of the church massacre. In fact, he stated that he had only found out
when he was told about it by his wife, adding in the voice of a traumatised bystander
that the day after the massacre Marija Letić whose house was next to the church
“told me she had to leave Glina because she couldn’t forget the terrible scene she
had seen.”39 It must have been hard to know who to believe: both men had strong
reasons to assert their version of events. Clearly, Tomac had an interest in reducing
36
Dragica Čučković, Mira Muždeka, Dara Dmitrović, Dušanka Breka and Zora Baltić to the
Countrywide Commission on War Crimes, undated, AJ, f.110/1966/2240/ 304-956, s. 10-12; Nikola
Starčević to the District war Crimes Commission in Banija, 10 October 1944, AJ, f.110. 2933/3784/1,
s. 12.
See e.g. “Zapisnik o izvršenoj kontroli u odmaralištu u Zaostrogu,” 2 July 1949, HDA, NRH,
37
his own complicity by implicating Mrgan while at the time Mrgan was serving as an
official in the National Liberation Committee (NOO) for Glina and a denunciation
such as this could threaten his reputation and much more besides. As persecuted
Serbs had learnt in the summer of 1941, both Tomac and Mrgan were realizing that
to speak the language of the state might mean the difference between survival and
destruction.
Whatever the truth, Mrgan was not the only resident facing this predicament
and evidence abounded of the complicity of other seemingly upstanding citizens in
the crime and its aftermath. The cleansing did not end with the massacre and dis-
posal of the bodies. The physical traces of the Serb community were also destroyed.
In his diary, Ivan Rojs, passing through the town again in autumn 1941, noted that
“when we returned by train via Glina, some building master along with workers was
destroying the Orthodox church in Glina and as a reward he received its artefacts.”40
A few days after the massacre, Nikola Vidaković was looking for men in the town
who could take over the demolition of the church and Ante Gregurić, a builder from
Jukinac, and Stjepan Pfajfer, a miller from Prekopa, were instructed. Ante Šešerin,
the town electrician who had been ordered to turn out the municipal lights on the
night of the massacre, recalled that the demolition began with Stjepan Šubarić, a tin-
smith from Glina, ascending the church tower and destroying the crucifix on the top
of the tower. Gregurić and his labourers received financial assistance from the state
with the bricks, roofing tiles and building material being distributed to peasants
and the bells and tiles for the roof handed to the authorities for further distribution.
Vidaković, for his part, took the banister from the church for himself as well as the
fences around the side of the steps while Pfajfer took the large stones from around
the church for the defence of his mill on the River Glina. The accumulated money
from the sale of other materials was sufficient to pay the workers and diverse expens-
es were covered by the great county of Gora.41
Giving evidence, Ante Gregurić, by now a member of the technical section of
the regional NOO of Banija, recalled that a short time after the massacre, Jerec had
arrived in Glina and together with Openheim, the chief of the technical section
from Sisak, and the regional head Dragutin Imper they had resolved to destroy the
church. While Openheim suggested it should be transformed into a cinema or some
other kind of public institution, Franc Žužek had opposed to this so the decision was
made that it should be demolished. According to his notes, the demolition process
began on 12 August and lasted several days. The work was carried out by artisans in
Glina according to the directions of the regional head with Gregurić, as a builder,
overseeing the work. Stjepan Palijan, one of the workers tasked with the destruction
41
Ante Šešerin to the Countrywide Commission for War Crimes, 10 October 1944 and Antun
Gregurić, 11 October 1944, nos. 1, 4, 5. AJ, f. 110/200/310/1222/260-274.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 139
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
of the Glina church, told his interrogators that after he had taken the Ustasha oath
from the local Ustasha camp leader Mato Tiljak he had began work immediately on
the demolition of the Glina church along with other labourers from the nearby vil-
lages of Jukinac and Skele. Before the building was razed, it was mined with equip-
ment brought by Gregurić, suggesting that the initial demolition was incomplete.42
A few days after the demolition started, a Franciscan friar called Božo Pavlov from
the Island of Brač, working as a parish priest in Gora, wrote to the county author-
ities asking for permission for two bells from the church. In this petition, he wrote
with obvious anxiety: “At the moment the Greek Eastern church in Glina is being
destroyed. There are three bells in it which are in very good condition. Austria put
up two great bells in the bell tower of this [Catholic Gora] church. Many times the
people of the parish resolved to buy new ones but because of the poor financial sit-
uation the old ones had to stay.” He acknowledged that his parish would not be able
to pay for the bells because it was very poor and in a “miserable condition.” Never-
theless, it deserved two bells from the Orthodox church in Glina because it was very
“prominent” and well-known in terms of its location and historical age and the bells
“would really suit it.”43 On the same day he also wrote an urgent petition to the local
authorities in Petrinja, the capital of Gora, asking for the bells. Pavlov asked that the
petition be resolved as soon as possible because otherwise “the bells will be exposed
and possibly could be damaged.”44 The county authorities wrote to the DRP on 27
August setting out the request in Pavlov’s letter. However, they did not receive a reply
from the director of the DRP Josip Rožanković until 14 October 1941. “The Greek
Eastern church in Glina should not be destroyed in any way,” it stated firmly. “It must
be preserved just as all other state property. Thus, the bells also have to be diligently
protected. At the moment, it is not possible to use the bells for the Roman Catholic
church.” He added with one eye on the possible conversion of Serbs to Catholicism:
“We will see if the Greek Easterners convert to the Catholic faith and then we can
decide about the church and the bells. Prior to that nothing can be decided.”45 In
the meantime, a note from the Glina authorities of 6 September 1941 to the county
confirmed that numerous items had already been removed from the church includ-
ing twenty-four individual pictures and icons, a wooden bronze cross, parts of the
altar, a rood screen and other artefacts consistent with the partial destruction of the
church. Imper, the ruthlessly practical Glina regional head, explained that the local
authority had nowhere to store these artefacts and asked the county for the loan of
42
Antun Gregurić to the Countrywide War Crimes Commission, 11 October 1944, nos. 1, 4, 5. AJ, f.
110/200/310/1222/260-274.
43
Bože Pavlov to the DRP, 18 August 1941, HDA, NDH, Ponova, 471.1076/10078.
44
Pavlov to the Great Governate of Gora, 18 August 1941, HDA, NDH, Ponova, 471.1076/1622.
45
“Župni ured moli za dodjeliti zvona grčkoistočne crkve u Glini,” 14 October 1941, HDA, NDH,
Ponova, 471.1076/10078.
140 Rory Yeomans
a truck to take the items away.46 The county replied the same day, asking the local
authorities to seek guidance from the DRP about the next steps in respect of the
artefacts that had been removed, paying attention to the “necessary financial means”
needed for the “continued destruction of the church.”47
Don Bože Pavlov seemingly had other ideas. A small news item in the 5 October
edition of the Sisak Gora Ustasha branch newspaper Hrvatske novine noted that “in
his busyness” Don Bože Pavlov had “finally” organised the external appearance of
the rectory in Gora and was now thinking about embarking on the improvement
of the bells of the parish church as well as the improvement of the church railings.
The newspaper pointed out that “this old church along with not only its interior
but also its exterior appearance represents a great treasure for Gora,” adding that
these improvements, especially those of the bells “which give our Gora such a beau-
tiful appearance” would even more “harmonise picturesque nature of our village.”
Whether Don Pavlov ever got the bells he wanted is unclear as it seems that by the
time this news report was written the inventory from the Glina church was already
in Zagreb along with items from the destroyed church of Saint Spiridon in Petrinja
and Saint Archangel Mihailo and Gavrilo in Kostajnica. Petrinja seems to have acted
as a kind of collection centre for cultural goods looted from Serb churches and other
organisations in Banija from where most of it was then transported to Zagreb. Mirko
Jerec went as far as to suggest that the ruins of Saint Spiridon would make a suitable
location for a new Croatian centre. However, this was overruled.48
If individual priests, monasteries and orders were complicit in profiting from
the persecution of the Serb minority in the Independent State of Croatia, then this
conveniently dovetailed with the narrative of socialist Yugoslavia about the role the
Catholic Church had played in the terror against the Serbs, the Holocaust and col-
laboration with the fascist occupier. It also provided useful ammunition during the
anti-religious campaigns of the late 1940s which mobilised youth in active opposi-
tion to the Catholic Church.49 However, to the extent that the activities of Don Pav-
lov fitted into a wider pattern of low-level collaboration with the Ustasha movement,
the occupation forces and the machinery of death among ordinary citizens, it pre-
sented a profound challenge to the memory politics of the party which emphasized
46
“Crkvenih slika i zvonova oduzetih u pravoslavnoj crkvi u Glini otprema,” 2 September 1941, HDA,
NDH, Ponova, 471.1076/7557-1941.
47
Crkvenih slika i zvonova oduzetih u pravoslavnoj crkvi u Glini – raspoložba,” 6 September 1941,
HDA, NDH, Ponova, 471.1076/190-1941. Taj.
48
“Gora,” Hrvatske novine, 5 October 1941, 5; Mrkalj, “Kako su rušili zajednicu,” 5.
49
In some cases, this involved the vandalism and destruction of church and monastic property
by zealous socialist youth and their replacement by emblems of the Communist Party. Religious
buildings located near to youth summer camps appear to have been especially vulnerable. See e.g.
Fra. Bernardo Tičić, Letter to the director of the youth summer camp in Zaostrog, 6 July 1949,
HDA, MTO, NRH, fond Ministarstva rada, kutija 177, s. 1; “Izvještaj o dolasku djece na ljetovanje u
Zaostrogu,” 14 May 1949, HDA, MTO, NRH, fond Ministarstva rada, kutija 177, b. 3921/49, s. 1–2.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 141
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
mass resistance on the part of worlers and peasants and the otherness of the fascists.
Although the history of the Glina massacre certainly did show interethnic solidarity
among significant numbers of Serbs and Croats and active resistance to Ustasha rule
among some Croat residents, it also showed the opposite: participation in or at least
acquiesence to Ustasha terror in the early months of the state’s existence and, perhaps
even worse, financial profiteering from it. The post-war testimonies also appeared
to demonstrate the failure of the new Yugoslav state to adequately purge those who
had collaborated with the Ustasha movement from its ranks. These factors were to
play a decisive role in determining how the state, in all its guises, approached the
commemoration of the Glina atrocities under both early and late socialism.
From the beginning, the massacre in the church in Glina featured prominently
in Yugoslav memory politics of the Second World War and Ustasha rule. In the
People’s Republic of Croatia, the culture of memory was accompanied by a series
of war crimes trials of those suspected of involvement in the crimes of the Ustasha
movement and calls for the mass cleansing of Croatian society of the remnants of
fascism. One of the most prolific advocates of this social cleansing was the journalist
Nikola Rubčić who, in a series of polemics in Vjesnik, argued that if Croatian society
was not sufficiently purified not only would there be no justice for the victims of
fascist terror, but the Yugoslav state would not survive. It was thus the patriotic duty
of all citizens to unmask the fascist criminals in their midst who were concealing
themselves in dark corners to escape their deserved fate. Not only were those who
sheltered them guilty of national betrayal but they were denying their victims justice.
Employing emotive language, he reminded Vjesnik’s readers of the crimes of the
Ustashas, integrating Glina into the roll call of their most egregious acts. “From
Gudovac in Bjelovar, the church in Glina, the school in Blagaj, from Jadovno and
Pag where in the most bestial people were slaughtered, killed with mallets or thrown
alive into chasms to the incineration of tens of thousands of people in the ovens
of Jasenovac is proof that the Ustashas were well trained in the profession of their
German masters. Not the weeping of mothers, who with their breasts protected their
defenceless children nor the pleas of innocent people who wanted to live awoke one
scintilla of human feeling from these Ustasha criminals in four years.” Rubčić argued
that Ustasha criminals had to be brought to justice and tried for the sake of humanity
and justice. “To eliminate animals is fitting as an expression of human respect and
love towards innocent victims, towards the homeland and this is the task of all of
us,” he pointed out sternly. “But then there are still people who would like to save
these as yet unpunished criminals and traitors of our people. There are people who
would like to save the Ustasha criminals who have shed brooks of tears and rivers
142 Rory Yeomans
of blood of our mothers, fathers and brothers.” Those who wanted to advise the
government to be merciful to “the greatest criminals and traitors” were themselves
“agents of fascism and instigators of the shedding of new blood.” In the new Croatia,
“in brotherly harmony and unity our people wants to build a new life which will
heal the heavy and deep wounds of this war. We want to build a happy homeland
in which happiness and prosperity will bloom.” But this future was threatened, he
warned, by the continued presence of fifth columnists who did not hesitate to try
to destroy the Yugoslav future in the same way they had attempted to destroy three
entire peoples. “Unpunished criminals have not abandoned their plans and they
signify a constant danger and obstacle to peaceful construction. A great number
of Ustasha criminals still stroll the streets of our cities, many hide themselves away
in city flats and unconscious people protect them. This is a danger which one must
perceive if one does not wish to experience the fate of one’s ward. One must think
constantly about all the acts of evil that the Ustashas inflicted on our people and our
homeland. So criminals need to be punished for the happier future for which we have
fought and which we will realise together with the work and effort of all social classes
in life…Without the punishment of war criminals, the organisers of the fratricidal
war and fascist servants, without the punishment of Ustasha criminals, there is not
and nor can there be peaceful reconstruction. There should be no mercy towards
them.” In this sense, he urged help from all citizens to cleanse society through the
unmasking and denunciation of “Ustasha bandits” to the national authorities so they
could be placed before the people’s courts. “To purify the weeds from our national
field is not only the task of our organisation, the organs of our national authorities,
but the duty of each citizen. With mass watchfulness towards every national enemy
and a mass struggle against national traitors we will pay homage to the innocent
victims of the fascist-Ustasha terror, we will contribute to peaceful construction and
the realisation of a happier life. In this work, no one should stand on the side lines
and passively observe the efforts which our national government is making in the
aim of consolidating our national life as quickly as possible.”50
In some cases, there were mass demonstrations against Ustasha war criminals.
One of these took place on 1 June 1945 in central Zagreb, described in detail by
Franjo Vadar in the following day’s edition of Vjesnik. In his despatch, he reported
that around 3pm that afternoon, large numbers of Zagrebčani had gathered on Trg
Keglevićeva, carrying banners with slogans such as “We seek death for war criminals!”
and “Death to the remnants of fascism” and “Long live the people’s courts” and even
“The victims of Jasenovac cry out for vengeance.” Workers, white-collar professionals,
women and youth participated in the demonstration, gathering to “express openly
their outrage because of the killings and plundering of the Ustashas and as the voice
of Zagreb publicly sought punishment for all fascist cut-throats and criminals.” How
50
Nikola Rubčić, “Kaznimo zločince čovječnosti i narodne budućnosti,” Vjesnik, 29 May 1945, 1.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 143
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
spontaneous demonstrations like these were is questionable. The role that ideological
instrumentalisation played was made clear by the presence of Partisan veterans and
activists of the JNOF at the rally. For example, Milan Andrašić, a local member of the
JNOF, pointed out that fascists were not just the “cut-throats” but all those who had
helped them as well as those who had enriched themselves from the “blood” of the
people. “Now, the people have power,” he announced triumphantly – and pointedly
since a key aim of the rally was to legitimate retributive justice as deriving as a result
of pressure from below. “And the people are all of us, we will judge them. So, it
is essential that all citizens, every one of them in every one of their streets, every
one of them in his enterprise, unmasks Ustasha and Swabian agents and does not
allow them to freely walk around and continue burrowing holes everywhere.” This
was the precondition for the regeneration of the country and economic progress.
The newspaper noted that Andrašić’s comments about needing to “take control of
the accumulated wealth of war profiteers” provoked “loud exclamations” from the
audience and “expressions of hatred towards the criminals and national enemies.”
After this, the assembled protestors walked towards Ilica and Černomerac intending
that their demand for the punishment of war criminals be heard by an even greater
number of people. During the entire journey, a series of chants in rhythm could be
heard: “Death for the blood-soaked fascists” and “Death to the cut-throats” while
the fury of the people “burst out in elemental fashion” shouting: “To the gallows with
criminals.” Along the way, they were joined by young pioneers and youth activists of
the second sector.51
In other instances, Vjesnik reported, the Yugoslav army on arresting members
of Ustasha militias were powerless to prevent patriotic villagers from taking instant
justice. In one case in the village of Luka, for example, all 110 members of a division
of Rafael Boban’s Black Legion whom the army had wanted to escort to a prisoner
of war camp were punished by the masses with “the justified sentence for the crimes
which these Ustasha criminals had committed,” the army powerless to hold them
back. In this way, the villagers demonstrated “true heroism and high patriotism.”
The despatch added that one could hear shouts such as: “This is for Jasenovac” and
“This is for [Stara] Gradiška.” It claimed that such actions were common throughout
liberated Croatia and there were cases, especially in Zagreb, where “upright citizens
and patriots are uncovering the hiding places of Ustasha bandits” and reporting
them to the organs of the national government or even themselves arresting
“Ustasha criminals” with the assistance of the police and then handing them over
to the Department for People’s Security [Odjeljenje za zaštitu naroda – OZNA] and
testifying about their crimes. “They are accusing them publicly and openly, using
51
Franjo Vadar, “Strogo i hitno kažnjavanje ratnih zločinaca tražio je narod Černomerca na velikoj
demonstraciji,” Vjesnik, 2 June 1945. The word Vadar uses is “Cigani” [Gypsies] but given that Roma
and Sinti is more commonly preferred over Gypsy in contemporary scholarship, this is how I have
translated it.
144 Rory Yeomans
their full first names and surnames because they know that they don’t have to fear
anything anymore or be worried of anyone since the Ustasha reign of terror has been
destroyed once and for all. In this way, upright patriots help the national authorities
in cleansing the country from the remnants of fascism and concealed Ustasha
criminals. The people is conscious that an unpunished criminal is a perpetual
danger. To root out criminals from the face of the earth – the innocent slaughtered
victims demand this of us, this is required from all of us for a happier future for our
people. Many Ustasha criminals have paid the debt for their blood-soaked deeds.
Every upright citizen, every upright patriot, every son of this land in whose hearts
lies our national future must take part in the uncovering of their crimes, in their
unmasking and locating.” If Ustashas had attempted to conceal themselves, it was
of no use since the “just punishment of the people” would find them everywhere.
In fact, every day the organs of the national government were seizing both senior
Ustasha officials and “dispersed Ustasha groups.” The newspaper mentioned in
passing that just recently Mirko Puk had been arrested, “a notorious criminal, one of
the initiators and organizers of the slaughter in the church in Glina in 1941 and the
instigator of the mass slaughter of the Serbs in Banija and Kordun and the burning
and destruction of Serb villages and towns.”52
The emotive language employed by journalists and youth activists in demand-
ing justice for the victims of Ustasha atrocities such as the Glina church massacre
was mirrored in the public pronouncements of the organization established to inves-
tigate and prosecute alleged war crimes, the Countrywide Commission for the De-
termination of War Crimes [Zemaljska komisija za utvrdjivanje ratnih zločina ok-
upatora i njihovih pomagača]. Its founding pronouncements employed profoundly
emotional language to evoke the horror of Ustasha rule, in particular, to encourage
citizens to come forward with their reports of crimes and aiming to appeal to feel-
ings of solidarity and empathy and fostering brotherhood and unity. No doubt these
appeals aimed to mobilise ordinary workers in support of the prosecution of war
crimes, thus strengthening the legitimacy of the party and the emerging socialist
system, but they were also indicative of the fact that some of those leading the estab-
lishment of the war crimes system in Croatia were themselves survivors of genocide
who had joined the Partisans as a means of survival as little more than children.
After the war, they had revenge on their mind, an instinct which was mobilized by
the socialist authorities to repress potential resistance and provide social mobility
for the victims of Ustasha terror, thereby securing their allegiance and that of the
wider Serbian population to the new socialist order. The traumatic memory of the
genocide, the desire for retributory punishment and the personal response to the
genocide in wartime Croatia by some of the prosecutors was evident in the very
52
“Narod sam kažnjava ratne zločince i pomaže narodnim vlastima u otkrivanju ustaških krvnika,”
Vjesnik, 3 June 1945.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 145
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
first appeal by the Croatian war crimes commission published on the front page of
Vjesnik on 30 May 1945. The announcement establishing the committee made it
clear that it was the “duty” of every citizen to report everything they knew about war
crimes to this special commission; this would show that they had not forgotten “the
mass graves of innocent victims.”
For four years innocent blood flowed into brooks, tears flowed in our homeland. The
rabid fascist animals splashed every region of this land with the blood of those who were
honourable and loved this land, loved their freedom. Mass and individual shootings,
slaughter, killing by many of the cruellest methods, murdering with axes, flailing, iron
ingots, strangulation, throwing into rivers, pits and the burning of people alive, the
raping of women and girls, torture by hundreds of diverse means like the cutting away
of living flesh, the smashing of bones, the threading of wire through mouths and noses,
the hammering of nails into heads, torture through starvation in cells, camps, taken
away to do backbreaking labour, expulsion, then plunder, destruction and the arson of
property etc. while Ustasha cutthroats and cannibalistic animals inflicted unforgettable
pain and suffering on our citizens. The bones of these innocent victims rot in all our
villages and towns, all our mountains and valleys. They seek, they cry out for justice, for
the punishment of the criminals. The time has come to impose the deserved punishment
on those who shed innocent blood, burnt our homes and settlements to the ground and
wanted to exterminate and destroy our people in our country during this war. Not one
evil act of the fascist enemy and their servants should remain unpunished!
Remember the burnt-down houses! Think about the graves of the innocent victims!
Remember the slaughtered children! Don’t forget the horrors of Jasenovac, Stara
Gradiška, Lepoglava, Lobor, Gospić, Jadovno, Pag, Bakar, Rab, Molat! Remember the
victims of the massive slaughters in Gudovac, Blagaj, the church in Glina and other
places! Don’t forget the victims of the Zagreb Sing-Sing, of the Ustasha Surveillance
Service, Savska Cesta and all other Ustasha torture chambers! To the courts with the
desecrators of our national sanctities! The unpunished criminal is an eternal danger!
Denounce all the instigators of the crimes of the occupier and their helpers! The people
will sentence its degenerates itself! No compassion for the killers of our children!53
Glina took a central role in many early articles and statements about Ustasha
war crimes as a paradigmatic symbol of the brutality of the Ustasha regime, often
53
“Apel Zemaljske komisije za utvrdivanje zločina okupatora i njihovih pomogača,” Vjesnik, 30 May
1945.
146 Rory Yeomans
strikingly emotional in their selection of detail. One of the first detailed descriptions
of the massacre in the Glina church appeared in the party newspaper Vjesnik in a
series of reports in June 1945, taken verbatim from the testimony of local residents
to the war crimes commission. One of the noticeable features of these reports was
the visceral nature of the details they chose to highlight, providing a series of scenes
for its readers through which they could construct a picture of the inhumanity of the
Ustashas. Ignatz Haluza, a citizen from Glina, for example, recalled that on the eve-
ning of the massacre he had been walking in front of the church when he observed
Josip Mison taking the possessions of the victims and placing them in a basket. While
walking through the park which was dark because all of the lights had been turned
off, he met a civilian with rolled-up sleeves and bloody hands who asked him for a
cigarette. He told him he had none and then the man invited him into the church. As
he came to the entrance of the church he saw ten to fifteen Ustashas who were drink-
ing rakija. “And at that moment I heard the voice of a child from the church who was
crying out: ‘Save me, papa’ and then he said it again. Then Josip Žinić came into the
church and a few minutes later I did not hear the voice anymore.” The experience
of Serbs in the church was gleaned, the newspaper wrote, from the testimony of
Ljubo Jednak, “the only Serb who was able to save himself from being massacred.”54
Others such as the electrician Ante Šešerin remembered the hideous stench of the
victims and the blood at the entrance to the church despite the efforts of the local
Ustashas to use carbolic acid and whitewash to clean it. He also recalled seeing three
Serb victims who had escaped to the tower of the church who were using their hats
to collect rain water to drink and how they had refused to come down saying they
weren’t guilty of anything and were not active in politics despite the efforts of the
Ustashas to persuade them to come down, assuring them nothing would happen to
them. He heard later that the Ustashas had shot them from the tower. Ante Gregurić
likewise recalled how as a crowd gathered, the men had refused to come down from
the tower, stating they would rather die in the tower than die on the ground like the
men in the church. Then an unknown Ustasha began firing at the men and one fell
to the ground followed by further shots and the other two men falling as Gregurić
walked away. Yet another witness, Ivan Pacijenti, remembered that after the first of
the three men were shot down, the other two chose to jump off the top of the tower
themselves and were found dead on the ground.55 While this story is almost certain-
ly true, since it was repeated in numerous other testimonies, it was also symbolically
powerful since, like Jednak’s testimony, it reinforced the mythology of resistance by
the victims of the Ustashas. Reinvented as self-sacrificing and heroic martyrs, they
could be incorporated into the Partisan pantheon.
54
“Saopćenje br. 33 Državne komisije za Utvrdivanje zločina okupatora i njegovih pomagača: Pokolj
Srba u glinskoj crkvi,” Vjesnik, 3 June 1945.
55
Saopćenje br. 33 Državne komisije za Utvrdivanje zločina okupatora i njegovih pomagača: Pokolj
Srba u glinskoj crkvi,” Vjesnik, 6 June 1945.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 147
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
mony, a number of details in his account had changed and alternative ones seeming-
ly remembered or added. For example, Jednak now recalled that inside the church
“blood was flowing everywhere” while at the same time “the church was illuminated
by candles.” Likewise, whereas in his earlier testimony, Jednak had mentioned that
one prisoner was tortured by having his moustache set alight, he now recalled that
“when they smashed in his head, pieces of his skull flew out on all sides and landed
next to me.” There were also numerous other dramaticised versions of the events
both in the church and at the pit differing from his two earlier testimonies.58 The
testimony which Balen used for his book was cited as having been given by Jednak
in front of the People’s Court in Zagreb in 1945. This might explain the discrepan-
cies between this printed testimony and the preserved transcript of the testimony
he gave before the court in Glina. The testimony cited by Balen is at once both more
intimate in its moving descriptions of the victims and more dramatic in emphasising
the inhumanity of the Ustasha perpetrators. Yet, the differences could simply reflect
the fact that by the time Jednak gave his testimony before the national court in Za-
greb he had remembered more details, a common characteristic in the memories of
those who have experienced considerable personal trauma and are suffering from
post-traumatic stress disorder.59
On the other hand, it is possible that Jednak’s personal memory of what hap-
pened that night became increasingly intertwined with war crimes propaganda and
the state’s reconstruction of that event in agitprop newspaper reports and polemical
studies of the kind which Balen’s biography represented. It is also conceivable that
his original testimony was embellished for the benefit of a reading audience which
had not been present when the testimony was presented to the court or, just as like-
ly, for the benefit of book sales. It is noteworthy that the book was published at the
height of the Soviet-Yugoslav split and the campaigns of ideological terror, Yugoslav
patriotism and programmes of industrialisation and modernisation, thus highlight-
ing the role that memory politics and the public description of mass atrocities played
in the shaping of a socialist consciousness. It is worth pointing out, too, that Balen’s
section on the Glina massacre was accompanied not only by a photograph of the
peasant Jednak defiantly testifying before the Zagreb court but by the two famous
photographs believed to show the Glina victims prior to their execution, thereby
reinforcing the emotional link between Jednak and his dead, lost compatriots. Else-
where, the book’s visual imagery reinforced its narrative of inclusiveness towards the
victims and exclusion towards the Ustasha perpetrators. It was illustrated by photo-
58
Šime Balen, “Jezivo svjedočanstvo Ljubana Jednaka,” in Pavelić (Zagreb: Biblioteka Društva
Novinara Hrvatske, 1952), 121-6.
59
For the impact of post-traumatic stress disorder on memory recall over long periods see e.g. Steven
M. Southwick, C. Andrew Morgan III et al, “Consistency of Memory for Combat-Related Traumatic
Events in Veterans of Operation Desert Storm,” Journal of American Psychiatry 154, no. 2 (February
1997): 173-77.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 149
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
Balen had once been a member of the radical-right youth milieu out of which
Pavelić had created the embyronic Ustasha movement. Converted to the Communist
cause in prison by party members in the 1930s, he had then written a biography
which excoriated his former leader. As such, he was in some senses emblematic of the
aspirations of the national liberation struggle waged by the Partisans to reunite Serbs,
Croats and other Yugoslavs in brotherhood and unity as a means of overcoming the
60
Regarding the “dehumanisation” of accused Ustashas in war crimes in socialist Yugoslavia see
Tomislav Dulić, “Forging Brotherhood and Unity: War Propaganda and Transitional Justice in
Yugoslavia, 1941–48,” in The Utopia of Terror: Life and Death in Wartime Croatia, ed. Rory Yeomans
(New York: Rochester University Press, 2015), 241-259. However, I would dispute his assertion that
the reports of the war crimes commission tended to be “cold” and “objective” in contrast to socialist
Yugoslav agitprop. As this article shows, this division did not always exist in practice.
61
For the “Glina” photographs, see Balen, Pavelić, 125, 127. In the accompanying text, Balen credits
the photographs to Čerovski himself. As far as I am aware, although many Yugoslav writers and
researchers asserted that they had been found in Čerovski’s personal file, none of them claimed him
as the photographer.
150 Rory Yeomans
fratricidal past. In the post-war period, Balen also wrote a number of short stories,
among the best-known of which was “Stanko’s illusion,” published as one of a series
of Partisan agitprop pamphlets dedicated to illustrious fallen comrades.62 Typical of
early Partisan literature and its attempt to emphasise the marginal, unrepresentative
nature of the Ustashas and their separation from ordinary Croats as well as the innate
Yugoslav patriotism which drove the national liberation struggle, the story took as
its central character Stanko, a Serb peasant from a village in the Lika region, who
joins the Partisan uprising against Ustasha terror after the slaughter of his family
by an Ustasha militia, inspired by the example of the Croat Partisan hero, Marko
Orešković who had led the Serb uprising against Ustasha terror in the region. Rising
to the rank of unit leader, Stanko manages to recruit followers from among local
Serbs and Croats. However, some Serb fighters remain troubled by the presence of so
many Croats in the Partisan ranks. The doubts raised by the Serb comrades provide
Stanko with an opportunity to teach his men about the ideals they are fighting for,
in particular, the brotherhood of Serbs and Croats in the fight against the fascist
occupiers.
