Leges Et Ivra P. R. Restitvit. A New Aureus of Octavian and The Settlement of 28-27 BC - J.W. Rich and J.H. C. Williams (The Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. 159, 1999) PDF

Royal Numismatic Society
Leges et Ivra P. R. Restitvit: A New Aureus of Octavian and the Settlement of 28-27 BC
Author(s): J. W. RICH and J. H. C. WILLIAMS
Source: The Numismatic Chronicle (1966-), Vol. 159 (1999), pp. 169-213
Published by: Royal Numismatic Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42668496 .
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Leges
A
New
et
P.
Ivra
Aureus
Settlement
of
R.
Restitvit
and
Octavian
of
28-27
:
the
bc
J.W.RICH ANDJ.H. C. WILLIAMS1

[plates 20-21]
Aureus
: 7-95g
- DIVI-F-COS-V1
Obv.:
IMP-CAESAR
LaureateheadofOctavianr.
ET IVRA PR- RESTITVIT

LEGES
Rev. :
sella
curulis
left
on
seated
, holdingout scrollin right
Octavian,togate,
to
left.
on
scrinium
hand;
ground
Such in briefis thenumismaticdescriptionof an importantnewacquisition
by theDepartmentof Coins & Medals in theBritishMuseum (Pl. 20, l).2 It
is the firstspecimenof a previouslyunknownissue of aurei in the name of
political
Octavian,dated to his sixthconsulship,28 bc, a yearof significant
change with regard to his public position and image. This coin is of
as a new piece of evidenceforthiscrucialperiodin
outstandingsignificance
of the Augustanprincipte.It is the aim of thispaper to
theestablishment
illustratethe importanceof this new coin, by discussingthe noteworthy
featuresof its legends and iconography,and to show how it affectsthe
of thepoliticalchangesthatoccurredafterthebattle
historicalinterpretation
of 28-27 bc.
of Actiumin 31 and in particularthe settlement
1 Hereafter,
in
Coins
BMC= H. Mattingly,
otherwise
unless
indicated,
Empire
oftheRoman
and
with
toVitellius
Museum
theBritish
London,
revisions,
1976),
, vol.1,Augustus
(reprinted
31bctoad69(revised
Roman
RIC= C. H. V.Sutherland,
edn.,
, vol.1,From
Coinage
Imperial
Weare
stated.
otherwise
nos.unless
istoAugustus
reference
London,
1984).Forbothvolumes
and
Meadows
Andrew
Robert
Michael
toAndrew
Gurval,
Crawford,
Burnett,
very
grateful
attheKoninklijk
inseminars
andalsotoparticipants
Leiden,
Penningkabinet,
Millar,
Fergus
drafts
ofthispaper.
onearlier
comments
fortheir
ofNottingham
andtheUniversity
2 British
assistance
with
thegenerous
number
CM 1995.4-1.1,
Museum
accession
purchased
ArsClassicaauction
inNumismatica
Thecoinwasfirst
ofProf.M. H. Crawford.
published
ofitstwosidesappearonthe
5 (25February
1992),lot400.Colourenlargements
catalogue
discussion
Statutes
ofM. H. Crawford
1996).Fora brief
(2 vols,London,
(ed.),Roman
jacket
andthePrincipte
seeW.K. Lacey,Augustus
ofitshistorical
1996),
(London,
implications
andCoinage
inD. Sear,TheHistory
Imperators:
oftheRoman
p.85.Thecoinisnotincluded
49-27bc(London,
1998).

170
J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

AUTHENTICITY
AND CONTEXT
The appearance of a unique and hithertounknown coin bearing so

dramaticallyon one of the most importanteventsin Roman historymay
ofthecoin has indeedbeen
seemalmosttoo good to be true.The authenticity
R.
but
his
have
littlecogency.3Thereare
Martini,
by
arguments
challenged
in fact no valid reasons for doubting the coin's genuineness.Its very
uniqueness tells in its favour. Forgers typicallydraw on and redeploy
featuresof the knowncoinage, but the reverseof the aureus is unlikeany
otherknownAugustancoin type.Yet, as thisdiscussionwillshow,thecoin
numismaticand politicalcontextand helpsus
fitswellintothecontemporary
we alreadypossessed. Not even a
to make bettersense of the information
such
a feat.
of
could
have
achieved
forger genius
Examinationof the compositionand fabricof the coin corroboratesits
genuineness.Its weightis comparable to that of otheraurei of the years
around28 bc, whose weightis in theapproximaterange7*75-8-00g.4Metal
ResearchusingXanalysisbytheBritishMuseum'sDepartmentof Scientific
has
shown
that
the
content
is extremely
fluorescence
ray
spectroscopy
gold
that
of
other
analysedAugustanaurei.5Thereis
highand closelysimilarto
a convincingdegreeof wear on the obversearound the templesof the bust
and on the most prominentlocks of hair,whilethe generalappearance of
both sides shows thatthecoin has seen circulation.Microscopicanalysisof
the surfacerevealedno signsof modernmanufactureor alteration.
A rangeof gold and silverissueswas struckforOctavian/Augustusin the
periodfromthelate 30s to 27 bc (Table 1). We mustnow seek to determine
the place of the new aureus in thispatternof coin production.
3 R. Martini,
'Noteincalceadunafalsaemissione
aureadiOctavianus
recentemente
apparsa
5 (1992),pp.94-5,and'Nuovanotaa
Annotazioni
Numismatische
sulmercato
antiquario',
Annotazioni
21(1996),
dell'"aureo"diOctavianus',
Numismatische
conferma
dellafalsifit
pp.
isdefended
Martini
'Die antike
465-7.Theaureus'
against
byH.-M.vonKaenel,
genuineness
44 (1994),pp.1-11,atp.2. Martini's
Mnzbltter
Numismatik
undihrMaterial',
Schweizer
there
isnoneed
isthatthelegend
makes
nomention
ofthesenate.
However,
objection
principal
oftheRoman
ina legend
therestoration
fora reference
tothesenate
commemorating
people's
VINDEX
with
ISP(OPVLI)
as LIBERTAT
Octavian
lawsandrights.
R(OMANI)
appears
Similarly,
with
were
minted
oncistophori
aswillbeargued
nomention
ofthesenate
which,
below,
together
ofthecoinhave
180ff.
Visualexaminations
thenewaureus
pp.173ff.,
(RIC476).Seefurther
whohave
Michael
Crawford
andJohn
Andrew
beenconducted
Kent,
Burnett,
Bland,
byRoger
itsauthenticity.
allconfirmed
4 M. vonBahrfeldt,
undunter
whrend
derRepublik
Die rmische
Goldmnzenprgung
'Octavian's
184-5;C. H. V. Sutherland,
goldandsilver
(Halle,1923),pp. 107-16,
Augustus
atpp.134,140.
from
c.32to27bc',QT 5 (1976),
pp.129-57,
coinage
5 Thegoldcontent
thatofbothBMC657
wasfound
tobe99-8
ofthenewaureus
%, while
wasfound
tobe
were
forcomparison,
analysed
(= RIC277)andBMC679(= RIC522),which
orcorrosion.
without
removal
ofpatina
were
madeonunprepared
99-6
%. Theanalyses
samples
Wearegrateful
toMr.M.
butnevertheless
indicative.
Theresults
arethusonlyapproximate,
forthisinformation.
Cowell

A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

Table
171
The gold and silvercoinageof Octavian/

Augustus,c.34-27 bc
RIC
Aug.
Denom.
Obv.
Rev.
Date
250-63 Au/D
No legend;
headofOctavianCAESAR
F (r.),or c.34-28
(1.),DIVI-DIVIFinexergue;
(bare)orbustofa goddess CAESAR
onprow)
various
(263: Victory
types
264-74 Au/D No legend;
headofOctavianIMPCAESAR;
various
types c.34-28
ofa god (274:IMPonobv.)
(bare)orhead/bust
orgoddess
on
(264:Victory
prow)
- SAR
D
543
No legend;
Octavian
Before
27
head, IMPabove,CAE
bare
DIVIFbelowshield
around,
276
IMPon 30-25
VII;Octavian ASIARECEPTA;
Quin CAESAR
Victory
cistamystica
between
two
head,bare
snakes
476
Cist
IMPCAESARDIVI-F-COS PAX;Paxholding
caduceus 28
VILIBERTATIS
PR
andstanding
onparazonhead
from
VINDEX;
Octavian,
ium;snakeemerging
laur.
cistamystica;
allin
laurel-wreath
275
D
CAESAR
COSVI; Octavian AEGVPTO
CAPTA
; crocodile28
behind
head,bare,lituus
545
D
CAESARDIVIF COS-VI;
AEGVPTO
crocodile28
CAPTA;
Octavian
head,bare,
below
capricorn
544
Au
CAESARDIVIFCOS-VII;
AEGVPT
crocodile 27
CAPTA;
head,bare,
Augustus
below
capricorn
277
Au
CAESAR.
COS-VII
AVGVSTVS
aboveeagle,
27
CIVIBVS-SERV
oakwreath
flanked
ATEIS;
holding
branches
head,bare
Augustus
byS-C,twolaurel
behind
The two largeseriesof aurei and denariiwiththereverselegendsCAESAR
DIVI F ( RIC 250-63) and IMPCAESAR( RIC 264-74) sharesome dies and so
mustcome fromthe same mint,but both its location and the date of the
issueshave been disputed.Kraftmaintainedthatall thesecoins wereissued
afterOctavian'striumphin 29.6However,mostscholarsnow hold thatthey
began to be produced beforehis victoriesover Antonyand Cleopatra: it
seemsimprobablethathe wouldhave issuedno newcoinageto fundthiswar,
and some of the typesmay be interpretedas commemoratinghis earlier
victoryover SextusPompeius.7If thisis right,theseseriescannothave been
6 K.Kraft,
ZurMnzprgung
desAugustus
(Wiesbaden,
1969),pp. 5-25(= Gesammelte
zurantiken
undNumismatik
Aufstze
Geldgeschichte
, vol.1 (Darmstadt,
1978),
pp.292-311).
Seeespecially
M. H. Crawford,
JRS 64(1974),
ThePower
pp.246-7;P. Zanker,
ofImages
intheAgeofAugustus
'Die Mnzprgung
(AnnArbor,
1988),
pp.40-2,53-7;D. Mannsperger,

172
producedin the East, as earlierwriterssupposed,and mustbe theworkof

an Italian mint,perhapsRome itself.On theseseriesOctavian is celebrated
above all as thevictoriousmilitaryleader. Some of the reversetypesallude
to specifichonours and achievements,but these are not elucidatedin the
standardizedlegends.Octavian keeps exalted companyhere: many of the
coins in both seriesshow Octavian on one side and a divinityon the other,
and severalcoins are paired, with a coin showingthe head or bust of a
divinityon the obverseand a full-length
figureof Octavian on the reverse
matchedbyanotherwitha head of Octavianon theobverseand thegod fulllengthon the reverse.On several of these coins, particularlyin the IMP
CAESAR series,Octavian is assimilatedto a divinity,withthe god's image
being given his features.Thus the bust on the obverse of RIC 271-2 is
probablyApollo withthefeaturesof Octavian,and thehermon theobverse
of RIC 270 (PL 20, 2) and reverseof RIC 269 shows him as Jupiter,with
accompanyingthunderbolt.8
The scarce denariiwhose reverseshave the legend IMP CAESAR DIVI F
arounda shield(RIC 543) may also date to thisperiod,but could be earlier.
Octavian's name is theregivenin its fullpre-27form,as on his coinage of
37-36 (RRC 537-8, 540).
Various aurei, denarii and quinarii are dated by theirobverse legends
eitherbytheseventhimperatorialsalutationof Octavian/Augustusor to his
sixthor seventhconsulship( RIC 275-7, 544-5).9 These issues too are of
uncertainorigin.Sutherlandascribedsome to the same Italian mintas the
CAESARDIVI F and IMPCAESAR series( RIC 275-7) and declaredthemint
of theremainderas uncertain(RIC 544-5). Othershave ascribedthemall to
desAugustus',
inG. Binder
at
,vol.3 (Darmstadt,
(ed.),Saeculum
Augustum
1991),
pp.348-99,
Actium
andAugustus
; R.A. Gurval,
1995),
pp.363-75
(AnnArbor,
pp.47-65; Sear,Imperators
inKaiser
isdefended
unddieverlorene
(n.2),pp.240-1.Kraft's
byW.Trillmich,
Augustus
dating
1.There
isnogoodreason
todatetheIMPCAESAR
series
(Berlin,
1988),
Republik
pp.507,510-1
later
thantheCAESAR
DIVIFseries,
with
'Octavian's
and
Sutherland,
goldandsilver
coinage',
assumed
thepraenomen
RIC, pp.30-1.Dio'sstatement
thatOctavian
(52.41.3-4)
'Imperator'
thatOctavian's
to the
in 29 is probably
an error.
Evenif Sutherland
werecorrect
right
wasformally
confirmed
inthatyear,
thiswouldhavenobearing
onthechronology
praenomen
ofthecoinage,
sinceOctavian
haduseditonhiscoinage
since38(RRC534,537-8,540).
8 Ondivine
intheseseries
theworks
assimilation
citedinthepreceding
see,besides
notes,
withA.M.
R.Albert,
Das BilddesAugustus
1981),
aufdenfrhen
Reichsprgungen
(Speyer,
55(1983),pp.563-5;J.Pollini,
'Manorgod:divine
assimilation
Burnett's
Gnomon
review,
in thelateRepublic
andearlyEmpire',
in K. Raaflaub
andM.Toher(eds),
andimitation
Los
andEmpire:
andhisPrincipte
Between
(Berkeley,
Interpretations
ofAugustus
Republic
do.334-63,
atoo. 349-50.
Angeles.
Oxford,
1990),
9 There
IMPCAESAR
DIVIFAVGVST
isalsoa unique
four-aureus
obverse
legend
piecewith
CAPTA(RIC 546),butitsauthenticity
is widely
COS VII, andreverse
AEGVPTO
legend
'I medaglioni
d'orodiAugusto',
AHN15(1968),
doubted:
seeG. Gorini,
especially
pp.39-61,
Dio 51.25.2)
forthe
seventh
conferred
ForOctavian's
salutation,
imperatorial
pp.54ff.
' Die (despite Akklamationen
ofAlexandria
on1August
30,seeL. Schumacher,
imperatorischen
capture
derTriumvira
unddieAuspicia
desAugustus',
Historia
34(1985),
atpp.209-12;
pp.191-222,
andthespoliaopima'Chiron
J.W.Rich,'Augustus
26(1996),pp.85-127,
atpp.95-7.