To be a member of Stanko’s unit was a pride and honour but some looked with suspicion
at the Croats. “They will betray us. The Ustashas have sent them. We have to kill them.”
Stanko thought for a moment. He was a peasant. He didn’t know much. But he saw that
Croats equally hated the Ustashas [as Serbs did]. Stanko steeled himself and said with
gritted teeth: “Not all Croats are Ustashas. These Croats are our brothers. Do they not
fight as fervently as we do?...Do the Ustashas not kill them as much as they kill us? Is
Marko Orešković also not a Croat?” All then understood the truth of Stanko’s words.
In the cruel savage Ljubuški region the brotherhood of the Croat and Serb fighters was
forged.63
Almost all of the Partisan literature in early post-war Yugoslavia exhibited the
same sentiments as Balen’s short story in emphasizing not only the brotherhood
of Croats and Serbs but the marginality and national “degeneracy” of the Ustashas
whom as countless agit prop and propaganda articles and press releases and
verdicts handed down by the war crimes commission insisted did not belong to
the Croat people.64 One of the most important example of this genre of Partisan
war literature was an epic poem about Ustasha terror, Jama [The Pit] penned by
62
Šime Balen, Staniša Opsenica (Knjižnica likovi palih boraca, 1944). It was subsequently republished
in the 1945 special edition of Hrvatsko kolo dedicated to the national liberation struggle.
63
Ibid, 12.
64
In fact, in early indictments by regional war crimes commission it was not uncommon for the
nationality of Ustasha war criminals to be defined not as Croat or Yugoslav but “Ustasha.” See e.g.
verdict for Dr. Ivković, chief of the Ustasha Police in Dubrovnik, undated, Arhiv Hrvatske Zagreb,
ZKRZ, 8232/45/21197; verdict for Ivan Pemper, undated, Arhiv Hrvatske Zagreb, ZKRZ, 447/45/
211424 in Arhiv Udruženje Jadovno, Banja Luka, Fond Logora Jadovno i Slana, 1/01/0001-0122,
0119; 0120.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 151
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
the young Croat poet Ivan Goran Kovačić who was, ironically, murdered by the
Chetniks. First published in 1943, it become an enduring literary symbol both of
fratricidal slaughter in the 1940s and the hope of reconciliation offered by socialist
Yugoslavia. As the literary critic Marko Ristić wrote six years after the poem was first
published, Jama embodied the principles of brotherhood and national harmony of
the Serbs and Croats for which cause Kovačić “fought so heroically and poetically
with his rifle and his pen.”65 Kovačić’s poem tells the story of an Ustasha massacre
from the perspective of one of the corpses in the pit. This provides him with the
opportunity to narrate the entire story of the victims and their ordeal from the time
they are seized by the Ustashas until the pit is filled with lime. One of the recurring
images of the poem is the slimy, sweaty intimacy of the victims’ bodies pressed up
against one another in the pit, which recalls Jednak’s testimony about lying among
the wet slippery bodies in the truck to the burial ground and then afterwards once he
had been thrown into the pit. Kovačić describes “the chilling corpse” which presses
down on him, “clammier than fish.” He describes himself lying on a corpse, “a mould
of brawn,/ A flabby slimy thing in bloody steep,” evoking his horror as he grips a
“woefully butchered limb,” the body crawling, writhing and slipping. He feels the
hideous wrench of “naked corpses as their sinews turned,/ Like long dead fishes
by crude saline burned.” Another image which the poet returns to repeatedly is the
burning thirst of the victim in the pit. He writes of how his limbs “congealed in choirs
of dead men” who thirst “with throbbing fire.” As he is on the brink of shrieking
for liquid, he has the sense of water being sprinkled on him. “Oh, cooling shower
that burns, burns, burns!/ Over the naked skin, the vale of ice,/ Down belly, breast
and flanks and thighs at once.” But then he realises the terrible truth: this “cooling
rivulet” sets a “teasing fire” and “hollows angry furrows in the flesh.” A “burning
droplet” on his “stiff lips” reveals the “quicklime taste.” Indeed, his desire for water
reduces him to the level of a “wild creature” as he tries to clamber out of the pit “on
bosom or belly,” like “a maddened dog by burning thirst compelled” and “free from
pain and fear and shame,/ Free to betray and spurn the dead and crawl/ on bodies
as on sodden ground that crumbled.” He “cared not” if he has trodden on his sister,
a friend or shattered a girl’s “fragile” bones. All that matters is his “maddened thirst.”
In Kovačić’s imagination, the desperation for water and survival is so compelling
that he waits longingly for evening so he can lick the dew off the dead corpses lying
on top of him. “Oh, never did I wait for darkness coming/ With such desire. For
now the dew was seeping/ Over the upper bodies down to me!/ My inflamed tongue
set greedily to lick/ Drops from the arms and legs of those now dead,/ And down
contorted gutters nectar bled.” When he emerges from the pit “in blood crawled
about,” with “rooted burning lips” his “oblivious body” sinking as he drinks, he sits
with “grass-filled mouth” exhausted. Though dying, on hearing the sound of his
65
Marko Ristić, “Ivan Goran Kovačić,” Jugoslavija (winter 1950): 43-44.
152 Rory Yeomans
tormentors far off, his thoughts turn to fantasies of vengeance: “A shudder broke me.
Far off the tyrants sang –/ With dirty catch their dismal triumph they shared./ When
my soft mood was gone, and hatred flared!”66
Jama employs the use of flashback to remember a time and place before
the genocide. The description of the traditions, images and rhythms of his rural
community before the advent of the Ustasha terror provides the poem with a bucolic
lyricism, brought into sharp focus by the sanguinary slaughter of the present.
Smelling the “wind-borne echo of our burning homes,” the poet writes how from
his ashes rises his “youthful years’ content –/ The weddings, harvests, dances, and
long hours/ Beside the hearth – the funerals with bells and wakes,/ All that life’s
sower sows and death’s scythe takes.” As much as it looks back to an idyllic past, the
poem is transported into the future by its vision of a regenerated, post-liberation
utopia opening the possibility of reconciliation between persecutors and persecuted.
“Is there a place where men forget again/ And live with those who wronged them
by their side?” he asks. Nevertheless, the symbiosis of vengeance against the fascist
enemy, the desire to fight to the end and mourning for fallen martyrs typical of
many Partisan poems and exemplified in the finale of the poem is stronger. “With
throat alone, for now I have no eyes;/ With heart alone for now my tears the knife/
Of murderers gouged away. I am deprived/ Of eyes to see you, and that strength is
gone/ Which I so need, to fight too, till we’ve won. But who are you, and whence? I
only know/ That your light warms me. All – Sing! For I can feel/ At last I live; even
though I’m dying now,/ ‘Tis in sweet Liberty, with Vengeance stolen/ From death.
Your singing gives my eyes back light,/ Strong as our People, and our sun as bright.”67
In comparison to early socialist literature about Ustasha terror, in its subject
matter, sense of time and sentiment, Ivan V. Lalić’s 1955 poem “Requiem for the
Seven Hundred from the Church in Glina,” despite the many comparisons which
were made with Jama, was very different. The first and most intentful poem written
about the Glina church massacre, rather than looking forward to the construction of
a new Yugoslavia, it looks back unsparingly to the atrocity from the Yugoslav present.
Exploring the senselessness of a slaughter which has no sense, the poet argues that
he has no option but to remember it because the memory of it is embedded in his
consciousness and memory. Thus, for the poet, a modern Yugoslav consciousness
can only be constructed through memorialising the suffering of the past. Lalić,
subsequently recognised as one of post-war Yugoslavia’s greatest modern poets, was
regarded, even at the time of the publication of his first anthology of poetry, Bivši
dečak [Once a Boy] by literary critics as an important young literary voice of the
post-war generation, someone whose work combined traditional themes and motifs
66
Ivan Goran Kovačić, Jama, trans. Alec Brown (Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1961). VI-VII, IX, 37-44,
53-55. Yugoslav writers such as Balen also made the connection between Jednak’s testimony and
Kovačić’s epic poem. See Balen, Pavelić, 123.
67
Ibid, X, 59-63.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 153
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
68
Čedo Prica, “Kulturna preloma,” in Bivši dečak, ed. Čedo Prica (Zagreb: Lykos, 1955), 1-4.
69
Francis R. Jones, “Introduction: Names as a Bribe to Time: The Poetry of Ivan V. Lalić,” in Ivan V.
Lalić, A Rusty Needle, trans. Francis R. Jones (London: Anvil Press, 1996), 15.
70
Ivan V. Lalić, “Requiem za majku,” in Bivši dečak, 29-31.
154 Rory Yeomans
the sticky suffocating half-dead bodies piled up clammily on top of each other.
While the church no longer stands at the site where the murders took place, nature
insists in marking that this was a place where a church once stood and where a
mass crime was perpetuated and where, as a result, “the weeds grow entirely red
from their blood.” Note how the anguished voices echoing through the now absent
walls where the church once stood and the blood seeping through the grass and the
weeds replicate the discourse of the post-war announcements of the countrywide
war crimes tribunal. “I cannot be silent; the walls were silent,” he writes. “And they
collapsed. I, one, carry them in me,/ Overgrown with my adulthood, unspoken, their
faces rotting away.” They knock at night, he continues, “tentatively, on the trembling
panes/ of my eyes…No, I cannot stay silent/ about this colony in my blood because I
am one,/ and there were more than seven hundred of them.” It is evident that much
of the imagery in Lalić’s poem is drawn from Jednak’s survivor testimony and from
the haunting photograph made known to a wide audience in Balen’s anti-biography.
He describes how the men are filled with “terrible awaiting” and “emptied hands, soft
in front of the blades,/ conscious, under the valut convulsed with dawning/ horror.”
He, once a boy, imagines the “first blunt thrust” releasing “dark and warm blood
from the body.” He “hears” the first shriek from a throat “whose songs are forever
slashed.” They fall into bloody heaps and do not hear the ones that follow them,
such as “the one with branded eyes,/ or the one pruned with steel like a tree.” Fresh
with wounds, mute and “full of blood,” they lie, Lalić writes, humiliated, “stripped
of their very selves, devoid of everything except death./ Black, sticky, slaughtered,
slaughtered, slaughtered.”71
The socialist literature of war and genocide and brotherhood and unity speaks
eloquently of the narrative frames employed in early socialist Yugoslavia to make
sense of the fratricidal violence and genocide which took place in wartime Croatia. On
the one hand, it legitimised the national liberation struggle, the socialist revolution
and retributive justice through dehumanising the Ustashas and emphasising the
suffering of their victims. At the same time, in underlining the separateness of the
Ustashas from the mass of Croat workers and peasants, it aimed to present the
national liberation struggle as a class struggle pitting working people in Croatia
against the oppression of the fascist occupiers and their degenerate collaborators,
thereby avoiding the ethnic dimension of the genocide. Throughout the postwar
period, the Communist Party sought to mediate the ways in which atrocities such as
the Glina massacre could be commemorated and remembered in order to prevent
them being turned into sources of nationalist resentment or revival among either
Serbs in Croatia or Croats. However, as nationalism increasingly became a fact of
political life in Croatia from the mid 1960s onwards, this attempt to overcome the
past through the incarnation of a unifying mythology became increasingly untenable.
71
Ivan Lalić, “Opelo za sedam stotina iz crkve u Glinu,” Bivši dečak, 29-31.
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Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
After its liberation in January 1944, Glina gave the impression of a city which,
under the new Partisan authorities, was experiencing a renaissance. It immediately
not only became the centre of Partisan authority and the national liberation
movement in the region but also became known as the “Partisan Hollywood.” This
was partly because of the number of established and rising stars from Partisan theatre
and film troupes stationed there, reflecting the fact that it was the only permanent
base for the Central Theatre Troupe of the State Anti-fascist Council for the National
Liberation of Croatia [Zemaljsko antifašističko vijeće narodnog oslobođenja
Hrvatske – ZAVNOH] whose head, Drago Ivanišević, had been the pre-war director
of the Croatian National Theatre. However, it was also in recognition of the fact that
the town was chosen for the location of the first Acting School in newly-liberated
Yugoslavia. There were also signs of the tentative re-emergence of the cultural life
of the Serb community in the town and in November of that year the founding
meeting of the Serb cultural club Prosvjeta took place in the cinema auditorium of
the Hotel Kasino which became, over time, the main venue for meetings of the Serb
Partisan elite. The inaugural meeting was attended by large numbers of peasants
from the outlying villages who were not put off by the fact that the main hall was
full and waited for four hours in the knowledge that after the meeting there would
be a screening of the popular Soviet war film Raduga [The Rainbow]. Despite this
appearance of apparent recovery, the Serb community, in particular, was a deeply
traumatized one. Almost the entire Serb middle-class elite – its priests, businessmen,
artisans, teachers and intelligentsia – along with its institutions had been destroyed
in the spring and summer of 1941 and what remained were Serb peasants, workers
and proletarianized members of the middle-classes who had overwhelmingly
supported the Partisan movement during the war and no longer felt the same sense
of Serb identity as they did before 1941. While far more Serbs proportionally had
survived the war than the two other groups the Ustasha movement had targeted
for extermination – the Jews and Roma – the sense of a distinct and coherent Serb
religious, cultural and ethnic community had proved less resilient. In the aftermath
of Ustasha terror and the building of socialist Yugoslavism, the party replaced the
church, schools and cultural and philanthropic societies as the new communal
organisation of many Serbs. Moreover, in spite of the seeming renaissance of Serbian
cultural life in the town which was, in fact, heavily circumscribed, reminders of the
genocide were built into the fabric of the post-war cultural and economic life of
the town. For example, a whole generation of football players from GŠK Glina had
been swept away in the first massacre of May 1941 while the Hotel Kasino where the
showing of Raduga and the holding of the first and subsequent meetings of Prosvjeta
took place had been owned in its pre-war heyday by Stojan Šušnjar, who was among
those who perished in the mass round up of May 1941. Meanwhile, the cautious
156 Rory Yeomans
but sustained efforts to find and exhume the bodies of the dead from the two Glina
massacres and provide them with a memorial ossuary and site of memory belied
the air of normalcy which had settled on the town in the last year of the war. In
autumn 1944, the Regional National Liberation Committee of Banija established a
commission for the determination of war crimes. Jovan Borojević, an agricultural
worker and member of ZAVNOH, was appointed its president with Aleksandar
Goldstajn, secretary of the regional national court in Glina, as secretary. From late
1944 onwards, this commission began to collect testimonies from the families and
friends of victims as well as eyewitnesses in the town about the events which had
taken place in Glina. This not only raised uncomfortable questions about the active
participation of ordinary Croat civilians in the massacres, but the role of ordinary
bystanders to Ustasha terror and as we have seen, the integrity of national liberation
committees themselves.72
In Glina, the construction of an ossuary and memorial was the result of a
decades-long campaign to exhume the bodies of the dead. After the liberation, the
National Liberation authorities made numerous efforts to excavate the bodies of the
Glina victims. For example, on 3 November 1944 they exhumed a pit near Glina
Novo Selo where the victims of the massacre in the church had been buried, but
when they began digging the site, it was so swampy, with water pouring out of it and
the terrain so unstable that the committee decided to leave any further exhumation
until such time as the weather conditions improved and the ground had dried up.
There were also private initiatives to mark the sites where the massacre had taken
place. For example, a group of local residents from Glina led by Petar-Pero Opaić
applied for the construction of a communal ossuary on the Pogledić Mountain in
the Orthodox graveyard on the site of the destroyed church in Đurđica.73 On 12 May
1946, on the fifth anniversary of the first Glina massacre, the relatives of the victims
of what the Serbian newspaper Srpska reć termed the “horrible Ustasha massacre”
gathered at the graves of those who had perished in a ceremony of commemoration
and remembrance in the village of Hađer. Ljuba Kralj, reporting for the newspaper,
noted that among the mourners was Nikica Samardžija. Addressing the mourners
as the sole survivor of the massacre, he recalled how he had succeeded in escaping
“the bloody Ustasha knife” revealing to the people what he saw and experienced
on that “terrible night.” In his speech, he related in moving terms his experience
while other speakers cited the massacre as legitimation for the anti-fascist uprising
against Ustasha rule, Communist Party rule and the orthodoxy of brotherhood
72
Aralica, Ustaški pokolj u glinskoj crkvi, 160.
73
Regarding the exhumations in Novo Selo Glinsko see the statement of the war crimes commission
in “Pokolj Srba u glinskoj crkvi,” Vjesnik, 6 June 1945. It is typical that this report conflated the Serbs
from Glina murdered in May 1941 and the victims brought from outside Glina to be slaughtered in
the Orthodox church. This confusion remained a recurring characteristic of historiography on the
Glina massacres for the entire socialist period.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 157
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
and unity, thus underlining the important role which ideology would play in the
commemoration of the massacres. Samardžija’s speech was followed by one by Milan
Despot who greeted the mothers and wives of the murdered men. “In his speech,”
Ljuba Kralj wrote, “he pointed to the importance of the brotherhood and unity of
the Croat and Serb peoples forged and sealed in our heroic liberation struggle which
had to be protected, cultivated and inculcated as the greatest sanctity which saved
our people from extermination.” He concluded that “had we not set off on this path,
the enemy would have succeeded to an even greater extent in exterminating our
people and in sowing graves such as these across our land.”74
The single person probably most responsible for the transfer of the bones of
the victims of the Glina massacres to an ossuary at the Orthodox cemetery in Glina
next to the church where they were massacred was a young priest and teacher Miloš
Popović. Arriving in Glina in January 1946 he found a decimated and still deeply-
traumatised Serb population symbolised in the destroyed Orthodox church. The
socialist authorities gave him the role of reviving cultural and religious life among
the Serbs in the small town. In his new parsonage in Petrinjska ulica, he arranged
a chapel for the most basic religious needs of the Serb community such as services,
weddings, funerals and christenings and in March 1946 revived the work of the
church-district committee, comprised of seven selected people from Glina and the
surrounding area. However, as the local Serb population showed no apparent interest
in religious questions and he received no pay from the state, he quickly accepted
service in the new state educational service and became a teacher of the Russian
language at a series of local gymnasiums. On 12 May 1946, on the fourth anniversary
of the massacre in Prekopa, he performed a holy commemoration at which Nikica
Samardžija also spoke. As he increasingly felt the need for a dignified burial for those
murdered, on 3 August 1946 a meeting was held in Glina attended by delegates from
Glina, Čemernice, Vrginmost and Topusko in which a plan was developed for the
exhumation of the bodies of the victims of the two massacres lying in Prekopa and
Glinski Novo Selo respectively. Work began in September 1946 following approval
from the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the People’s Republic of Croatia. In order to
make the work easier, a Committee for the Transfer of the Bones of Fascist terror in
Glina was established to collect money and voluntary contributions for the building
of a common memorial ossuary. This was to be located in the Serbian Orthodox
cemetery near the Chapel of Saint George which the Glina Ustashas had destroyed
in 1943. At the same, Popović revived his church duties and on the feast of the Birth
of the Holy Virgin Mary on 21 September 1946 he preached a liturgy on the ruins
of the church in Glina as his thoughts increasingly turned to how it could be rebuilt.
At the end of 1946, he founded a Glina branch of the Serb cultural organisation
Prosvjeta. In the course of 1947, the construction of the communal ossuary was
74
Ljuba Kralj, “Pomen na grobovima žrtava u Hađeru kod Glina,” Srpska reč 4, no. 102 (24 May 1946): 3.
158 Rory Yeomans
completed and the transfer of the remains of the victims of twelve mass graves and
pits carried out. While it was not clear where all the victims found in the mass grave
pits in Glina came from, the bodies showed that many of them had met violent deaths
and their wounds testified that they had been hacked to death and struck with heavy
instruments in the nape; all of the victims had had their shoes and clothes removed
consistent with the descriptions of the injuries described by the survivors of the two
atrocities. The victims who were found in Prekopa on the land of Anka Čukljin had
mostly been killed by a bullet to the back of the neck although some had also been
hacked to death. It seems likely that the graves contained the bodies of many of the
victims of the first 10 May 1941 massacre.75
While Prosvjeta was technically supported by the socialist authorities, owing
to fear about the potentially disruptive power of Serbian nationalism they generally
looked on it with distrust. Likewise, they feared that the rebuilding of the old Serb
Orthodox church destroyed by the Ustashas and the raising of a memorial ossuary
in the Serb Orthodox cemetery might be used by the Serbian Orthodox clergy for
the inculcation of nationalism among the faithful. For this reason, in line with the
prevailing ideology of brotherhood and unity, the Glina committee of the Alliance of
Associations of Fighters in the National Liberation Struggle [Savez udruženja boraca
Narodnooslobodilačkog rata – SUBNOR] was tasked with leading the process of
the identification of the victims. Through their registry, they identified 430 victims
although in reality there were probably more victims than this. Given that eyewitness
testimony suggests that the Glina Ustashas drove the victims to the pits in two trucks
at least fifty times, there might have been at least 600 victims; in some places the
Ustashas had buried so many bodies and the massacres had become sufficiently well
known that peasants in Prekopa apparently refused them permission to use any
more of their fields as burial sites. This implies that the trucks carrying the doomed
men had to find other places to bury them after they had been killed. In fact, in
1949, two more mass graves were found near a lake in Jukinac, one containing the
bodies of young girls and the other victims from Grabovac. In both cases they were
transferred to the ossuary in Pogledić. The ossuary was not officially unveiled until
27 July 1951, the official anniversary of the Day of Uprising of the Croat People and
not the date on which either of the Ustasha massacres were perpetrated. As Igor
Mrkalj has written, the public commemoration “thus became an official monopoly
and ideologised.” This led to a great deal of friction between the local authorities and
Popović who ultimately left Glina, profoundly disillusioned. Furthermore, the event
was not covered in any of the party or daily newspapers, even Vjesnik, indicating the
nervousness of the authorities about its perceived potential to provoke nationalist
tensions.76 For many years, the space where the former Serbian Orthodox church
75
Mrkalj, “Čuvar sjećanja na Glinske žrtve,” Novosti, 16 November 2016, 6.
76
Ibid.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 159
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
had stood remained empty and abandoned. Finally, in 1963 a new Orthodox church
was built, though not on the site of the old church but behind it. It was financed in
part with funds from émigré Serbian communities in Canada as the ossuary had
been.77
That does not mean that commemorative events for the victims of the massacres
in Glina were not held. Yet, they were always mediated by the party at the local level
and organised according to the prevailing state ideology. An important part of this
involved trying to make sense of the massacres by them as part of an inevitable path
of progress which needed to be passed through in order to build the new Yugoslavia.
One such event was the unveiling of a memorial to the football players from GŠK
Glina who had perished in the first Glina massacre. While in the post-war period
the performances of this local team which, in the late 1930s, had been a symbol of
the unity and growing confidence of the town, varied and it never again achieved
the heights it had reached in the interwar period, from 1958 a local initiative was
initiated to raise a memorial at the entrance of the stadium to the dead players. A
committee was formed to co-ordinate the work and raise donations which came
from local cooperatives, organisations of Glinans in Zagreb and the bigger national
football teams such as Red Star Belgrade and Dinamo Zagreb. In spring 1961, as
part of the fifteenth anniversary of the foundation of the renewed football club and
as part of the twentieth anniversary of the National Liberation Struggle, members
of the Athletic Society in Banovac, Glina, organised a tournament and unveiled a
plaque to the pre-war members of the team who had perished. The plaque which
bore the coat of arms of the society was decorated with the inscription: “We gave our
lives for a better future for our people.” Much later, twenty-five years later, in 1986, on
the Day of Glina, on the sixty-fifth anniversary of its founding, GSK Glina organised
a sitting of the club assembly which publicly recognised individuals and institutions
that had contributed to the development of football in Glina. A commemoration
was organised on the football pitch during which the surviving member of the pre-
war GŠK Glina team laid a wreath on the memorial stone remembering the tragic
suffering of his team mates.78
By the late 1960s, the ideology of state socialism in Yugoslavia was changing. As
the state became increasingly decentralised and self-managed and a new generation
of nationally-minded republican leaderships came to power, nationalist grievances
and tensions progressively burst into the open as individual republics campaigned
77
Aralica, Ustaški pokolj u glinskoj crkvi, 190.
78
Mrkalj, “Slava, zločin i zaborav.”
160 Rory Yeomans
for more autonomy against a sometimes reluctant federal leadership. While some of
this reflected an attempt by ambitious younger politicians to establish power bases,
it was also a response to pressures from below, in particular to the dissatisfaction
of university students with the realities of economic life under existing socialism.
These fractures were especially apparent in Croatia where in the summer of 1969
the mass movement – the student-led protest movement which was calling for
greater cultural, economic and political autonomy for Croatia – was reaching its
zenith. While the youthful republican leadership of Savka Dabičević-Kučar and
Miko Tripalo saw the mass moveemnt as a means of reviving the legitimacy of the
party and addressing the Croatian republic’s long-standing grievances, the federal
Yugoslav League of Communists, including President Tito himself, increasingly
perceived it as unleashing dangerous sentiments and ideas. Particularly worrying,
as far as much of the federal leadership was concerned, were currents within certain
cultural organisations such as Matica Hrvatska and among a cohort of nationalist
intellectuals which appeared to question the official interpretation of the Second
World War and the status of Croatia’s Serb minority. This, in turn, was producing
a counter-reaction among the Serb minority and some of its institutions which
were increasingly adopting nationalistic positions. A feature of the mass movement
which became evident only at a later stage was the large number of former Partisan
fighters and party writers and intellectuals – Franjo Tuđman, Petar Šegedin, Marin
Franičević and Ivan Šibl, president of the Croatian branch of SUBNOR – who not
only became active participants in the mass movement but recanted their formerly
orthodox socialist Yugolsav beliefs in favour of uncompromising expressions of
Croatian nationalism.79 It was in this tense atmosphere, nearly a decade after the
unveiling of the plaque to the Glina footballers, that a second republican initiative to
memorialise the Glina victims took place. On 4 July 1969, on the site of the destroyed
Serbian Orthodox, the Glina Memorial Centre was consecrated, coinciding with the
date on which SUBNOR commemorated the sacrifices of the national liberation
struggle. Vjesnik reported that at 10am a rally was held in front of the building of
the new memorial centre at which Tripalo was the keynote speaker. In his speech, he
maintained the dominant discourse about the Ustasha genocide in wartime Croatia.
Expressing his “excitement” at attending the opening of the memorial centre “in
the place where twenty-eight years before more than a thousand of the best men,
women and children – members of the Serb nation in Banija – were murdered,”
he argued that through genocide and “monstrous slaughter,” the Ustashas had
endeavoured to “permanently divide” the Serbs and Croats, to push the Croat people
into fratricidal war and to provoke a similar reaction among the Serbs. “They wanted
79
In the late 1940s, for example, Franičević, as the editor of the literary journal Republika, went as
far as to attack the young poet Vesna Parun for exhibiting insufficient respect and ideological fidelity
to the national liberation struggle in her first collection of poetry. See Marin Franičević, ““O nekim
negativnim pojavama u savremenoj poeziji,” Republika 2, nos. 7-8 (July-August 1947): 429-451.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 161
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
to place an insurmountable wall between the Serbs and Croats who have always
lived together in this region. The Ustasha slaughter against the Serb inhabitants
in 1941 and Chetnik action to exterminate the Croats and Muslims reached such
proportions,” he continued, “that an escape from it at this time was hard to imagine.”
But, he added, under Tito the Communist Party of Yugoslavia “took upon itself
responsibility for the fate of our people.” Tripalo observed that under the party, Serbs
and Croats had “set off on the path of socialist revolution” and had consequently
overcome mutual distrust. In the future, the genocide would continue to have
meaning and Tripalo asserted that in front of this centre all those present must swear
that they would develop the “brotherhood and unity of our people, especially Serbs
and Croats and that we will protect their absolute equality and energetically oppose
all attempts to destroy it, irrespective of whether those attempts come on the part
of Serb or Croat nationalists.” After Tripalo’s speech, there were performances by
members of the Croatian National Theatre and then the Croatian political leader cut
the ribbon before handing over use of the centre which had cost 3,500,000 dinars, of
which 1,000,000 had been collected from citizens’ and workers’ organisations across
Yugoslavia, to the people of Glina. The memorial centre, designed by Franc Hrta
from the Institute for Urbanisation in Sisak, was, Triaplo explained, to be a “cultural
centre” for “this small Banija town.” The celebrations continued into the evening
with a sports and cultural evening and popular entertainment.80
The memorial centre was envisaged as a cultural venue for the needs of both
Croat and Serb citizens of Glina with auditoriums for cultural and entertainment
performances and special events promoting brotherhood and unity on the site of
a place of sanctity where a notorious act of Ustasha genocide had taken place. This
aspiration was reflected in the memorial plaque at the front of the building between
the paving stones and the entrance next to the memorial fountain. Pointedly, it did
not mention the nationality of the perpetrators or the victims. Beginning with a
famous quote from the Croat poet Jure Kaštelan, it read: “Our truth is written in
blood. Once upon a time there was an Orthodox church at this site and on 30 July
1941 around 1200 innocent men met their deaths from sharp Ustasha knives. The
people of Banija rose up against this evil and crime and set off on the difficult but
shining path of the national liberation struggle. Today on this site there stands a
memorial centre to the victims of fascism which was raised in 1969 through the
united action and brotherly solidarity of the people of Banija and people throughout
our socialist homeland. Glina, 25 July 1941, the regional committee of the Union of
Fighters of Glina.”81 Transferring the People’s University which had been founded in
the previous decade as an institution for mass education to inside the centre seemed
like a hopeful and optimistic message for future generations. Inside the memorial
80
M. Matovina, “Spomen-dom zavjet bratstvu i jedinstvu,” Vjesnik, 5 July 1969.
81
Aralica, Ustaški pokolj u glinskoj crkvi, 181.
162 Rory Yeomans
centre, there was a new and modern cinema with seating for four hundred viewers.