173
the East.10These coins commemoratespecificachievementsof Octavian/

Augustus,not onlyby theirreversetypesbut also by explicitlegends.Most
celebratethe conquest of Egyptor recoveryof Asia throughthe defeatof
Antonyand Cleopatra. However,one issue of aurei, dated to his seventh
consulshipin 27 bc ( RIC 277, Pl. 20, 3), is an immediatecelebrationof the
honoursconferredin Januaryof thatyearfollowingthepoliticalsettlement
of 28-27. Its reversefeaturesthename Augustus,thelaurelbrancheswhich
wereto flankthedoor ofhishouse and theoak crownwhichwas to be placed
above it, accompaniedby thelettersSC, indicatingthatthesewerehonours
conferredby a sentusconsultum.
The words CIVIBUSSERVATEIS included
in theobverselegendallude to theexplicitreasonforthegrantof thecrown:
theoak or civiccrownwas a military
distinction
grantedto a soldierwho had
saved thelifeofa fellow-citizen,
references
and thefrequent
and bothliterary
in
of
the
crown
the
later
show
that
the crown over
depictions
coinage
Augustus'door was accompaniedby an inscriptionbearingthe words OB
CIVIS SERVATOS ('for savingcitizens').11
The characterof thetypesand legendsof thesedated issuesand especially
theabsenceoftheovertassociationof Octavianwithdivinities,
whichwas so
markedon theCAESARDIVI F and IMPCAESAR series,may reflectthenew
mood of the post-waryears 29-27, in which,as will be discussed below,
was seekingto makeitappear thattraditionalrepublican
Octavian/Augustus
wayswerebeingrestoredand to givehis own supremacya republicanguise.
However,divineassociationswere not whollyabsent,merelymore subtle:
thename Augustushad a more thanhumanaura, and on RIC 277 the oak
wreathis carriedby Jupiter'seagle.12
In additionto the Roman denominationsof the period,a large issue of
was struckforOctavian at a mintin the province
cistophorictetradrachms
of Asia, perhaps at Ephesus (PL 20, 4). 13 Some traditionalfeaturesof
cistophori,as firstestablishedunder the Pergamenekingsand maintained
underRome, stilloccuron thisissue,notablythecistamysticawithitssnake.
However,in otherrespectsthe typesand legendsare Roman in character.
Octavian'snameand titulature
is givenin extendedformulation:thefullpre10E.g.
desmonnaies
romain
deVempire
BMC,pp.105-7;J.-B.
,
Giard,
Mattingly,
Catalogue
vol.1,Auguste
issueswiththecrocodile
reverse
andthe
(Paris,1976),
pp.41-4.Thevarious
CAPTA
comefrom
thesamemint,
legend
AEGVPT(O)
surely
paceSutherland.
11Ovid,
Trist.
Val.Max.2.8.7;RIC29-30,
3.1.47-8;
40,75-9,323,419,549,etc.Ingeneral
onthehonours
of27seeRG34.2(cited
Power
below,
,pp.89-100;
p. 190-1);Zanker,
ofImages
J.W.Rich,
Cassius
Dio, TheAugustan
Settlement
{Roman
History
53-55.9)
(Warminster,
1990),
references.
On theciviccrown
as a reward
forAugustus
andother
pp. 148-9,withfurther
saviours
seeA.Alfldi,
Der Vater
desVaterlandes
imrmischen
Denken
(Darmstadt,
1971),
S. Weinstock,
DivusJulius
163-74.
pp.
46-79;
(Oxford,
1971),
pp.
12Forthe
associations
ofthenameAugustus
seeOvid,Fasti1.607-12;
Suet.
supra-human
7.2;Floras4.12.66;Dio 53.16.8.
Aug.
13RIC
476= RPC2203= C. H. V.Sutherland,
TheCistophori
ofAugustus
(London,
1970),
GroupI (nos.1-72;pls.1-2,15-17).

174
27 formof thename,IMPCAESARDIVI F,is followedby COS VI, datingthe

coins to 28. These coins celebratetheendingof thewar againstAntonyand
of Peace on the reverseand by the
Cleopatra both by the personification
remarkablephraseLIBERTAT1S
P(OPVLI)R(OMANI) VINDEX('champion of
the libertyof the Roman people'), appended to the obverselegend,which
will be discussed furtherbelow. Although the heads of divinitieswith
Octavian's featuresin the IMP CAESAR series(RIC 270-2; PL 00, 2) wear
laurelwreaths,thesecistophoriare thefirstcoins to portrayOctavianin his
own personwearingsuch a wreath.Octavian had been grantedthe rightto
wear a laurelwreathsome yearsearlier,but its appearancehereforthefirst
time on the coinage suggestsa specificreferenceto the triple triumph
celebratedby Octavian on 13-15 August of the previousyear.14
Both thewreathedhead and otherfeaturesof thePAXcistophoriecho and
make a riposteto two large issues of cistophoristruckforAntonyin c.39.
One of theseshowsAntonyon theobversand Octavia on thereverse(RPC
2201; PL 20, 5), whiletheotherhas a double portraitofAntonyand Octavia
on the obverse (RPC 2202; Pl. 20, 6); on both the traditionalDionysiac
featuresofcistophorihave beenelaboratedin honourofthe'new Dionysus'.
Octavian's head on the obverseof the PAX cistophoriis whollysurrounded
by an extendedlegend,as Antony'shad been, but, whereasmost of the
Antonianlegendwas takenup by his designateconsulships,theirplace on
Octavian'sissueis takenbythephrasecelebratinghisdefeatof theAntonian
threat.The long-robedDionysus on the reverseof the double-portrait
Antoniancistophoriis replacedbyOctavian'slong-robedPax. The Dionysiac
whichhad been a traditionalcistophoricfeaturewas used as an
ivy-wreath
cistophori.This
encirclingborderon theobverseof Antony'ssingle-portrait
is echoed by theencirclingwreathon the reverseof thePAX cistophori,but
that wreath is composed not of ivy but of laurel, emblematicboth of
Octavian's victoryand of Apollo, associated with the victorythroughhis
withtieActiumtemple.On bothhis cistophoriAntonywearsan ivy-wreath
ribbons.Octavian too wears such a wreath,not of ivybut of laurel.15
witha denariusin the
The new aureushas one pointof strikingsimilarity
IMPCAESARseries: on thereverseof RIC 270 (Pl. 20, 2) Octavianis shown
togateand seatedon a curulechairin a pose verylike thaton thereverseof
our aureus. However,its closestaffinity
by faris neitherwiththisdenarius
14Forthedateofthetriumph
seeInscr.
Ital.vol.13.1,pp.345,570(= EJ,p. 50).Octavian
in40andtheright
crown
towearthelaurel
as a triumphator
thesamerights
hadbeendecreed
in36(Dio 48.16.1,
towearitatalltimes
49.15.1).
15SeeSutherland,
Dionysos.
, pp.88-9,112;D. Mannsperger,
'Apollongegen
Cistophori
80(1973),
RollealsVindex
zuOktavians
Numismatische
Libertatis',
pp.
Gymnasium
Beitrge
with
discussion
ofOctavian/
Fora sceptical
381-404.
relationship
ApolloseeGurval,
Augustus'
andAugustus
Actium
(n.7).

175
norwiththeAEGVPTOCAPTA denariiwhichshareitsdatingto 28 (RIC 275,

16
545), but withthe PAX cistophoriof the same year (PL 20, 4).
On the aureus as on the PAX cistophoriOctavian's name and titulature
whichoccursnowhere
appearsas IMPCAESARDIVI F COS VI, a formulation
featurewhichthe
Another
Table
the
of
in
the
else
1).
period (see
coinage
themfromall the
which
and
the
aureusshareswith
distinguishes
cistophori
is shownwearing
Octavian
is
that
issues
otherapproximately
contemporary
same
is
of
the
a laurel-wreath.
Moreover,thewreath
type,withtie-ribbons,
wornby
the
echoes
whichon thecistophori,as was notedabove,
ivy-wreath
of
similarityis the
Antony on his cistophori.17Another notable point
on thecistophoriin thecontinuationof
unusuallyexplicitpoliticalreference,
ATIS P R VINDEX)and on theaureusin thereverse
theobverselegend(LIBERT
legend. Furtherdistinctivefeaturesmay be observed in the portrayalof
Octavian's head on the aureus and on the PAX cistophori,which,like the
laurelwreath,markthemout bothfromotherissuesof thesame periodand
and the hair
fromlatercistophori.On both the neck is ratherstrangulated,
around the nape of the neck is showncurlinground in six, simpleinwardcurvinglines projectingout from under the wreath-tiebehind the ear.
issues the head extendsup to the fieldWhereason all othercontemporary
as
on
on
small,leaving
these,
border,
Antony'scistophori,itis comparatively
a gap betweenthe top of the head and the beaded border,filledon the
cistophoriby the continuationof the legend.
betweenthe new aureus
The cumulativeforceof thesevarious affinities
and the PAX cistophorimustput it beyonddoubt thattheywereproduced
at the same Asian mint.This is not the onlyinstanceof joint
concurrently
and local coinage in the East. The practiceprobably
Roman
of
striking
under
Antony:aurei and denariiwereissued in his name in the East
began
at about thesame timeas thecistophoridiscussedabove, and it seemslikely
thattheaureiand denariiRRC 527-8 wereproducedat thesame mintas the
cistophori,probablyEphesus.18Jointstrikingoccurredagain c. 19 bc, when
16Thisaffinity
nn.
andbyMartini
auction
intheoriginal
noted
wasalready
(above,
catalogue
2-3).
diesonthePAXcistophori
vanesbetween
Thelength
ofthetie-nbbons
(seeSutherland,
shoulders
toOctavian's
extend
(e.g.BMC691),buton
Cistophori,
pls.1-2):onsomediesthey
Octavian
asontheaureus.
areshorter,
onourplate,
illustrated
suchasthespecimen
they
others,
a cameo,
British
Museum
recent
onanother
laureate
alsoappears
(GR1996.6-12.1):
acquisition
himfullwhich
shows
ofOctavian's
inthedevelopment
portrait-style,
early
belonging
probably
manner.
ForthisseeW.-R.
inthesacrificial
andcovered
face,withhisheadbothwreathed
no.A27,pl.
Severus
bisAlexander
vonAugustus
Kameen
1987),pp.169-70,
(Berlin,
Megow,
26 (1996),pp.
Museum
British
ofAugustus',
'A cameoportrait
Magazine
22.4;S. Walker,
forthisinformation.)
toSusanWalker
18-19.(Wearegrateful
18SeeRFC,pp.368,377,noting
ofOctaviaon the
between
theportraits
thesimilarities
andanEphesus
Antonian
RRC527,thesingle-portrait
Antonian
aureus
(RPC2201),
cistophori
the
inAsiamayhavetaken
atRPC, p.368,aureiminted
bronze
{RPC2574).Asis suggested
for
issuesofgoldearlier
cities,
chiefly
Ephesus,
byvarious
produced
placeoftheoccasional

176
an issue of aurei and denarii has obverse dies plainly engravedby the
As we have
engraversof a substantialissue of cistophorifromPergamm.19
alreadynoted,some of the otherissues of Roman denominationsproduced
in thesame periodas thenew aureusmayhave been mintedin theEast.20So
too may some other uncertainissues with the name Augustus in their
As die-countsshow,thecistophoriwereproducedon a muchlarger
legend.21
scale than the denarii,let alone the aurei.22Thus it is not particularly
thata singlespecimenshould have come to lightof a previously
surprising
unknownaureus mintedin the East.
betweenthereverseof thenewaureus,mintedin Asia, and
The similarities
the denarius RIC 270, now generallyheld to have been mintedin Italy,
remain puzzling. The explanationmay simplybe that the denarius was
already in circulationand its reversewas used as a partial model by the
engraversof the aureus. Anotherpossible solutionwill be suggestedbelow.
THE REVERSE TYPE AND LEGEND
While the obversetypeand legendof the new aureus exhibit,as we have
thePAXcistophori,thereverseis
withits stable-mate,
seen,close similarities
and
This
remarkable
type
legendmust now be examinedin more
unique.
detail.
Octavianis shownon thereversewearinga toga, thatis, in civiliandress,
and seated on a curule chair {sella curulis),the prerogativeof the higher
He holdsa scrolland at his feetthereis a scroll-case{scrinium).
magistrates.23
Only rarelyin his coinage is Octavian/Augustusshownin a toga. Some
coins showing him togate and seated on a curule chair nonetheless
commemoratemilitaryvictory,namelythe denariusRIC 270 (PL 20, 2),
whichhas alreadybeen noted and will be discussedfurther
below,and two
issues of aurei and denarii from the Lugdunum mint. These celebrate
underAugustus'auspices:
successeswon by Tiberiusand Drusus fighting
in C. Bayburtluoglu
'Hellenistic
whichsee G.K.Jenkins,
(ed.),
goldcoinsof Ephesos',
21(1978-80):
183-8.
Anadolu
Festschrift
Akurgal
(=
Ankara,
1987),
pp.
19See C. H. V.Sutherland,
aureiand denariiattributable
to themintof
'Augustan
RN15(1973),
andRIC,pp.36-7.Theaureianddenarii:
RIC511-26.
Pergamm;
pp.129-51,
- RPC 2216-20
= Sutherland,
The cistophori:
RIC 505-10
, GroupVII (nos.
Cistophori
446-588).
20RIC275-7,543-5;above,atn.9. A particular
forAsianminting
is the
candidate
likely
of27bc,both
ofthehonours
conferred
inthesettlement
aureus
RIC277: itscommemoration
with
theaureus
and
anaffinity
onthereverse
andinthefinal
legend,
suggests
partoftheobverse
oftheprevious
thecistophori
year.
21RIC 536-42,
also472-5.SeeRPC.p. 368.
547-8;perhaps
22Sutherland
diesfortheissues
ofc.19as cistophori
theknown
obverse
71,denarii
reports
aurei10:RIC, p. 36;cf.RPC, pp.7,368.
18,
23Onthesignificance
Sella
chairs
seeT. Schfer,
andiconography
ofcurule
Insignia:
Imperii
in
andmore
rmischer
Curulis
undFasces.
ZurReprsentation
(Mainz,1989),
briefly
Magistrate
Kaiser
unddieverlorene
(n.7),pp.427-40.
Augustus
Republik