Until 1969, cinema as a communal experience in Glina had continued to happen
at the cinema hall of Stojan Šušnjar’s Hotel Kasino: this had reached its apogee in
February that year with the premiere of Antun Vrdoljak’s award-winning film about
the anti-fascist struggle in Banija, Kad čuješ zvona [When You Hear the Bells].82
From now on, however, films began to be shown in the newly-constructed memorial
centre. By 1971, there were as many as 51,000 viewers annually, with domestic hits
being even more popular than foreign films. However, despite its inventiveness in
organising film festivals – including question and answer sessions with Yugoslav
directors, writers and actors and actresses as well as the best national and international
offerings from the Festival of Yugoslav Feature Films in Pula and the International
Film Festival in Belgrade – film’s supremacy was being challenged by the rising
power of television in Yugoslavia. In the 1970s, this was dominated by the popular
series “Pozorište u kući” [Theatre at Home] directed by Dejan Bata Ćorković whose
father Petar, a well-known businessman, had been murdered in the same May 1941
massacre which had claimed the life of Stojan Šušnjar. Furthermore, the Partisan
and war themes of many of the screenings notwithstanding, the film festivals and
question and answer sessions with directors and film actors could not conceal the
traumatic events on the site of the memorial centre or the apparent incongruence
of a cultural centre being erected on the site of a place of terror and mass killing. In
addition, there were complaints from some local Serbs about the main memorial
sculpture by Croat artist August Augustinčić which showed a peasant woman and
her child in mourning; some local people grumbled that the woman was dressed in
peasant clothes typical of Croat, not Serb, peasants. On the other hand, the centre
contained an archive and exhibition of the church which had once stood at the site,
details about the massacre that had taken place on the site and the Ustasha terror in
the whole of the region. In 1982, a memorial structure containing the names of all
1564 victims of Ustasha terror in Glina in the summer of 1941 was constructed.83
While the opening of the memorial centre meant that, on the surface, at least,
there was now a formal physical space through which the tragedy of Glina was
remembered, its optimistic, future and youth-orientated character meant that over
time the original meaning of the centre increasingly became obscured. Moreover,
while schoolchildren continued to learn about the massacre in school, for a younger
82
Ironically, in the 1990s Vrdoljak would become the head of Croatian Radio Television (HRT)
producing war propaganda for the nationalist government of President Franjo Tudjman in
independent Croatia. Under his management, a purge of HRT was undertaken in which Serb
employees or those married to Serbs, those with relatives in the Yugoslav People’s Army and those
who did not publicly support Tudjman’s Croatian Democratic Union were targeted. See Kemal
Kurspahić, “Serbo-Croatian War: Lying for the Homeland,” in Prime Time Crime: Balkan Media in
War and Peace (Washington DC: US Institute of Peace Press, 2003), 67.
83
Mrkalj, “Stoljeće kina u Glini,” 51-55.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 163
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
generation, the anti-fascist struggle and terror of the Ustasha movement increasingly
had less relevance. One of the most controversial cultural trends emerging out
of the increasingly nationalist mass movement was a growing challenge by
some intellectuals and students to the founding myths of socialist Yugoslavia, in
particular, the accepted orthodoxies about the Ustasha movement and the extent
of the Ustasha genocide.84 When the mass movement was crushed by Yugoslavia’s
leadership at the beginning of 1972 and its political and student leaders, including
Tripalo, purged, these historiographical debates were repressed. In fact, according to
studies sympathetic to the actions of Tito and the Yugoslav presidency, the alleged
attempts to rehabiliate the Ustasha movement by prominent Croatian intellectuals
and students was one of the bases on which the repression of the mass movement
was legitimised.85
Despite the intervening decades of socialist reconstruction and increasing
prosperity, wounds from the Second World War had not completely healed and
dissatisfaction among some local citizens and veterans’ organizations with the
memorial centre became progressively apparent during the 1970s and 1980s,
mirroring the growing fractures within the Yugoslav federation itself. In key
respects, the memorial centre symbolised the challenges confronting the Yugoslav
state in addressing the legacy of genocide in the Second World War: emphasizing the
vanguard role of the party in the liberation of Croatia and remembering the suffering
of the citizens under Nazi occupation while deemphasising the nationality of the
victims and perpetrators, instead depicting the genocide as a necessary journey the
people of Yugoslavia needed to pass through to build a socialist Yugoslav state of
brotherhood and unity. The problem with an approach aiming to commemorate the
victims of ethnically-directed genocide while avoiding discussing the ethnicity of the
perpetrators and victims to avoid memory politics becoming a focus for nationalist
politics was that, in the case of the Glina massacre, at least, it only worked as long as
the state pursued a policy of Yugoslavism. The fact that some local citizens, including
workers, in Glina had actively or passively played a part in the massacres before, in
some cases, integrating themselves into the structures of the liberation committees
helped to delegitimise the vanguard role of the party. Added to this, in the aftermath
of the repression of the mass movement the purging of nationalist student and
socialist youth leaders in Croatia and their replacement by students and youth with
more orthodox views about the history of the national liberation struggle resulted in
a revival of activity and interest, spearheaded by the new socialist youth leaders, in
memory politics and consciousness-raising about the terror of occupation and the
84
See, for example, Bruno Bušić, “Žrtve rata,” Hrvatski književni list no. 15 (July 1969 1969): 2-3;
Smiljana Rendić, “Još o imenu Židova (odgovor Slavku Goldsteinu),” Kritika 14, no. 9-10 (September-
October 1970): 712-14; Jakov Šupe, “Mi dobro znamo što nam je činiti,” Studentski list, 27 April 1971,
14.
85
Ivan Perić, Hrvatski nacionalizam (Zagreb: Mladost, 1978), esp. 276.
164 Rory Yeomans
86
See e.g. Jasna A. Petrović, “Gospić: grad u rukama mladih,” TLO, 13 May 1972, 9-10.
87
Aralica, Ustaški pokolj u glinskoj crkvi, 190-3.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 165
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
88
Ibid.
166 Rory Yeomans
from the depressions of the ampitheatre square. Twenty bronze plaques with engrav-
ings of the initials and names of the 1560 victims were to be placed in the chests of
the mourners. This itself caused some controversy since, as the SUBNOR committee
pointed out, the names on the list had not all been confirmed and in fact some of
those listed there had not been slaughtered in the church. A black granite pathway
– the “pathway of pain” – leading from the street to the edge of the memorial centre
lobby was to be placed through the central part of the memorial, culminating in an
eternal flame in the middle. It aimed to symbolize the eternal life of the victims as
well as the need for future generations to continue remembering the event while
underlining the potential for the memory of the massacre to play a role in promoting
peace, understanding and reconciliation rather than division and ethnic hatred. This
was an increasingly unrealistic aspiration in the context of rising nationalism in the
late 1980s in Yugoslavia.
Meanwhile, the second lateral wall, as with the central apse, depicted, in mosaic,
scenes inspired by the traumatic events. The surface of the left wall depicted the
leading of the men to baptism through deception and coercion while on the other
side was a picture with scenes from their tragic deaths. One mural depicted the
heads of the victims of the massacre in black and red relief surrounded by the bloody
knives of their Ustasha killers, the spire of the church rising above them and Jure
Kaštelan’s famous quote in black Cyrillic print against a bright red background. On
either side of this were inscriptions with quotes taken from the testimony of one
of the guards who had participated in the church massacre, the “Ustasha jackal”
Hilmija Berberović and Jednak. A second mural on one of the side walls depicted
three peasant Serb women, two of them in silhouette, weeping over the bodies of
their murdered husbands, fathers, brothers and sons while the third painting on
the other side of the wall was a recreation of the haunting photograph “familiar” to
generations of Yugoslav schoolchildren as the men in the Glina church prior to their
execution by their Ustasha captors. The composition on the front apse of the wall
was accompanied by a longer version of Kaštelan’s verse which had been used in
the inscription at the entrance of the memorial centre, evocative of the events in the
church but also arguably of the outlook of the Yugoslav socialist revolution itself.“We
know how the wounds sear and how the knife hurts. Our truth is written in blood.”
One of the most powerful of the panels in the memorial museum depicted Jednak as
the old man he was now at the head of the legion of victims from the Glina massacre.
In this way, the artists was suggesting that the living and the dead were reunited
through this memorial, signifying that it represented a place of peace and suggesting
the ways in which the exhibition could contribute to a process of reconciliation and
catharsis. A bronze sculpture entitled Sećanje [Memory] was to be placed at the end of
the black granite path of pain in front of the lateral wall. The sculpture was intended
to represent strength and authentic inspiration, implying that the “martyred deaths”
of the victims had played a regenerative role in the foundation of the Yugoslav state.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 167
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
By 1990, the basic structures of the exterior had been completed, comprising the
amphitheatre, tiled granite plaques and the sculpture representing the gates as well
as the wall of mourners in the niches of which were to be placed more than eighty
bronze plaques with the initials and names of the victims. Up to that point, the
financing of the project had come from the government of the Republic of Croatia.
When the Croatian Sabor declined to continue funding it, with the outbreak of
conflict between the Croatian government of the newly-independent Croatia and
rebel Serbs in the self-declared Serbian Autonomous Regions, responsibility for
funding was taken over by a new committee.89
Although this art installation was not explicitly nationalistic and contained
many aesthetic elements familiar from socialist Yugoslav art about the terror of the
occupation and the sacrifices made in the national liberation struggle, its greater
emphasis on the nationality of the victims and its integration of Serbian national
iconography nonetheless reflected the ways in which understandings of the massacre
and the Ustasha genocide more widely were being transformed in art, historiography
and politics and being increasingly mobilised in the cause of nationalist politics as
it had previously been instrumentalised in the name of socialist values. Given that
one of the central arguments of Croatian Serb separatist leaders was that the Serbs
of Croatia needed their own state because under an independent Croatia they were
facing the threat of extermination just as they had done under the wartime Ustasha
state, it is not surprising that after the so-called Republic of the Serbian Krajina
proclaimed independence from Croatia in 1991, its “government” collected money
for the funding of the erection of the bronze plaques.90 The plaques were placed on
the wall of mourners on 29 July 1995, on the fifty-fourth anniversary of the massacre
and the external part of the Memorial Monument was completed while the triptych
for the interior of the memorial remained in Belgrade, waiting for an opportune
time to be incorporated. With its installation, the memorial would be complete. On
2 August 1995 Ilindan, one of the most important slavas in the Serbian Orthodox
calendar and the anniversary of a series of notorious Ustasha massacres, the plaques
with the names of the victims were blessed in a sacred mass by the Patriarch Pavle.
After the mass, he consecrated the plaques with the names of the victims in the
presence of a large number of citizens. Momčilo Krković wrote: “From this sacred
place, Glina, apparently fate decided that it would be a place of the wiping away of all
traces of memory and forgetfulness, a place in which from generation to generation
crimes against the Serbs would take place and attempts made to prove the opposite:
that these crimes never happened. Vladimir Šeks, a senior Croat official, in one
speech cynically stated that everything that happened before in orgies of rowdy
89
Ibid, 193-5.
90
Which is not to say that there weren’t extremist, anti-Serb or Ustasha nostalgic elements in the
right-wing Croatian government of Franjo Tuđman which wanted a “clean” Croatia purged of Serbs.
However, a discussion of this is beyond the scope of this paper.
168 Rory Yeomans
Croat nationalists in 1941 was an ‘inflated problem’ and that this was all typical
‘Jewish fabrications.’” An atrocity which had, for forty years, been invoked in the
name of brotherhood and unity, was now being mobilised in the name of ethnic
separatism. At the same time, though, Krković’s speech also accurately reflected the
politics of forgetting which was to define independent Croatia’s attempts to confront
the Ustasha past. In the crucible of a bloody Serbo-Croat civil war, the monument,
as a visible symbol of the mass slaughter in the church, remained only a short time.
With the entry of the Croatian army in the wake of Operation Storm, the monument
was razed and its foundations dug up. Afterwards, the new Croatian authorities
returned the statue of Augustinčić and seeded new grass. In time, the memorial
centre was renamed the “Croatian Centre.” By the late 1990s, forty years of a culture
of memory had been replaced by one of both symbolic and literal amnesia in which
the very walls were once again silent.91
Conclusion
The massacre in the Serb Orthodox church in Glina in the summer of 1941 is
remembered today as one of the most infamous crimes committed by the Ustashas
in the early months of the occupation. Coming only a couple of months after the
Ustasha round up and massacre of Serb males in the town, they had a devastating
impact not only on the families of the victims themselves but on many ordinary
Croats who opposed the Ustasha regime and, in the long term, the Serb community
in Glina. The impact on the survivors of the massacre was also profound. Immediately
after the liberation of the town in 1944, the victorious National Liberation Forces
attempted to rebuild the shattered town and its fractured social relations. For a
while, Glina became the centre of cultural life in the new Yugoslavia but the period
of its prominence was short-lived. More sustained efforts were made by the new
socialist authorities to reconstruct Serb life in the town through the founding of
cultural organisations under the control of the Communist Party. The overriding
aim of the party in the immediate postwar period was to inculcate citizens with the
values of the socialist revolution and the principles of brotherhood and unity. One
means by which the party attempted to achieve this was through making sense of
the fratricidal genocide which had taken place in wartime Croatia, primarily at the
hands of the Ustasha movement. Both the victims of the Glina massacres and the
contested photograph said to depict their last moments were incorporated into this
broader campaign. Trapped in time, framed behind the lens of an unseen Ustasha
other and described by Ljuban Jednak’s survivor testimony, the Glina victims
91
Aralica, Ustaški pokolj u glinskoj crkvi, 195-7. See also Predrag Matvejević, “Glinska crkva, mjesto
strašnog pokolja, zaslužuje da bude zajedničko mjesto memorije,” Jutarnji list, 28 July 2012.
Frozen by the Lens: Photography, Genocide and Memory 169
Culture in Socialist Yugoslavia
Рори Јеоманс
студију случаја о усташким злочинима у Глини у пролеће и лето 1941. године, двама
међу најозлоглашенијим масакрима у ратној Хрватској, у раду се истражује како су
власти у послератној Социјалистичкој Републици Хрватској у југословенској федера-
цији настојале да створе заједнички наратив који је акцентовао државно прокламо-
ване принципе братства и јединства, истовремено указујући на чињеницу да су ма-
сакре починили припадници једне етничке групе (Хрвати) против припадника друге
(српске мањине). Такође, испитује се како су уметници и писци били мобилизовани
у настојању да се геноцид и братоубилачки покољ из 1940-их година на другачији
начин интерпретира, посебно путем стварања оштре поделе на „усташке злочинце”
с једне стране и масовног фронта „родољубиве хрватске радничке класе” с друге. У
чланку се користи потресно сведочење јединог преживелог очевица, Љубана Једнака,
и прогањајућа фотографија за коју се сматрало да је приказивала жртве у Глини не-
посредно пре њихове масовне егзекуције, како би се открио начин на који овај специ-
фични ратни злочин задобио такво централно место у канону југословенске истори-
ографије Другог светског рата као метасимбол ужаса фашистичке окупације.
У чланку се тврди да, иако се чинило да се званична представа о окупацији ратне
Хрватске и геноциду коју је починио усташки режим указивала као преовлађујућа, у
стварности је од самог почетка било значајних оспоравања у вези са тим шта се дого-
дило у Глини и значењима која су се односила на масакре. Упркос напорима партије да
контролише и посредује у политици сећања, посебно у српској заједници, они никада
нису били у потпуности успешни. Штавише, будући да је нарација о Другом светском
рату била уско повезана са давањем легитимитета револуцији, народноослободилач-
кој борби и послератним казненим чисткама, многи од основних принципа југосло-
венске политике сећања, као што илуструје пример Глине, нису остали монолитни,
али се временом мењају како би одражавали шире идеолошке и националне промене
унутар Републике и југославенске федерације. То се показало нарочито видљивим
крајем шездесетих година прошлог века након ‘масовног покрета᾽ у Хрватској. До
тренутка када је избио оружани сукоб почетком деведесетих година између нове не-
зависне хрватске државе и њене српске мањине, политика памћења злочина у Глини,
којом је покушано превазилажење српско-хрватског непријатељства, већ је послужи-
ла да се успостави раздвајање по етничким линијама. Као таква, политика сећања на
Глину представљала је метафору за успон и пад југословенског идеала. Срби и Хрва-
ти, попут жртава на фотографији, били су замрзнути објективом историје, све више
одвојени различитим концепцијама прошлости и значењима која би из ње требало
извући.
Кључне речи: Глина, фотографија, геноцид, култура сећања, усташки режим,
ратна Хрватска, социјалистичка Југославија
UDC 327.7/.8(497.115)"1999/…"
Оригинални научни рад
Dr Marc Stegherr1
Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich
Faculty of Languages and Literatures
Institute of Slavic Philology
Germany
The Kosovo case, the conflict in 1998/99, the NATO intervention and the
subsequent treatment of Serbia looks in hindsight like a blueprint for what went
wrong in national politics in the region, in Europe in many respects and especial-
ly in the relationship between West and East in the two decades since. It might
be denied wholeheartedly and often enough shrugged off in polemic articles and
statements. But Kosovo seems like a sign on the wall, in a political and a cultur-
al sense. After 1999 Serbia was demonized as the epithet of an outdated, nar-
row-minded and especially anti-western nationalism. Today it is Poland, Hunga-
ry, Russia and recently even Italy whose nationalist and right wing populist ghosts
would haunt and could ultimately even destroy the European Union. A Europe of
fatherlands is not Europe, but its destruction, the German politician of the Green
1
marcstegherr@hotmail.com (Марк Штегхер, Универзитет Лудвиг Максимилијан у Минхену,
Факултет за језике и књижевности, Институт за славистику, Немачка)
172 Marc Stegherr
party Robert Habeck claimed, forgetting that it had been the French president
Charles de Gaulle who coined the phrase and the Christian conservative German
chancellor Konrad Adenauer, the founding father of the new democratic Germa-
ny after the Second World War, who supported de Gaulle’s idea. In the meantime,
meaning until the 1990s, not just the extremist interpretation of the nation state,
amounting to racial hatred and armed conflict, but the sensible idea of the nation
state as the most efficient form of solidarity and stability, had fallen from grace.
This changed with the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the communist re-
gimes. After these regimes had denied the nations behind the iron curtain their
right of self-determination for decades, had crushed any sign of national identity,
the years after the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the totalitarian Soviet
Union were blessed times for the identity of the slavic nations. The debates about
what it means to be Serbian, Croatian or Russian were no longer banned by ta-
boos and official interdicts.
The liberal, left leaning west is convinced that issues like national identity,
religious, especially Christian identity were a thing of the past which had to be
overcome. The fact that Germany is still struggling with its own problematic na-
tionalist past makes it a driving force of the post-national European integration
period. But many of the Western and the majority of the East European states are
reluctant to diminish their national sovereignty in favour of a deeper European
integration. The fear the British could become a minority in their own country
because of the vast number of immigrants and the reluctance of the government
to even address that fear in a substantial manner was the principal reason why
a majority voted for the Brexit, the decision to leave the European Union. EU
circles still shy away from mentioning that link in the Brexit debate fearing they
could awake ghosts loudly rattling in the attic, whether in Germany, Poland,
Hungary, France or Italy. The burning issue whether national identities and a Eu-
ropean identity could be reconciled and a compromise was feasible is seldom
really addressed. It seems to be consensus that the national must fully cede to
the European, post-national principle. Thus, the allegedly reactionary politics of
Hungary, Poland and, most notably, Russia are mostly addressed in a polemic
manner. By condemning those intellectuals and several EU member states who
raised the national identity issue one hopes to avoid a productive and necessary
debate about the fact that there is a profound ideological antagonism in that re-
spect between West and East, an antagonism which rips the West apart as well.
Brussels persistently points at the technical problems, the breach of constitutional
principles, the weakening of the constitutional court in Poland, the press law in
Hungary, the widespread corruption in Serbia. But in the last instance it all boils
down to a cultural difference, the difference in ‘values’. Europe has not defined
yet what it means by ‘European values’, besides an indifferent idea of tolerance.
Minorities of every kind have to be tolerated, the majority, whether religious,
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 173
Nationalism and the New Cold War
political, ethnic or sexual, feels left behind. The Catholic Church, namely the last
Pope, the German Benedict XVI. criticized this tendency as relativistic or even
nihilistic, a position which is shared by the Eastern Orthodoxy. The Russian Or-
thodox Patriarch hailed Benedict’s claim the West would be reigned by a ‘dic-
tatorship of relativism’, while the liberal Western media and politics refused to
even talk about it and derided it as nonsense. The tendency to relativize what
has been held true for ages as human constants would be undermining societies,
Rome claimed. Peter Sloterdijk, the leading German philosopher, who considers
himself to be a ‘conservative left-winger’, published a long critique of the destruc-
tion of the hereditary principle. The sense of belonging, of a vital past and useful
heritage, passed on to following generations would be deconstructed amounting
to an absolutely individualistic, disintegrated society, a dystopia presented as the
glorious fulfillment of all utopian dreams. The idea one could restart from zero,
the French philosopher Alain Finkielkraut wrote, “in order to build a new society
with autonomous individuals, i.e. reduced to themselves, this can only lead to a
catastrophe” [Finkielkraut 2013, 87].
An indifferent tolerance, forgetful of all tradition, constructing an earthly par-
adise, is not only heretic from a religious perspective [cf. Stegherr 2017], but has
painful, destructive side-effects which disquiet secular thinkers like Finkielkraut.
In the European debate about the migration crisis the issue of the persecution of
Christian minorities in the Near East, even their destruction by radical Muslim
forces was never really addressed. When the populist party ‘Alternative for Ger-
many’ asked for a debate in the Bundestag it was brushed off, while the accep-
tance of refugees with a Muslim background from conflict zones such as Syria
was never officially contested. It has become clear that the German authorities
do not even know exactly how many refugees with an Islamist past or a present
Islamist agenda are living in Germany. Serbia is constantly asked to turn away
from its antagonism to its Muslim minority. The historical experience of Serbia,
its problematic and painful time under Ottoman rule and especially the problems
in the immediate past Serbia had with Islam and its adherents is being ignored,
just like similar explanations of the Polish and Hungarian governments why they
would not accept a whole-scale relocation of Muslim refugees from Germany.
It is being ignored that the formerly Christian Kosovo is today overwhelmingly
Muslim or that the highest number of foreign IS volunteers came from Kosovo.
Radical Muslim groupings founded NGOs in Kosovo, imported hard line clerics
and built more mosques than needed there. The fact that a blind eye is turned to
the problematic side-effects of Muslim immigration to Europe while at the same
time any, if the feeblest conservative Christian position is harshly dismissed as
fundamentalist and not being in accordance with European values substantiates
the suspicion that it is the conservative, the Christian, the Serbian Orthodox or
Polish Catholic identity which has to be overcome if one wishes to become tru-
174 Marc Stegherr
Germany and the European Union in the Ukrainian-Russian crisis. When in late
November 2018 the Russian navy arrested the crew of an Ukrainian ship because
it had entered the Kerch strait, Ukraine called this an “act of aggression”, declared
martial law, and the European Union promised not to tolerate the violation of
Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The situation seems more than
schizophrenic. A European Union which has made it its agenda to abolish all bor-
ders, which dismisses the national idea as reactionary, even as a sign of a fascist
mindset, is defending the national identity, the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
Brussels, London and Paris are ready to even go to war because an undoubtedly
nationalist Ukraine government is playing power games with its ‘Slavic brother’
with whom it had been united for centuries. In the Kosovo case only a few jour-
nalists and intellectuals in Germany, in Western Europe dared to confront the
public mainstream which did not care about violating Serbia’s territorial integrity
and national identity.
The Austrian-Slovenian author Peter Handke was one of them. Starting in
the early 1990s, during the Yugoslavian wars of secession, until today he pub-
lished several articles and books dealing with Kosovo, Serbia and the traditional
Balkan societies which would be destroyed by a consumerist, materialistic and
interventionist west. He was therefore denounced, derided and fiercely attacked
in the media as an apologist of a ‘genocidal Serbian regime’, of nationalism and
racial hatred. The hatred directed at the Serbian minority in Kosovo which visibly
erupted in April 2004 was never really a subject in the Western media, let alone
the everyday discrimination of Serbs in Kosovo which made them move to North-
ern Kosovo, to Montenegro or Serbia. The discrimination of the Russian or other
minorities in Ukraine, for instance the Ruthenian or Rusyn minority in West-
ern Ukraine or Transcarpathia or the Hungarians, was no cause for diplomatic
tensions between European governments and Kiev. This visible contrast between
implicit or explicit contempt for all expressions of national sovereignty within the
European Union and, on the other hand, the aggressive defense of these expres-
sions when it is about confronting Russia or Serbia can only be explained ideolog-
ically or with with historical traumata. The murder of the Archduke in Sarajevo
by a Serbian nationalist in 1914, the outbreak of the First World War and the
corresponding propaganda theory that Serbs have always been a nation standing
outside the civilized world was directly passed on to German, Austrian and other
Western European journalists and politicians who analyzed and acted on what
was going on in former Yugoslavia, in Bosnia or in Kosovo in the turbulent 1990s
and early years of the new century. That buzzwords like national identity, defense
of territorial integrity and national tradition became infamous in the West had
its roots in the Yugoslavian wars of secession in the 1990s. But simultaneously,
as a reaction to Western, EU supported post-national thinking and policy and as
a result of the public discontent with the neoliberal economic and social policy
Eastern Europe made a paradigmatic, widely criticized ‘illiberal’ turn.
176 Marc Stegherr
The liberal west might go down in a fit of collective suicide, the Hungarian
Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and other East European political leaders quipped,
but the east would defend its hard-won national identities and the integrity of its
territory. Kosovo served as a deterrent example, in many ways. The west, the inter-
national community wanted to demonstrate that nationalism would lead nowhere,
that nationalism had no place in a liberal Europe which is working on overcoming
its borders. Serbs in Kosovo reposted that a European policy which thinks that im-
migration, the opening of borders, the loss of state control would create an open,
tolerant society would be a grave error. In Kosovo it created mischief, enmity, racial
hatred and nationalism. Milošević only got a welcome excuse for tightening repres-
sion while not really being interested in the problems in Kosovo. In the end hatred,
daily discrimination and attacks on police and representatives of Belgrade escalated
to civil war. What should have been a multiethnic Yugoslavian state turned out to
be a nightmare of ethnic hatred and discrimination. The dystopian reality of the
European dream of an open and tolerant migratory society could have been studied
in Kosovo, before and after the violent raids of Serbian towns and orthodox monas-
teries, Serbian interlocutors told the author of this essay. Officially radical Albanian
activists were held responsible. The radical minority would be the only problem. On
the other hand, the majority of immigrants, whether to Kosovo or Central Europe,
often third generation immigrants like the Turkish guest workers in Germany, obvi-
ously tolerate the radicalism of the few. This problem was poised to someday erupt
in violent clashes. It would have already caused a kind of pre-civil-war, members of
the European New Right like Götz Kubitschek claim. Western Europe could actually
share the fate of Ancient Rome which succumbed to an uncontrolled mass immigra-
tion, if you follow Bryan Ward-Perkins, Peter Heather, Michael Ley or David Engels.
Publications describing the deficits, the outright collapse of Western societies from
the disastrous policy of open borders are flooding the book market. To name but a
few, in Germany it is Thilo Sarrazin and Udo Ulfkotte, in France Jean Raspail, Michel
Houellebecq, Eric Zemmour or Alain Finkielkraut, and in Great Britain Christopher
Caldwell and Douglas Murray who has recently published a bestseller about the
“strange death of Europe”. When the Bulgarian political scientist Ivan Krastev called
the “change of heart” in Eastern Europe “perhaps the most alarming development”
[Krastev 2017, 117], one must add that the illiberal, anti-migration issue has a long
history and a lot of adherents in Western Europe as well. The origin of the illiberal-
ism debate is well known and was cited again and again. In 2014 Hungarian Prime
Minister Viktor Orbán announced he wanted to establish an illiberal democracy, in
contrast to what he considered the Brussels style liberal order which would aim at
the destruction of the European nation states and their traditional fundaments.
The migration crisis unleashed a violent debate on its origins, its consequences
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 177
Nationalism and the New Cold War
and, above all, about what is at stake. What Europe was for centuries could vanish,
Murray, Zemour or Raspail claim, but not in a violent onslaught of the new invaders,
but by voluntary submission, as Houellebecq warned in his famous bestseller with
the same title. Jean Raspail who is in his nineties already did so some time ago in his
book “The Camp of Saints”. Serbia did not submit voluntarily, but was made to by the
international community. There is an interesting parallelism when it comes to the
references of the new discourse on identity, Europe and the future of the nation state.
In Germany members of the New Right or the new right wing populism refer to the
debate in the interwar period when a substantial debate on those issues started, espe-
cially fueled by the post war depression. Defeat, end of the empire, ideological vac-
uum motivated intellectuals like Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, Moeller van den Bruck,
Oswald Spengler, Thomas Mann and others to reflect on what was to be called a
‘conservative revolution’. This academic term trying to sum up a multifaceted debate
derived from Dostojevski, and was popularized by Armin Mohler, secretary to Ernst
Jünger after the Second World War. In Serbia the Kosovo debate of the interwar
years seemed to repeat itself after Kosovo had declared its independence in 2008.
What does Kosovo now mean to us, now that it is lost again? After the Balkan Wars
and the First World War Kosovo had been liberated and incorporated into the new
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. But the Kosovo myth seemed to have lost
its attraction. There was a widespread fear among conservative Serbian politicians,
intellectuals and clerics that the Kosovo idea which had rallied Serbs to the national
cause of liberation and unification of all Serbian lands might have lost its traditional
appeal. Ljubomir Micić lamented that the Serbs were now „naked and bare“. Only
a new sense of humanism and liberty could solve the identity crisis. A new way had
to be found, Marko Ristić and Miloš Crnjanski demanded in 1924. Crnjanski wrote
that there were no “immutable values”. This attitude that there were no immutable
national values was already losing its credibility in the interwar years, and gave way
to a renaissance of the Kosovo myth, the remembrance of the war of liberation at the
outset of the 19th century, and an orthodox, religiously conservative interpretation
of the national history and culture. There are immutable values, they insisted, and
no Serbian nation can do without a revived Kosovo idea. This idea came up again
in Serbia, during and after the Kosovo crisis of the late 1990s. Myths consolidating
the national identity reappeared in Poland, Croatia or Hungary alike, after econom-
ic liberalism steadily lost its appeal after 2000. Timothy Garton Ash wrote that the
neoliberal order which took hold in Eastern Europe in 1989 would have made many
Poles feel marginalized, „left behind by the bulldozers of economic liberalism“. They
would also be alienated by social liberalism, „when it comes to issues like abortion,
gender and sexual orientation which appeared on the agenda with opening up to
the West. Here the electorate was to be found which helped the populists of the Law
and Justice Party come to power in 2015 which offered a combination of „national-
ist, catholic ideology typical of the political right, and generous promises of social
178 Marc Stegherr
benefits and economic interventions which historically are rather typical of the left.
[…] In short, the reaction to the consequences of economic and social liberalism
now threatens the achievements of political liberalism” [Garton Ash 2017, 44]. This
could only surprise those who ignored the frailty of national identity, who supposed
that economic progress could serve as a substitute for an unfinished debate. The
West expected the East to draw consequences which the West had only drawn after
an intellectual and social process of almost half a century. The new Eastern states
should question their hard won national identity before it was really consolidated.
How difficult that is demonstrates the political and spiritual turmoil in Serbia caused
by the loss of Kosovo and the ongoing reconciliation process between Belgrade and
Prishtina.
The declaration of independence of Kosovo as well as the EU immigration crisis
are seen and interpreted in Serbia, Russia and other East European societies as un-
deniable proof that the European Union had lost its cultural and spiritual compass.
That Islam posed and poses a threat to Christian Europe is a firmly held belief and
a historical basis of the historical identity in many of the East European states. The
battles of 1492 on the Kosovo field or in 1683 at the gates of Vienna belong to the
repertoire of national identity. That Western Europe believes that Islam was an un-
deniable part of European history and culture and could be integrated into Europe-
an societies without larger problems would prove that the long historical experience
of the Balkan and South East European states is not taken into account. The goal of
a cultural integration of hundreds of thousands of mostly Muslim immigrants into
European societies seems to come first, the problems it causes, the reservations of
single nation states are not considered or dimissed as narrow-minded nationalism.
The best example of this kind of ignorance, Serbian critics claim, is the fact that
Brussels had even been ready to hand over the traditionally Christian Orthodox
Kosovo to Islam. The fear to be replaced is a fear not only shared by the smaller
nations in Eastern Europe, it is also being passionately discussed in Western Europe
today. The French publicist Renaud Camus coined the term ‘the great replacement’
(le grand remplacement) which can be seen on posters and banners of the Identi-
tarian movement in France, Germany or Austria. It is cited by right wing populists
in the German parliament or by the Rassemblement National, the former Front Na-
tional in France. A small nation, according to the Czech writer and dissident Milan
Kundera, is “one whose very existence may be put in question at any moment”. This
feeling or fear is now present even in the larger nations in Europe, the fear to be
replaced by an uncontrolled wave of immigrants with no cultural link to the coun-
try they settle in; the fear to lose one’s own nation to a transnational structure like
the European Union which is accused of trying to destroy the nation states and its
national cultures. The claim that those who govern Kosovo since 2008 never played
a decisive part in the formation of the province’s traditional culture was often heard
in the heated debate before and after Kosovo’s declaration of independence. Kosovo
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 179
Nationalism and the New Cold War
would have been chosen as the site of an experiment without precedence, without
historical foundation. In spite of all historical and present-day experience a peace-
ful coexistence of the Muslim Albanian majority and the Serbian minority is being
advertised as the model of a future which would come in 2015 with the mass immi-
gration of Muslim refugees from Syria and other war torn countries in the Near East
and Africa. These immigrants could be as easily integrated into the new multiethnic
and multi-religious Europe as the Muslim Albanians after they were granted inde-
pendence.
This prognosis appears unrealistic, as wishful or utopian thinking, given the
realities on the ground. Especially South East European states were hard hit by the
mass of immigrants until the young Austrian conservative chancellor Sebastian Kurz
achieved a closing of the ‘Balkan route’. The European Union’s utopianism seemed
to prove the age-old suspicions South East and Central East Europeans share of any
cosmopolitan ideology that crossed their borders, whether it was the Ottoman or
the Habsburg Empires, or, in the last century, Marxist internationalism. Thus, Serbi-
an national conservative intellectuals and politicians even identify the EU with the
Ottoman or the Habsburg Empires. Poland, Hungary or future EU member states
in Eastern Europe like Serbia feel alienated by Western liberalism because it would
ignore, underrate or even despise their respective traditional national culture, spiri-
tuality and historical experience. It could be the Kosovo issue in Serbia or the Cath-
olic culture in Poland. For instance, the role of Pope John Paul II in liberating the
country from Communism would be underrated. The conservative Polish political
philosopher Ryszard Legutko wrote that in the past the Soviet Union had been the
vanguard of progress. Now it was “the West”, which often meant the United States
and sometimes the European Union. The East Europeans were supposed to follow
in their footsteps […] “they” were somewhere in front of “us”, rushing fast forward,
while we remained in the back […] the deeper wisdom was to copy and to imitate.
[…] Institutions, education, customs, law, media, language, almost everything be-
came all of a sudden imperfect copies of the originals that were in the line of prog-
ress ahead of us” [Legutko 2016, 41]. This disappointment explains why in Eastern
Europe intellectuals were looking for an alternative to Western liberalism and to
ideas of the political left which, given the socialist past, is discarded as an alternative.
In Romania young students and intellectuals are discussing the Austrian economist
Friedrich August von Hayek who had diagnosed Europe on a road to serfdom. The
continent would give up its civil and economic liberties to the erroneous idea of
a better egalitarian future. Polish and even Russian conservative intellectuals and
media outlets sympathized with Pope Benedict XVI’s critique of a “dictatorship of
relativism” which would have a hold on Western European social thought.
The other alienating force, besides the ‘Ottoman complex’, is a revived anti-mod-
ernism, which has also been popular in France and Germany in the interwar years.
While for the West 1968 seems to be the paradigmatic year, for the East it was 1989.
180 Marc Stegherr
1968 marks the beginning of a progressive reform of society, a break with the past.
1989 was first hailed as the start of a liberal era in Eastern Europe. But now it turns
out to be the start of a revival of anti-modern, anti-western debates of the past. Ev-
erywhere in Eastern Europe names of intellectuals pop up who had been infamous
in the communist years and had been exiled in the West. In Serbia, for instance, it
is the antimodernist idea of Svetosavlje (Светосавље), an issue of cultural debate in
the 1920s and 1930s, proposed by men like Nikolaj Velimirović and Justin Popović,
alive and vivid again today. It is based on the idea that Saint Sava embodies timeless
Serbian values of self-sacrifice and Christian identity, as opposed to modern, West-
ern materialism. In Serbia, Russia and other Eastern orthodox countries thinkers
of the long 20th century are being rediscovered whose names seemed to have fallen
into complete oblivion. As one among many others one can name the Russian phi-
losopher Ivan Ilyin, born in 1883, who fled from the Soviets in 1922. In German
and Swiss exile, he wrote in the 1920s and 1930s for White Russian exiles who had
emigrated after defeat in the Russian civil war, and in the 1940s and 1950s for future
Russians who would see the end of the Soviet power. Though he died forgotten in
1954, Ilyin’s work was revived after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and
inspires the men who rule Russia today. Ilyin is considered an advocate of a radical
Christian revival in Russia. In his book On the Use of Violence to Resist Evil from 1925
Ilyin wrote that the individual only loved if he was totally subsumed in the commu-
nity. To be immersed in such love was to struggle “against the enemies of the divine
order on earth”. Christianity actually meant the call of the right-seeing philosopher
to apply decisive violence in the name of love. Anyone who failed to accept this logic
was himself an agent of Satan: “He who opposes the chivalrous struggle against the
devil is himself the devil.” Thus theology becomes politics. The harsh tone set in the
writings of the interwar years is also characteristic of the current debate. A decadent
West appears to be opposed to an East rediscovering its spiritual past in order to save
Europe from decline. This thesis is best summarized in a statement of a Russian me-
dia mogul. He said that until 1989 it was the West who defended conservative values
of freedom and tradition against the illiberal, totalitarian East. Today it would be the
other way round. One could call it a cultural war, a cultural split between East and
West which has already mounted to a political confrontation. As more countries in
Eastern Europe turn toward illiberalism meaning toward an anti-Western position,
they will continue to come into conflict with Brussels. The risk often invoked that
the EU could disintegrate, and Europe could become a continent divided, is already
a reality, on a cultural or ideological basis. For the Western European New Right
Poland, Hungary and namely Russia and Serbia are considered beacons of a revision
of the recent anti-national, anti-traditional developments on EU level, something
like a new ‘conservative revolution’. On that background the Kosovo case seems to
be something like the ‘original sin’ of the officially proclaimed post-national era, and
a wake-up call for the neo-nationalist movements which sprung up all over Europe
in the new century.
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 181
Nationalism and the New Cold War
The negative importance the Kosovo case got in recent years belies a consensus
shared by Western European media and political elites, the consensus that the Koso-
vo problem would be solved. The independent state of Kosovo exists. If there might
remain some problems in Kosovo and between the new state and Serbia, they could
be solved, and they are being solved in international talks in Brussels. Generally spo-
ken, Kosovo would be a success story, whatever some Serbian and Russian nation-
alists and a few separatists in Western Europe might say. Given the current identity
crisis of the European Union, which was aggravated by the Brexit, the new cold war
with Russia and especially the immigration crisis which gave rise to populists all
over Europe, it is hard to believe the official narrative of a Kosovo success story. The
thesis that the intervention and the subsequent state building process would have
been singular, that no separatist movement could quote Kosovo as a precedent only
tried to conceal the anxiety that exactly that would happen. In Western Europe, in
Brittany, Catalonia, in the Balkans, in the Bosnian Serb Republic, in Southern Serbia
or Montenegro the internationally granted independence of Kosovo raised separat-
ist expectations. Russian president Vladimir Putin rejected the West’s accusation
he had destroyed the international post World War order by annexing the Crimean
peninsula. Putin insisted it would have been the West which had finished the post-
cold war order by depriving a sovereign state of its Southern province. Conservative,
neo-nationalistic intellectuals like the former Putin advisor Alexander Dugin defend
the Russian president or demand even tougher action in the face of Western inter-
ventionism. By annexing Crimea, they say, Putin only spared Russia the humiliating
experience to be robbed of its historical heartland. What Kosovo means to the Serbs,
Crimea (and also Ukraine) would mean to Russia. But unlike Serbia the new Russia
under Putin was able to counter the Western or American aggression. In Western
Europe conservatives, right wing populists and extremists and the anti-American
left sided with Moscow in the unfolding Ukrainian crisis. The New Right accused
Brussels of double standards – demonizing nationalism in Europe, but turning a
blind eye to nationalistic, right wing extremism or even supporting it in Ukraine.
What motivates Brussels would be the leftist, globalist project to wrestle down all
those countries whose governments oppose the post-national, post-religious, egali-
tarian and non-discriminatory new world order. Within this project Ukraine would
only be a political instrument, the useful idiot. According to what populists or publi-
cists of the New Right write and say in the social media Kosovo was the price Serbia
had to pay not for the expulsion or the attempted genocide of the Kosovo Albanian
ethnicity, but for its anachronistic identitarian, national-conservative policy. The
French Identitarian movement, the protesters against same sex marriage, the ‘gilets
jaunes’ in France, the populists of the ‘Alternative for Germany’, conservative Cath-
olics and Protestants who are deeply skeptical of Islam while the official churches
182 Marc Stegherr
seem to ‘fraternize’ with Islam [cf. Mamou 2018], and the intellectuals who discuss
the ‘great exchange’ all feel united in the fear that they as the ethnically and culturally
indigenous people are being deprived of their sovereign rights and their traditional
values. Their governments and institutions are accused of doing politics against the
people. Representation would be misused to declass and marginalize those who vot-
ed the representatives into office [cf. Dirsch 2018].
During demonstrations of Pegida (“patriots of Europe against the Islamization
of the Occident”) even the socialist writer Bertold Brecht was cited: “The people have
lost the government’s confidence. Wouldn’t it be easier if the government simply
dissolved the people and elected a new one?”2 The crisis of confidence the German
democracy experienced since the start of the migration crisis in 2015, and also the
dramatic loss of confidence the Germans had in their media was best summed up
in that citation. And it shows in elections, when returns for the traditional, well-es-
tablished people’s parties in Germany are dropping dramatically. The so-called right
wing populist parties are profiting from the weakness of the people’s parties, the
parties in the mainstream which became a derogatory term in the aggressive clash
between established parties and populist newcomers. The newcomers claim their
rivals would lack profile, would stand for nothing but political opportunism and an
alignment with ideas and projects of the political left, e.g. emancipation of minori-
ties, destruction of the armed forces, of industries, esp. the car industry, the end of
nuclear power and, last but not least, the uncontrolled immigration. This alignment
would have been fatal because it was, first, a late and absolutely unjustified victory
of the Left which suffered a total defeat with the end of the Communist regimes,
and, secondly, that victory, made possible by the ideologically naïve conservatives,
would have reintroduced irrational, utopian, even totalitarian tendencies into poli-
tics, and new aggression and intolerance which always comes with pseudo-religious
ideas. Intolerance is usually hurled at the new populists, but according to them this
only tries to divert attention from the really intolerant who control the media, who
choose the discussants of political talk shows, who define what is fake news and
what is not (cf. Stegherr 2018). Not even foreign policy would be any longer ground-
ed on sound strategic principles but on moralism. When the German Bundestag
voted for supporting the NATO intervention in the Kosovo conflict it was justified
with the unspeakable crimes of the Nazi dictatorship. Though that could have hardly
been done in the Ukrainian case – Russia was attacked in 1941 by Hitler’s Germany
– the sanctions against Russia were justified in the media as necessary means to curb
2
From the poem „Die Lösung“. In: Buckower Elegien, 1953, Ausgewählte Werke in sechs Bänden,
Dritter Band: Gedichte 1. Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp Verlag, 1997, p. 404 [The full German text
reads as follows: „Nach dem Aufstand des 17. Juni / Ließ der Sekretär des Schriftstellerverbands /
In der Stalinallee Flugblätter verteilen / Auf denen zu lesen war, daß das Volk / Das Vertrauen der
Regierung verscherzt habe / Und es nur durch verdoppelte Arbeit / Zurückerobern könne. Wäre es
da / Nicht doch einfacher, die Regierung / Löste das Volk auf und / Wählte ein anderes?”].
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 183
Nationalism and the New Cold War
3
Another example is the theory that a Muslim culture would go perfectly with the new secular,
post-religious, tolerant Europe, in spite of an evident radicalization not only of Muslim Albanians
in Kosovo. To allay fears of a radical Islam in Kosovo in view of the declaration of independence in
2008 the local specimen was described as tolerant, European and syncretistic. It was missed that
Islam, even in its more adapted Balkan form, would not easily accept, if not openly fight the liberal
western interpretation of religion as a way of life, as a form of ‘Kontingenzbewältigung’ (handling of
contingency) [cf. Grau 2017], or an exercise in discipline [cf. Sloterdijk 2017].
184 Marc Stegherr
Pen, Orbán or Kaczynski was mainly demonization. These persons would spread
fear, reduce critical media to silence, build walls against refugees, they would em-
body hatred, racism, xenophobia, simply everything which is contrary to a human
and better world. The Time Magazine called the Italian Interior Minister of the Lega
Nord Matteo Salvini “the most dangerous man in Europe”. A biography of Marine
Le Pen named her the “devil’s daughter” [Kuchenbecker 2017]. And the German
Dominican father and social ethicist Wolfgang Ockenfels asked why Putin is con-
sidered the new embodiment of evil. The media could hardly restrain their dislike of
the ‘devil Putin’. They would live out their “anti-Russian and anti-Christian affects”
without restraint, Ockenfels said. On the one hand, it is of course necessary to follow
closely extremist tendencies in populist parties and authoritarian governments and
take corresponding measures. On the other hand, if traditional concepts of life and
being, of classical structures of society like family and nation, are labeled extremist
it only leads to a rupture of societies and Europe in general, as it actually happened.
The project, to cite Finkielkraut’s statement again, to restart from scratch, has led to
the creation, to the confrontation of two Europes, one progressive, one conservative.
A poll done in 34 European countries whose findings were published end of October
2019 showed that Europe was actually split in two camps. In Sweden only 7 percent
were against same-sex-marriage, in Russia 90 percent; 17 percent of the French were
against abortion, while 56 percent of Russians and even 85 percent of the Geor-
gians questioned voted against it. In Armenia 82 percent stated that Christian faith
and national identity were inseparably linked, in France only 32 percent thought so,
while in Portugal, an exception from the Western European mainstream, 62 percent
insisted on a close link between national identity and Catholic faith.
The ambition to relativize or even exclude the Christian origins of Europe, the
Christian faith and traditional concepts from the mainstream has led to an obvi-
ous estrangement between west and east and has also alienated western societies
from the political elite. Not only populist and traditionalist groupings suspect that
it is not just the radicalized form of Christianity, the overly conservative which is in
the focus, but the Christian, conservative, traditional world view per se. Tradition
in itself is the target, in favour of a progressive, utopian redefinition of Europe. In
this context the Kosovo case seems paradigmatic. If Serbian nationalism had to be
punished it would have been enough to end the Milošević regime. In Serbia and
in Kosovo there was a growing number of Serbs who opposed the way things were
done under his rule. But it was not only nationalism which was punished by the air-
strikes but the patriotic, conservative Serbia when its lifeline, the ‘cradle of Serbdom’,
Kosovo-Methojia, was cut off from Serbia. The generally accepted argument that in
Kosovo the international community defeated nationalism was foiled when Kosovo
Albanian nationalism was rewarded with the creation of the new, almost exclusively
Albanian state of Kosovo. If one takes everything into account what was said be-
fore, Kosovo no longer appears singular. It probably never was, neither in a political,
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 185
Nationalism and the New Cold War
nor in a cultural sense. Nationalist and/or separatist movements all over Europe did
not accept that their case would have nothing to do with the Kosovo one. Albanian
minorities in the Balkan region celebrated the Kosovo Liberation Army’s success,
the new state of Kosovo as a model. A solution which would have integrated both
sides was never intended. Russia was excluded just like Serbia, in spite of alternatives
like an extended form of autonomy. Conservatives, intellectuals of the New Right,
whether in Western or Eastern Europe, view Kosovo as the first attack on the nation
state and national culture. Thus, Kosovo’s independence could become a paradigm
not for the post-national, but the new neo-national era Europe faces today. Kosovo’s
independence did neither pacify the Balkan region nor improve the relationship
between west and east. The conflict we have today between the Western powers and
Eastern Europe is marked by an aggressive exchange of condemnations and a me-
dia war which has produced a plethora of fake news and conspiracy theories. The
conflict has revived old, outlived theories of how decadent or reactionary the other
side beyond the ideological ditch would be. Kosovo could go down in history, not
as the glorious attempt to create a tolerant, multiethnic, non-nationalist and secular
Europe, but as just the opposite.
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• El-Mafaalani, Aladin (2018): Das Integrationsparadox. Warum gelungene In-
tegration zu mehr Konflikten führt. Cologne.
• Engels, David (2013). Le declin. La crise de l‘union europeenne et la chute de
la République romaine. Quelques analogies. Paris.
• Engels, David (2014). Auf dem Weg ins Imperium. Die Krise der Europäischen
Union und der Untergang der Römischen Republik. Historische Parallelen.
Berlin.
• Finkielkraut, Alain (2013). L’identité malheureuse. Paris.
• Garton Ash, Timothy (2017). Is Europe Disintegrating? The British histori-
an Timothy Garton Ash discusses authoritative publications on the modern
history of Europe and calls for the passing of a reflected defence of liberal
democracy. New York Review of Books, 19. January [https://www.nybooks.
com/articles/2017/01/19/is-europe-disintegrating/?printpage=true].
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Debatte über die geistige Situation der Zeit. Berlin.
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nich.
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wa und Drina oder Gerechtigkeit für Serbien. Frankfurt a.M.
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Frankfurt a.M.
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gen von zwei Jugoslawien-Durchquerungen im Krieg, März und April 1999.
Frankfurt a.M.
• Handke, Peter (2006). Die Tablas von Daimiel. Ein Umwegzeugenbericht zum
Prozeß gegen Slobodan Milošević. Frankfurt a.M.
• Heather, Peter (2005). The Fall of the Roman Empire. A New History. London.
• Jäger, Lorenz (2009). Hinter dem Großen Orient. Freimaurerei und Revolu-
tionsbewegungen. Wien.
• Kleine-Hartlage, Manfred (2013). Die liberale Gesellschaft und ihr Ende.
Über den Selbstmord eines Systems. Schnellroda.
• Krastev, Ivan (2017). Auf dem Weg in die Mehrheitsdiktatur? In: Heinrich
Geiselberg (ed.): Die große Regression. Eine internationale Debatte über die
geistige Situation der Zeit. Berlin, pp. 117-134.
• Kubitschek, Götz (2007). Provokation. Schnellroda.
• Kuchenbecker, T. (2017). Marine Le Pen. Tochter des Teufels. Vom Aufstieg
einer gefährlichen Frau und dem Rechtsruck in Europa. Freiburg im Breisgau.
• Laqueur, Walter (2009). The Last Days of Europe. Epitaph for an Old Conti-
nent? New York.
• Laqueuer, Walter (2012). After the Fall. The End of the European Dream and
The Kosovo Paradigm: The Kosovo Conflict, Europe’s New 187
Nationalism and the New Cold War
Марк Штегхер
UDC 81’272
Оригинални научни рад
Др Владимир Умељић1
Међународна комисија за утврђивање истине о Јасеновцу (Бања Лука)
Босна и Херцеговина
ЈЕЗИЧКО-ФИЛОЗОФСКА ТЕОРИЈА
ДЕФИНИЦИОНИЗМА И ДУХОВНО СУИЦИДНО
ПОРИЦАЊЕ ЕГЗИСТЕНЦИЈЕ ИСТИНЕ
Та поставка гласи:
Тријада „језик-свест-стварност” је путоказ и пут ка спознавању бића, које јесте ако
1
vladimir.umeljic@gmx.net (Vladimir Umeljić, International Commision for the Truth on Jasenovac,
Banja Luka, Bosnia and Herzegovina)
190 Владимир Умељић
апсолутна истина јесте и које није, ако апсолутна истина није; јер стварност јесте
ако апсолутна истина јесте и није, ако апсолутна истина није. Ова тријада посту-
лира језик као лигатуру и есенцијални конститутивни елемент свести о истини
стварности, која само може да следи свести о стварности истине.
Биће ословљене и кратко размотрене препреке, тешкоће и недоумице на
путу доказивања ове поставке и стављене на дискусију. Јер ни ово разматрање
неће, сигурно, разрешити најстарије питање духовног хабитуса човечанства.
Ставиће се, исто тако, на дискусију и оправданост проширења научних
поступака индукције и дедукције, и увођења абдукције (= хипотезе), као
трећег начина извлачења логичких закључака, за шта је заслужан утемељивач
модерне семиотике Чарлс Сандерс Перс.2
Историјска наука, као и политикологија, социологија и психологија, ис-
кључиво су обавезне строго ограниченим критеријумима што објективније,
трезвене и логичке, просвећено-прагматичне науке.
Филозофија језика за разлику од њих поседује пријемчивост за све нивое
рефлексије стварности. Она тиме не постаје мање или више наука, показује
међутим зашто себе сматра духовном лигатуром свих наука као и мостом,
који просвећени интелект одваја или спаја и са осталим детерминантама (спо-
собностима и манифестацијама) човековог духа. Другим речима, филозофија
језика – својом бескомпромисном отвореношћу у односу на све перцептивне и
делатничке области човековог духа – демонстрира да је Ајнштајново сазнање,
да се и две паралелне линије негде у бесконачности ипак сусрећу, потенцијал-
но применљиво и ван области природних наука.
2
Упореди: Pape, Helmut (Hrsg.), Charles S. Peirce. Phänomen und Logik der Zeichen. Suhrkamp
Verlag, Frankfurt/Main, 1993.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 191
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
3
Umeljić, Vladimir, „Ethik und Definitionsmacht”, Essay in: Kultursoziologie, Wissenschaftliche
Halbjahreshefte der Gesellschaft für Kultursoziologie e.V. Leipzig, 2006/I, Leipzig, 2006.
192 Владимир Умељић
4
Упореди: Jacobi, Jolande, Die Psychologie von C. G. Jung. Eine Einführung in das Gesamtwerk.
Fischer Taschenbuch, Frankfurt a.M., März 1987.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 193
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
5
Тежња за сазнавањем „првобитног, зачетног” (шта, зашто, када, како) је вероватно стара
колико и човекова духовна активност, није међутим никада имуна на сумњу утопијског
стремљења или шта више на процену, да се при томе ради о манифестацији некакве „маније
величине”. Ауторски став, да је то у оквиру филозофије језика и истраживања „духовне
васионе” човека теоретски реална поставка, почива на сазнању да је људско биће по општем
– научно-биолошком, религиозно-филозофском, (у религиозно-есхатолошком смислу се
то односи на физичко биће) просвећено-филозофском, итд. – конзенсу нешто коначно,
нешто што има почетак и крај (за разлику нпр. од „мука” најегзактнијих природних наука –
математике, математичке физике – које при космологији увек изнова ударају о зид основног
питања – да ли „прапрасак” („Big Bang”) заиста може да буде почетак егзистенције васионе,
дакле свега што постоји, јер – како је могуће да једно „нешто” настане из једног „ништа”?
194 Владимир Умељић
6
Platon, Dialoge, Franklin Bibliothek, Ottobrun bei München, 1984.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 195
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
7
Braun, E., Der Paradigmenwechsel in der Sprachphilosophie, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
Darmstadt, 1996.
8
Ibid.
9
Овде се по природи ствари даје само један аспект учења ових филозофа, који је за конкретну
тему релевантан, јер би њено ширину врло брзо превазишло оквир овог огледа. Мора се само
кратко подвући да Платон јесте био апсолутиста, његово небо је било „Небо идеја” и његов
„Логос” је био независан од људи.
10
Pfister, Friedrich, Religion und Wissenschaft, Francke Verlag Bern und München, 1972.
11
Blackburn S. Wahrheit. Ein Wegweiser für Skeptiker, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
Darmstadt, 2005.
196 Владимир Умељић
12
Теоретска претпоставка, да је Платон сматрао разум и истину суштински неспојивим са по-
литиком само је спекулативног карактера и са изразито ироничном, шта више саркастичном
интонацијом. Та претпоставка је већ у односу на његову класичну парадигму језика тешко
одржива. Он, у складу са својим схватањем, говори о вокабуларима, о комуникационим фор-
мама „пасивног језичког инструмента” (говор, писмо), мада индиректно ословљава и садржи-
ну исказа (у позитивном случају – разум, истина), што се по ауторском схватању односи на
свест и стварност. То, међутим, ни изблиза није било тежиште Платонове теме.
13
Командант немачких царских трупа у „Немачкој Југозападној Африци“ извршио је 1904.
прво народоубиство у 20. веку, које је коштало живота око 80000 припадника афричког
народа Хереро. Упореди: Dominik J. Schaller: „Ich glaube, dass die Nation als solche vernichtet
werden muss: Kolonialkrieg und Völkermord in „Deutsch-Südwestafrika“ 1904-1907“, in: Journal
of Genocide Research, vol. 6, no. 3. Даље: Bundesarchiv Berlin Lichterfelde, R 1001, Nr. 2089,
Bl. 100 ff. Zit. in: Behnen, Michael (Hrsg.), Quellen zur deutschen Außenpolitik im Zeitalter der
Imperialismus 1890-1911, Darmstadt, 1977.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 197
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
14
Остало је забележено да је Протагора своје ученике упућивао да при диспутима не обраћају
пажњу на питање истине, већ само како да од слабијег (неистинитог) језичког аргумента по
сваку цену направе наизглед јачи реторички аргумент и изађу као победници из расправе.
Упореди: Kerferd, George B., und Flashar Hellmut, „Protagoras aus Abdera”. In: Hellmut Flashar
(Hrsg.), Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, Die Philosophie der Antike, Band 2/1, Basel,
1998.
198 Владимир Умељић
15
Упореди: Schröder, Winfried, Moralischer Nihilismus von den Sophisten bis Nietzsche, Reclam,
Stuttgart, 2005.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 199
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
16
Pfister, Friedrich, Religion und Wissenschaft, Francke Verlag Bern und München, 1972.
17
Sedley, D., Cratylos, Cambridge, 2003.
200 Владимир Умељић
18
Логос је у духовној историји, сигурно, у употреби као један комплексан појам, ово његово
првобитно значење међутим није спорно.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 201
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
као плеоназам.19
Изузетно значајно је, да је један други стари мислилац, који је живео на
сасвим другом делу земљине кугле, био део и чинилац једне сасвим различите
културолошке традиције, и говорио једним сасвим другим језиком, дошао до
истог сазнања:
Конфучије је исто тако, као прву препоруку шта треба урадити да би се
неред, немири и пропадање у друштву и држави победили, рекао да „прво ре-
чима треба вратити њихово првобитно значење”.20
Ко, значи, релативизује језик и редукује га на ниво једног пасивног помоћ-
ног оруђа (Платонова класична језичка парадигма), тај релативизује истину
(која је садржана у првобитној етимологији, у првобитном језику тј. значењу
речи), доприноси њеном потискивању и скривању, њеном порицању и поти-
рању.
Сократ је, иначе, био онај који је у једном јавном диспуту (око 400. пре
Христа) вербално-мајеутички довео Протагориног ученика Теодора дотле, да
је овај сам морао да обзнани сву аутонегацију и сву потенцијалну духовну су-
ицидност свог софистичког учења, наиме, ако истина не постоји, онда је и то
што софисти тврде неистина (Platon, Theaitetos).21 Стоици ће касније пребаци-
ти софистима да „покушавају да нађу доказ, да не постоје докази” (в. доле). Јер
и наводна широкогрудост и толеранција од стране релативиста, која у крајњој
линији захтева апсолутну симетрију тј. равноправност свих ставова (апсолу-
тизирање релативизма) је варка и клопка.