177
Augustus,seated on a platform,receiveslaurelsproffered
by soldiers( RIC
162-5: 15-13 bc) or a childpresentedby a barbarian( RIC 200-1 : 9-8 bc).24
Various issues fromthe Rome mintshow a togate Augustusin a civilian
context.An aureus of 16 bc commemoratingthe Secular Games of the
previousyearshowshimseated on a curulechairand distributing
purifying
suffimenta
{RIC 350). A closerparallel to our aureus is affordedby denarii
issued by the moneyersC. Marius and C. SulpiciusPlatorinus,probablyin
13 bc, portraying
AugustustogetherwithAgrippain scenesalludingto their
of
the
tribunicia
sharing
potestas. Marius shows Augustus,laureate, and
his
combined
mural and naval crown,standingside by
Agrippa,wearing
each
a
scroll
in
their
hands
and witha scrinium
at theirfeet(RIC
side,
holding
397, 400; PL 20, 7); Sulpicius shows them seated togetheron a rostrate
tribuniciansubsellium(RIC 406-7; Pl. 20, 8).25
On the new aureus and on the denariiof Marius and Sulpiciusthe toga,
all
thecurulechairor tribunes'bench,thescrolland accompanyingscrinium
help to convey the image of the princepsenacting the civic role of a
magistrate.In employingthe magistrate'saccoutrementsto emblematic
thesecoins formpartof an iconographietraditionwhichcame to full
effect,
developmentin Augustus' reign. In the coinage of the Late Republic,
althoughthereare onlya fewdepictionsof togatemagistrates,
unoccupied
curulechairsappear frequently
as a symbolof the power and officeof the
curule magistracies.26
Sculpted togate figuresof senators and municipal
magistratesseated on curulechairs,eitheras honorificstatuesor as graveFrom thesame
monuments,
appear fromthelaterfirstcenturybc onwards.27
period, sculpted representationsof the sella curulistogetherwith other
came to playan important
badgesofofficesuchas thefasces and thescrinium
role in the iconographyof the grave-monuments
of curule and municipal
a
On
of
such
monuments
for
magistrates.28 group
praetorsthefrontpanel of
the chair is decorated with a scene showing the deceased magistrate
exercisinghisjudicial functions,
accompaniedby his six lictorsand a curule
chair.29The praetoris usuallyshownseatedand withouta scrollor scrinium
,
24Cf.H. Gabelmann,
Antike
AudienzundTribunalszenen
(Darmstadt,
1984),pp. 118-24;
A.L. Kuttner,
andEmpire
intheAgeofAugustus.
TheCaseoftheBoscoreale
Dynasty
Cups
(Berkeley,
pp.107-10.
25Nota1995),
bise
Ilium
as described
inRIC:seeSchfer,
, pp.123-4.Cf.alsoRIC
Imperii
Insignia
with
TRPOT.
417,datedto 12bc: subsellium
legend
26Schfer,
RRC 330,351
, pp. 84-99,pls. 9-12.Togatemagistrates:
Insignia
Imperii
to sacrifice;
between
and
corn);372/1-2
(distributing
(preparing
standing
eaglestandard
433(theregicide
Brutus
as consul
lictors
with
fasces
);
accompanied
by
fasces).
27Schfer,
Ancestor
Masksand
, pp. 130,134-5,139-40;H. I. Flower,
Imperii
Insignia
Aristocratic
Power
inRoman
Culture
77-9.
(Oxford,
1996),
pp.
28Schfer,
with
atpp.233ff.;
fordepictions
ofscrinia
, pp.135ff.,
Imperii
Insignia
catalogue
inassociation
with
curule
chairs
seeespecially
304-8andpls.51-4.
pp.
29Schfer,
discussion
atpp.150-60.
SeealsoGabelmann,
, nos.2,6-12,with
Imperii
Insignia
andin general
on representations
ofmagistrates
, pp. 155-68,

178
withthenew
but on theearliestinstance(apparentlyroughlycontemporary
a scrinium
a
scroll
above
and
his
chair
is
he
holding
standingby
aureus)
30
(PL 21, 9).
Later emperorsappear on the coinage in togas, seated or standing,
a varietyof roles,both external(e.g. exhortingtroops,receiving
performing
submissionfromconqueredpeoples) and domestic(e.g. performing
sacrifice,
distributing
largesse).However,sceneslike thoseon thenew aureusand the
denariiof Marius and Sulpicius,whichshow theemperorin a legal context,
do not recurafterAugustus.31
Statuesof emperorsseated and togatedid occur,thoughextantexamples
are rare,in contrastboth to standingtogate statuesand to the principal
seated type of imperial statuarywhich showed the emperorenthroned,
draped,witha naked upper body in the mannerof a god. This type,used
connotations
frequently
duringtheJulio-Claudianperiod,had quitedifferent
fromseated togatestatues,beingmodelledultimatelyon Phidias' statueof
Zeus at Olympia.32
No seated togate statue of Augustus survives,but he is shown in this
fashionon one of the Boscorealecups, whose scenesmay be copied froma
On one side of thecup a princeof the
monumenterectedduringhis reign.33
and theirchildrento Augustusimperialfamilypresentsbarbarianchieftains
a scenereminiscent
of theLugdunumcoins mentionedabove. The otherside
presentsAugustus as world rulerin a hybridof the civic and the divine
(PL 21, 10). Augustus,wearingtunic,toga and patricianboots,sitsin a form
ofcurulechair.In his lefthand he mayhold a scroll;in his righthe holdsout
of provincesand
a globe. To his leftMars bringsforwardpersonifications
nationsto pay homage. On his rightstandsVenus, accompaniedby Amor,
and beyondher Roma and the Genius of the Roman People. In her hands
Venus holds a littlewingedvictory,whichshe is on the pointof placingon
im rmischen
zu standesund
J.Ronke,Magistratische
Relief.Studien
Reprsentation
BARInternational
Series
3 vols(Oxford,
statusbezeichnenden
Szenen
370,
,
1987).
30Schfer, Insignia
andillustrated
atpls.
atpp.150-1,
238-41,
155-6,
,no.2,discussed
Imperii
unddieverlorene
treatment
atKaiser
, pp.435-6(no.235).
22,26.2;a briefer
Augustus
Republik
is
14kmfrom
RomeandnowintheMuseoNazionale,
found
ontheViaCasilina
Therelief,
toc.30bc.
datedbySchfer
onstylistic
grounds
31Cf.Gabelmann,
161-2.
, pp.106-10,
32On seated
zurstatuarischen
Studien
see H. G. Niemeyer,
togateimagesof emperors
andEmpire
Kaiser(Berlin,
derrmischen
, pp.
Dynasty
1968),
Darstellung
pp.40-3;Kuttner,
Portraiture
intheJulio-Claudian
andImperial
Commemoration
37-44;C. B. Rose,Dynastie
Period
(Cambridge,
1997),
p.75.
33On
seenowtheexhaustive
derivation
from
a monument
these
twocupsandtheir
possible
onthe
ofTiberius
andEmpire.
Sheholdsthatthetriumph
ofKuttner,
depicted
Dynasty
study
and
Fordiscussion
other
(ad 12),as usually
supposed.
(7bc),nothissecond
cupwashisfirst
zu rmischen
seeH.-R.Goette,
Studien
ofseatedtogate
Togadarstellungen
catalogue
figures,
is thaton the
ofAugustus
(Mainz,1990),pp. 75-9and 104-8.Theonlyonementioned
Boscoreale
cup.

179
theglobein Augustus'hand. Victorycarriesa longpalm branchoverherleft

shoulderand withher righthand holds out a laurel wreathto Augustus.
This sceneis strikingly
similarto thatdepictedearlieron thereverseof the
denariusin the IMPCAESARseries,to whichwe have alreadyreferred
( RIC
is
on
the
of
Pl.
on
the
Octavian
270;
20, 2):
point receivingVictory;on
cup
thecoin he holds herin his righthand. Like the cup, the scene on the coin
is hybrid.Octavianis shownin civilianmode, togateand seated on a curule
chair: this,as we have seen, is unique for the IMP CAESAR seriesand the
associated CAESAR DIVI F series,in whichhe is otherwiseportrayedas a
heroicwar leaderand linkedto divinities.However,the divineassociations
are verymuchpresenton thiscoin itself: Octavian may appear in the guise
of a magistrate,but he holds a goddessin his hand, and the obverseshows
a hermof JupiterwithOctavian's features.
Victoryalso appears on the reversesof a numberof othercoins in the
CAESARDIVI F and IMPCAESARseries,alwaysstandingon a globe and with
a wreathin her righthand, and usuallywitha palm branchin her left.She
appears on her own on RIC 254-5 and 268 (on the latterwith vexillum
insteadof palm branch),and on the apex of the pedimentof a buildingon
RIC 266. These various representations
make a specificreference.On 28
afterhis tripletriumph,Octavian dedicatedan altar
August29, a fortnight
ofVictoryin therestoredCuria (thesenate-house),accompaniedby a statue
of VictorybroughtfromTarentum,which he decked with the spoils of
Egypt.The coins surelydepictthisstatue,and thebuildingon RIC 266 is to
be identified
withtheCuria. A copy of thestatueof Victorymay have been
theengravermay have transferred
it
erectedon thepediment;alternatively,
thereby artisticlicence.34
The Boscorealecup presentsa mythicalversionof
thecompositionof thestatue,withVenusin theact ofplacingVictoryon the
globe held by Augustus.35
On one level the scene on the reverseof RIC 270 is to be read as
Octavian's giftof thestatueof Victoryin theCuria.36It is,
commemorating
in
rich
however,
(no doubt deliberate)ambivalence.Formally,the state of
on
a
as betokeningtheworld-ruleof
Victory
globewas doubtlessrepresented
the Roman people, re-establishedby the victoryover Egypt.This may be
34Thededication:
Inscr.
Ital.vol.13.1,p. 504(= EJ,p. 51);Dio 51.22.1-2;
C. J.Simpson,
'TheCuriaIuliaandtheAraVictoriae
: a "politico-religious"
inAugust
29bc',in
imperative
C. Deroux(ed.),Studies
inLatinLiterature
andRoman
, vol.9 (Brussels,
History
1998),pp.
225-30.On thestatue
ofVictory
seeT. Hlscher,
Victoria
Romana
(Mainz,1976),pp.6ff.
Actium
andAugustus
doubts
theidentification
ofthe
Gurval,
(n.7),pp.61-2,unconvincingly
onthecoinswith
thestatue.
Theabsence
ofdistinctive
features
suchas thesidusIulium
figure
tellsagainst
therivalidentification
ofthebuilding
onRIC 266as thetemple
ofDivusIulius
RRC540).
(contrast
andEmpire
Kuttner,
, pp.25-6,204.
Dynasty
Itissurprising
thatthefigure
ofVictory
doesnotsurmount
a globeonRIC270,as onthe
other
coins.Theengraver
theglobemerely
fortechnical
reasons.
mayhaveomitted