Не може се, наиме, од етике захтевати да толерише анти-етику, која њу по-
тире као што се један позитрон и један електрон међусобно потиру, не може се
19
Таутологија (старогрчки ταὐτό = τὸ αὐτό to autó, „исто”, i λόγος lógos „реч, говор”, по-
ред осталог и синоним за употребу, практиковање језика) је – за разлику од плеоназма
(πλεονασμóς pleonasmós, „сувишна претераност, непотребно понављање истог, без да се
њиме остварује већи степен инфомисаности”) – једна позитивно конотирана стилистичка
фигура. Плеоназам је, дакле, умножавање истосмислених речи у једном исказу, по правилу
у комбинацији ађективи/супстантив („округла лопта” или „жена новинарка”). На семантич-
ком новоу ова говорна фигура може да постане редундантна, у том случају прелази у доне-
кле сродну таутологију („задатак је извршен потпуно, комплетно, без остатка” или „рат је
рат”). Уколико његова реторичка намена није довољно препознатљива, плеоназам важи као
одраз лошег стила, за разлику од таутологије, која важи као пожељно реторичко-стилистич-
ко средство изражавања, чак и када се појави нпр. у форми „редундантних акронима” као
нпр. „HIV-вирус” (где већ „V” у почетној скраћеници стоји за вирус). Таутологија, значи, за
разлику од плеоназма „стоји изнад сваке критике”. Упореди: Bastian Sick: „Zweifach doppelt
gemoppelt”, in Der Spiegel, am 28. September 2005, abgerufen am 31. Dezember 2009, као и
Duden – Deutsches Universalwörterbuch, 5. Auflage, 2003. Даље: Georg Braungart, Harald Fricke,
Klaus Grubmüller, Jan-Dirk Müller, Friedrich Vollhardt, Klaus Weimar: Reallexikon der deutschen
Literaturwissenschaft: Neubearbeitung des Reallexikons der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, Bd. III:
P – Z, Walter de Gruyter, 2007.
20
Fernoestliche Weisheiten, Buch und Zeit Verlag, Köln, 1985.
21
Platon, Dialoge, Franklin Bibliothek, Ottobrun bei München, 1984.
202 Владимир Умељић
22
Blackburn, S., Wahrheit. Ein Wegweiser für Skeptiker, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
Darmstadt, 2005.
23
Ibid.
24
Dewitt, M., The Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Analytic Philosophy, Hrsg. Frank Jackson und
Michael Smith, Oxford, 2005.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 203
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
25
Marx, Karl, Thesen über Feuerbach, MEW Bd. 3.
26
Упореди: David, Marian, The Correspondence Theory of Truth. In: Edward N. Zalta (Hrsg.),
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 10.05.2002.
204 Владимир Умељић
27
Kalinke, Viktor, Studien zu Laozi, Daodejing. Band 2: Anmerkungen und Kommentare, Leipzig,
2000.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 205
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
28
Heintel, E., Einführung in die Sprachphilosophie des 20. Jahrhunderts, Berlin/New York, 1982.
29
Blackburn, S., Wahrheit. Ein Wegweiser für Skeptiker, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darm-
stadt, 2005.
206 Владимир Умељић
30
Pešić, Radivoje, Vinčansko pismo, Pešić i sinovi, Beograd, 1995.
31
Isto.
32
Да би се избегли неспоразуми – ова „виртуализација стварности” ни у ком случају не значи
да је нпр. за једну жртву геноцида прогањање, мучење и усмрћивање нешто „виртуелно”. Време
физичке реализације злочина и његова страхотна реалност, међутим, нису први геноцидни
чин већ доследна консеквенца преходног психагошког креирања једне нове „стварне
стварности” од стране ауторитативног и антиетичког „узурпатора власти над дефиницијама”.
33
Uporedi: Ladstaetter, Linhart, China und Japan, Die Kulturen Ostasiens, Wien, 1983.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 207
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
34
Peirce, Ch. S., Schriften, Hrsg. K. O. Appel, Frankfurt a. M., 1976.
208 Владимир Умељић
35
Chomsky, Noam, Aspekte der Syntax-Theorie, Frankfurt a.M. 1973.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 209
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
36
Pfister, Friedrich, Religion und Wissenschaft, Francke Verlag Bern und München, 1972.
37
Потискивање важећег акузационог судског процеса римокатоличким инквизиционим про-
цесом је подразумевало увођење обавезе денунцирања „вештица”, гарантовало свим денун-
цијантима анонимност, даље укидање свих жалбених инстанци, од времена папе Иноћентија
ИВ. легализовање систематског мучења, итд. (упореди: Jakob Sprenger, Heinrich Institoris, Der
Hexenhammer, Hrsg. J.W.R. Schmidt, Berlin, 1906).
210 Владимир Умељић
38
Да би се образложило, колико се схватање и практиковање хришћанске етике у оквиру за-
падне (овде – римокатоличке) теологије и источног (православног) богословљења – упркос
заједничкој полазној основи – разликују, било би потребно саставити (најмање) једну студију.
Стога упућујем овде на: Vladimir Umeljic, „Christentum und Islam im Kontext einer globalisierten
Welt”, Evangelische Akademie Bad Boll, Tagung „Orthodoxie verstehen II”, Bad Boll, 29.-31. Mai 2000;
Vladimir Umeljić, „Die ostchristliche Mystik und Theologie”, Der Christliche Osten LVIII/2003/2,
Würzburg, 2003.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 211
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
мета, она наиме анализира језик путем језика”. Та чињеница именује њену не-
сумњиво највећу вредност и, истовремено, њену највећу слабост.
Ова констатација одмах појашњава, дакле, основни проблем филозофије
језика – како да (увек субјективни) човек постигне једно сопствено „објектив-
но норматирање чињеница” и потом очекује да дотичне чињенице преузму
једну објективну нормативну функцију (да одговарају истини)? И то путем
језика (овде – средство истраживања предмета) а у односу на језик (овде –
предмет истраживања)?
Ко год, наиме, тврди да је то могуће, он полази од тога да је могуће, да је чо-
век (аутор једне теорије) у стању да се одвоји од своје сенке (дотичне теорије)
и да ту теорију потом са једне тачке (изван теорије и изван свог духа) провери
и објективизује.
То је, свакако, са строге тачке гледишта сваке просвећено-рационалне на-
уке једноставно немогуће. Овде, дакле, почиње назирање додирних тачака фи-
лозофије језика и метафизичког (трансцендентног) дела духовне стварности,
који је (како се чинило) ером просвећивања већ био дефинитиво прогнан из
рационално-научне активности људског духа.
Један од каузалних фактора управо оваквог развоја је, јер једна од аксио-
матских максима управо просвећено-рационалне науке гласи: Када се путем
строге и доследне научне методологие сва теоретски могућа тј. вероватна ре-
шења покажу као недостатна (нетачна) и остане само једно, онда је то решење
оно право, ма колико оно првобитно изгледало немогуће тј. невероватно.
Сходно томе закључује и један врло рационални теоретичар језичке фи-
лозофије 20. века (и атеиста), С. Блекбурн: „И када теорију чине сва наша нај-
боља, научна и у највећој мери емпиријски утемељена тумачења света и ствар-
ности, та (објективизујућа, прим. аутора) тачка изван мора да буде трансцен-
дентног карактера”.39
Већ је и Имануел Кант дошао до истог научног става: „Уколико филозоф-
ско тражење решења проблема уопште поседује један смисао, онда човекова
полазна тачка гледишта мора да поседује једну двоструку структуру, дакле јед-
ну рационалну и једну трансцендентну димензију”.40
То значи, да поимање стварности (и сваког појединачног тј. конкретног
предмета испитивања) нужно имплицира, да се претварање сопствене пред-
ставе о стварности може само тада превести у сазнање стварности (објективи-
зовати тј. верификовати у смислу истине), уколико наше (духовно) биће није
апсолутно редуковано на биће једног субјекта са (само рационално) ограни-
ченом перспективом.
39
Blackburn S., Wahrheit. Ein Wegweiser für Skeptiker, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darm-
stadt, 2005.
40
Kant, I., Kritik der reinen Vernunft, Frankfurt a. M., 1982.
212 Владимир Умељић
Gresch, Hans Ulrich, „Für die moderne Psychologie ist Bewusstsein ein Störfaktor”, Psychoscripte,
41
www.herz-hirn-und-hand.de Dalje: John S. Eccles, Wie das Selbst sein Gehirn steuert, München, 1997.
214 Владимир Умељић
42
Gresch, Hans Ulrich, op. cit.
Језичко-филозофска теорија дефиниционизма и 215
духовно суицидно порицање егзистенције истине
тера и њихову пројекцију у прошлост, осим наравно ако оне нису у позитивној
помоћној служби при тражењу истине.
При томе питање, шта је то „скривено”, (још једном, да ли је то значи –
просвећено-научно и теоретски један универзални и апсолутно важећи етич-
ко-морални кодекс, или пак религиозно-филозофски и теоретски гледано
трансцендентност, космички принцип васцелог бића, Бог, односно језич-
ко-филозофски, да је то сам језик, тако Сократ, Конфучије, итд.), остаје отво-
рено. У свим овим случајевима се ради о дуговечним језичким аналогијама,
које стоје за апсолутну истину (= објективну стварност) а то даље значи да то
„нешто“, што објективизује стварност, не може да буде подложно нашим увек
субјективним тумачењима, да не може да буде потчињено контроли нити ин-
дивидуалне „Ја-свести”, нити социјалне „Ми-свести”.
Теорија дефиниционизма, пак, заступа уверење да је актуелни став психо-
лошке науке проблематичан у односу на препознати механизам утемељавања
културолошке традиције у једној социјалној – и увек хијерархијској – зајед-
ници (= формирања „Ми-свести”), постулираног као „Узурпација власти над
дефиницијама и психагогија”. Тај став наиме носи у себи опасност, да психо-
логија себе nolens volens ставља у посредну службу узурпатора „власти над
дефиницијама”:
Шта би дотични, наиме, могли себи боље да пожеле, него да просвеће-
на наука прогласи етаблирану „Ми-свест” једне социјалне заједнице објекти-
визујућим аксиомом стварности (= истине „за себе и по себи”) а по могућству
већ у условима с њихове стране редефинисане, психагошки октроиране и од
чланова заједнице већински интернализоване „стварне стварности”?
Закључно, актуелни ауторски став гласи да психологија није у стању да
самостално, својом сингуларном методологијом реши проблематику (свести
о) стварности. Та констатација важи и за филозофију језика и њену методо-
логију.
СЕЛЕКТИВНА ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Vladimir Umeljić
Abstract: In 20th century it became revealed that the educational and enlightening
roles of the humanistic sciences remain without a satisfactory results and threaten to lose
their sense, unless those sciences educate and enlighten themselves. This implies analogy,
as the language philosophy in its quest for the truth firstly ceased to devalue itself (the
change of language paradigm) and thus opened the door to a new evaluation of spiritually
suicidal relativism and subjectivism. In this theoretical review, the emphasis is placed on the
discussion of the extent to which the linguistic-philosophical theory of definitionism and its
postulate the constant of human spiritual being, the semiotic triad “language-consciousness-
reality”, could be useful for other human and social sciences and for their search for the truth.
Keywords: definitionism-theory, semiotic triad of the human being (man-language-
reality), absolute truth, philosophy of language
UDC 81'27:78.067.26(497.11)
Оригинални научни рад
Dr Dragana Cvetanović1
University of Helsinki
Aleksanteri Institute
Finland
Abstract: In this article I explore linguistic resources that inspire Serbian rapper Marče-
lo for linguistic styling in rapping, or in, as he calls rap “writing on the rhythm”. I discuss
two main modes of styling, lexical features incorporating slang and formulaic expressions.
Styling in rap lyrics invite listeners to move away from the fixed or expected linguistic and
stylistic solutions and make them think of the endless solutions of developing the lexicon
where anyone, anywhere can contribute. My analyses supports the idea that performance in
popular song can have significant sociocultural effect, with its content spawning social and
semiotic trends (Bell & Gibson 2011, 559). The type of lexical solutions from Marčelo’s lyri-
cal production contributes to recycling of spoken language and even encourages re-working
on personal linguistic performativity. The concept of style in this study is discussed from
the perspective of two different contexts: style in hip hop culture (stylization of the local rap
language, personal artistic choices, ways of creating a ‘true, real, authentic local rap style’)
and style as a sociolinguistic concept.
Keywords: rap lyrics, Serbian rap repertoire, style, lexicon, formulaic expressions, Bal-
kan hip hop
Introduction
Back in the 1988, and in only two lines, the American rapper Rakim laid a
foundation for understanding and exploitation of power of and in the words in rap:
I can take a phrase that’s rarely heard / flip it now it’s a daily word.2 Even at this stage,
it is fair to say that crafting words by styling linguistic features continues to be one of
1
dragana.cvetanovic@helsinki.fi (Драгана Цветановић, Универзитет у Хелсинкију, Александров-
ски институт, Финска)
2
Erik B. and Rakim in the song “Follow the Leader” from the album Follow the Leader (1988 Uni
Records).
220 Dragana Cvetanović
3
According to MC Raekwon from the Wu-tang Clan, (as cited in Alim, 2004, 3).
4
A realistic look at globalization processes involves questions about whose genres are being globalized,
by whom, for whom, when, and how? Not everybody appears to be part of the active globalization
processes, but particular mediating actors are, and Heller’s (2003) emphasis on the new economies as
driving forces behind the increased commodification of language varieties and discourses may offer
us an interesting heuristics of research (Blommaert 2003).
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 221
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
to nuanced and indirect identification with the rap genre. In the following section
I will introduce the methodological tools with which I will work in my analysis.
Apart from Marčelo’s “national” (Serbian) audience, I also take into account the
existence of his “trans-national” (regional, post-Yugoslav, post-Serbo-Croatian) rap
audiences, which are due to the new circumstances supposed to speak four different,
although mutually-understood, languages (BCMS).5 While I here discuss Marčelo’s
rap production as Serbian, I acknowledge the impact his lyrics make on the whole
regional rap register.
Another focus of this article is the aesthetic and poetic dimension in rapping,
which has been overlooked while emphasizing “identity work” (Androutsopoulos
2009). Referring to Duranti’s view (1997, 2004) that language is a cultural resource,
and speaking a cultural practice, and to the wide range of studies on the global rap
language (Terkourafi 2010), where questions on “crossing”, codeswitching “styling
the other”, appropriation, and authentication are taken into consideration, I suggest
that locality of rap can also be manifested through means of poetic styling in the same
way rap and spoken word6 are poetically delivered. Marčelo’s rhymes demonstrate
that he builds his rapping style by modifying his poetic style, in the similar manner
he crafts his other textual work. Although stylistic research on Serbian rap lyrics has
not yet been a subject of academic research, slang in rap has been of interest to rap
practitioners and to audiences (see Vukčević 2008).
Serbian rap music emerged as many other European localized or “glocal”7
versions of rap in the 1980s, although its character and timing was affected by the
dramatic socio-political events during the 1990s. 8 Discussion of how the glocality
(combination of global and particular) and the authenticity of local rap is constructed
and perceived in South-Eastern Europe is important for understanding not only hip
hop culture’s creative potential in general, its activist nature, musical and rhythmical
hybridization, and its global attraction, but also how rap is discussed in terms of the
super-diverse, trans-national, and post-colonial contexts of today.
As I already suggested, the concept of style in this study is discussed from the
5
Discussion on the legacy of Serbo-Croatian or Croato-Serbian language(s) continue. On march
30th 2017 in Sarajevo a group of linguists from the former Yugoslav region supported by the 4 local
organizations, published a declaration on common language(s). According to this declaration, all
four languages that “inherited” Serbo-Croatian or Croato-Serbian are one polycentric language and
each speaker has the freedom of naming the language according to personal desire.
6
Spoken word is a word-based performance art that focuses on the aesthetics of word play and
intonation and voice inflection. It is a ‘catchall’ which includes any kind of poetry recited aloud,
including hip hop, jazz poetry, poetry slams, plus traditional poetry readings, and can include
comedy routines and ‘prose monologues’.
7
According to discussion in Pennycook and Mitchell (2009) it might be that the genre of hip hop
possibly stays global, or was always-already local, or perhaps even “glocal”. See also Ronald Robertson
(1992) for his definition of “glocalisation”.
8
For more on Serbian and Balkan rap beginnings, see Cvetanović 2016.
222 Dragana Cvetanović
perspective of two different contexts: style in hip hop culture (stylization of the local
rap language, personal artistic choices, ways of creating a ‘true, real, authentic local
rap style’) and style as a sociolinguistic concept.
Stylization as a linking feature of sociolinguistics and hip hop studies has been
first scholarly explored in the US context (Smitherman 1977, Rickford & Rickford
2000, Alim 2004, 2006, Alim, Ibrahim and Pennycook 2009, Cutler 2008 etc.) and
later in the global/glocal context (Mitchell 2001, Alim, Ibrahim & Pennycook 2009,
Terkourafi 2010). These studies asserts that the concept of style in the context of
US rap consists of a range of phonological, grammatical, and lexical patterns, of
which most are rooted in structures found in African American English (AAE),
but others, especially hip hop slang terms, are unique and continue to evolve
(Cutler 2007, 532). Concepts such as authenticity and performativity remain to
form an essential discussion on hip hop culture(s). Furthermore, contemporary
sociolinguistic concepts, such as ‘crossing’ or ‘language styling’ (Rampton 1995, Bell
2001, Coupland 2001, 2007) have also been fruitful in studying hip hop language.
Language is central in hip hop, since the rappers need to apply the whole “rap
register”, referring not only to the structural qualities of language, but also to its
discursive and communicative practices (such as call and response, battling and
free-styling both within and without the cipha9, multilayered expressions, poetics
and flow), language ideologies, understanding of the role of the language in both
binding/bonding community and seizing/smothering linguistic opponents, and
“language as concept” (having to do with broader forms of semiotic expression),
including clothing styles, facial expression, dance styles, body movements, graffiti
styles etc., (Alim 2006, 2009, Schiffman 1996).
The concept of stylization itself originates from Bakhtin’s literary and cultural
criticism (Bakhtin 1981, 1986). For him, stylization is an “artistic representation
of another’s linguistic style, artistic image of another’s language” (1981, 362). His
concept is not only artistic; it is also a subversive form of multi-voiced utterance
(1986, 89). Many researchers within sociolinguistics have built on Bakhtin’s research
(Auer 2007, 11–15; Coupland 2007, 29–30; Eckert 2012). From the sociolinguistic
point of view, the notions of style, styling, and stylization refer to speaker’s creative
use of language. Dell Hymes (1974) understands the term ‘style’ as a ‘way of
speaking’: according to him, people choose their styles according to social meaning.
Language variety is rooted deeply in social structure, and it is connected to what
people do socially, and to who they are. Style also gives them the potential to work
free from social constraints. More recently, linguistic style is usually seen as a part
9
Cipher can refer both to a circle of b-boys dancing, and a circle of rappers who rhyme in turns.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 223
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
of the larger social style that includes clothing style, music preferences etc. Alim’s
(2004) point of view is that the speech style can be studied both as a sociolinguistic
style and an interactional style. Pennycook (2010, 29) defines style as a creation of
stylistic practices that give meaning to what people do and how they link socially:
certain people take part in certain practices by using a certain type of language and
using certain semiotic signs that link all these people, signs, and practices into one
style. By using different styles, a speaker can choose a new linguistic identity or
temporary “cross”10 into someone else’s linguistic identity. In exploring rap language,
an interesting view on style from the era of postmodern sociolinguistics, is the one
given by Allen Bell’s (1999) concept of audience and referee design, in which speaker’s
linguistic characteristics change according to who she/he has as an audience. The
concept of high performance by the same scholar is also related to audience and
referee design.
Style, as expressed through the creation and invention of new, fresh, original,
and innovative productions, is critical to the artists’ reception. Styling is about
speakers performing identities, targeted at themselves or others, when they have
some awareness of how the relevant personas constructed are likely to be perceived
through their designs (Coupland 2007, 146). Research on language styles and
stylization looks at how individuals play with language resources to construct and
project distinctive configurations of the self (Cutler 2007). Stylization refers also to
the ways in which speakers “creatively use language resources often from beyond
the immediate speech community such as distant dialects” (e.g., Bell 2001, 147; cf.
Bakhtin 1981, Coupland 2007, Rampton 1995).
Notion of sociolinguistic style should not be equated with the notion of
poetic style, although these two types do meet in my analysis. And although style
repertoire can carry various indexicalities, it is interesting to explore the idea of the
“rap laboratory” inside the rap lexicon and how local language linguistic and poetic
features are reworked in order for local practitioners and audiences to be affiliated
with hip hop culture so that they can project their rap-personas and identities. For
Coupland (ibid. 154) stylization is fundamentally metaphorical, since it brings
into play stereotyped semiotic and ideological values associated with other groups,
situations or times. It dislocates the speaker from the immediate speaking context.
Even though Coupland is here referring to a different type of groups and situations,
I draw an analogy with rapping. Besides the stereotyped semiotic values of rapping
(flow, rhyme, rhythm, and verse length), rap lyricists are expected to bring into play
a personal innovative touch into their lyrics11 through poetic and linguistic elements.
Rappers have understandably poetic freedom, which is dictated by the musical
10
“Crossing” is term coined by Ben Rampton (1995) meaning that a speaker can deliberately cross
into language variety that is not his/her.
11
See the example verse from Rakim’s lyrics from the beginning of this article.
224 Dragana Cvetanović
rhythm and the beat. In the context of the Serbian rap genre, Marčelo’s rap language
can be reflexive (Coupland ibid. 154), since it invites attention to its own modality
and it requires an acculturated audience who is able to read and judge the semiotic
value of the rap persona and (Serbian/regional) rap genre.12 Marčelo is aware of his
“verbal superiority”, which he sees as his professional choice – he decided himself for
language to be his profession and that is why he consumes lots of time by working
on language in general. But sometimes verbal superiority can be seen in using less
complexity and more “ordinary language” to reach the goal, to reach the audience,
in other words by keeping the image of street-credibility. In Marčelo’s case however,
complexity suits his sensibility more than simplicity. This need for a complexed
articulation initiates processes of social comparison and evaluation (aesthetic and
moral), that are focused on the real and metaphorical identities of speakers – this is
especially important in the beginnings of an artistic career when the audience are
“judging” the rapper’s artistic authenticity. While Coupland (ibid.154) argues that
stylization can be analyzed as strategic inauthenticity with complex implications for
personal and cultural authenticity in general, the analysis of Marčelo’s rap texts, as
the analysis of rap lyrics in general, shows that due to its general artistic purposes
“rap stylization” does aim at being strategically authentic.
12
The rap-audience in Serbia seems to be divided on Marčelo’s rap aesthetics: for some he is a traitor
to the nation because he speaks too eloquently or academically in favor of the modern Serbia.
Marčelo sees his agency as an agency by a minority contrasting the dominant “culture of poverty”, as
he names the dominant Serbian state of mind (Cvetanović 2014).
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 225
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
especially fruitful area of sociolinguistic inquiry, one that promises to enhance the
study of language in performance more generally. According to him, sociolinguists
have taken the lead in investigating linguistic varieties that index social categories
(gender, ethnicity, occupation, class, subculture, region, age etc.). The sociolinguistic
turn from style to stylization, in which identity is the creative and emergent product
of discursive practice, is especially well suited to the study of performance. The
nature of “staging language” is explored thus in Bell’s and Gibson’s introduction to
sociolinguistics of performance (2011, 555-572).
Nikolas Coupland (2007, 146-176) expresses the need to reorient a performance-
centered vantage point onto culture toward the analysis of performance as
communication, rendering it more compatible with linguistic line of analysis than the
anthropological notion of cultural performance. Coupland approaches performance
in terms of communicative focusing, the reflexive foregrounding of form, meaning,
situation, performer, audience, achievement (efficiency and skill) and repertoire
(Bauman 2011, 716). Bauman notes that Coupland’s set of foci closely correspond
to Roman Jacobson’s (1960) classic model for analyzing the communicative event,
in which focusing on form corresponds to Jacobsons’s poetic function, focusing on
meaning to corresponds referential function, focusing on performer corresponds to
conative function, and relational focusing corresponds to conative function.
Inspired by the work of Richard Bauman (1992, 46ff), Coupland (2007,
146-147) suggests that a distinction between mundane performance and high
performance should be made. This distinction gives a possibility of defining the type
of “communicative act” of rapping (speech, chanted speech), as a verbal form situated
in between the performance and high performance (in case we neglect musical
performance and look at the rap language as staged language (Bell & Gibson 2011).
Interestingly enough, all of the features from the Coupland’s list of communicative
focusing that involve high performance, can be ascribed to ‘rap-speech-act’: form-
focusing, meaning-focusing, situation-focusing, performer-focusing, relational-
focusing, achievement-focusing and repertoire-focusing (ibid. 147-148), but that is
of course due to the performative nature of rap music. With the idea to explore the
nature of language in contemporary society, it might seem inviting to compare rap
to a high performance act. For instance, radio presenters are expected to project
preferred and designed personas rather than their real selves (Coupland 2007, 150).
Rappers, on the other hand, are expected to project their own verbal rap-personas
in their lyrics. Acts of identity in high performance encourage a-real-versus-the-
projected content of identity categories, and in some verbal demands in rap (highly
stylized lies, jokes, dissing the “haters”, dozens13 etc.), ‘real’ and ‘projected’ can come
much closer than in an ordinary speech. I will shortly come back to this issue. One
should not obliterate the fact that the nucleus of rap, or any form of performing
13
For more on dozens, see later on this page.
226 Dragana Cvetanović
music and art form for that matter, lies in its cultural and generational bondage with
the demands of its own (keeping it real, street-wise attitude and much more).
Combining Bell’s (1984, 1990) idea that speakers have also creative agency
when using style shift to initiate new qualities or perceptions of their speech, my
intention is to show how Marčelo further develops already-existing lexical resources
from the standard Serbian lexicon in order to create a new idiomatic design through
his linguistic rap poetic laboratory. Marčelo’s updating of the local language occurs
by employing vernacular and up-to-date slang expressions. By expanding the rap
lexicon, rappers in general participating are in the recycling processes, where their
idiosyncratic stylistic creations are possibly being used and reused by their fans and
wider public. In Marčelo’s case the number of recycled stylistic creations can be few,
since they are usually more complex than those largely recycled lexems, liked bičarka
(from bitch) or codified words with the more cryptic etymology, like buksna (a part
of the water boiler, got eventually the meaning for joint).
Keeping the aforementioned concepts of styling and performance in mind, as
well as rap’s creative agency and locality, I will in the following section expand my
argumentation by making a connection between semantic solutions used in the
Serbian rapper’s lyrics and semantic features known from the African American
Vernacular and African American rap, namely signifying and the dozens. Signifying is
a skillful, form-focused, self-referential and knowingly ambiguous rhetorical mode, a
classical form of stylization, the influences of which are noticed in African-American
rap lyrics. It is a performative genre, through which otherwise taboo forms of speech
or relationally risky stances (like insults) can be produced without the consequences
that normally follow (Coupland 2007, 166). “Signifying or the ritualized wordplay, a
highly stylized lying, joking and carrying on with such a virtuosity as to inject one’s
message into with metaphor and eloquence while elevating one’s social status and
parodying one’s interlocutors or their attitudes and behaviors, goes on every day in
the backyards, poolrooms and front porches of Soulsville” (Rickford and Rickford
2000, 81-82). And although it is hard to attach a textbook definition to such an
inclusive speech event, anthropologist Claudia Mitchell-Kernan (1999[1972])
suggests that signifying is “a way of encoding messages or meanings in natural
conversations which involves, in most cases, an element of indirection”.
Furthermore, signifying14 or the dozens as a verbal play can be tricky,
aggressive, offensive, clever, brutal, funny, inventive, stupid, violent, misogynistic,
psychologically intricate, deliberately misleading – or all of that at once, wrapped in
a single rhyming couplet (Wald 2012, 3). This linguistic code of Black America is, like
so much wider African American culture, often introduced to outsiders through the
14
Playing the dozens or putting someone in the dozens (used often in plural form) has a numerous
synonyms: joaning in Washington, slipping, slip fights, sounding in New York, woofing in Phila-
delphia, signifying in Chicago, screaming, in the West Coast cutting, capping and chopping. Also
ranking and busting, bagging and dissing, playing house etc. (Wald 2012, 5).
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 227
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
music. The first one to define the dozens in print was an African American songwriter
and pianist Chris Smith in 1921(Wald 2012). Later the sociolinguist William Labov
spotted the same phenomenon in New York and named it “sounding” (1972). The
term can however be understood quite differently, depending on the different areas
and due to the nature of street language. Verbal insults are subdivided so that the
term ‘signifying’ apply to insults which are hurled directly at the person and the
‘dozens’ apply to insults hurled at the opponents family, especially mother (Labov
et al 1968, Brown (2002[1969]). The dozens has attracted less scholarly interest
(Wald ibid. 10) due to their informality and nasty content, which can be perceived
as dangerous dueling. Dozens are consider to be an art form in the same spirit as
African American verbal art, poetry, and comedy and a source of rap (even before
rap was associated with a musical style), but they are also a part of larger world of
combat (Wald ibid. 11).
Marčelo’s rap is an example of an unconventional rap lyric, where the rapper’s
demand for extraordinary skill from himself is not concentrated only on the rhythmic
solution in rap language, but on semantics in general. The poetic, expressive, and
innovative usage of language in Marčelo’s rap can be compared with the verbally
experimental French rap poet Mc Solaar, whose lyrics were recently proclaimed
to have contributed poetic nobleness to rap music.15 Glocal rappers who create
extraordinary lexical solutions, like the hallmarks of the African American oral and
popular cultures, signifying and the dozens, can be considered as true authentic
representatives of the hip hop culture.
Drawing on the previously-mentioned concepts, such as stylization,
performance, signifying, and dozens, the main hypothesis to be tested in this
article is the following; since slang, as a lexical resource for lexical experimentation
in Marčelo’s lyrics seems not to be articulating his poetic needs enough, he has
developed his creative force elsewhere, in slang-based idiomatic expressions, which
like some slang words, are codified and explicit. Marčelo’s stylistic choices are both
linguistically- and culturally-driven: what we know from the African-American rap
as dozens and signifying are turned into stylistic puns in Marčelo’s lyrics. For this
purpose, he uses two main techniques: crafting slangish lexical games and formulaic
expressions.