180
evoked on the coin, on which the figureof Victoryis turnedaway from

Octavian and appears to be offeringher wreathto an unseen recipient,
evidentlytheRoman people. Yet thevictoryoverEgyptwas Octavian's,and
men mightnaturallyread the statueas celebratingthe victoriousleader as
worldruler.37
Similarly,whilethesceneon RIC 270 depictsOctaviandressed
as a magistrateand makinga donation,italso unmistakeably
evokesPhidias'
statue of Zeus holding Victory,which had frequentlyappeared as a
Hellenisticcoin-type.38
We saw in the previoussectionthat the dated coins issued in the years
in some notablerespectsfromthecoins of theCAESARDIVI
29-27 BC differ
F and IMP CAESAR series: theirtypesand legendsexplicitlycommemorate
specificachievementsof Octavian/Augustus,and thereare no overtdivine
associations. All this is true of the new aureus, which,despite its other
is in theserespectsin markedcontrastwiththedenariusRIC 270.
similarities,
The reverselegend,as we shall see, elucidatesthe type.Octavian appears
simplyas thecivilmagistrate,and on neitherobverseor reverseis thereany
hintofdivineassociation- withtheimportantexceptionofhisfiliation('son
ofthediuus'). In one respect,however,thenew aureusdoes contrastwiththe
otherdated coins of the period: it is the only one of thesecoins to show
Octavianon both sides. Indeed,thisoccursonlyrarelyin thewholecoinage
of Octavian/Augustus,and hardlyever do coins which show him on the
obverseaccord himas muchprominenceon thereverseas he receiveson this
aureus-a featurewhich is in subliminalconflictwith the coin's overt
message.
What then is the meaningof the scene depicted on the reverseof the
aureus? The gesturewhichOctavian is makingwiththe scrollin his right
hand is quite different
fromthatof the praetorin the contemporary
graverelief(PL 21, 9). The praetor is shown holding his scroll downwards,
above thescrinium
: theimpressionis conveyedthathe has just
immediately
takenthescrollfromthescrinium
or is about to replaceit there.By contrast,
on theaureus,thescrollis not broughtintorelationshipwiththescrinium
at
thefootof thecurulechair.Instead,Octavianholdsit out as thoughoffering
itto an unseenrecipient.The gesturerecallsthatmade withthewreathbythe
thesignificance
figureofVictoryon thedenariusRIC 270. To explorefurther
of thesceneand of thisgesturein particularwe mustturnto theexamination
of the reverselegendLEGESET IVRA P R RESTITVIT.
In its styleand contentthe legend lacks close parallels in the Roman
coinage of thisor any otherperiod.No otherAugustanlegendis so explicit
37So Dio 51.22.1.The connection
whenthegoldshield
wouldhavebeenenhanced
in27bc(RG
virtues
incloseproximity
tothestatue
wasdedicated
commemorating
Augustus'
onthelater
34.2).Theyfrequently
(RIC31-2,45-9,61-2,88-95)and
appear
together
coinage
inart(Hlscher,
Victoria
Romana
, pp.103ff.).
38Cf.Weinstock,
DivusJulius
andEmpire
, pp.53-6.
; Kuttner,
(n. 11),pp.100-1
Dynasty

181
about the constitutionalactions of the princeps.Moreover,togetherwith

one Republicanand a fewlaterimperialexamples,it is one of theveryfew
instancesof a Roman coin legendin the formof a main sentencewithan
expressed finite verb.39 Coins of Octavian/Augustus very frequently
commemoratehis achievements,either directly or, more commonly,
indirectlyby allusion to the resultinghonours. However, this is the only
instance on his coinage where a main sentence is used of one of his
achievements.40
Leges, as used here,means the statutes,the positivelaws. The word ius,
however,has a widerrangeofmeaningsthanlex, and iurahereis accordingly
moredifficult
to render.Sometimesiuracan be a virtualsynonymforleges;
sometimesitis closerto 'justice', sometimesto 'rights'.41In whatfollowsthe
phraselegeset iurawill be translated'laws and rights',but theelasticityof
the conceptof iura mustbe borne in mind.
The combinationleges et iura, whichhas the appearance of a customary
formula,in fact seems not to be so.42 However, the words are found
juxtaposed on a numberof occasions.43They also, not surprisingly,
appear
sometimesin tralaticianlegal formulae,44
but
togetherin legal inscriptions,
39RRCAll Memmius,
MEMMIVS
AEDCEREALIA
mid-50sBc:
PREIMVS
(C.
FECIT);RIC
Nero50and58(IANVM
CLVSIT
PACE
PRTERRA
MARIQPARTA),
289-91
etc.(PACE
PRVBIQ
PARTA
IANVM
etc.(PACE
263-71
PRTERRA
MARIOPARTA
IANVM
The
CLVSIT),
CLVSIT).
abbreviation
RESTinthelegends
ofthevarious
'restored'
issuesofthelatefirst-early
second
centuries
ad isshort
forRESTITVIT,
as revealed
where
itappears
in
by,e.g.,RICTitus192-4,
full.Cf.alsoRICDomitian
377-83(LVDSAECFEGIT1).
115-19,
40Ablative
absolute
arecommonest:
AEGVPTO
CAPTA(RIC 275,544-6),ASIA
phrases
RECEPTA
RECEPTIS
orvariants
287-9304-5,
(RIC276),SIGNIS
(RIC41,58,60,80-7,131-7,
ARMENIA
CAPTA
orvariants
Aswasnoted
314-15,
508-10,
306-7,
521-6),
(RIC290-2,
514-20).
above(at n. 11),Augustus'
civiccrown
is alludedto on RIC 277bytheablative
absolute
CIVIBVS
SERV
butlateralways
with
theformula
OBCIVISSERVATOS,
which
ATEIS,
probably
stoodontheoriginal
aboveAugustus'
door.Alsofound
arehonorific
formulae
introduced
by
SPQRleading
toa QUOD-clause
thereason
fortheconferment
ofthehonour:
RIC
specifying
140-4,
358,360-2.
41Cf.
LatinDictionary
senses1-4,
, s.u.iusfortherangeofmeanings,
Oxford
especially
to'law',and7, 10,12-13forthewider
approximating
usage.
42There
a number
ofoccurrences.
Itappears
inexactly
thisform
atCic.De Or.
are,however,
Deci.Min.345.5;withac: Cic.Caec.70;Pseud.Quint.
Deci.Mai.
I.253,Legg.1.35;Quint.
I I.1; 15.4; Juv.
2.43& 72; iura... (et): Plaut.
Deci.Min.
; Quint.
Ep.292,Most.126; Livy30.37.9
iuralegesque
: Livy4.15.3.
331.17;
43 Cato,
ORFfr.252;Lucr.5.1147;
Sail.Jug.
E.g.
31.20;Vitr.
; Manil.4.214;Ovid,
9.praef.2
Am.2.17.23-4,
A.A.3.58,Trist.
5.7.47-8;Lucan1.176-7,
2.316;Sil.Pun.1.303;Pliny,
Ep.
Deci.Min.251.7,260.6,266.1,274.9;Pseud.-Quint.
Deci.Mai.15.3,17.9;Stat.
8.24.4;Quint.
Silv.1.4.11-12,
Suet.Pratum
3.5.87-8;
(p.315Roth).
44Inthese
formulae
their
'terms
andconditions':
thuslexCornelia
meaning
mayapproach
deXXQuaestoribus
Statutes
to be chosen
(Roman
(n.2) 14),col.II, 11.7-14,
apparitores
by
onthesameterms
as before
Genetivae
Statutes
quaestors
(eoiureea lege); lexcoloniae
(Roman
tohavethesamestatus
as those
inother
colonies
who
25),ch.LXVI,1.36,thecolony's
priests
holdoffice
onthebestterms
iureoptima
inthelexdeGalliaCisalpina
(optimo
lege).However,
Statutes
lexiusisusedprecisely
tomean
(Roman
28),ch.XXI,1.10,ch.XXII,1.40,theformula
'statute
andlaw'(cf.ch.XXI,1.14:iurelege).

182
also in more discursivecontexts.45In Cicero, the most abundant nearcontemporaryliterarysource, the two words are not uncommonlyfound
together,whetheradduced as objects of the subversiveattentionsof some
villainous opponent in the speeches, or as topics relevantto rhetorical,
philosophicaland politicaltheoryand thepublicdutiesof theRoman orator
and magistrate.46
Theyappear togetherin speechesas partof a rhetoricallist
similarwords such as libertas
with
other
, sentusconsulta, sentus
along
iudicia.
Cicero
oftenassociates lex or
mores
auctoritas
,
, foedera,
, religiones
in
his
works
of
or
with
or
ius
civile
ius
political moral philosophyas
leges
in
importantconcepts,contrasting meaning but related in significance.47
They are centralto his conceptionof what binds citizenstogetherinto a
humanecommunity.48
the overall
The verb restituiimeans 'he restored', but unfortunately
meaning of the legend is leftuncertainbecause of the ambiguityof the
abbreviationP R. This could be completed either as the genitiveform
P(OPVLI)R(OMANI) or as the dativeP(OPVLO) R(OMANO). If the genitive
is adopted,thelegendmaybe translated: ' He has restoredthelaws and rights
of theRoman people'. The dativewillyieldthetranslation:'He has restored
theirlaws and rightsto the Roman people'. On balance the dativeversion
seems the more likely,both linguisticallyand in the light of the other
evidenceforOctavian'sactionsin 28-27, to be consideredin thenextsection,
to thesenateand
himas engagingin a processofrestitution
whichrepresents
people. In the ensuingdiscussionit will be assumed thatthe dativeversion
of the translationis correct.However,even if the genitivewere in factthe
correctform,the overallsensewould not be greatlyaltered.On eitherview
thelegendimpliesthatthe Roman people's laws and rightshad lapsed and
werenow revived.49
The scenedepictedon thereversetypeprovidesa visualcorrelativeforthe
legend.The settingshouldprobablybe takento be a contio, a meetingof the
Roman people,withOctavianseatedon theRostraor anothertribunal.The
45Cf.lexAntonia
theleges
Statutes
deTermessibus
,
19),colII, 11.17-22,
concerning
{Roman
for
term
usedasa collective
iusbeing
RomeandTermessus,
between
iusandconsuetudo
existing
between
lex, iusand
senseoftherelationship
iuraenjoyed
thevarious
byeachside.Fora fuller
ofthecolonists'
on thelegalrights
ch.CXXXIII,11.33-38,
iuraseelexcoloniae
Genetivae,
exh(ac)
'eaemulieres
wives:
iuraque
I(uliae)<iu>rique
parento
G(enetiuae)
c(oloniae)
legibus
rerum
exh(ac)l(ege)habento
omnium
inhaclegescripta
sunt,
s(ine)d(olo)
quaecumque
l(ege),
m(alo).'
46Cf.2 Verr.
2.46;Rab.Perd.17;Flacc.62;Red.Sen.34;Sest.56;Deiot.30;Phil.8.10,13.1;
De Or.1.159,
2.68,
Legg.1.17;Off.1.53,1.124.
47Legg.1.16,19,3.76;
33,
42,56;Off.1.51,2.15,3.69;Rep.1.49,3.16,3.42;N.D.2.148.
23,
48Cf.Off.1.53.
49Restituii
assense
defines
LatinDictionary
inwhat
theOxford
isthus
usedhere
(s.v.restituo)
revive
oruse,re-establish,
backintoexistence
restore,
practice
(aninstitution,
4a,4to bring
ordini
as atCic.Mur.40('equestri
thebeneficiary,
expressing
maytakea dative
etc.)',which
sed etiamuoluptatem
restituii
nonsolumdignitatem
') and Livy3.54.7('congratulante
ciuitati
libertatem
restitutam').
concordiamque

183
as a symbolicrepresentation
scrolland scrinium
are perhapsto be interpreted
is
a moreliteralinterpretation
of thepeople's laws and rights.Alternatively,
as restoring
possible: thescrollmay containan edictwhichwas represented
theirlaws and rights.We shall see in thenextsectionthatsuch a claim may
have been made for an edict known to have been issued by Octavian in
his sixthconsulship(28 bc), the year to which the aureus is dated by its
obverselegend.
Edictswerenormallyissuedorally,beingread out at a contiobytheissuing
magistrate'sherald (praeco); one or more copies were thenput on public
Thus ifthescrollis takento be an edict,thesceneon thecoin may
display.49a
showthemomentpriorto itsbeingread out,withOctavianholdingthescroll
out to the unseenpraeco. However, it is unlikelythat this was the only
intended.Whetherthe scrollis takenas an edictor simplyas
interpretation
the
a symbolof thepeople's laws and rights,we are surelymeantto identify
it not merelyas a praeco but
unseenrecipientto whomOctavian is offering
as the beneficiary,
namelythe Roman people. Octavian's gesture,as was
notedabove, is similarto thatmade byVictorywithherwreathon RIC 270,
and the unseen recipientis the same in each case. The typethus provides
further
confirmation
forthedativeversionof thelegend:thesceneportrays
the restorationof theirlaws and rightsto the Roman people.
The reference
to Octavian's sixthconsulshipon theobverselegendmakes
itclearthattherestorationofthepeople's laws and rightscommemoratedon
the reversetype and legend formedpart of the political settlementwhich
Octavian/Augustus carried out in 28-27. We must shortlyturn to a rewiththedouble aim of elucidatingthereverse
examinationof thatsettlement
of the aureus and assessingits implicationsfor our understandingof the
settlement
itself.Beforewe do so, however,some further
considerationofthe
PAX cistophori(PL 20, 4) is called for.
As we have already noted, the explicitpolitical referencein the title
ATIS P(OPVLI) R(OMANI) VINDEX ('champion of the libertyof the
LIBERT
Roman people') attributed
to Octavianon thePAXcistophorifindsa parallel
in the no less explicitreverselegend of theircompanion piece, the new
aureus. How, in the lightof the new aureus,is the titleto be interpreted?
The phrase uindicarein libertatem
originallyapplied to the action of the
adsertorclaimingan individual'sfreedomin a legalhearingoverwhetherthat
personshouldbe freeor a slave (causa liberlis).50
By thelate Republic,this
phraseand cognatephrasessuch as uindexlibertatishad become clichsof
politicaldiscourse.Politiciansof all persuasionsjustifiedthe use of forcein
49aTh.Mommsen,
Rmisches
Staatsrecht
vol.1,pp.205-6;W.Kunkel,
1887-8),
(Leipzig,
undStaatspraxis
derrmischen
2: DieMagistratur
Staatsordnung
Republik.
(Munich,
1995),
pp.
125.
105-6,
50Oncausaeliberales
seeW.W.Buckland,
TheRoman
LawofSlavery
1908),
(Cambridge,
pp.652-72.

184
j. w. RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS
civildisputeson the groundsthatit was necessaryto vindicatethe freedom

of the Roman people or the respublica fromtyranny(<dominatio
, regnum).
whichCaesar adduced forhis resortto armsin 49
Among thejustifications
was theclaimthathe was acting'to vindicatehis own libertyand thatof the
Roman people,oppressedbyan oligarchicfaction'{Bell. Civ. 1.22.5: utse et
atem uindicare).
populumRomanm/actionepaucorumoppressumin libert
When Octavian raiseda privatearmyagainstAntonyin 44, Cicero induced
the senateto legitimizehis position,usingthe argumentthatby his private
initiativehe had liberatedthe republicand so become its saviour{Phil. 3.4:
rempublicampriuatoConsilio...liberauit; 3.14: conseruator
; cf. 4.2, 4; 5.3,
with
his
Res
Gestae
this
action,claimingthat by
43-6). Augustusopened
of
'I
vindicated
the
the
liberty the republic,oppressed
raising privatearmy
1.1:
faction'
rem
the
of
a
factionis
(RG
publicama dominatione
tyranny
by
in
libertatem
uindicaui).51
oppressam
The cistophorusreverse,withitspersonified
figureof Pax, commemorates
Octavian'srestorationofpeace throughhis defeatof Antonyand Cleopatra.
The titleaccorded to him on the obversecelebratesanotheraspect of the
same victory,namelytherepellingof thethreatwhichtheyhad posed to the
libertyof the Roman people. It uses the old clich,but thereis a significant
difference.
Octavian's side representedthe war not as a civil war against
Antony,but as an externalwar againsttheQueen of Egypt.Thus thethreat
to the people's libertywas taken to be not, as in the earlierconflicts,the
tyrannyof an individualor factionbut dominationby a foreignpower.52
Similarlanguagewas employedin officialcelebrationsof thevictory.Thus,
on 13 September30, havinglearntof Antony'sfinaldefeatand death,the
: thiswas the
senatedecreedOctavian a grasswreath,thecoronaobsidionalis
awardedto thosewho saved a whole army,and
highestmilitarydistinction,
in Octavian's case indicatedthat by his victoryhe had saved the whole
Doubtless on the same day, the senate decreed,as calendars
community.53
informus, that 1 August,the day of the captureof Alexandria,should be
feriae because on that day Octavian 'freed the republicfromverygrave
51On the
useofthephraseuindicare
inlibertatem
anditscognates
underthe
political
andearly
seeW.Weber,
: Studien
zurGeschichte
desAugustus,
vol.
Republic
principte
Princeps
1(Stuttgart
andBerlin,
Libertas
as a Political
Idea
1936),
(n.557);C. Wirszubski,
pp.137-40*
at Romeduring
theLate Republic
andEarlyPrincipte
1950),pp. 100-6;
(Cambridge,
'DerKaiser
alsVindex
Libertatis',
Mannsperger,
Dionysos'
(n.15);G. Walser,
'Apollon
gegen
4 (1955),pp.353-67;L. Wickert,
Historia
'DerPrinzipat
unddieFreiheit',
inR. Klein(ed.),
undFreiheit
1969),pp. 94-135;R. Scheer,'VindexLibertatis',
(Darmstadt,
Prinzipat
DiuiAugusti'
derresgestae
'ZumEingangssatz
78(1971),
Gymnasium
pp.182-8;H. Braunert,
' ResPublica
: a Romanmyth',
in C.
Restitua
4 (1974),pp.343-58;N. K. Mackie,
Chiron
andRoman
inLatinLiterature
Deroux
,vol.4 (Brussels,
1986),
pp.302-40,
History
(ed.),Studies
Culture
325-6;G. K. Galinsky,
1996),
(Princeton,
pp.42-57.
Augustan
especially
pp.310-13,
P. A. Brunt,
TheFalloftheRoman
seeespecially
ofliberty
OntheRomanconcept
Republic
281-350.
andRelated
Essays
(Oxford,
1988),
pp.
' ResPublica
52Cf.Mackie,
Restituta'
pp.325-6.
53Pliny,
DivusJulius
NH22.13;Dio 51.19.5;
Weinstock,
(n.11),pp.146-52.

185
An inscriptionof 29
periculoliberauit).54
danger' (rempublicamtristissimo
froma monumentin theForum (probablyhis arch) setup by thesenateand
of the
people in Octavian's honour givesas the reason forthe conferment
honour'the republichavingbeen preserved'(re publica conseruata).55
ATIS P R VINDEX on the cistophorirefersimplyto
Does the titleLIBERT
Octavian's victoryin the war, or is therealso a referenceto the political
which he initiatedin his sixthconsulship,when, as the legend
settlement
the
declares, coins wereminted?Mommsenheld thatthelegenddid referto
This viewwas challengedby Wirszubski,and recent
thispoliticalsettlement.
writershave generallyavoided assertingthe connection.56The primary
mustbe to thevictoryin thewar,and thosefollowersof Mommsen
reference
who referredthe legend exclusivelyto the settlementinitiatedin 28 were
mistaken.None theless,thenew aureusdoes go some way towards
certainly
vindicatingMommsen. The fact that the comparably explicit political
on the aureus producedat the same timeby the same Asian mint
reference
makesit morelikelythatthe
relatesunequivocallyto thepoliticalsettlement
The claimthatOctavianby
cistophoruslegendtoo alludesto thatsettlement.
his victoryhad preservedthe libertyof the Roman people could not have
as the
beenmaintainedifhe had notproceededto whatcould be represented
surrenderof the extraordinarypowers which he had acquired in the
upheavalsof civilwar. The evidenceof thecompanionaureus suggeststhat
thetitleaccordedOctavian on thecistophoricelebratesnot onlyhis defence
of the libertyof the Roman people against the enemy threat,but the
initiatedin 28.
restorationof thatlibertythroughthe settlement
It is in factlikelythatthetitleon thecistophorusalludesto thesame aspect
as theaureusreverse.In Roman politicaldiscourse
ofthepoliticalsettlement
and theterm
laws and rightswereseenas a necessaryconcomitantof liberty,
libertasappears frequentlyin association with lex/legesand/or ius/iura.
Thus a fragmentfroma speech of the Elder Cato (the earliestsurviving
instance)assertsthat 'we should have common enjoymentof right,law,
butofgloryand honourin accordancewith
freedomand thecommonwealth,
the individual'sown achievement'( ORF fr. 252: iure, lege, liberiate
, re
honore
sibi
communiter
uti
, gloria atque
, quomodo
quisque
oportet
publica
54Thesurvival
ofseveral
calendars'
entries
and
andthoseofPraeneste
(FastiArvales,
confirms
thewording
ofthedecree:
Inscr.
Ital.vol.13.2,p.489= EJ,p.49.
Amiternum)
55ILS 81= EJ17.The
survives
Foritsattribution
to
inscription
onlyinRenaissance
copies.
theArchofAugustus
seeJ.W.Rich,'Augustus's
Parthian
thetemple
ofMarsUltor
honours,
andthearchintheForum
PBSR66(1998),pp.71-128,
atpp.100-14.
Romanm',
Th.Mommsen,
DiviAugusti2
ResGestae
themistaken
(Berlin,
1883),
pp.145-7,
drawing
inference
thattheprovince
ofAsiawasrestored
to thepeoplein 28,aheadof theother
Libertas
ofMommsen
seee.g.Mattingly,
Wirszubski,
, pp. 105-6.Forfollowers
provinces;
BMC, p. cxxv;C. H. V.Sutherland,
inRoman
31bc-ad68 (London,
Coinage
Imperial
Policy
REvol.22(1954),
col.1998-2296,
atcol.2081.Sutherland's
1951),
p. 31; L. Wickert,
'Princeps',
laterstatements
weremorecautious:Cistophori
andCoinage
, pp. 89-90;RomanHistory
44bc-ad69(Oxford,
1987),
p. 5.

186
J.W.RICH AND J.H. C.WILLIAMS
struxit).Cicero declaresthelegesto be the'foundationof liberty'{Clu. 146:

libertatis
) and representsClodius as a threatto ins,aequitas,
fundamentum
libertas
{Mil. 177). For Livy (2.1.1) the overthrowof the kingsboth
leges,
establishedlibertasand made thecommandsof thelegesmorepowerfulthan
thoseof men." In view of thiswell-established
linkage,we may reasonably
conclude that the titleof champion of the libertyof the Roman people
accorded to Octavian on the cistophoriimpliesa specificallusion to the
restorationto the people of their laws and rights,commemoratedon
the companionaureus.
Thus not only the reversetype and legend of the aureus, but also the
witnessesforthepolitical
obverselegendof thecistophoriare contemporary
But
what
its
in
the
of
settlement
authoritycan be accorded
inception.
year
much
discussedquestionsof the
to
the
the
to them?This is not
place re-open
mintmasters
to
the
of
imperialgovernmentand the extentto
relationship
whichthose who selectedtypesand legendsservedas mouthpiecesforthe
Some observationsare, nonetheless,in order.It seemslikelythat
regime.58
thetypesand legendsforthePAX cistophoriand theircompanionpiece,the
new aureus,wereselectedin theprovinceof Asia ratherthanimposedby a
It is possiblethatthe reverse
directiveissuingfromthecentralgovernment.
typeof the aureus and thepoliticallyexplicitlegendsof the aureus and the
cistophoriwere designed at this local mint. In that case, they reflecta
provincialperception,but a well informedone, for their designerwas
bothaware ofcurrentpoliticaldevelopmentsat Rome and adeptin
evidently
Roman politicaldiscourse.
Whileit is conceivablethatthepoliticallyexplicitlegendsweredevisedat
themint,thisis not themostlikelyexplanation.Elsewhereon thecoinage of
Octavian/Augustus his titulatureis always made up of officesand titles
on him,and so itis muchmorelikelythat
conferred
whichhad been officially
the title libetatispopuli Romani uindextoo had been officiallyconferred
The reverselegendof the
ratherthanmerelyattributedto himat themint.59
57Forother
Clu.155,
with
iusseee.g.Cic.2 Verr.
lexand/or
libertas
5.163,
linking
passages
Phil.8.10,11.36,Off.2.24,3.83;Nep.Timol.
10;Livy
5.2-3;Sail.Or.Lepidi4, Or.Philippi
in
Libertas
H. Kloesel,
32.5.Seefurther
1935),
(repr.
39.27.9,
45.31.4,
(Breslau,
pp.24ff.
4.15.3,
Fallofthe
H. Oppermann
Brunt,
1967),
(Darmstadt,
pp.136ff);
Wertbegriffe
(ed.),Rmische
296,318,334ff.
Republic
58For, pp.
and theimperial
see B. M. Levick,"Propaganda
contributions
recent
coinage',
of
inthecoinage
A.Wallace-Hadrill,
16(1982),
Antichthon
'Imageandauthority
pp.104-16;
JRS76(1986),pp.66-87.
Augustus',
59Although
onthe
toClaudius
accorded
thetitle
notattested
elsewhere,
uind(ex)
lib(ertatis)
decree
tohavebeenconferred
arch(ILS 217)isalsolikely
(itmayhave
bysenatorial
Cyzicus
which
ofClaudius'
archatRome(ILS 216),from
oftheinscription
stoodinthemissing
portion
Archin
British
'Claudius'
cf.A.A. Barrett,
toderive:
theCyzicus
Victory
inscription
appears
S PQ R
withthelegend
ofVespasian
22 (1991),pp. 1-19).Thesestertii
Rome',Britannia
indicate
PVBLICAE
LIBERTATIS
ADSERTORI
that,when
411,455-6)surely
(RIC Vespasian
thesenate
attheir
toallemperors
himthecorona
ciuica(bythenaccorded
accession),
voting
wasatthis
adsertor
ofpublic
itaschampion
thathehadearned
declared
(Thesynonym
liberty.

187
aureusalso maymostplausiblybe takenas reproducinga formulation

which
had been used publiclyat Rome. It may indeedderivefromwords actually
used byOctavianhimselfin a publicproclamationin 28. However,thedirect
sourceis perhapsmorelikelyto be a decreeof thesenatein whichone of the
honourson Octavian was statedto be thatleges et
groundsforconferring
iurapopulo Romano restituii.On thishypothesis,the legendsof thesetwo
companion issues may derivefromthe same honorificdecree: the aureus
reproducesone of the stated grounds for the honours, and one of the
honoursconferredwas the titlelibertatis
populi Romaniuindexrecordedon
the cistophori.
If the suggestionis correctthat these legends derive froma decree in
Octavian's honour,thesetwo issues are rathermore in line withthe restof
his coinage thanat firstappeared.As was notedabove, it was verycommon
fortheachievementsof Octavian/Augustusto be celebratedon thecoinage
by allusion to the resultinghonours. Coins with these honorificthemes
frequentlyreproduce formulae which accompanied the honours, most
notablythe phraseob ciuisseruatoswhichappears on so manynumismatic
of Augustus' oak crown.60It is not a difficulty
that this
representations
honour of 28 is not otherwiseattested:it will have been eclipsed by the
heavily promoted honours conferredin January27, after the political
settlement
had been completed.
We noted above the strikingsimilaritybetweenthe reversetypesof our
aureus,mintedin Asia, and of the denariusRIC 270, usuallyheld to have
beenmintedin Italy,bothof whichshow Octavianas seatedand togate.The
thatour aureuscommemoratesan honourconferredon Octavian
hypothesis
Kuttnerhas recentlysuggestedthat
may help to accountforthissimilarity.
thedenariustypederivesfroma statue.61If thisis correct,the same is likely
to be truefortheaureus.If so, thetypesmay be takento allude to a pair of
seated togatestatuesof Octavian erected,or at any rate decreed,in 28, of
whichone commemoratedhis giftof the statueof Victoryand theotherhis
usedinplaceofuindex
because
oftheroleofC. Julius
Vindex
inthecivilwar:
,probably
period
cf.Suet.Galb.9.2.)Fromthetime
ofClaudius
onthetheme
ofLibertas
wascommonly
usedon
thecoinage
andelsewhere
inpraise
ofa newemperor
whotooktheplaceofonedeemed
tobe
a tyrant:
seee.g.RIC Claudius
97,113,Galbapassim
, Vitellius
9-10,43-4,69,104-5,128,
267,290,428-30,
474,492,Nerva7, 19,31,36,64,76,86-7,100;C. Kraay,'The
Vespasian
ofVindex
andGalba,ad 68,andthecontinuity
NC69
coinage
Principte',
4Der Kaiserals Vindex oftheAugustan
'Der
(1949),pp. 129-49;Walser,
Libertatis',
pp. 362-4;Wickert,
unddieFreiheit',
Ancient
Coins(London
and
Prinzipat
pp.98-102;C. Howgego,
History
from
NewYork,1995),
p.76.
60Seeabovenn.
40forthisandother
honorific
formulae
onAugustan
coins.
61Kuttner, 11,and
likeRIC270,belongs
to
Dynasty Empire
(n.24),pp.53-5.RIC271,which,
theIMPCAESAR
andwhich
shows
Octavian
ontopofa columna
rostrata
evokes
series,
,certainly
anactualmonument.
Suchcolumns
wereerected
after
bothNaulochus
andActium,
andthe
Naulochus
oneisknown
tohavebeensurmounted
ofOctavian:
BC 5.130;
bya statue
Appian,
Power
Servius,
, 3.29;Zanker,
Georg
ofImages
(n.7),pp.41-2.