Data
15
Dubois, Arthur. 05.07.2017. MC Solaar, celui qui a donné ses lettres de noblesse au genre s’apprête
maintenant (http://www.lefigaro.fr/musique/2017/07/05/03006-20170705ARTFIG00273-mc-solaar
-le-poete-du-rap-revient-avec-un-titre-cet-ete.php)
228 Dragana Cvetanović
selection and space limitations. Marčelo, or Marko Šelić, born 1983 in Paraćin, in
central Serbia moved to Belgrade when he started his studies of Serbian language
and literature at the University of Belgrade. Since 2003 he has released 5 albums. At
the moment (2018) he is active with his band Filteri that includes another rapper
Ministar Lingvista, a female vocalist Nancy, and DJ Raid. The rapper’s interest
in language started already in his adolescent years. Already during his studies,
he became a productive novelist, playwright and columnist. His artistic profile is
seen as mainly positive in mainstream hip hop circles and even outside of it, but is
sometimes perceived as too intellectual in the more underground (Cvetanović 2014,
2016) and younger hip hop circles. His rap style could be defined as linguistically
progressive and musically creative. Furthermore, his rapping is perceived as socio-
politically engaged, and he voluntarily takes part in daily societal discussions in the
media, as well through the various forms of cultural production (Cvetanović 2016).
In their form and agenda his lyrics often oppose some regressive rap lyrics that exist
on the Serbian and regional rap scene and his lyrical production relies strongly on
the semiotic, stylistic, and esthetic display of his mother tongue. Obviously, Marčelo’s
rapping identity sometimes collides with his writer’s identity, although this collision
is explained by his overall attentiveness to writing and exploration in language. In the
interviews, and during a few informal chats I conducted with him during the spring
of 2012 in Belgrade and Sarajevo, he stated that his interest in language started from
the first school days and developed later into ‘writing on the rhythm’, which was “a
funny game he did not want to abandon”. He was attracted to the technical features
in hip hop such as dictation of rhythm to the rhymes and vice versa; a long nature
of rap text offered him enough room for expressing his own thoughts, and having
“verbal fun in the babble room”. This type of “writing on rhythm” was according to
him yet another intriguing form of writing he inteded to practice.
Slang is an expected lexical resource for rap lyrics. It is used as a standard linguistic
resource, particularly if rap is understood as a sub-culture (Androusopoulous 2003,
Alim 2006, 11416). Slang as a linguistic resource of rap lyrics is imported from the
African American rap and developed by the local hip hop communities, who have
recognized the feel of strength and straightness in rap language. Verbal innovation
and playfulness in rap is generating many new words - the two most famous of all
being ‘hip hop’ and ‘bling bling’. The first one is a product of New York-based DJ
Lovebug Starski, and the latter a product of rappers B.G. or Lil Wayne.17
16
According to Alim (2004), there is a general tendency in linguistics and among the general public
to claim that slang is the most noteworthy feature of language used in rap rhymes.
17
Vukčević 2008, 34.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 229
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
The majority of Serbian hip hoppers use Belgrade slang in their lyrics, since
it holds local prestige among youth speech communities. This is also the case with
Marčelo, who, as was said, moved to Belgrade from Paraćin. Echoes of his dialect
can sporadically be heard in the lyrics and in daily conversation. In some lyrics he
uses his dialect intentionally in order to make a better rhyme, or to provoke a slight
surprise effect.18 With the same idea of staggering effect in dialects, the Niš-based
rap band D-Fence uses the south Serbian dialect, for indexing an older agricultural
generation typical for that area, or just their own parents. Marčelo’s speech style is led
by his need for a verbal punctuality and impressiveness. He seems to find satisfaction
in how words and language sound in both speech and writing in poetic rap as well
as in writing prose. When asked about how his verbal skills have developed from
the first album, he said that he perceives his beginnings in mc:ing as diffused or as
“verbal stunts” by an “angry mosquito”.19
Marčelo’s song “4” on his debut album De facto, draws on his superiority versus
other rappers. In the spirit of how beginning rappers enter the cultural sphere, already
the first lines of the song contain words that are symbolic to the rap genre: wannabe
and fejker (from the English verb to fake + suffix -er for the person)20. The suffix –er
is very productive in case of English words adapted into Serbian: roker (‘rocker’),
džezer (‘jazzer’), bluzer (‘blues man’), denser (‘dancer’), brejker (‘braker’). The word
reper (‘rapper’) would probably be inflected in the same way, if its original form
would not have been in already suitable form. Many new lexemes describing groups
of people are constructed with this ending21. The same ending is used for expressing
characteristics in one person such as: fajter (fighter), kuler (cool guy), loner (lonely
guy), soler (solitary man). Marčelo uses yet another basic word of global rap lexicon -
hejter (to hate), which is often used in Serbian rap, because of its semiotic relatedness
with hip hop culture22. It is obvious that some words, like fejker, hejter etc. are thus
becoming indexical to rap. The word player, for example, meaning someone who
has many women, has always existed in the African-American vernacular (Morgan
2002, 122). In the hip-hop lexicon, it is turned to mean someone who has achieved
fame and fortune, which in turn has given rise to the term player hater to refer to
envious people who criticize others’ success. Morgan (2002, 122) and Cutler (2007,
523) discuss one example from the song ‘Playa Hater’ from the album Life After
Death by B.I.G. Notorious: “You see, there are two kind of people in the world today/
We have, the playaz, and we have, the playa haters”.
Most slang words in Serbian rap are thematically about drugs, sex, weapons,
18
Interview 2012.
19
Ibid.
20
Serbian language has a number of English loan words, and influence of English can especially be
seen in the morphology of slang words (Prćić 2005).
21
For a comprehensive list of words, see in Bugarski 2006.
22
Marčelo uses this word even outside of the scene, in a regular conversation about rap.
230 Dragana Cvetanović
money etc. Slang is produced in many ways, for example, by removing the first
syllables from the word: instead of muzika (music), rappers use zika, instead of
kasnije (later) they use snije (Vukčević 2008, 34). Verlan (šatrovački and utrovački )23
type word games are also used, although there are some methods of shortening the
words that are specific for rap only: vops from vopi (pivo meaning beer) tuks from
tuki (kita mening fallos). Some English lexemes are used in their original (hate, lame,
fake), some in a modified form (bičarka, from bitch, spika from to speak). A new
type of slang production, and a more complicated slang formation has recently been
noticeable: lexemes that are crafted through a surprising formation chain. A verb or
a verbal paradigm is turned into verlan and then, inspired by the names of football
players, turned into verlan in order to recall the name of a given football player:
vidimo se – divimo se – se di livimo (meaning see you later, inspired by Angelo di
Livio), kokain – kokanidja (cocaine, Claudio Caniggia), vidi ga ovaj – divi ga vajo –
marko di vajo (look at him, Marco di Vaglio), bacim-cimba-cimbalar (to go through,
Ilya Tsymbalar).
In a song “Više” (More) Marčelo is meta-textually drawing a typical picture
of slang usage: he describes wealthy kids and their way of perceiving life using a
linguistic style he assumes these kids would use themselves. Speaking with an
imagined voice of one of them Marčelo is proclaiming passion for a certain slang on
partying and consumerism: I like everything young people like/I like to do everything I
come upon/I like to do nothing, my old man/I like to brag/to speak in slang like/ you’re
cool, what’s your thing/ this party is a misery/I have a new mobile phone/ and so on. 24
Slang gives speakers freedom to differ and distance themselves from others,
and at the same time ensure the belonging to the group by certain codified lexicon
known only to them. Marčelo takes different stances and introduces different voices
by using different slang words in different narratives. As a rapper, he is, however,
expected to obtain respect by showing excellence in his verbal creativity, and the
23
Marčelo’s texts are filled with yet another type of lexical game, which is quite popular among regular
Serbian language users, especially among young male speakers. Šatrovački is a feature of permuting
syllables of words used in Serbian (in BCMS). It is similar to verlan and louchébem in French and it
undoubtedly has co-existed with the slang of BCMS giving impression of the wider slang usage. The
term is sometimes used to describe another type of slang, in which words are deformed. Šatrovački is
said to be developed by criminals in Yugoslavia, as it was supposed to be incomprehensible to police.
Today, it is spread among youth in informal speech and its variants are found in all languages that
can be linguistically categorized as South Slavic or BCMS. It is more widespread in urban areas, such
as Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo. Typical words and phrases in šatrovacki include: gadro (droga,
drugs), libo me čkapi (boli me picka, I don’t give a damn), tozla (zlato, gold), štoljpi (pištolj, gun), (ništa
u) vugli (glavi, head). Although there are no rules when šatrovački is used, it functions as a device for
stylization by highlighting masculin, subcultural or bragging intentions. Šatrovački like slang enables
the speaker to adopt another linguistic identity. For more on verlan usage in French rap texts, see
Hassa, 2010, 44-66.
24
Volim sve što vole mladi,volim sve što smislim da radim
volim da blajvim kari, stari, volim da se hvalim, da pričam slengom
jadnim na foru: kul, u kom si fazonu, žurka je smor, imam novi mob i tako to.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 231
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
use of slang as a lexical resource is positively valued by the members of the hip
hop culture. The message, the semantic level of rap lyrics, and even some new
idiomatic solutions, can on the other hand, appeal even to the people outside the
hip hop culture, people who are attracted by hearing the unheard in their language.
Marčelo’s allure for hip hop culture and poetics meet in the formation of his lyrics –
he integrates the elements of unconventional rap style and conventional poetic style.
25
Interview 2012.
26
Ibid.
27
Ibid.
232 Dragana Cvetanović
(1.)
Svima nam je dens – bljak, svima nam je fens – ljax /Al’ niko nema herca da men-
ja nešto smesta. //Svako besan na Mesam, svako sve zna// Svako je često skenjan,
retko trezan, pravi geto – tebra! //Al džabe me bratimiš, brate, fakat nismo rod-
bina! // Van wc-a ne trpim druženje s govnima. / Ti si taj.
We all think that dance [music] is so last year / we all think that fency is red
neckish // but no one has the balls to change things // everyone’s mad about the
folk music / everyone knows everything. / Everyone’s feeling shity, seldom sober,
like in a real ghetto, my bro! / You’re saying me bro in vain, my friend, cause we
ain’t no brothers/ when out of the toilet, I don’t deal with shit. / You are the one.
In the first line especially the onomatopoetic lexeme bljak (‘yacky’) and lexeme
in verlan ljaks (from word seljak, meaning ‘red neck’) are easily connected to a person
expressing her/his dislike of something. Marčelo seems to be building the discussion
between himself and the group he opposes and criticizes by using his own “voice”
and taking the voice of those to whom he appears to be talking. The dialogic feature
of the previous example shows resemblance with the dialogism and verbal displays in
the dozens. The dozens can be a mean game that has its aim in humiliating someone
with words, to the point that they want to fight (Brown 2002: 26-27).
In the second part of the song, Marčelo takes again the role of speaker and
28
Interview 2012.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 233
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
observer, changing his role to performative me, by switching to his “civil” speech.
He seems to be using more šatrovački (verlan) when he speaks with his own voice,
which is a way to distinguish himself from the others; šatrovački (verlan), as a stylistic
choice, has a more masculine and stronger tone, even aggressive in comparison to
ordinary youth slang.
(2.)
Drugačiji klinci malog grada, gotivna klošarijana.
Odjednom se budiš s pitanjem – dal’ to smisla ima danas?
Dva’es i kusur dina u bulji a i dalje na klupi.
Ništa u vugli, glup kao tuki, i pride se kurči.
Ajd sad objasni, deder, feget: odakle ti mob? Odakle ti vops?
Odakle skejterske tike marke Globe?
Mi smo, beše, radnička deca što imaju zavet
da sjebu male bogataše time što imaju pamet?
Oni su fensi-govnari jer im je tatko punog džepa,
oni su gotovni, a mi za svoje gulimo dupeta!
Sad te nije sramota da sereš o promeni sveta,
kad funjorski živiš k’o oni, od tuđeg budžeta.
Ti ćeš da mi doneseš novi svet, bre pička ti materina.
Uzmi radi nešto slepče, nije te stid pred matorima!
Nemaš ti problem, čim daješ sebi tolko oduška.
...Ja radije biram pokušaj makar ispao pipušaj, kapiš?
Different kind of kids from the small town, sympatic and grundgy / Suddenly
you wake up with a question – is there any sence in today? / So, you’re twenty plus
something and still waiting on the bench. // Empty-headed, stupid as a dick, but
boastful. // Well, try now to explain me you fagot, where did you get your mobile
phone, your new computer game//where did you get your new Globe - skating
shoes? // We were supposed to be working class kids with a mission/ to screw the
small rich kids with our wisdom./They’re those fancy shit-heads, cause their dads
are loaded with money, they’re lazy asses while we work our asses out. / And you ‘re
not ashamed to talk shit about changing the world / living on someone elses’s money.
/ You think you can make some new world, fucker? / Go get some work done, you
fool, do not make your falks achame! /You don’t have a problem, if you allow your
self all that stuff / I would prefer to give it a go, even if it woyl fail, comprende?
Marčelo’s engagement on the lexical level, especially in obsene slang idioms,
manifests itself in references to the semiotic core source of rap, namely dozens and
signifying. Due to his stylistic expertise, Marčelo uses the intentionally offensive and
outrageous (Wald 2012) semiotic strategies of dozens, in order to “initially hide” the
insulting slang expression as a starting point of the verse by building bigger semantic
234 Dragana Cvetanović
sphere around the original slang expression. Even without mentioning the word
explicitly, Marčelo constructs not just the metaphor, but the whole verse around it.
The starting point is one of the many insulting expressions that has phallus as a key
word, in this case it is svirati kurcu, which literally means to ‘play music to the cock’,
meaning ‘fuck’ (‘not to care about someone’s opinion’). Involving adjective musical
(muzikalan) with the personal pronoun, Marčelo forms an obscure verse:
(3.)
Neće da me pusti dok mu ćef nije na vrhuncu
valjda zato, kada najzad stignem, svi kažu: “E, fala kurcu!”
Ima dana kad tripujem da me baš svi testiraju:
znaju da nije muzikalan, pa mu iz inata sviraju.
Kad umrem, imam želju jednu, al’ jako bitnu
neka po njemu nazovu neki klub i nek stalno u taj idu. Svi!
He won’t stop until he reaches his peak / that is why, when I eventually come, ev-
eryone says, o thank you man.// There are days when I think that everybody is test-
ing me/they know he is not musical, so they play to him on purpose. /When I die, I
have a wish, very important one/let them name a nightclub with his name/ and let
them go always there /all of them!
The last verse is a reversed insult from idi u kurac (fuck yourself), where idi is
imperative of the verb to go, u is to, and kurac is dick, cock. The vulgarity disappears
through the skillful linguistic play that introduces various fresh interpretations of
the often-used word of insult. The humor of the lyrics trades on the semantic weight
of obscenity. Coupling numerous human attributes to the part of the male body used
for mocking, creates surprisingly clever and funny connotations.
The previous examples demonstrate that lexical resources originating from
slang are a prominent part of Marčelo’s rap rhyming. The isomorphic nature of rap,
where artist, rapper and the text are being equated is relevant in this case study, since
the artist’s use of the vernacular is recognizable in his private use and vice versa.
Marčelo’s semantic intention is evidently to animate some well-known, worn-out
slang expression into some new metaphors, parodies etc.
Using same metaphoric strategies for slang, insult slang, ordinary idioms, and
styling intentionally his speech, Marčelo demonstrates that rap slang and slangish
insults have the same linguistic value as any other words or expressions. They also
have the same performative force as witty idiomatic creations (see the following sec-
tion) – namely, to make utterance easily digestible and memorable for the audience.
By evoking new and previously unheard formations, he is also showing funny and
interesting features the Serbian language has, not just as a language per se, but also as
a rap-language. A slightly different type of stylization is to be seen in the following
chapter on the playful formulaic expressions.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 235
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
29
Rap artist mentions song Bube (Bugs) as a good example of this.
30
Interview 2012.
236 Dragana Cvetanović
To them we are the end of the world, we are the people of Smak31.
Giving a closer look to these contemporary rap-proverbs, one could notice
three different types of formulaic phrases:
1. proverb-like idioms, which are ready to reuse and recycle and are easy to
remember. (example 10.)
2. longer phrase-like idioms that consist of a certain “movement” or rhythmical
game. (example 9.)
3. upgraded proverb-like idioms, such as examples 11. and 13., where a familiar
proverb, in its exact or almost exact form, is being elaborated on and extended by
the rapper.
For Marčelo, verbal artistic expression was one of the main driving forces to en-
ter into hip hop culture32. These idiom-like linguistic designs represent the original
and creative force in his rap texts that pushes them, from the stylistic point of view,
from street language to poetic style. Both styles are familiar to Marčelo, but by using
them simultaneously in the rap lyrics, he is crossing from one style to the other. That
is what moves his texts forward and gives them poetic, attractive power. According
to Coupland (2007, 95) the most productive dimensions along which linguistic va-
rieties and speakers tend to be judged is by status/prestige or social attractiveness/
likability.
Although the author might not be conscious of his/her choices, there might be
metapragmatic awareness (Silverstein 1993), awareness of the functional and index-
ical implications of utterances, which again is, according to Coupland (2007), a core
quality of all communicative interaction. The social action of speaking represents a
31
Serbian and former Yugoslav rock band from Kragujevac, popular especially in the 1970s.
32
Interview 2012.
238 Dragana Cvetanović
social change at a micro-sociological level, and we need to consider how “style” has
a particular role to play in effecting change. The theoretical starting point is in the
idea of a meta-lingual function, of language referring to itself. What we consider
meta-linguistic functions are the different linguistic designs, such as jokes, artful
and playful language use, poetry, literary and quasi-literary genres, “voicing”, using
other people’s speech, irony and so on. Behind these choices is the designer of the
speech or the written text, who has awareness of the consequences of his/her speech.
Marčelo’s self-made idioms or sayings bring us back to Bahtin’s (1986) concepts
of speech genres and “multiple voicing” and to the idea that our speech is filled with
others’ words, where what is ours and what is others’ are found in coexistence. The
formulaic elements used by Marčelo in his lyrics are already known to his audience,
but they get yet another semantic value due to his virtuous use of language. Marčelo’s
formulaic idioms are unexpected, unique, clever and as therefore worth memorizing
and spreading. Idioms and sayings conducted in this personal and artistic way are
certainly an important part of the performative nature of rapping as well.
The idea of verbal art and “lexical coloring” of words and “stylistic coloring” of
syntactic phrases that direct sound associations (Bernshtein 1977 [1927], 84) arises
so clearly in many of the rapper’s texts. He is playing with the emotional tools, “the
feelings of tension and release, making them the actual substratum of the composi-
tional construction” (ibid.). The interrelationships, alternations, and dynamics be-
tween tension and release create pressure from within, similarly to poetry (Eikhen-
baum 1924). The emotional effectiveness of the compositional factors of a poem
can point to the coloring of various rhythmical types (rising and falling rhythm,
masculine, feminine etc. endings in their interrelationships and in the relation to the
beginning of the next line, short and long, lines with caesura or without) and then to
the coloring of stanza constructions, and finally to the colorings of syntactic-sema-
siological constructions, such as enumeration, parallelism, chiasmus, and so on.
These “primary elementary emotions that come down to the feeling of tension and
release” are defined by Russian formalist Viktor Shklovsky (1917) as bespredmetnye
(odstraneyne or ostanenie), translated as objectless or making strange.
Making strange or defamiliarization is the artistic technique of forcing the au-
dience to see common things in an unfamiliar or strange way in order to enhance
perception of the familiar. It is, according to Shklovsky (ibid.), the basis of all conun-
drums and a part of psychologic parallelism in constructing the plot in any work of
art. Parallelism is about congruent phenomena differentiation. The idea with paral-
lelism is, as well as many other form of expressiveness, to move the object. Regard-
less of whether poetic language is explored at the level of phonetics, lexicon, etc. – we
always bump into the same artistic sign – a piece of art is made for the reception that
is cleaned out of defamiliarization. Seeing how it is done is a goal of the doer.
In contrast to slang, idiomatic production is even more present in Marčelo’s
rhymes. It seems that he intentionally pushes his performative style in this direction,
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 239
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
as he claims in one line: I rhyme/ so I am / it was, it is, and it will be /as long as I stand
still. Another possible reason for being so keen on the idiomatic solutions is simply
a need for a perfect rhyme: Marčelo almost never uses a simple, too-obvious rhyme,
he enjoys finding new rhyming forms. So in the idioms, there is often sense of move-
ment due to the sudden change in semantic meaning:
(14.)
Ko pije, ko plaća, odem pa dođem, pamti pa vrati
Who drinks / who pays / I go / I return / remember it and give it back
Marčelo recycles two very-well known proverbs: [Ne zna se ni] ko pije, ni ko plaća
(it’s not known who is drinking and who is paying for that, meaning that nobody knows
who is doing what), and pamti pa vrati (remember if somebody does something for
you, give him/her the same in return). In between the two familiar lines, he slips a
saying of his own that consists of two verbs: otići (to go) and doći (to arrive). He
pairs the semantically opposite verbs and by using parallelism as a tool, he creates a
similar contradiction and a two direction movement as in two previous examples.
Marčelo is here using parallelism to establish symmetries, effectiveness, and balance.
In addition to rhymes, which play an important task in structuring the rap lyrics,
rhythm is another essential element built by the rhymes. Rhythm is thus not only a
fundamental rhyme-building element, it is a semantic and syntax driven choice. In
the song De facto, Marčelo raps:
(15.)
Osećaji gadni, da ti se zgadi, još smo mladi
A na sutra već ne smeš da se kladiš – juče vuče pozadi.
Bad feelings make you sick, we are still young
one cannot count on tomorrow –yesterday is draging [us] back.
Marčelo uses words gadni (bad, terrible), zgadi (makes one sick), mladi (young,
pl.), kladiš (bet), pozadi (behind) here as rhyming elements. The impossible seman-
tic logic of the phrase juče vuče pozadi (yesterday drags [us] back), sets up both a
semantic movement (to drag) as well as a semantic stop (yesterday is over, it can’t
provoke any change anymore). This semantic stop stops the whole rhyming chain
(gadni – zgadi –mladi –kladiš –pozadi) and allows the listener to examine the rhyme
change in an opposite direction (pozadi- kladiš-mladi-zgadi-gadni).
As an artist and writer, who is academically interested in language as a system
and also a passionate comic book reader, Marčelo uses his literary knowledge to
make various intertextual solutions. One good example of this strategy can be found
in the following verse, where references to both Samuel Becket’s “Waiting for Godot”
240 Dragana Cvetanović
and Thomas Wolfes “Look Homeward, Angel” are more than obvious. Marčelo even
upgrades these borrowings by extending and elaborating on them, upscaling them.
This upgrading is marked in the cursive:
(16.)
We are waiting for Godot at the staircase to the metro,
I dream grey dreams, but I would dream a life.
Do not look back at your home, angel, you’ll die of sorrow!
Marčelo’s poetics are at their best when he leans on the basic needs of the rap
genre, especially in freestyle33: a word with which one rhymer can rival “against”
another rhymer. These kind of verbal solutions are numerous in his production and
they are fun to listen to and chant along with at the concerts. In order to differen-
tiate his own style, it is important that these lexical choices are always indexed and
connected to Marčelo as a rapper (and not only as a writer). Rap lyrics are ‘form-fo-
cused’ ways of speaking that, as Coupland (2007, 150) puts it, “incorporate selective
elements of recognizable socio-cultural style”. Rap text is stylized text firstly by the
elements from its own native language and then by the awareness of the complexity
of the origins of this particular textual form. As an example, I can name an extract
from the discussion34 with DJ Raid, one of the members of Marčelo’s crew. He said
that many youngsters “don’t want this guy [Marčelo] to tell them some too-smart
shit”, meaning that some young people do not find Marčelo’s consciously and intel-
lectually charged stories (in rap slang “shit”) appealing.
Marčelo’s rap style is definitely too stylized and poetic for some listeners, and
even the socio-cultural consciousness of his texts can draw some younger audience
away, which might prefer more habitual, street-wise speech styles (personified nar-
ratives of mainly male youngsters in ghetto-like urban areas rapping on the indi-
vidualistic struggle against the challenging criminal underworld). But even though
performed identity is essential in the case of the rap artist, demand for the authentic-
ity of text substance (let us call it message here) steers the artist towards the mode of
performing in own his voice or persona. There is certainly lots of identity projection
necessary in performing this kind of cultural genre: Marčelo reveals in the interview
that during the making of the first album it was not important if the lyrics or the mu-
sic (the beat) came first. It is only later in his career that it became important to first
get the idea of what is desired, then come up with the melody, and only then to work
on the semantic part of the song (rap). He encompasses folkloric idioms as punch
lines that he can craft his lyrics around, but he admits that his idiomatic solutions
are not as suitable for memorization and recycling as, for example, phrases coined
33
A very simplified definition of freestyle rap is that it is a rap style improvised on the spot.
34
Interview 2012.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 241
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
by Belgrade rap crew, Beogradski Sindikat or the rapper Juice. Beogradski Sindikat’s
idiomatic pearl ima se, može se (the one who owns, the own who rules) and Juice’s
brate minli (my dear bro-> my deal blo) are largely used by young speakers in their
everyday communication.
In this article I have explored linguistic resources that inspire Serbian rap-
per Marčelo for linguistic styling in rapping, or in, as he calls rap “writing on the
rhythm”. I discussed two main modes of styling, lexical features incorporating slang
and idiom expressions. Styling in rap lyrics invite listeners to move away from the
fixed or expected linguistic and stylistic solutions and make them think of the end-
less solutions of developing the lexicon where anyone, anywhere can contribute. My
analyses supports the idea that performance in popular song can have significant
sociocultural effect, with its content spawning social and semiotic trends (Bell &
Gibson 2011, 559). The type of lexical solutions from Marčelo’s lyrical production
contributes to recycling of spoken language and even encourages re-working on per-
sonal linguistic performativity.
I have shown that stylization of rap language emerges out of artistic choices
made by a rapper (in those cases when she/he writes her/his own lyrics, which is the
most usual case); this type of linguistic stylization is linked to the normative and ar-
tistic use of language in a performative genre, such as rap, but also to the perception
of what kind of language is actually rap language, what kind of global (original, Af-
rican-American, or other global) and local (development of the local rap linguistic
style) influences and innovations are to be used in it etc. The expectations of what
is authentic in local rap come from a various directions: audience (fans) can judge
for themselves if there is authenticity or just illusion; artists themselves have their
own expectations of what authentic local rap means for them. The main struggle
in localized rap is in creating authentic textual and semiotic material by using the
cultural core introduced by the original culture. Thus, this struggle is provoked by
the dictations of hip hop culture (originally situated in a culture far from the “lo-
cal” cultures). These “cultural directives” can still be observed through the lenses of
currently-blurred hip hop mantra of “keeping it real”, and the habit of asserting a
street identity in hip hop culture, which can never be an authentic cultural strategy
per se in local rap (what is really “real” for/in a certain culture?). Understanding the
authenticity features in Serbian rap lyrics, can thus help us understand how the glo-
balized flows really make an impact on language (in this case) and thus contribute
to the assignment of the sociolinguistics of globalization (Blommaert 2003, 2010),
mentioned at the beginning of this article.
When Marčelo states in the interview that for him rap text is just another plat-
242 Dragana Cvetanović
form for creating his verbal visions, this also can be seen as inauthentic, although
his audience is expecting his aspirations to be real and authentic (as in the case of
his columns or novels or appearances in various media). Indigenization of hip hop
culture to a local context, in other words, initially takes place when the use of local
linguistic, cultural, and musical resources can be naturally made through the lin-
guistic and stylistic choices that express the sense of locality and identity endemic
to hip hop (Mitchell 2015, 258). This article shows that Marčelo positions himself as
a local rap rhymer with a grand local verbal force to approach local rap audiences.
Rap texts can open the doors to a spectacular linguistic laboratory: using com-
monly-known features and finding new ones make lyrics flow in a various exciting
streams. A personal rapping style is essentially what brings the rapper and his or
her audience and fans together. Stylization in rap text, according to my analysis of
Marčelo’s lyrics, occurs when there is a knowledge of the opportunities offered by
the language, and a continuous search for new and fresh ways of saying things in a
way they might ‘get wings’. Marčelo continues to be rapper that works on his lan-
guage in his rap as much as he does in his literary work. He is still unique in that
respect, but in the case of some rappers, even outside of Serbia, a similar persuasion
in lyrical rapping has been noted, for example, in Croatian rapper Fil Tilen’s lyrics
Padanje (Falling, 2013)35. In his lexical behavior, Marčelo follows the concepts of be-
ing MC (Master of Ceremony), that is, a non-understood poet who in his own case
is in search for new equations. Marčelo is, in fact, very explicit about MC’s role. He
sees himself in the continuum of Serbian rapping, but also as an innovator within
it. Over all he wants to see himself as a writer, and thus refuses to accept allegations
that his hip hop (including the lyrics) have “made hip hop more watery, nerdy and
without testosterone”. Marčelo’s hip hop is led by his needs as a poet, and that is why
he does not seem to care for the categorizations as not being a ‘real rapper’ and not
making ‘real hip hop’36. When asked if he ever feels like he is performing poetry on
the stage, he says he does, although never forgets what has made him fall for rapping:
the technical part of rap metrics, rhyming. “[Rap] is a healthy sport that would be
meaningless without the substance. I emphasize the substance without neglecting
the form. Without style, there would be no poetry on the paper. I work a lot on the
dictions, on the ways I pronounce words, intonations, and atmosphere”. Marčelo is
referring here to his audience and how he crafts his lyrics in order to suit the form of
rap and to be perceived as such by the audience, thus signing the formulas of audi-
ence design (Bell 1984, 2011) and referee design.
A rapper’s discursive construction of identity is a complex one in Marčelo’s case:
his rap identity can be (mis)guided by his writer-identity, which in this case ques-
35
A video for this song was made in Marčelo style: while the rapper is rapping, spectators see books
that he is reading and verses he presumably wrote on numerous pieces of paper attached to the walls.