188
restorationof theirlaws and rightsto the Roman people. The erectionof

these statuesmay have been one of the provisionsof the honorificdecree
fromwhichthe legendsof the aureus and the cistophoriderive.
This hypothesisabout theoriginof thereversetypeof theaureusand the
politicallyexplicitlegends of the aureus and the cistophoriis, of course,
speculative.There is, however,no reason to doubt that the reverseof the
about recentevents
aureus was designedon the basis of sound information
at Rome and the mannerin whichtheyhad been presentedto the Roman
public.It thusconstitutesa new piece of evidenceof thefirstimportancefor
the settlement
of 28-27 bc, to whichwe mustnow turn.
THE SETTLEMENT
OF 28-27 BC
The Lex Titia, passed on 27 November43, had createdAntony,Lepidus

rei publicae
and Octavian triumvirs'to set the state to rights' ( triumuiri
The
nature
of those
five
with
for
constituendae)
wide-ranging
powers.
years
to
but
included
the
is
in
obscure,
they
right appointthe
manyrespects
powers
were
divided
in
the
and
amongthetriumvirs,
provinces
magistrates advance,
so thatthegovernors(althoughstillmostlyrankingas proconsuls)weretheir
appointees. Under the triumvirsthe magistrates,senate and assemblies
continued to exercise some of their functions:the Roman People, for
example,will have met to confirmthe triumvirs'nomineesas magistrates,
themselves.Much,
and mayevenhave chosensome of thejuniormagistrates
and
with
scant regardfor
the
triumvirs'
was
done
fiat,
however,
simplyby
law and custom.62
The triumvirate,
belatedlyrenewedin 37, expired at the end of 33.63
Octavian,however,continuedto exerciseextensivepowers,and his defeatof
Antonyin 31-30 made himsole rulerof theRoman world.From 31 he held
but his powerdid not reston any formalbasis.
theconsulshipcontinuously,
In the Res Gestae (34.1, cited below) he claimed ratherto have been in
possessionof supremepowerbyuniversalconsent.This consenthad received
symbolicexpressionin the oath swornin 32 by the people of Italy and the
westernprovinces,demandinghim as leader in the war whichhe won at
Actium( RG 25.2).
Having disposed of his last rival,Octavian's firstaim musthave been to
62Theprincipal
On
areAppian,
BC4.2andDio46.55.3-4.
sources
forthetriumvirs'
powers
seeF. G. B. Millar,
inthetriumviral
ofgovernment
these
andontheworkings
period
powers
Zwischen
'Triumvirate
andPrincipte',
JRS63 (1973),pp.50-67,at pp.50-61
; J.Bleicken,
'Poteritriumvirali
e organi
undPrinzipat
Triumvirat
1990),pp. 11-65;U. Laffi,
(Gttingen,
costituente
allafinedella
in A. GaraandD. Foraboschi
(eds),Il triumvirato
repubblicani',
diMarioAttilio
Levi(Como,1993),
Scritti
inonore
romana.
pp.37-65.
repubblica
Per
seeK. M.Girardet,
dateofthetriumvirate
discussion
oftheterminal
Forrecent
des
continuos
annosdecern
7, 1). ZurFragenachdemEndtermin
(resgestaediviAugusti
25(1995),pp.147-61;C. B. R. Pelling,
CAH2vol.10(1996),
Chiron
Triumvirats',
pp.67-8.

189
puthis supremacyon a stablefooting.To do so, it was essentialto legitimate

hisruleand make it as widelyacceptableas possiblebygivingit a republican
guise. The fateof JuliusCaesar was a warningagainstseekingto establish
overtmonarchy.Alreadyin 36 Octavianhad promisedto restore'the entire
constitution',and Antonyhad latergivensimilarundertakings.64
Octavian returnedto Rome in 29, enteringthecityin a tripletriumphon
13-15 August. He remainedat Rome until the summerof 27, and it was
duringthisperiod thathe set about the task of puttinghis power on a new
He was in a verystrong
basis withintheframework
of republicantradition.65
There
it
is
still
dissidents
:
a
were,
true,
conspiracyled by Lepidus's
position.
son had been suppressedin 31 or 30, and otherconspiracieswere detected
laterin thereign.However,oppositionis unlikelyto have been as widespread
as is sometimessupposed, and therewas no serious prospect of armed
For the great majorityof the population, both in Rome and
uprising.66
throughoutthe empire,the dominantemotionmusthave been reliefat the
endingof civilwar.
In the cityitselfOctavian displayedconspicuousmunificence.
The triple
triumphwas followedwithina fewdays by thededicationsof the templeof
Divus Julius(18 August) and the altar of Victoryin the restoredCuria (28
August).In 28 therewerefurther
spectacles,includingthefirstcelebrationof
thequadriennialgamesdecreedbythesenateafterActiumand, on 9 October,
thededicationof the templeof Apollo Palatinus.The Roman plebs, as well
as the veterans,receiveda moneydistributionfromOctavian's spoils, and
Dio (51.21.5) reportsthatthisand otherbenefactionsled to suchan increase
in themoneysupplythatinterestratesfellto a thirdof theirpreviouslevel.67
At thesame timeOctavianputthroughvariousmeasureswhichpurported
to reverserecentfailingsand restorethe stateto older republicanways. In
29-28, by a special grantof censorialpower,he and Agrippaheld a census,
the firstto be completed since 70. Their censorial functionsincluded a
in whicha startwas made on reducing
revisionof thesenate'smembership,
thenumberof senatorsto thepre-civilwar levelbyremovingthoseperceived
as socially undesirable.68In 28 the city's templeswere comprehensively
64Appian,
50.7.1.
BC 5.132;Dio 49.41.6,
65J.Crook,CAt1
ofOctavian's
brief
account
vol.10,pp.75ff.,
activity
givesanexcellent
thisstayinRome.
during
66Hostility
andL. J.Samons
minimized
isjudiciously
totheregime
II,
byK. A. Raaflaub
andEmpire
andM. Toher
inK. A. Raaflaub
toAugustus',
(eds),Between
Republic
'Opposition
whotriumphed
LosAngeles
andLondon,
Crassus,
1990),
pp.417-54.M. Licinius
(Berkeley,
forhiskilling
ofan enemy
from
Macedonia
on4 July
27,butdidnotdedicate
spoliaopima
' Crassus
and
ofdisaffection,
butseeJ.W.Rich,
beenseenasa focus
hassometimes
commander,
26(1996),pp.85-127.
thespoliaopima'Chiron
67Forthe
seeespecially
Dio 51.21-2,
andbenefactions
dedications
53.1.3-2.3;
spectacles,
Inscr.
Ital.vol.13.2,pp.497,503^, 518-19(= EJ,pp.50-3).
68RG8.2;Suet.Aug
Ital.vol.13.1,pp.255(= EJ
. 27.5,35.1;Dio 52.42.1-4,
53.1.3;Inscr.
323).

190
: thiswas a potentsymbolicgesture,forRomanshad traditionally

refurbished
pridedthemselveson theirpietyand the civilwars werewidelyregardedas
punishmentfor neglect of the gods.69The followingyear saw another
symbolicgesture,thistimeofpersonalmodesty:Octavianmelteddownsome
80 silverstatuesof himselfwhichhad been erectedin the cityand used the
proceedsto dedicategold tripodsin the precinctof Apollo Palatinus.70
In addition,Octavian addressedtheissue of his own role withinthestate,
powers.This
by what he representedas the surrenderof his extraordinary
and
the
nature
of
Octavian's
surrender
of
subsequent
power
apparent
position in the state are among the most discussed questions in Roman
Yet the evidencewhichbears upon themis quite meagre,and the
history.71
acquisition of additional contemporarymaterialin the formof the new
aureus is thusan extraordinary
piece of good fortune.However,beforewe
we mustreviewthe otherevidenceand the
can assess thisnew information,
conclusionswhichhave been drawnfromit.
Pride of place mustgo to Augustus'own statement( RG 34) :
in consulatu
sextoet septimo
, po[stquam
, per consensum
b]ella[ciuil'iaexstinxeram
uniuersorum
, rempublicamex meapotestatein senat[us
'potitusreru]m
om[n]ium
transtuli.
populiqueRom]ani[a]rbitrium
(2) quo pro meritomeosenatu[sconsulto
sum
et
laureis
Au]gust[us
appe]llatus
postesaediummearum
u[elat'
pubice
coronaq]ue
ciuicasuperianuam
meam
in[c]uria
Iuliapositus,
fixaest[etclu'peus
[aureu]s
quemmihi
senatum
dareuirtutis
etpieta[tis
Rom[anu]m
pop[ulumq]ue
e]tiustitiae
clement[iaeque
estpe[re]iusclupei[inscription]em.
caus]satestatu[m]
(3) postid tem[pus
a]uctoritate
, potest]atis
, qui m]ihi
[omnibus
au[temn]ihiloampliu[shabu]iquamcet[eri
praestiti
conlegae
J[uerunt].
quoqueinma[gis]tra[t]u
Mommsen
u[estit'
u[elat'Wlfflin:
thecivilwars,having
afterI had extinguished
In mysixthand seventh
consulships,
I
of
transferred
the
res
the
consent
all,
publicafrommypower
by
acquiredeverything
forthisserviceof
to thecontrolofthesenateand theRomanpeople.(2) In return
andthedoor-posts
ofmyhousewere
decreeI wascalledAugustus,
minebysenatorial
withlaurel,and a civiccrownwas placedabovemydoorand a
screened
publicly
69RG20.4:Livy4.20.7;Suet.Aug.30.2;Dio 53.2.4;cf.Hor.Od.3.6.1-8.
70RG24.2;Suet.Aug.52; Dio 53.22.3;Zanker,
PowerofImages
(n.8),pp.86-9.Dio's
erroneous:
seeSutherland,
Roman
is probably
statement
thatthesilver
wasusedforcoining
andCoinage
History
(n.56),pp.10-13.
71Themore
include
P. Sattler,
undderSenat(Gttingen,
recent
discussions
1960),
Augustus
DiviAugusti
P. A. Brunt
andJ.M. Moore,
ResGestae
;
(Oxford,
1967),
pp.8-10,75-80;
pp.34ff.
4
e la "Respublica'
andPrincipte'
", in
Millar,Triumvirate
(n.62);P. A. Brunt,
'"Augustus"
D. Kienast,
diLabeo6,1982),
romana
La rivoluzione
Augustus:
Prinzeps
pp.236-44;
(Biblioteca
of
'The settlement
undMonarch
1982),pp. 71-84;J.H. W.G. Liebeschuetz,
(Darmstadt,
inLatin
Literature
andRoman
27BC',inC. Deroux
,vol.4 (Brussels,
1986),
History
(ed.),Studies
Zwischen
Triumvirat
undPrinzipat
Dio(n.11),pp.132ff.;
Bleicken,
pp.345-65;Rich,Cassius
version
of
andthePrincipte
(n.2), pp.77-99(revised
(n.57),pp.82-93; Lacey,Augustus
inJRS 64 (1974),pp. 176-84);
intheSenate,
'Octavian
Crook,
27',first
January
published
113ff.
andNewYork,1998),
CAH2vol.10,pp.76ff.,
; P. Southern,
(London
Augustus
pp.109ff.