36
This is a classical counter-attack known to many in various music genres.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 243
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
tions his authenticity as a member of the rap community (he is often perceived as
too intellectual for some/younger audience). His lyrical performance is a reflexive
activity, as I already mentioned on pages 4-5. Reflexivity is that quality of language
that addresses or attends to language itself (Bell & Gibson 2011: 562), thus bringing
various sorts of manipulations, exaggerations and other poetic means into language.
A rapper is styling himself linguistically, or as Bell and Gibson (ibid.) would more
promptly characterize rapper’s linguistic agency – he is pointing up the “performa-
tivity of performance and the linguisticness of language”. His styling might be seen
through the lens of “resistance vernacular(s)”, which Tony Mitchell (2000, 41-42)
refer to local and regional speech varieties used against perceived US cultural impe-
rialism in rap and hip hop, in the same way as AAE presumably functioned earlier
within American hip hop culture – as a resistance vernacular and hence empow-
ering language variety (Potter 1995). In addition, Marčelo’s stylized linguistic con-
structions can be seen as a part of his public activism (Cvetanović 2016) where civic
rights and cultural rights are seen as worth fighting for, with some help from capti-
vating rap verses. Through all these lexical strategies, a rapper can appeal to an even
wider audience than his immediate rap audience, for example, to the people who
are intrigued to hear the unheard idiomatic formulations in their native language.
Furthermore, by drawing the unconventional rap style closer to the conventionally
poetic style, a rapper is crafting a completely unique and authentic textual world of
its own.
The fact that Marčelo relies on the linguistic resources that already exist in the
language, like idioms, brings us to the idea that is often expressed in the context of
rap, especially in the analysis of rap lyrics - namely, some scholars like to see rap
lyrics as a contemporary folk oratory, or street poetry, or a coupled form of everyday
speech and lyrical expression (e.g., Mitchell 2000). I argue that from the stylistic and
lexical point of view, rap lyrics can update, in their own way, the local language use,
since language in rap lyrics is consciously and strategically37 used as the means of
constructing individual linguistic and (sub)-cultural style. The most important sim-
ilarity between the oral poetry and rap is in recycling processes, in which speakers
and readers involve, in certain metrical rules, elements of storytelling and jokes.
The language of rap lyrics is often related to the vernacular used by the youth,
or at least youth speech is implicitly or explicitly associated with the manifestations
of local hip hop (e.g., Lehtonen 2015, Westinen 2014). Furthermore, rap language
can be seen as an alluring example of verbal experimenting, showing us the end-
less possibilities of languages that speakers often use only restrictively. Referring to
Marčelo’s own words, a rap text (more than a rock text) is an ideal field for imple-
menting interest in language and the rhythm that exists in words. In his opinion, rap
text [in BMCS] is not a completely new invention either, since some Croatian poets
37
Interview 2012.
244 Dragana Cvetanović
of the 16th Century chanted their poetry by connecting syllables and crossing over
the lexical ends of the words.38
Marčelo’s rapping is inspired by the original rapping that was born under “es-
sential Bronx moment” (Forman in Alim 2009, 7) in the late 1970’s39. Marčelo thus
engages in what Alim calls immense cultural labor that artists do in order to make
this culture, which already has an origin, tradition, and history. A Serbian rapper is
not in the position to claim that he is involved in poetics that were already local as
in the Aboriginal case (Pennycook and Mitchell 2009). A rapper’s use of language
in thus indexical of multiple cultural identifications and affiliations: signaling that
his rapping is part of the global hip hop nation, but still contributing to the local,
Serbian, and trans-local for that matter (regional) scene, and making a poetic impact
to the local poetry. He wants and needs to be local (and trans-local also because of
his engagement in the region), since the language is the most important medium for
him (according to the interview). Marčelo clearly wants to expand the understand-
ing of what local hip hop rhyming can be: it can rely on the local resources without
being predictable, but rather unpredictable, surprising, and smart. He uses his own
voice and creates his own style based on the projections of his own poetic style in rap
rhyming. These rhymes are intended for his audience.
Marčelo seems to find his unique expression especially in formulaic creations.
He is strategically engaging in an authentic rhyming process, which his trans-na-
tional audience appreciate as much as anyone who enjoys a portion of good poetry
or an expressiveness in the novel. The authentication check in the case of Marčelo’s
lyrics would sure easily pass, because his artistic demand for a literary text to func-
tion also as a productive and intriguing rap text is accomplished. Rhyming rap lyrics
is not easy, but rhyming poetic rap is even less so. It is authentically rap to be true to
yourself and to verbally unbeatable. If Marčelo’s lyrics do not succeed in making rap
authentically more local, they are at least making the poetic rap genre more present
in local rap. In particular, the emotionality and expressiveness of some of his lyrics
function as a significant personal poetic signature. This signature makes an impact
on the local rap lexicon even bigger than Rakim suggested in the lines: I can take a
phrase that’s rarely heard / flip it now it’s a daily word.
38
Ibid. Another very-well established Balkan rapper Edo Maajka stated that he have chosen rap as
his musical and verbal orientation because he has lot of things to say, and in rap there is room for his
large agenda. Interview with the artist in Malmö, Sweden, November 22th 2013.
39
Interview 2012.
Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 245
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
DISCOGRAPHY:
• Marčelo
• 4, feat. Shorty, from the album De Facto 2003, Bassivity Music
• Suze (Tears), feat Edo Maajka and Nensi, from the album De Facto 2003,
Bassivity Music
• De facto, from the album De Facto 2003, Bassivity Music
• MC bez harizme, (MC without charisma), feat Urban from the album De
Facto 2003, Bassivity Music
• Senke (Shadows), feat Ministar Lingvista, from the album Puzzle Schock
2005, Multimedia records
• Uskurativna (A fucked-up song), from the album Puzzle Schock 2005, Mul-
timedia records
• Gola vera (Pure Faith), feat. X-Center from the album Puzzle Schock 2005,
Multimedia records
• Novi Vavilon (New Babylon), from the album Puzzle Schock 2005, Multime-
dia records
• Više (More), from the album Puzzle Schock 2005, Multimedia records
• Nedodjija BB (In the middle of nowhere), from the album Puzzle Schock
2005, Multimedia records
• Krasnokalipsa (feat. Kal), from the album Treća strana medalje, 2008, Mul-
timedia records
• Bube (Bugs), from the album Deca i Sunce, 2010, Multimedia records
• Erik B. and Rakim
• Follow the Leader, from the album Follow the Leader, 1988 Uni Records
• Interview with Marčelo, Belgrade, 22.5.2012
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Stylization in Action – Emerging and Recycling 249
the Serbian Rap Lexicon
Драгана Цветановић
Сажетак: Тема овог чланка су језички ресуси који инспиришу српског репера
Марчела у његовој језичкој стилизацији реп лирике или у писања на ритам, како ре-
пер сам радо назива реповање. Овај чланак се бави двама начинима језичке стили-
зације, наиме, лексичким решењима која се базирању на жаргонским изразима, те
формулаичне изјаве. Стилизација језика коју реповање пружа подразумева да се слу-
шалац одмакне од фиксираног и очекиваног језичко-стилског, а и поетског решења
и натера га да размишља о бескрајним начинима развијања лексикона у језику, где,
заправо било ко може да пружи свој прилог. Моја анализа је заснована на идеји да
перформативност текста писаног за извођење може имати значајан социокултурни
учинак, јер садржај тог текста покрива како социјалне тако и семиотске трендове
(Белл & Гибсон 2011, 559). Лексичка решења, која су изузетно заступљена у Марче-
ловој лиричкој производњи доприноси и рециклирању говорног језика а притом и
поспешује рад на личној језичкој перформативности. Концепт стила се у овом раду
анализира из две перспективе: стил у хип хоп култури, који подразумева стилизацију
локалног реп језика, личне уметничке изборе, начине смишљања правог, аутентичног,
250 Dragana Cvetanović
UDC 663.6+25](497.11)
Оригинални научни рад
Др Љубиша Б. Васиљевић1
Народни музеј Крушевац
Србија
1
ljubisa05@gmail.com (Ljubiša Vasiljević, National Museum Kruševac, Serbia)
252 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
2
Каниц 1985: 133.
3
Исто: 152.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 253
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
4
Гарашанин, Д. 1954: 94.
5
Вулић 1909: 143.
6
Гарашанин, Д. 1954: 94.
7
Исто.
8
Тодоровић, Кондић, Бирташевић 1956: 77.
9
Црнобрња 1978: 205.
10
Тодоровић 1956: 7–98.
11
Татић Ђурић 1964: 185–193.
254 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
12
Тодоровић, Кондић, Бирташевић 1956: 88, нап. 13.
13
Каниц 1985: 214.
14
Зотовић Љ. 1982/1983: 211.
15
Кондић 1971: 54–58.
16
Исто: 217–218.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 255
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
ода.17
Приликом истраживања некрополе, у оквиру рановизантијског слоја,
пронађена је остава сачињена од једанаест лунуластих наушница, повезаних
са словенским насељавањем током 10-11. века.18
У претходним редовима уверили смо се у дуготрајност и континуитет жи-
вота у Бољетину, односно античкој и византијској Сморни. Нисмо добили од-
говор на питање колики је значај за функционисање утврђења имао термални
извор, забележен од стране Каница. Вероватно је стратешки значај локације
био примаран при одабиру места за подизање каструма. Ипак, сматрамо да је
за свакодневни живот војника и свих других који су боравили у каструму или
његовој непосредној околини, лако доступни термални извор био од великог
значаја. Постојање римског купатила, готово у средишту утврђења, указује на
могућност да је у купатилу коришћена термална вода са извора. Лако је прет-
поставити да се, у том случају, развило и одређено култно поштовање према
термалним водама, стварајући такав однос и према месту где су се воде кори-
стиле, односно балнеуму. Значај култног места продужио је континуитет кроз
рановизантијску базилику и средњовековну некрополу.
Приликом обиласка простора између Салаковца (где је утврђено по-
стојање лековитих извора) и Калишта, Каниц бележи да је на више места наи-
шао на трасу старог римског пута. Траса античког друма је паралелна са дана-
шњим путем од кога је местимично удаљена до једног километра.19
Народни музеј Пожаревац, путем поклона, дошао је до случајних налаза
са локалитета Бресје у Салаковцу. Поклон садржи осам налаза из различитих
епоха – бронзана наушница са две очуване јагоде и завршетком у облику ла-
тиничног слова S, сребрна апликација срцоликог облика, део бронзаног крста
енколпиона и пет сребрних средњовековних наушница.20
Наведени оскудни подаци, наравно, не потврђују експлоатацију минерал-
ног извора у Салаковцу у античком периоду. Остаје могућност да је, евентуално,
постојање лековитог извора довело до избора локације за станицу поред антич-
ког пута, али ову претпоставку тек треба потврдити археолошким налазима.
Занимљиву забелешку за нашу тему Каниц оставља и за рушевине цркве,
смештене у близини куле, код Малог Црнића у Браничеву. Црква се налази у
горњем току реке Витовнице. Забележено је следеће: „Она стоји на обронку
Брадача, испод кречњачких висова, у једном лесном кланцу без шуме и сто-
га јако разрованом, и има прилично високе зидове од лоше повезаних глина-
стих шкриљаца и ломљеног кречњака. Сводови су се срушили, али их нико
не обнавља, јер се њеним оснивачима сматрају у народу омрзнути ‘издајник’
17
Ерцеговић Павловић 1982/1983: 227–230.
18
Исто 1969: 95.
19
Каниц 1985: 212; Гарашанин М, Гарашанин Д. 1951: 188.
20
Миловић 2007: 257–261.
256 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
Вук Бранковић и, према другом предању, исто тако неомиљен краљ Вукашин.
Основа ове црквице одговара потпуно начину градње православних црка-
ва: грчки крст с малим нартексом, полукружним бочним апсидама, на које
се наставља хорска апсида. Од основе до улаза дужина износи 12 m, највећа
ширина je 4,80 m, дебљина зида 0,75 m. Портални лук висок 3 m, од тесаних
кречњачких блокова на месту некадашње границе нартекса, потиче из новијег
времена; мала олтарска плоча почива на једном римском стубу. Главну при-
влачност за народ који се овде окупља недељом и празником представља један
извор опточен каменом, за који се верује да je не само лековит већ и чудотво-
ран. Сујеверни болесници бацају новчиће у воду; дешава се да тамо залута, као
што сам и сам видео, и понеки римски новчић”.21
Археолошка истраживања на овом месту још нису спроведена. Налази
указују на вероватноћу постојања античке грађевине, али су римски налази
могли доспети на ово место и са бројних античких локалитета у непосредном
окружењу.
На простору Медвеђе на Ресави, недалеко од Деспотовачке Бање, налазе
се остаци римског утврђења и насеља Mansio Idimum. Каниц наводи бројне
античке налазе са овог места, укључујући и „једну фину статуету Кастора”.22
Поменута фигурина Кастора, о којој не постоје ближи подаци, може бити по-
везана са поштовањем недалеких лековитих извора, будући да је реч о божан-
ству чији култ поседује и ијатрички карактер.
Мансио Идимум (Mansio Idimum) налазио се 16 миља (Појтингерова та-
бла) или 17 миља (Итинераријум Хијеросолимитанум), односно 24/26 киломе-
тара северно од Хореум Маргиja.23
У античком Идимуму подигнут је велики број грађевинских објеката.
Поједине грађевине биле су у функцији коначишта, односно државне поште, а
друге су припадале викусу насталом уз станицу и пут. На основу археолошких
истраживања, јасно се издвајају два независна дела. На северној страни (данас
локалитет Бедем) налазила се путна станица, мансио, а на јужној, локалитет
Попов чаир, развило се сеоско насеље. За нашу тему најзанимљивији је налаз
римског купатила. Купатило је подигнуто на сто метара удаљености од дана-
шњег тока реке Ресаве. Оријентисано је у правцу североисток – југозапад. Реч
је о грађевини разуђене основе, састављене од осам просторија. Објекат није
истражен у целини. На основу нумизматичких налаза купатило је датовано у
време од Константина I (вероватно око 317. године и првог рата са Лицинијем)
до 378. године, када је уништено у налету Западних Гота, заједно са читавим
мансиом, који од тада сигурно није функционисао на исти начин, мада постоје
21
Каниц 1985: 222.
22
Исто, 232.
23
Петровић В. 2007: 69.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 257
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
24
Vasić M. R, Milošević G. 2000: 45–53, 80–81; Петровић В. 2007: 69.
25
Каниц 1985: 121–122.
26
Исто: 246–248.
27
Јацановић 2013: 14.
258 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
28
Gacović 2010: 53, 65.
29
Isto; Мадас, Брмболић, Фидановски 1987: 57.
30
Каниц 1985: 366–367.
31
Јацановић 2000: 9.
32
Васиљевић М, Поповић Д. 2002: 14.
33
Каниц 1985: 366.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 259
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
34
Бошковић 1953: 25; Васић М. P. 1985: 130; Ковић 2004: 13, 15; Поповић 1983: 55.
35
Каниц 1985: 391–392.
36
Тројановић 1892: 39.
37
Vasiljević M. 1976: 163.
38
Васић М. Р. 1985: 140.
39
Бошковић 1953: 181.
260 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
40
Гарашанин М, Гарашанин Д. 1953: 11.
41
Васиљевић М, Поповић Д. 2002: 14–15.
42
Каниц 1985: 431–432.
43
Живановић 2008: 58–59, Исти 2010: 28–29.
44
Гарашанин М, Гарашанин Д. 1951: 179; Живановић 2009: 36.
45
Живановић 2009: 36–37.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 261
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
46
Васиљевић М. 1980: 211; Васић М. Р. 1985: 128.
47
Hegner, Mrđić 1996: 46–57.
48
Васиљевић 2014: 315.
49
Васиљевић М. 1980: 205–228.
50
Живановић 2009: 47.
51
Исто; Васић М. Р. 1985: 124–141; Исто 2005: 63–67.
52
Томовић 2009: 100.
262 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
„камење”.53
Иако се у Каницовом делу не наводе изричито лековити извори у Ра-
даљској бањи, навешћемо археолошке локалитете са овог простора, јер сма-
трамо да могу бити повезани са темом овог рада.
Са ушћа Радаљске реке у Дрину потиче налаз праисторијског бронзаног
мача, датованог на крај бронзаног или почетак старијег гвозденог доба.54
Локалитет Римско гробље на Пећини налази се у близини ушћа потока
Мољатовца у Дрину, на вису коме је приступ са свих страна отежан. Површин-
ски материјал састоји се од керамике, кременог и каменог алата опредељеног
у ватинску културу. У западном делу локалитета утврђено је постојање грађе-
вине кружног облика, можда средњовековне куле стражаре. На локалитету се
налази и неколико већих надгробних камених обележја.55
Испод виса Кик, надморске висине од 382 m, убележен је локалитет Мра-
морје, где се некада налазила некропола. Надгробне плоче давно су полупане
и разнете.56
У самом селу, километар западно од цркве је локалитет Селиште, смештен
на вишој обали Радаљске реке. На локалитету се налази мањи тумул, пречни-
ка 10 m, а висине 2 метра. На површини тумула формирано је мање гробље са
усађеним мањим каменим плочама. Сличне плоче констатоване су на још два
места у близини, од стране мештана називаних Римским.57
Изнад Селишта, на коси Лисина, налази се локалитет Табор. Народно пре-
дање казује да се, на овом месту, налазио табор неког цара. На терену се уоча-
вају остаци грађевинског објекта. Темељ објекта грађен је од ломљеног камена
повезаног малтером. Објекат потиче из средњег века.58
Локалитет Црквина смештен је у самом селу, између школе и цркве. На
овом месту постојало је велико гробље са каменим надгробним плочамa. Пло-
че су временом полупане и разнете. На већем делу гробља подигнуто је савре-
мено насеље. Поменућемо и да се испод виса Шаиновац налази још један ло-
калитет, познат под називом Римско гробље са већим усађеним и положеним
надгробним плочама.59
Из Радаља потиче и остава римског новца откривена приликом пољо-
привредних радова у засеоку Жарковићи, на локалитету Коса, удаљеном од
речице Моштенице око 1,5 километар. Састоји се од 249 римских денара (ко-
вања од Марка Антонија до Комода) и једне Трајанове драхме коване у Цеза-
53
Каниц 1985: 386, 396.
54
Васиљевић, М. 1967: 131.
55
Vasiljević, M. 1976: 165.
56
Isto.
57
Isto: 165–166.
58
Isto: 166.
59
Isto.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 263
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
60
Борић Брешковић, Арсенијевић 2008: 93–156; Петровић С. 2010: 126.
61
Каниц 1985: 340, 465–468.
62
Васиљевић 2014: 193.
63
Вучковић 2011: 10–11.
64
Радојчић 2011: 38–39.
65
Миливојевић 2011: 86.
264 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
66
Гарашанин, М, Гарашанин Д. 1951: 178.
67
Миливојевић В. 2011: 86–87.
68
Радојчић 1996: 224–225.
69
Миливојевић 2011: 93–94.
70
Madas 1969: 10–11.
71
Радојчић 2011: 38–39.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 265
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
72
Каниц 1985: 497.
73
Vlahović, Milošević 1971: 12–13.
74
Костић 2006: 17.
75
Арсић 2011: 204.
76
Јовановић 2012: 153–154; Васиљевић, Љ. 2008: 12–24.
266 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
77
Каниц 1985: 498.
78
Исто: 481–483.
79
Исто: 560.
80
Васиљевић 2008: 70–73.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 267
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
81
Каниц 1985: 560.
82
Вулић, Премерштајн 1900: 50–51.
83
Гарашанин, М, Гарашанин, Д. 1951: 209.
84
Зотовић, М. 1972: 4.
85
Исто: 5–7.
86
Исто: 7–9.
87
Vasić, R. 1997: 51.
268 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
88
Зотовић, Р. 1996/1997: 8.
89
Вулић 1941/1948: 246.
90
Зотовић, Р. 1989: 24, 94.
91
Ђурић 1995: 60–61.
92
Васиљевић, Љ. 2008: 70–73.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 269
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
93
Каниц 1985: 526–532.
94
Булић 2006: 58; Исти 2008: 106–107.
270 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
95
Вукадин 1980: 167–168; Радичевић 2003: 226–231; Марковић 1994: 31.
96
Каниц 1985: 543–544.
97
Тројановић 1890: 101–107; Исти 1892: 1–23.
98
Ранковић, Икодиновић 1973: 169.
99
Дмитровић 2006: 19–20; Иста 2010: 125.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 271
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
100
Ранковић, Икодиновић 1973: 158, сл. 2; Ферјанчић, Јеремић, Гојгић 2008: 67–70.
101
Каниц 1985: 568.
102
Вулић 1941/1948: 240.
103
Вулић 1909: 187–188; Исти 1941/1948: 239.
104
Вулић 1941/1948: 239.
105
Зотовић, Љ. 1968: 21.
106
Каниц 1985: 568.
272 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
107
Вулић, Премерштајн 1900: 51.
108
Васиљевић 2014: 423.
109
Вулић, Премерштајн 1900: 58; Вулић 1941−1948: 240.
110
Каниц 1985: 590–591.
111
Дмитровић 2011: 22.
112
Валтровић 1890: 85–86; Тројановић 1892: 4.
113
Васиљевић 2014: 360.
114
Ранковић, Икодиновић 1974: 178.
Археолошка сведочанства о записима Феликса Каница везаним за познавање и 273
коришћење лековитих вода у римском периоду на територији данашње Србије
115
Исто: 182.
116
Каниц 1985: 575.
117
Вулић, Премерштајн 1900: 50.
274 Љубиша Б. Васиљевић
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Ljubiša B. Vasiljević
Abstract: Felix Kanitz has left significant and irreplaceable data related to the territory
of present-day Serbia in the antique period. Part of Kanitz᾽s records refer to the knowledge
about and exploitation of the mineral springs (spas) during the Roman era. For some of
the healing sources, the author directly stated the assumption, often supported by concrete
findings, that the population of the territory of present-day Serbia in the ancient period used
to take the advantage of healing characterics of these mineral waters. The paper presents
the results of contemporary archaeological research and archaeological findings from the
Roman era recorded in the environment of mineral springs, which Kanitz recorded in the
first part of the book Serbia: country and population from the Roman period to the end of the
XIX century.
Keywords: Felix Philipp Kanitz, classical antiquity, Serbia, mineral springs, archaeolog-
ical sites, Romans, archeological artefacts
Др Драгана Катић1
Архив Војводине (Нови Сад)
Република Србија
1
dragana.c@arhivvojvodine.org.rs (Dragana Katić, Archives of Vojvodina, Novi Sad, Serbia)
280 Драгана Катић
2
Историјски архив града Новог Сада (даље у тексту ИАГНС), Ф. 1 Магистрат слободног
краљевског града Новог Сада – Нови Сад, (1748–1918), 1748–1918, бр. S, год. 1790, фасц. 37.
3
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, год. 1751.
4
Архив Војводине (даље у тексту АВ), Ф. 2 Бачко-бодрошка жупанија – Баја, Сомбор (1699–
1849), 1688–1849.434–435, 1774. март 15, Пожун, б. с.
5
АВ, Ф. 2, 49–50, 1774, јануар 17, Пожун, Г. ц. 22. II 1774, Сомбор.
6
АВ, Ф. 2, 235/3, 1790, мај 27, Г. к. 27.5.1790, Нови Сад, бр. 3.
Трговина слободног краљевског града 281
Новог Сада у 18. веку
7
АВ, Ф. 2, 118–119, 1781. април 27, Неопланта, б. с.
8
АВ, Ф. 2, 1785/95, јануар 26, Баја, фасц. 104, бр. 78.
9
АВ, Ф. 2, 806, 1785. август 16, Бач, фасц. 119.
10
АВ, Ф. 2, 807, 1785. август 17, Нови Сад, фасц. 119.
282 Драгана Катић
Све укупно чинило је 7.614 хв² калдрме.11 Поред наведених премера, жу-
панијски инжењер навео је да је опкоп око града дугачак 2400 хв, а широк је-
дан хват, као и да град има четири ђерма и четири стана за чување ђермова. Та
четири ђерма на којима су чувари наплаћивали калдрмарину у корист аренда-
тора налазила су се на Футошкој, Кисачкој, Пирошкој и Темеринској капији.
Међутим, за време куге у Срему 1795. године помиње се и пета, Прњаворска
капија, која се налазила између прве две.12
За послове калдрмисања путева у 18. веку углавном су били задужени
Цинцари. Износи који су им исплаћивани забележени су током седамдесетих
година и били су:
• 1772. године – 2491 форинта
• 1773. године – 1325 форинти
• 1774. године – 179 форинти
• 1775. године – 650 форинти
• 1776. године – 955,48 форинти
• 1777. године – 380 форинти.13
У Новом Саду у овом периоду постојало је, на основу извештаја заменика
градског судије Јохана Пољака, 1.563 куће укључујући и јеврејске, 1.660 штала,
343 воловска кола, 97 четворопрега, 34 тропрега, 38 двопрега и 183 таљиге.14
Године 1753. Магистрат је издао привремени статут од 11 тачака, којим је
једно време био регулисан живот и рад трговаца. Међутим, трговци нису били
дуго задовољни овим актом, јер су поред њих, Тиролци и становници Шлезије
јавно носили по улицама или су на обали Дунава из лађа продавали своју робу,
11
Васа Стајић, Привреда Новога Сада: 1748–1880. Из архива новосадског Магистрата, Нови
Сад 1941, 26–27.
12
Исто, 27.
13
Исто, 29.
14
АВ, Ф. 2, 161/147, 1787, октобар 5, Нови Сад, б. с.
Трговина слободног краљевског града 283
Новог Сада у 18. веку
15
В. Стајић, нав. дело, 369–375.
16
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. 18. I, год. 1765, „Статут Удружења православних трговаца у Новом Саду
одобреног и потврђеног од стране царице Марије Терезије”.
17
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. P, год. 1766, фасц. 4, „Цеховске привилегије које је царица Марија Терезија
доделила Удружењу католичких трговаца”.
18
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. L, год. 1791, фасц. 31.
19
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. M, год. 1791, фасц. 31.
20
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. A, год. 1759, фасц. 2, „Распис Намесничког већа који садржи одредбу о
284 Драгана Катић
сто кршила, што је узроковало слање низа жалби Намесничком већу од стране
једних или других.21 На основу извештаја Магистрата од 1793. године види се
да је било 71 чланова православног и 15 чланова католичког трговачког цеха.22
Јевреји су такође имали своју цеховску привилегију, што се види из при-
мера жалбе коју је Јеврејска општина упутила Магистрату, односно Намес-
ничком већу, а у којој се јеврејски трговци жале на то да су приликом прогла-
шења Новог Сада за слободни краљевски град били истерани из својих кућа
и пресељени у друге улице, због чега су осиромашили, јер нису могли да се
баве трговином. Уз извештај који је Магистрат послао на захтев Намесничког
већа достављен је и катастарски записник о продаји јеврејских кућа, у коме
се истиче да су у питању куће које су биле у лошем стању и претила је опас-
ност од пожара. Такође је наглашено да је Јеврејима дато право по цеховској
привилегији и да није тачно да су били онемогућени да тргују.23 Ромима у
Новом Саду било је дозвољено бављење занатима, од којих су најчешће били
ковачки, израда котлова, тигања, лопата и слично, али им је била стриктно
забрањена трговина коњима.24 Ова забрана проистекла је вероватно из на-
стојања власти да се искорени лутајући начин живота Рома, односно да се
населе у одређени део вароши да би се спречило њихово даље скитање.25 По-
ред тога, спорадично су се појављивале вести о крађи коња, што је довело и
до тога да им се потпуно забрани употреба коња, изузев појединцима који
су имали стално боравиште у граду и којима су служили за рад,26 што је већ
и била пракса неколико година уназад.27 Трговци османског порекла се рет-
ко помињу у документима Магистрата, изузетак су случајеви попут захтева
славонске Генералне команде у Осијеку да се турским трговцима Ачи Ману
и Омер Баши, поводом жалбе београдског паше, врати заплењена усољена
32
В. Стајић, нав. дело, 386.
33
Исто, 390.
34
Исто, 393.
Трговина слободног краљевског града 287
Новог Сада у 18. веку
35
Gašpar Ulmer, Posed Bajša, spahije i kmetovi 1751–1849, Novi Sad 1986, 16.
288 Драгана Катић
дан разлог зашто Нови Сад никада није, попут Сомбора или Суботице, био
ратарски град. Његов ограничени терен није био испарцелисан толико међу
ратаре, колико међу сточаре. Откупом њива требало је набавити новац којим
би била плаћена такса за добијање аутономије, односно за привилегију сло-
бодног краљевског града. Овај откуп се лакше могао добити од сточарских
трговаца него од малих ратара, јер о великим ратарима у 18. веку још није
могло бити говора. Дакле, значајан део ионако малог терена око Новог Сада
није био оран и на њему се није ништа сејало, и био је намењен искључиво сто-
чарству и коришћен је као ливада или пашњак. Новосадски месари и трговци
стоком били су углавном ти који су закупљивали или куповали пустаре, које
су им служиле за гајење стоке која се продавала на вашарима. Постоји попис
из 1785. године са именима Новосађана, купаца пустара. То су били: Обрад
Радонић 269¾ јутра, Петар Ференци 315¹/8, Пантелија Миланковић и брат
Мила 300, Мића и Јован Шилић 263½, Давид и Димитрије Рацковић 200, Ла-
зар и Михајло Богдановић 200, Максим Летић и браћа 172½, Мардарије Вујић
114, Јозеф Кашић 99, Ђука Булић 72, Стефан Бугарски 50¾, Јован Крњић 45¾,
Димитрије Јанковић 43, Никола Козар 33 и Стефан Станисављевић 25 вели-
ких новосадских ланаца, што укупно чини 2.304 ланца земље. Поред пустара,
за узгој стоке ради њеног даљег пласирања на вашаре, постојао је и градски
пашњак, али је његова величина зависила од Дунава који је повремено плавио
и ограничавао зелене површине и насипа који су га окруживали.36 Салаши су
такође заузимали значајно место, али из угла Магистрата они су представљали
сметњу јер нису унапређивали јавну безбедност. Због тога су власти настојале
да становнике салаша, од којих су најпознатији били Ченеј и Клиса, преселе у
град, или бар преместе и концентришу поред путева, чему су се они жестоко
противили. Било је неколико покушаја Магистрата да се салашари преселе, и
ти покушаји сежу и до прве половине 19. века, да би на крају и сам Магистрат
признао „да се салаши не могу ни концентрисати ни искоренити”.37
Долазак српског становништва у Петроварадински Шанац, по питању тр-
говине, потиснуо је у други план остале народе на простору јужне Угарске, с
обзиром на то да су се Хрвати, Мађари и Немци слабије бавили овом делат-
ношћу, а умешност новодосељених становника могла је да конкурише и трго-
винско јаким Грцима, Јерменима, Цинцарима и Јеврејима, тако да је знатан део
аустријско–турске трговине доспео у руке Срба. То се нарочито односило на
трговину стоком, о чему сведоче и поједини документи, попут тестамента из-
весног бакалина Петра Познина, који је при првом парцелисању новосадских
њива купио 42¾ ланца земље, али због количине стоке коју је гајио, то му није
било довољно, и због тога се уортачио са попом Чкором из Суботице и сена-
36
В. Стајић, нав. дело, 106–108.