191
goldenshieldwas placed in the Curia Iulia, whichthe senateand the Roman

justiceand piety,as is
people gave to me becauseof my courage,clemency,
attested
onthatshield.(3) After
thattimeI excelled
allinauthority,
bytheinscription
butI had no moreofficial
than
other
men
who
were
power
mycolleaguesin each
magistracy.
Augustusheredescribeshis honoursin carefuldetail. By contrast,on both
thetransfer
ofpowerand his subsequentpositionhe writesterselyand shows
a masterlyeconomywith the truth.One importantpoint must be noted
: Augustusregardsthetransfer
of powernot as a singleact but
straightaway
as a processextendingoverhis sixthand seventhconsulships(thatis, 28 and
27 BC).
The honoursconferredin 27 came to servea symbolsof Augustus'special
positionin thestate.Theyare wellattestedin theliterarysources,and widely
commemoratedon thecoinage and in art.Calendricalsourcesgivedates for
theirconferment.
The oak crown 'for saving citizens' was grantedon 13
January,accordingto theFasti of Praeneste.It is usuallysupposed thatthe
name Augustuswas conferredon 16 January,but in factonlythePraeneste
Fasti give that date. Ovid (Fasti 1.590) gives the date as 13 January,the
Feriale of Cumae as 15 January,Censorinus (de die natali 21.8) as 17
However thispuzzle is to be resolved,it is clear that the senate
January.72
on
13
of
January27 bc to conferhonourson Octavianforhis transfer
began
so
that
the
of
must
have
been
power,
process transferring
power
completed
on or beforethatdate.
Ovid (Fasti 1.589) tellsus thaton 13 January'everyprovincewas restored
to our people' (redditaest omnispopuloprouincianostro).If thisis correct,
we may conclude thatthe transferof power was completedon that day in
27 bc by the restorationof theprovinces.Like Augustushimselfin the Res
Gestae, Ovid makes no reference
to the factthathe subsequentlyagreedto
retaina share of the provinces.
Several annalistic histories were composed under Augustus or his
immediatesuccessorswhich gave detailed accounts of some or all of his
reign,but thesehave lefthardlyany trace,exceptindirectlyas the largely
unacknowledgedsourcesof variousextantwriters.All thatsurvivesof their
accountsofthesettlement
of28-27 is thesummaryof Livy'streatment
in the
Periocha of Book 134:
' Reddita
72C. J.
omnis
ratification
27bc',in
Simpson,
prouincia:
bythePeopleinJanuary,
C. Deroux(ed.),Studies
inLatinLiterature
andRoman
, vol.7 (Brussels,
History
1994),pp.
callsattention
tothediscrepancy.
ForthePraeneste
FastiandtheFeriale
ofCumaesee
297-309,
A.Degrassi,
Inscr.
Ita.vol.13.2(Rome,1963),
279,396-400.
However,
pp.112-15,
although
oftheCumaeFeriale
as '[XV]II K. FEBR' (i.e.16January),
the
Degrassi
givesthereading
correct
is'[XV1III
K. FEBR',as earlier
editors
CIL I2,pp.
reading
recognized
(e.g.Mommsen,
visible
from
of
229,307)andis clearly
Degrassi's
photograph
(pl.LXXIV).Forthehonours
27seealsonn.11,40above.
January

192
incertam
redactis
C. Caesarrebuscompositis
etomnibus
formam
Augustus
prouinciis
est.
quoquecognominatus
all theprovinces
WhenGaius Caesarhad re-established
orderand organized
on a
definite
he was also giventhenameAugustus.
pattern,
The statement
about theorganizationoftheprovincesappearsto referto the
whichweremade
divisionof theprovincesand theconsequentarrangements
hereto Augustus'
There is no explicitreference
about theiradministration.
surrender
of extraordinary
powers,but thatdoes not,of course,entitleus to
inferthatLivy himselffailedto mentionit.73
Rathermore surprisingis the absence of any mentionof the transferof
powerin the briefnarrativeof thatdevotedpartisanof theregime,Vellerns
Paterculus,who contentshimselfwitha ferventpaean to the restorationof
republicanways after the civil war ended, in a passage which is both
chronologicallyvague and avoids any referenceto Augustus' own powers
(2.89.3-4):
annobellaciuilia,
, reuocata
pax, sopitus
finitauicesimo
sepultaexterna
ubiquearmorum
auctoritas
maiestas
atuum
uislegibus
, iudiciis
, senatui
; imprium
; restitua
magistr
furor
redactum
modum
octopraetoribus
adiectiduo); priscaillaet
adpristinum
(tantummodo
, securitas
antiquarei publicaeformareuocata.rediitcultusagris, sacris honos
hominibus
latae
, certacuiquererumsuarumpossessio
; leges emendataeutiliter,
salubriter
necsineseveritate
lectus.
; sentussineasperitate
warssuppressed,
Thecivilwarswereendedafter
twenty
years,foreign
peacerestored,
lulledto rest;validitywas restoredto the laws,
thefrenzy
of armseverywhere
was
to thesenate;thepowerofthemagistrates
to thecourts,andmajesty
authority
with
the
sole
that
two
were
added
to
the
reducedto itsformer
limit,
exception
eight
formof the republicwas broughtback.
existingpraetors;the old traditional
and
to religious
to mankind,
returned
to thefields,
Cultivation
rites,security
respect
Laws wererevisedforthe
to each individualassuredpossessionof his property.
Themembership
ofthesenate
andnewlawspassedto thegeneraladvantage.
better,
strictness.
without
butnotwithout
was reviewed
harshness,
There are veiled allusions here to the adjustmentof Octavian/Augustus'
powers,as we shall see, but the referenceis also wider,forexampleto his
censorialactivity.
Later writershad no doubt thatthe regimeestablishedby Augustuswas
monarchical,and accordingly,withone conspicuousexception,theyshow
of 28-27. Thus SuetoniusclaimsthatOctavian
littleinterestin thesettlement
thoughtabout handingback the republic{de reddendare publica) afterthe
defeatof Antonyand again duringhis illnessof 23 bc butdecidedagainstit,
and elsewheremerelysuppliesseparatenoticesof hisassumptionofthename
73Theuseofthe
'Gaius'isodd,sinceOctavian
hadreplaced
itwith
praenomen
'Imperator'
in38(above,n.7).

193
At the startof his Annals

Augustusand of the divisionof the provinces.74
Tacitus articulatesthe political realitieswith lapidary concision: cuncta
discordiisciuilibusfessa nomineprincipissub impriumaccepit (1.1.1:
4
Augustusacceptedtheruleof thewhole state,whichwas exhaustedby civil
discords,under the name of leading citizen'). In the followingchapter
Tacitus maintainsthatAugustuscame to engrossall the functionsof state.
This view is conveyedin a huge periodicsentence,in the course of which
Augustus'tenureof theconsulshipis elidedwiththetribunicianpowerwith
nomineconsulemseferenset
whichhe replacedit in 23 (1.2.1 posito triumuiri
iurecontentum
ad tuendamplebemtribunicio
, 'having laid down the titleof
triumvir
he presentedhimselfas consuland as contentedwiththetribunician
powerforprotectingthe people').75
Only Cassius Dio givesa detailedaccount of Octavian's surrenderof his
Of necessityhis account
extraordinary
powersand theensuingsettlement.76
It is a remarkable
formsthe principalbasis of all modernreconstructions.
achievement.The extent of Dio's debt to earlier sources (principally
tone and the
annalistichistories)can onlybe conjectured,but in structure,
assemblingof materialthe account is likelyto be largelyhis own work.
Althoughnot withoutits crudities,it is a vivid and perceptivepiece of
historicalinterpretationfrom a writerof considerable intelligenceand
But thereinlies therub. It has long been clear thatDio in some
originality.
It willbe arguedbelow
respectsdistortedtheeventsto fithispreconceptions.
thatthenew evidenceof theaureusshowsthattheextentof his distortionis
considerablygreaterthanhas so farbeen suspected.
Althoughhe wrotetwo centurieslater,the politicalsystemunderwhich
Dio livedwas essentiallytheone whichAugustushad created.He therefore
fromtherepublicansystemto themonarchyofthe
rightly
gave thetransition
a
central
and
dominant
emperors
place in his history.He treatedtheperiod
in whichthechangewas accomplishedin muchgreaterdetailthantherestof
of thewhole
Roman history,and he used thechangeto shape the structure
work: thefirstfortybooks deal withRome underthekingsand theRepublic,
Books 41-50 withthe transitionalyears49-31 bc, and the remainingthirty
books withthe emperors.
Dio ended his ten books on the civil wars with Actium,the decisive
momentat whichOctavian achievedsole rule.77However,underthe years
74Suet.Aug.1.2, 28.1,47.
75AtAnn.1.9.5Tacitus a formulation
which
shows
morerespect
forthefaade:
'non
gives
tarnen
sedprincipis
nomine
constitutam
rempublicam'.
Buthereheis
regno
equedictatura,
inhisownperson,
notspeaking
butpresenting
theviewofthosesympathetic
totheregime.
76OnDio'streatment
seefurther
ofthesettlement
Dio,pp.13ff.,
134ff.
Seealso
Rich,Cassius
F. G. B.Millar,
A Study
Dio(Oxford,
E. No,Commento
storico
a
ofCassius
1962),
pp.98ff.;
CassioDioneLIII (Como,1994),
59ff.
llff.,
pp.
77Actium
as thestart
ofmonarchy:
Dio 50.1.2,
56.30.5.
Elsewhere
hespeaks
ofthe
51.1.1,
29debate
orthesettlement
of27(53.17.1,
butthese
aretrifling
(52.1.1)
19.1)astheturning
point,

194
29-27, he givesa lengthyaccount of theway in whichOctavian shaped his

new monarchy.This accountcomprisestwo extendedepisodes,joined by a
brieflinkpassage. The firstof theseepisodesis thecelebrateddebatebetween
Agrippa and Maecenas (52.1-41.2). Here Dio exploitedthe traditionthat
Octavian consideredgivingup power (also recorded,as we have seen, by
Suetonius,but certainlyfalse)as thepretextfortwo lengthyspeechesof his
own invention.These servea multiplepurpose: Dio used themto analysethe
problemsfacingthefirstemperorand theimperialsystemas itevolvedunder
to advancehis (Dio's)
himand his successors,and also took theopportunity
own ideas for reform.The debate concludes with Octavian's decision to
retainthe monarchy,as 'Maecenas' had recommended.Next comes the
linkingpassage,whichconsistsof noticesof some eventsof 29 (52.41.3-43.2)
additionalto thosereportedearlier(51.20-27), followedby a briefaccount
of Octavian'sactivityat Rome in 28 (53.1.1-2.5). This leads intothesecond
extendedepisode, which deals with Octavian's resignationof his extraordinarypowersand theresultingdivisionof theprovincesand takesup the
greaterpart of Dio's account of the year 27 (53.2.6-22.5).
In this second episode, as in much of his work, Dio lays stresson the
contrastbetween men's pretencesand the realitiesof power. Here, as
elsewhere,he owes much to Thucydides,his principalstylisticexemplar.
Octavian's resignationwas, he repeatedlyassures us, a sham, designedto
securemen's apparentlyfreeconsentto the continuationof his monarchy
(53.2.6, 11,21.1). By agreeingto ruleonlya portionoftheprovincesand that
onlyfora limitedperiod,Octavian soughtto seem 'democratic' (whichfor
Dio meant'republican') and to avoid the appearance of monarchy,but in
realityhis power remainedabsolute and permanent(53.12.1, 13.1, 16.1,
17.1). None of this is to be taken as implyingdisapproval of Octavian's
conduct.Dio was seekingto dischargethe historian'sdutyof exposingthe
truthabout men'sactions,butbothhereand elsewherehe goes out ofhisway
forRome (53.19.1;
to assertthatmonarchywas thebestformofgovernment
cf. 44.1-2, 47.39.4-5, 54.6.1, 56.44.2).
In his seventhconsulship(27 bc), Octavian,so Dio informsus, enteredthe
senateand read a speechin whichhe resignedall his extraordinary
powers
of
a
of
his
own
Dio
a
splendid
piece
composition,
(53.2.6-7).
supplies speech
sustainedironicwriting(53.3-10). Dio then gives an elaboratelywrought
accountof thesenators'reactions: fora varietyof motives,all protestedand
beggedhimto acceptmonarchy,as he had intended(53.11.1-4). Eventually
he yielded,pretendingto do so undercompulsion(53.11.4-5). However,as
regardstheprovinces,he agreedonlyto acceptthosewhichwereinsecurefor
a periodof tenyears,on thepretextof pacifyingthembut in realityin order
different
from
rather
thanderiving
ofloosewriting
andbestseenas theproduct
anomalies
Dio, p. 14).
sources
(Rich,Cassius

195
to maintainhis controlof the army(53.12.1-3, 13.1). Dio now introduces

digressionson the divisionof the provinces(53.12.4-9) and theiradministrationunderAugustusand his successors(53.13.2-15.6). Afterremarking
on the periodic renewals of the division of the provinces throughout
Augustus'sreign,Dio passes to thehonoursconferredon himin connection
withthe settlement
digressionson the natureof
(53.16). Next come further
had inaugurated
themonarchicalsystemoftheemperorswhichthesettlement
is
then
resumed
of
the
The
narrative
(53.20), butinterrupted
year
(53.17-19).
in thisand
of
methods
on
another
government
excursus, Augustus'
by yet
its
numerous
with
This
elaborate
structure,
subsequent years (53.21).
as an
serve
27
to
the
of
account
Dio's
allows
thus
year
digressions,
both to Augustus'reignand to theimperialperiod as a whole,
introduction
and to bringout how the eventsof that year had shaped the systemof
underwhichhe stilllived.
government
In variousrespectsDio has distortedthefactsto heightenhispictureofthe
eventsof the year as an elaboratelystaged charade. When writingof the
oftheresignationhe conveystheimpressionthatOctavianovertly
aftermath
accepted autocracy,albeit withfeignedreluctance(53.11.4-12.1). Here he
has expressedhimselftoo crudely:as his subsequentinsistenceon Octavian's
wish to appear 'democratic' shows, he should have limitedhimselfto
claimingthatOctavianaccepteda positionwhich,whatevertheappearance,
was in realitymonarchic.The doublingof thepraetorians'pay was probably
enactedin connectionwiththe divisionof the provinces,but Dio mentions
it first,as evidenceof Octavian'shypocrisy(53.11.5). He impliesthatall the
armieswerestationedin theemperor'sprovinces,butin factbetweenfiveand
eightlegionswereinitiallystationedin the public provinces.78
One aspectof Dio's accountto whichlittleattentionhas been paid is what
it impliesabout the timingof Octavian's surrenderof his extraordinary
act, carried
powers.Dio representsthe surrenderas a singlecomprehensive
out by a speech in the senate in 27. On the face of it, this conflictswith
Augustus'own account at RG 34.1, where,as we have seen, the surrender
is representedas takingplace in 28 as well as 27, and thus as an extended
processratherthana singleact. However,in his accountof theyear28 Dio
mentionscertainacts of Octavianbywhichhe revertedto traditionalcustom
and legality.It is evidentthatthesemeasuresmustbe at least part of what
to theyear28, and so it is usuallyheld
Augustushad in mindin his reference
thatthisenables the apparentconflictto be resolved.
We mustnow look morecloselyat Dio's accountof theyear28, whichis
exclusivelydevotedto Octavian's activitiesat Rome and is verybrief.The
annalistichistorianswho formedDio's principalsourcesmusthave narrated
the year in substantiallygreaterdetail. As for many of his later year78Dio 53.12.3;
Dio, 140,withfurther
Rich,Cassius
bibliography.