37
Исто, 111–112.
Трговина слободног краљевског града 289
Новог Сада у 18. веку
38
Исто, 120.
39
Мелхиор Ердујхељи, Историја Новог Сада, Нови Сад 1894, 292.
40
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. E, год. 1762, фасц. 5.
41
АВ, Ф. 2, 588–589, 1773. септембар 2, 3, Пожун, б. с.
42
ИАГНС, Ф. 1, бр. 1238, год. 1793, фасц. 13, „Распис Намесничког већа којим се објављује
да је одобрен извоз 100 хиљада мерица жита у Шпанију, исто толико у Француску, 30000 у
Барселону, а да се за Цариград и Смирну Дунавом превезе 150 хиљада мерица жита.“; Ф. 1, бр.
1109 год. 1793, фасц. 12, „Распис Намесничког већа којим се објављује извоз жита у Шпанију
и Сардинију, као и папу”.
290 Драгана Катић
ИЗВОРИ И ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Dragana Katić
Abstract: Trade in Novi Sad since its foundation as free royal city was very dinamic i
significantly contributed to developement of the city and it’s economic, cultural, political and
other prosperity. Beside this, by issuing the eliberation charter citizens of Novi Sad gained
the opportunity to improve their financial status also throug collecting revenues from toll
bridges and cobblestones. Incomes from those revenues were used mostly for improvement
of the city infrastructure, reparation of exhisting and build new roads, embankments,
cobblestones and other activities from which trade got a new momentum. According to this,
goods of Novi Sad traders was over authorized trade companies exported outside Habsburg
Monarchy borders, like in the western European countries and Ottoman Empire.
Keywords: trade, free royal city Novi Sad, Habsburg Monarchy, infrastructure
UDC 94(540)"1857"
Оригинални научни рад
Abstract: The Revolt of 1857 was a defining moment for India. Indians suffering
from atrocities, discrimination, racism, inequality, denial of basic rights and freedom
considered the Revolt as the best chance to get rid of the Union Jack. In this hour of crisis
and extraordinary moment, Indians of different faiths, background and castes were united
in their opposition to the Colonial rule. The commons were at the forefront of the revolt for
different reasons. Many guided by personal interests combined with patriotic fervour joined
the Revolt and attained immortal fame and martyrdom. Yet, most of the aristocrats, royals,
landlords, powerful and influential people guided by narrow gains and selfish interests
proved to be the loyal foot soldier for the British Empire. This paper makes an attempt to
examine the role of the Scindia of Gwalior and Holkars of Indore during the Revolt of 1857.
As a successor of Marathas, Gwalior and Indore rulers were expected to play the role of sheet
anchor in spreading the patriotic fervour, but this did not happen.
Keywords: 1857 Revolt, Gwalior, Indore, Holkar, Scindia, Indian War of Independence,
loyals, royals
Introduction
1
azimakhtar@gmail.com (Абдул Азим Актар, СГТ Универзитет, Гургаон, Индија)
2
Gautam Gupta, 1857 The Uprising, Publications Division, Delhi, 2016.
292 Abdul Azim Akhtar
3
K. N. Panikkar, “Recalling the legacy of the 1857 Revolt”, Маy 10, 2007.
4
Ibid.
5
R. C. Majumdar, The Sepoy Mutiny and Revolt of 1857, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1957,
p. 278.
6
Panikkar, op. cit.
7
A. K. Biswas, “On 150th Anniversary of 1857 Revolt: Sepoy Mutiny and Indian Patriotism”,
Mainstream, Vol. XLVI, No. 1, 2007.
The Revolt оf 1857: 293
Focus оn Gwalior аnd Indore
Scindias of Gwalior
In Central India, Gwalior under Scindia occupied important position, after the
downfall and end of Maratha Confederacy in early 19th century. Peshwa Baji Rao
wrote to Daulat Rao Sindhia, ‘Your father Mahadaji Sindhia, agreeably to the orders
of the Sircar went to Delhi, was made a Vizier, and attained a high reputation. He
served us with heart and soul. When you became his successor, you entered into
alliance with the English; thus you govern in Hindustan, and thus you show your
gratitude. In thus serving us, it is befitting for you to put bangles on your arms, and
sit down like a woman. After my power is destroyed, is it possible that yours should
stand?᾽.8
The state of Gwalior occupied crucial strategic position during the Revolt.
Among all the Princely States in British India in the 1850s, Maharaja Jayajirao
Scindia had the chance to provide leadership and support to the rebels and icons
like Nana Saheb, the Rani of Jhansi and many others.
The author of The Memorial of Service in India writes, ‘Gwalior should in a
sense be considered as the key to India or we can say it was such a chain of India the
breakage of whose link would have brought our sure disaster. if the Gwalior ruler
breached trust with us or was controlled by the rebels, then the revolt would not have
remained a local or military revolt, it would have turned into a popular, widespread
and national revolt...this revolt would have assumed such horrible dimensions which
we cannot even imagine᾽.9
We get an in-depth account of the happenings at this time in Central India and
the blunders committed by the nationalists from Samuel Charter Macphersons. He
has very perceptively described Gwalior as ‘one link of a chain which could not have
given way in any part without ruining our power in India. If Scindia had joined the
rebellion the revolt would almost certainly have been national and general instead
of its fate being decided by those operations in the easily traversable Gangetic valley,
upon which the public attention was concentrated we should have had to face the
warlike races of Upper India combined against us the character of the rebellion
might have been changed beyond speculation᾽.10
The Gwalior contingent, which was at the centre of the revolt in the Gwalior
territory, was created in 1844 after disbanding of a major part of Scindia᾽s army.11
In addition to the Gwalior contingent, there were present in the Gwalior territory in
1857 three other bodies of troops each one of which also participated in the Revolt
8
Khushhalilal Srivastava, The Revolt of 1857 in Central India-Malva, Allied Publishers, Calcutta,
1966, p. 5.
9
Ibid.
10
Gautam Gupta, op. cit.
11
Iqtidar Alam Khan, “The Gwalior Contingent in 1857–58: A Study of the Organisation and
Ideology of the Sepoy Rebels”, Social Scientist, Vol. 26, No. 1/4 (1998): pp. 53–75.
294 Abdul Azim Akhtar
to a limited extent.12 Who were the sepoys? A British Lady, who was an eyewitness,
recalls, ‘I was astonished at the fine appearance of the sepoys whom I saw drilled and
exercised every morning. They were tall, well-made, intelligent looking men; many
of them more than six feet high. They looked a soldierly set in their gay regimentals’.13
The sepoys in this regiment were of mixed background and were also joined by a
large number of volunteer fighters on the eve of the Revolt.
From the random mention in records of Muslim names or references to some of
the sepoys joining a body of ghazis on the eve of the rebellion [...]. It goes on to show
that unlike the Bengal Army, men in Gwalior contingent were not exclusively high
caste people. at least some of them in the cavalry were known to have belonged to a
lower caste ( of the Kychees).14 A good number of recruits came from neighbouring
Oudh as reported by eyewitness, ‘Many of the Gwalior sepoys were natives of Oude,
and recruits were daily coming in’.15 A revolt at Gwalior could have created a very
difficult situation for the already endangered military position of the East India
Company᾽s government in the North-Western Province and Central India.16 And
the news reached here soon.
Major Macpherson, Political Agent in Gwalior wrote, ‘The outbreak at Jhansi
on the 7th of June 1857 brought the revolt in its most savage form from home to
Gwalior᾽.17 Even at the time of the Rebellion, the English believed that there were
no issues of the sepoys, and that the soldiers were happy in service. As eyewitness
recalls, ‘Their lines were rows of neat small houses on each side a road, planted with
trees, and kept clean by mehters. Each regiment had its separate lines and parade
ground. They are well paid and handsomely rewarded, have a chance of promotion
and of retiring on a good pension; all their fancies are humoured, and their religion
and caste are attended to: even their festival days were kept, and (so far as I saw)
their officers always treated them kindly; yet these very men were in a short time
butchering their officers in cold blood’.18 on 14 June 1857, the Gwalior based
contingent army revolted in the cantonment. The revolt at Gwalior was a logical and
inevitable result of the revolt in other parts of India.19
A powerful army of revolutionaries led by among others by Tatia Tope, Rao
Saheb Peshwa and Rani Lakshmi Bai were at Gwalior to welcome Scindia in the
12
Ibid.
13
R. M. Coopland , Lady᾽s Escape from Gwalior and Life in the Fort of Agra, during the Mutinies of
1857, Smith Elder & Co., London , 1859.
14
Iqtidar Alam Khan, op. cit.
15
R. M. Coopland , op. cit.
16
Iqtidar Alam Khan, op. cit.
17
Khushhalilal Srivastava, op. cit., p.5.
18
R. M. Coopland, op. cit.
19
Khushhalilal Srivastava, op. cit., p. 99.
The Revolt оf 1857: 295
Focus оn Gwalior аnd Indore
ranks.20 If the Gwalior Maharaja agreed to join the ranks of the rebels, the fate of the
British would have been sealed. As an eyewitness account narrates about the valour
of the sepoys, ‘The natives are too quick for us: they don᾽t wait to be shot at; and
by their knowledge of the country and quick marches, have great advantages over
us. There is little doubt that, had they been better led, we should not have regained
India so easily, for our training had made good soldiers of them. It appeared, from
documents found in the palace at Delhi, that a sort of monarchical government was
established, of a military character’.21 Even Lord Canning, the Governor General is
reported to have said that, ‘if Scindia joins the rebels I will pack off tomorrow᾽.22
But, the Scindia kept the cards close to his chest and kept the rebels guessing
about his next moves. In the opinion of the rebels, the Scindia was an ally of the
English. on the 27th May a conference of the rebel leaders was held near Gwalior to
decide their future course of action.23 But this remained a dream for the rebels and
their leaders, as the Maharaja and his advisors were busy in their game plan to save
the Empire and punish the rebels. By the end of August 1857, it appears that there
was a difference of opinion between the various sections of the rebels. 24
While the rebels were eagerly waiting for a word from the Scindia, he decided
to offer his support the British. In a letter dated May 25, 1857 The Home Secretary
to the Government of India, Sir Cecil Beadon, who rose to be the Lieutenant-
Governor of Bengal [1862–67] discloses that “The Maharajah of Scindia and other
chiefs, unsolicited, have given prompt and powerful support to the Government”.25
The Maharaja of Gwalior and his Dewan Sir Dinkar Rao were aiding the Europeans
in every way.26 It is recorded that the Maharaja and his key minister were occupied
in weakening the rebel ranks and saving the Empire in the face of biggest challenge.
It was he (Dinkar Rao) who prevented the young Maharajah from joining in
the Revolt of 1857, and thus he not only preserved Scindia᾽s independence but also
saved the cause of the English.27 The Maharaja and Dewan ensured the safety of the
British officials and soldiers. Scindia made serious efforts to save the British soldiers.
Jayaji Rao Scindia was also worried due to army revolt. He granted permission to
Macpherson also to go Agra. Scindia were strongly faithful to the Britishers. So,
they did not extend any cooperation to the rebels. Scindia quietened the rebels in
Gwalior after good counselling and reasoning and Englishmen remained safe in
20
V. D. Savarkar, The First War of Independence, Karnatak Printing Press, Bombay, 1946.
21
R. M. Coopland , op. cit.
22
R. C. Majumdar, The Sepoy Mutiny and Revolt of 1857, Firma K L Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1957,
p. 278.
23
Khushhalilal Srivastava, op. cit., p. 108.
24
Ibid, p.105.
25
A. K. Biswas, op. cit.
26
Ibid, p. 100.
27
M. W. Burway, Rajah Sir Dinkar Rao, Tatva Vivechaka Press, Bombay, 1907, p. 214.
296 Abdul Azim Akhtar
Agra. By sending the English to Agra, the Maharaja saved their life, and ensured
regular communication with the higher authorities. The Correspondence between
the Gwalior Darbar and Major Macpherson brings to light the important measures
adopted for tempting the rebels to be detained at Gwalior. They (rebels) were given
three months pay and reward in advance.28 All this was done to play safe, buy time
and wait for the reinforcements to arrive.
The Maharaja also indulged in Mock fight with his own soldiers to prove his
loyalty to the British Masters. The Scindia on the 31st of May 1857 decided to face
the rebels and at night marched with his troops to fight them...After a mock fight
the Scindia army joined hands with the rebels the Fort at Gwalior was surrendered
by its keeper.29 At this time, the Maharaja sent his special forces for the protection of
British authorities in Agra.
The Scindia had to send to Agra 300 of his own bodyguards to attend the
Lieutenant Governor and his Maratha troops and Paiga of 100 Maratha Horse to
Etawah.30 The History of Gwalior after the departure of Europeans to Agra is an
account of Scindia and his friendly policy towards the British by adopting every
means in his power to detain the rebels from crossing the Chambal for Agra until the
British Forces could rally and recpature Delhi.31 When such loyal Maharajas were
readily available, the task of dealing with native rebels was not difficult.
After providing safe passage to the English, the Maharaja and his Dewan
considered it safe to leave Gwalior and join their masters. The Sindhia accompanied
by a few companions, and later on followed by his Dewan fled to Agra.32 ‘Of His
Highness pampered favourites and boon companions not one man followed him,
while scarcely one followed the Ranis. These men almost without exception accepted
instantly from the rebels, pay, gratuities, rank and office or became perfectly intimate
with them᾽.33 The rank and file of the Maharaja officials and army joined the rebels.
On the 25th December 1857, there was a memorable meeting between the Scindia
and Major Macpherson at Agra, in which the former prayed that a British force of
sufficient strength be sent as soon as possible to re-establish the British supremacy
and to assert his authority by punishing every rebel.34 While the Maharaja failed
in this testing time, many Rajas in his area joined the rebel camps. Man Singh, the
Raja of Narwar, a Jagirdar of Gwalior, rebelled in July 1857.35 This was an excellent
example of patriotism. Few other Rajas from the area also refused to be amongst the
28
Khushhalilal Srivastava, op. cit., p. 103.
29
Ibid, p. 109.
30
Ibid, p. 101.
31
Ibid, p. 103.
32
Ibid, pp. 109–110.
33
Ibid, p. 110.
34
Ibid, p. 107.
35
Ibid, p. 119.
The Revolt оf 1857: 297
Focus оn Gwalior аnd Indore
loyalists. The Raja of Raghogarh, another jagirdar of Gwalior during the Revolt, did
not supply rations and information about the rebels when called upon to do so by
the the British.36 While some Rajas were ready to go with the rebels, the loyalty of
the Maharaja and his Dewan came in for special praise and reward from the British
Raj. Throughout the trying events of 1857–1858, Rajah Dinkar Rao᾽s devotion and
services to his masters were beyond all praise. He was in truth, the impersonation in
his own territory of loyalty to his Chief, and of order amidst the wild anarchy then
raging and which threatened to sweep away all before it; and his attachment for,
and friendly good feelings towards, the British Government and its officers, when
the power of the government was for a time at its lowest point.37 Together with his
Master, the Dewan received rewards for loyalty.
The Calcutta Gazette, on June 26, 1858, published: The Honorable Governor
General has the highest gratification in announcing that the Town and Fort of
Gwalior were conquered by Major-General Sir Hugh Rose, on the 19th instant,
after a general action, in which rebels, who had usurped the authority of Maharajah
Scindia, were totally defeated. On the 20th June, the Maharajah Scindia, attended
by the Governor General’s Agent for Central India, and Sir Hugh Rose and escorted
by British Troops was restored to the palace of his ancestors, and welcomed by his
subjects with every mark of loyalty and attachment. It was on the 1st June that the
rebels, aided by treachery of some of Maharajah Scindia’s troops, seized the Capital
of His Highness’ Kingdom and hoped to establish a new government under a
pretender in His Highness’ Territory. Eighteen days had not elapsed before they were
compelled to evacuate the Town and Fort of Gwalior and to relinquish the authority
which they had endeavoured to usurp. The promptitude and success with which the
strength of the British Government has been put forth for restoration of its faithful
Ally to the capital of his territory, and the continued presence of British Troops at
Gwalior to support His Highness in the re-establishment of his administration, offer
to all convincing proof that the British Government has the will and the power to
befriend those who, like the Maharajah Scindia, do not shrink from their obligation
or hesitate to avow their loyalty.38
Savarkar mentions about the episode in his book, ‘And so, Jayaji Rao Scindia,
coward as he was, and his minister, Dinkar Rao fled not only from the field, but from
Gwalior itself and ran to Agra’.39 Major Macpherson from the interior of the fort at
Agra, ruled the course of events at the Court of Gwalior. In the chapter Lakshmi bai,
V D Savarkar writes, ‘The Scindia declined to join the Revolutionaries marched and
captured Gwalior on June 1, 1858. Dinkar Rao, with his master fled to Agra. The
36
Ibid, p. 120.
37
M. W. Burway, op. cit., p. 228.
38
Quoted by Biswas, op. cit.
39
V. D. Savarkar, op. cit., p. 485.
298 Abdul Azim Akhtar
British recaptured Gwalior on June 19, 1858 and the Scindia was reinstated on the
throne.40
The British reserved their rewards and awards for the Gwalior and its rulers for
their loyalty during the Great Revolt. Lord Canning at Agra Darbar said, ‘Dewan
Dinkar Rao, with the concurrence of your sovereign and Master, the Maharajah of
Gwalior, I take this opportunity of testifying the appreciation by the Government
of India of the services you have rendered to His Highness and to the Paramount
Power. You will receive a confiscated estate in, or near to, the Benares Division free
of revenue in perpetuity and yielding a rental of Rs. 5000 a year. I believe that seldom
has a ruler been served in troubles times by a more faithful, fearless or able Minister
than yourself᾽.41
It was also decided that the Maharaja will be honoured beyond the boundaries
of his princely state for standing up for the British Raj and helping in crushing the
Rebellion. The Right Honorable Governor General, in order to mark his appreciation
of the Maharajah Scindia’s friendship, and his gratification at the re-establishment of
His Highness’ authority in his ancestral dominions, is placed to direct that a Royal
Salute shall be fired at every principal station in India.42
Hindi poetess Subhadra Kumari Chauhan’s popular poem “Jhansi ki Rani”,
which is in text book in many states of India and is recited often by the people during
patriotic functions, mentions the role of Scindia during the Revolt : ‘Vijay Rani Age
chal di, Kiya Gwalior par Adhikar-Angrezo ke mitr Scindhia ne Chori Rajdhani thi
(Victorious queen marched ahead and conquered Gwalior, And this forced the loyal
ruler Scindhia to run away and abandon his capital).
Thus, one of the major misfortune for the nationalists was the fact that Scindia
did not strike. He remained loyal to the British.43 The focus on the incontestable truth
that Maharaja Jiwajirao Scindia had joined the East India Company as a faithful ally
when Rani Lakshmibai fought valiantly against the British forces and died a heroic
death on the battlefield is indeed embarrassing. The Scindia’ proximity to the British
was rewarded in the Imperial Durbar in Delhi in 1877. Maharaja Jayajirao Scindia
received the rank of a general and a 21-gun salute from the British Empire.
Holkar / Indore
Holkars were another important rulers during 1857 Revolt. Holkar dynasty
was Maratha rulers of Indore in Central India. The family of peasant origin and
of shepherd caste, is said to have migrated from the Mathura region to the Deccan
40
Ibid, p. 489.
41
M. W. Burway, op. cit., pp. 215–216.
42
A. K. Biswas, op. cit.
43
Gautam Gupta, op. cit.
The Revolt оf 1857: 299
Focus оn Gwalior аnd Indore
village of Hol, or Hal, the name of which, coupled with kar (“inhabitant of ”),
became the family surname. The dynasty’s founder, Malhar Rao Holkar, rose from
peasant origins by his own ability. The Holkar family rule continued until Indian
independence in 1947.
During the Revolt of 1857, Holkar ruler was also poised to play an important
role. Takoji Rao Holkar II ‘saw on his right hand and on his left most terrible proofs
of a general rebellion against the domination of the English. The ruler and the
English official were aware of the danger and had held meeting to discuss the matter
in case of the outbreak.
In a book The Residency, Indore Dev Kumar Vasudevan, writes, ‘On the morning
of July 1, 1857 as Colonel Durand (the AGG officiating on behalf of Sir Robert Ham-
ilton) was writing a telegram for Lord Elphinstone, the Residency Kothi in Indore
was attacked by artillery guns provided by Holkar Maharaja for protection of the
Residency itself. These guns had originally been placed at the entrance to the city ba-
zaar and had been shifted at night and were now pointing at the Residency’.44 Colo-
nel Durand even anticipated the outbreak of the Revolt before the Sehore troops
could arrive at Indore. So he met the Maharaja Tukoji Rao Holkar II of Indore and
requested him to send his troops. The Maharaja promised every assistance. Given
the alarming situation at hand, the Indore ruler was ready to extend all cooperation
to the British.
The Maharaja was certainly much disturbed at the news of the revolt at Meh-
dipur, and he told Colonnel Durand who came to see him in this connection that
his own cavalry and the United Malwa Contingent of Mehdipur were as one. He
feared that his own troops would now revolt and that he had no confidence in them.
The lack of confidence in own soldiers shows that the Rebellion was the dominant
mood in the rank and file. The rebels were united in their command. By the end
of June the preparations for the revolt at Indore were complete. To test the sincerity
of the British Contingents that the Indore troops should first begin the revolt. The
organisation of the rebels was so complete and successful that it was impossible for
Colonel Travers to withstand the onslaught of the rebels. It was one of the few well
organised units during the Revolt, where unity remained one of the main challenge
for the rebels.
A prominent figure of the uprising in Indore was Saadat Khan. Vasudevan
writes, ‘First shot at the residency was fired by Holkar armyman Saadat Khan, neph-
ew of Hafizbhai, the former Bakshi or Commandant of the Risala Cavalry, using a
cannon named Fatah Mansoor, which can be seen in Indore Museum today. He had
come galloping into the Residency Area with eight companions exhorting Holkar
soldiers on duty at the Residency to kill Sahibs claiming this to be the order of the
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/indore/Total-recall-Day-when-1857-uprising-reached-
44
Mhow/articleshowprint/47907151.cms
300 Abdul Azim Akhtar
Maharaja᾽. The British finally entered Indore, which was in a sense left abandoned
on the day of the rebellion, on December 15, 1857.
The popularity of the rebels and their leaders is illustrated with the treatment of
the rebel leader. The Maharaja got him (Saadat Khan) arrested and detained him in
the Palace, but subsequently released him on the same day on his promising to exert
his influence to bring the rebels under control and stop the revolt.45
The retreat, escape of large number of British officers emboldened the will of the
rebels. The news of Colonel Durand᾽s retreat spread like wild fire and served as a
signal for several other British officials in Malwa to flee from their posts. This created
an impression on the public mind that the authority of the company’s government
had ended.46
Now, the ruler decided to take the rebels head on. After the news of the retreat
of Colonel Durand and his party, His Highness, realising the gravity of the situation,
hastily summoned a council at Indore Palace, and it was agreed there that Bhau Sa-
hib Reshimwale should be directed to cope with the situation created by the rebels.47
In the operation, the Maharaja directed all his strength to crush the rebellion.
A total of 24 soldiers were martyred during the uprising in Indore, with five
of them were sentenced to death. Saadat Khan, was finally captured by the British
17 years later in 1874. He was executed by hanging to death. The Banyan tree from
which he was hanged still stands in the compound of the Residency and a small
memorial has been built at that spot. The valour and chivalry of the rebels became
folklore in the region for the generations.
Despite his loyalty to the British, some officials were doubtful of the loyalty of
the Indore Maharaja to the British Empire. It was believed that he was playing a dan-
gerous double game, and could swim either given the circumstances. Many British
authorities have held the view that the Maharaja had directly or indirectly a hand in
the Revolt.
However, the mutiny of the Bengal army in 1857 exposed many weaknesses of
the army. This resulted in its complete change and reorganisation.48 The change in
the organisation is obvious in the composition of Indian Army, which continues to
deny exclusive regiments to some sections on the basis of castes and community, yet
continues to have regiments such as Sikh (community), and Jat (caste). In the Revolt
of 1857, several Indian rulers and landed aristocracy could not rise above the narrow
selfish interests of their own and their families.49 This proved that the patriotism was
not the first priority for many rulers and loyalists.
45
Khushhalilal Srivastava, op. cit., p. 126.
46
Ibid, p. 129.
47
Ibid, p, 130.
48
Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi, “‘Punjabisation᾽ in the British Indian Army 1857–1947 and
the Advent of Military Rule in Pakistan”, Edinburgh Papers In South Asian Studies, no. 24 (2010): p. 1.
49
Khushhalilal Srivastava, op. cit., p. 242–243.
The Revolt оf 1857: 301
Focus оn Gwalior аnd Indore
Glossary
LITERATURE:
• Rana, Bhawan Singh. Rani of Jhansi. Diamond Pocket Books, New Delhi,
2016.
• Srivastava, Khushhalilal. The Revolt of 1857 in Central India-Malva. Allied
Publishers, Calcutta, 1966.
• Syed Hussain Shaheed Soherwordi, ‘Punjabisation’ in the British Indian
Army 1857–1947 and the Advent of Military Rule in Pakistan, Edinburgh
Papers In South Asian Studies Number 24 (2010).
• Majumdar, R. C. The Sepoy Mutiny and Revolt of 1857. Firma K. L. Muk-
hopadhyay, Calcutta, 1957.
• Biswas, A. K. “On 150th Anniversary of 1857 Revolt: Sepoy Mutiny and In-
dian Patriotism”. Mainstream, Vol. XLVI, No. 1 (2007).
• Khan, Iqtidar Alam. “The Gwalior Contingent in 1857–58: A Study of the
Organisation and Ideology of the Sepoy Rebels”. Social Scientist, Vol. 26, No.
1/4 (1998): 53–75.
• Savarkar, V. D. The First War of Independence. Karnatak Printing Press, Bom-
bay, 1946.
• Gupta, Gautam. 1857 The Uprising. Publications Division, Delhi, 2016.
• Coopland, R. M. Lady᾽s Escape from Gwalior and Life in the Fort of Agra,
during the Mutinies of 1857. Smith Elder & Co., London, 1859.
• Burway, M. W. Rajah Sir Dinkar Rao. Tatva Vivechaka Press, Bombay, 1907.
302 Abdul Azim Akhtar
УПУТСТВО АУТОРИМА ЗА
ПРИПРЕМУ РУКОПИСА ЗА ШТАМПУ
11. Кључне речи: Број кључних речи не може бити већи од 10. Кључне
речи дају се на оном језику на којем је написан апстракт. У чланку се дају не-
посредно након апстракта.
[Техничке пропозиције за уређење: формат – фонт: Times New Roman, Normal; вели-
чина фонта: 10; први ред – увучен аутоматски (Col 1).]
12. Претходне верзије рада: Ако је чланак био изложен на скупу у виду
усменог саопштења (под истим или сличним насловом), податак о томе треба
да буде наведен у посебној напомени, при дну прве стране чланка. Не може се
објавити рад који је већ објављен у неком часопису: ни под сличним насло-
вом нити у измењеном облику.
13. Навођење (цитирање) у фуснотама: Начин позивања на изворе у
оквиру чланка мора бити консеквентан од почетка до краја текста.
[Техничке пропозиције за уређење: формат – Footnote Text; први ред – увучен ауто-
матски (Col 1); величина фонта – 10; нумерација – арапске цифре.]
14. Илустрације: Илустрације које се прилажу уз рад морају бити адек-
ватно скениране (јасно читљивог текста, уколико га има). Свака илустрација
мора бити означена бројем, мора да има легенду и назначено место унутар
текста где ће се наћи. Формат илустрације може бити: bmp, jpg или tiff (300
pixels/inch). Свака илустрација би требало да буде послата у засебној датоте-
ци.
15. Табеларни и графички прикази: Табеларни и графички прикази тре-
ба да буду дати на једнообразан начин, у складу с лингвистичким стандардом
опремања текста.
16. Листа референци (литература): Цитирана литература обухвата по
правилу библиографске изворе (чланке, монографије и сл.) и даје се искључи-
во у засебном одељку чланка, у виду листе референци. Литература се наводи
на крају рада, пре резимеа. Референце се наводе на доследан начин, азбучним
односно абецедним редоследом. Ако се више библиографских јединица одно-
се на истог аутора, оне се хронолошки постављају. Референце се не преводе на
језик рада. Саставни делови референци (ауторска имена, наслов рада, извор
итд.) наводе се на следећи начин:
[за књигу]
Јелић 2001: Војислав Јелић, Античка и српска реторика, Београд: Чигоја штампа.
[за чланак]
Милутиновић 2009: Зоран Новаковић, „Жанр – појам, историја, теорија”, Ниш:
Philologia Mediana, год. 1, бр. 1, 11-37.
[за прилог у зборнику]
Радуловић 2009: Милан Радуловић, „Философски извори Пекићеве књижевности”, у:
Петар Пијановић и Александар Јерков (ур.), Поетика Борислава Пекића, Београд: Служ-
бени гласник – Институт за књижевности и уметност, 57-72.
305
Уредништво
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