196
narrativesforAugustus'reign,Dio hereselectedfromand compressedwhat

he foundin his source or sources.79In thiscase he had a particularmotive
for brevity:as we have seen, this year-narrative
formedpart of a bridgebetween
two
more
extended
from
whichhe will not have
passage
episodes,
wishedthe reader'sattentionto be undulydistracted.
Dio oftensoughtto make thematiclinks betweenitemsto improvethe
flowof his narrative,and his accountof theyear28 is a notableexampleof
thematicorganization.Little or no account appears to be taken of the
chronologicalsequence of events.80The materialis arrangedin what is in
effecta ring-composition.
At thecentrecome variousacts of munificence
by
Octavian (53.2.1-3). These are framedby and linked to various religion
measures: the dedicationof the templeof Apollo Palatinus and the first
Actian games (53.1.3-6), and the banningof Egyptianritesand restoration
of the temples(53.2.4-5). These in turnare framedby openingand closing
noticesof ways in whichOctavian revertedto ancestralcustomand legality
(53.1.1-3, 2.5), and fromthelast of theseDio leads in to Octavian'sfeigned
resignationin the followingyear (53.2.6-7).
Dio opens his account of the year 28 by informingus that Octavian
observedtraditionalpracticein alternating
thefasces monthlywithAgrippa,
his colleague as consul in this, as in the followingyear (53.1.1). In the
precedingyears,it would seem, his lictorshad continuedto carryfasces
throughoutthe year.81That this adherenceto the principleof collegiality
should itselfbe seen as part of the transferof extraordinary
powersis clear
fromRG 34.3, whereAugustusdeclares that afterthe transferhe had no
morepotestasthan his colleaguesin each magistracy.82
Dio immediately
instanceof his observanceof tradition,
adds, as a further
that Octavian took the customaryoath at the end of the year. The full
of thisbecomesclearwhenthetermsof theoath are considered:
significance
the outgoingmagistrateswore that he had done nothingcontraryto the
laws.83In his sixthconsulship,then,Octavian undertookto have observed
79OnDio'suseofhisannalistic
sources
forAugustus'
seeRich,Cassius
Dio, pp.7-10;
reign
' Cassius
P. M. Swan,
DioonAugustus
: a poverty
ofannalistic
41(1987),
Phoenix
sources?',
pp.
and'HowCassiusDio composed
hisAugustan
books:fourstudies',
ANRW2.34.3
272-91,
(1997),
pp.2524-57.
ThusOctavian's
oathismentioned
attheoutset
andthededication
of
end-of-year
(53.1.1)
thetemple
ofApollo,
which
infacttookplaceon9 October
. Ital.vol.13.2,p. 518),is
(Inscr
mentioned
early
(53.1.3).
81Onthe
ofalternating
thefasces
between
theconsuls
seefurther
Dio,
Rich,Cassius
practice
132;No,Commento
, pp.60-1.
p.82
also Vellerns'
reference
of theimprium
of the
Compare
(2.89.3)to thereduction
toitsformer
limit.
magistrates
83
iurasti
tenihilcontra
Cf.Livy29.37.12;
Pliny,
Paneg.65.2:'et abiturus
legesfecisse'.
Rmisches
Staatsrecht
Mommsen,
(n.49a),vol. 1, p. 625;Kunkel,
Staatsordnung
(n.49a),
p.253.

197
thelaws, but in previousyearshe had been unwillingor unable to givesuch

a guarantee.
The finalitemin Dio's account of the year28 reads as follows(53.2.5):
re 7roA
irvv/carre ras ordoeisKavtosnoXefjuois
re kal kvrfjtov
, co
7Tihr
yAvTO)VLOV
TOV
TAcTTlSoV
Kd
TT.VTa
VT
St*VO
0l8lK(X)S
OVVdpX
I,KCU
aVOJLOJS
TT(xl, CL
CLVTOV
VTTOLTaV
.
KOLTVOV,
TTpOypfJLfJLCLTOS
OpOV
T7JV
KT7]V
TTpodcLS
7TpoQes
Reiske: npoodeis
MSS.
Sincehehadputintoeffect
theperiodofcivil
manyillegalandunjustmeasures
during
strife
andwars,especially
inhisjointrulewithAntony
andLepidus,henowannulled
themall bya singleedict,fixing
hissixthconsulship
as thelimit.
This measurehappensto be mentionedalso by Tacitus in his surveyof the
developmentof Roman laws (Ann. 3.28.1-2):
eximcontinua
annosdiscordia
, nonmos, nonius; deterrima
peruiginti
quaequeimpune
ac multahonestaexitiofuere,sextodemumconsulatuCaesarAugustus
, potentiae
securus
iusserat
aboleuit
iuraquispaceetprincipe
uteremur.
, quaetriumuiratu
deditque
Thenfortwenty
no morality,
no law.Criminality
discord,
yearstherewascontinual
wentunpunished,
Caesar
decencywas oftenfatal.Finally,in his sixthconsulship,
secure
in
his
cancelled
the
orders
he
had
issued
in
his
Augustus,
power,
triumvirate,
and gavethelawswhichwe wereto use underpeaceand theprinceps.
Dio's formulation
of whatwas beingannulledis to be preferred
to Tacitus':
theedictcoverednot all of Octavian's ordinances,but such of themas were
illegaland unjust.It is to be notedthatitdid notdeal withtheacts ofAntony
and Lepidus,butonlythoseofOctavian.84At thestartof29 thesenatorshad
ratifiedall his acts by oath (Dio 51.20.1); now thisratification
was partially
cancelled. How the annulmentwas to be implementedmay only be
conjectured.It maybe that,as Gray suggested,a limitedperiodwas allowed
forappeal againstOctavian'sdecisions.85
However,it is perhapsmorelikely
that the annulmentwas a mere declaration, with no provisions for
and had littlepracticaleffect.At any rate,Dio's statement
implementation,
thatOctavian's sixthconsulshipwas set as thelimitshould not be taken,as
by Gray, as indicatingthat appeals were allowed untilthe end of 28. The
meaningis ratherthattheperiodofillegalacts extendeddownto theyear29 :
as we have seen,Octavian claimedon oath thathe had not contravenedthe
laws during28.86
We are now at last in a positionto returnto the new aureus of 28 bc.
84Themeasure
willnothavebeenwideenough
tosatisfy
thejurist
whoregarded
Cascellius,
allthetriumvirs'
benefactions
as illegal
(Val.Max.6.2.12).
E. W.Gray,
Gnomon
33(1961),p. 193,citing
Pliny,
Ep. 10.56.4.
P. Grenade,
Essaisurlesorigines
duprincipt
constructs
elaborate
(Paris,
1961),
hypotheses
aboutthesignificance
oftheyear28bcintheevolution
ofthePrincipte
onthebasisof
partly
theannulment
edict.
hisprincipal
contentions
areunfounded
: seethecritical
review
However,
by
P. A. Brunt,
JRS51(1961),
pp.236-8.

198
Octavian'sobservanceofthelaws duringthatyearand hisedictannullinghis

past illegaland unjustacts are clearlyat leastpartof whatwas envisagedin
thelegend'sclaim that'he has restoredtheirlaws and rightsto the Roman
people'. It is possiblethatthereversetypedepictstheissuingof theedict: as
was noted above, the implicationmay be that the scrollheld by Octavian
containedan edictwhicha praeco was about to read out. It would have been
in accord withits usual practiceforthe senate to respondto such an edict
witha decreein Octavian'shonour,and Dio himselftellsus thatit won him
approbationand praise.87If,as arguedabove, thereversetypeand legendof
the aureus and the titleLIBERTATISP R VINDEXaccorded him on the PAX
cistophoriderivefroma decreeof thesenatein his honour,theproclamation
of the annulmentedict is the most likelyoccasion to have promptedthis
decree.Moreover,theclaimmade on theaureuslegendmaywellderivefrom
the annulmentedictitself.
Dio's evidencethushelpsto elucidatethe aureus. However,thisdoes not
mean thatthe coin saves Dio's credit.On the contrary,it enables us to see
how thesurrenderof Octavian's extraordinary
powershas been distortedin
his account.
The coin legendagreeswellwithAugustus'statementat RG 34.1 thatthe
transferof power took place over his sixthand seventhconsulships,and,
whentakentogetherwiththeevidenceof Dio and Ovid, it makes clear how
the transferwas staged: theirlaws and rightswere restoredto the Roman
people in 28, and the armiesand provinceson 13 January27. However,as
we saw above, Dio does not conceive of Octavian's surrenderof his
extraordinarypowers as a staged process, but representsit as a single
comprehensiveact taking place in 27. The point may be clarifiedby
consideringthethreepassagesin theresignationspeechwhichDio composed
forOctavian wherehe makes the rulerspecifywhat he is handingback. In
all threepassages he namesthearmiesand theprovinces,but in two he also
includes the laws and in one he adds the revenuesas well.88Thus Dio
thelaws along withhis otherextraordinary
Octavianas returning
represents
with the claim of the aureus that
conflict
is
in
direct
in
27.
This
powers
withtheevents
Octavianrestoredthelaws in 28. The aureusis contemporary
in
which
for
the
witness
as
a
reliable
be
taken
and may
theywere
way
its
formulation
as
the
Roman
to
public. Indeed, arguedabove,
represented
perhaps
may derivefroma decreeof the senatepassed in 28 and ultimately
fromOctavian'sown wordsin theannulmentedict.Moreover,itis in accord
withAugustus'own statementin theRes Gestae. The evidenceof theaureus
to thatof Dio.
is thusunquestionablyto be preferred
87DO53.2.6:v8okljlwv
...
Kal7t<ilvovjlvos
reovvemrovrois
88DO53.4.3raoirXa
9.6Kalr07rAa
racvrj
rVTrrKoa,
kli
5.4KalrttXcl
raeOvrj,
rov
vfiov
Diorepresents
where
also52.13.1,
Compare
Kalrovs
Kalr0vr
rasreirpooSovs
Agrippa
voiovs
TaKalrdm
tothepeopleKalrnXa
torestore
Octavian
asurging
j Kalrasp'sKalrxPWa

199
of powerin
thecompletionof thetransfer
How Dio came to misrepresent
January27 as a single comprehensiveact of surrendercan only be
conjectured.To some extentthedistortionmay alreadyhave been presentin
one or more of his sources.A part may have been played by Dio's method
of work,whichappears to have consistedmainlyof takingnotes fromhis
readingand writingthemup at a laterstage.89However,it is clear thatthe
distortionserved his interpretation:he wished to present Octavian's
of poweras a sham,and his presentationof it as a singleact which
surrender
was immediately
revokedheightenedthisimpression.It shouldalso be noted
that his treatmentof the annulmentedict forms part of this overall
He reportsits proclamationat the end of his account of the
interpretation.
and
then
28
says that the approval with which it was receivedled
year
Octavian to carryout the feignedresignation(53.2.5-6). As so oftenin his
work,Dio himselfprobablymade thiscausal connection.His reportcannot
be takenas evidencethattheannulmentproclamationwas made late in the
year.
Thus the new evidenceof the aureus shows that Augustus'statementin
of powertook place in his sixthand seventh
theRes Gestaethatthetransfer
as
has
generallybeen supposed,be reconciledwithDio's
consulshipcannot,
act takingplace in 27. The
as a singlecomprehensive
pictureof thetransfer
two views are in conflict,and Dio's must be rejected.The transferwas a
stagedprocesslastingover two years,and the surrenderof the armiesand
provinceson 13 January27 was merelythe finalact.
Now that the staged characterof the transferof power has been made
clear, we must consider whetherthere were other elementswhich were
returnedby Octavianin 28, and, ifso, whethertheytoo wereincludedin the
scope of theaureuslegend.As was noted above, thetermiurain thelegend
is ambiguous:it maysimplybe a virtualsynonymforleges, but alternatively
it may extendto includeotherrightsrestoredto the Roman people.
Dio (53.2.1) recordsmeasurestaken by Octavian in 28 relatingto the
treasury{aerarium): he assistedit witha giftof money,and it was ordained
in the
thatex-praetorsshouldbe choseneveryyearto administer
it,evidently
the
be
more
effective
than
would
that
more
senior
quaestors
appointees
hope
who had traditionallyperformedthis task. A littlelater Dio reportsthat
suretiesgivento the treasurybeforeActiumwere dischargedand the old
recordsof debt burnt(53.2.3).90(This measureand the appointmentof ex89J.W.Rich,'Dio on
inA. Cameron
as Text(London,
(ed.),History
1989),
Augustus',
atpp.89-92,andCassius
5-7.
87-110,
Dio,
pp.
pp.
90Onthese
notices
seeE. No,'Notaa CassioDione,LIII,2', Athenaeum
78(1990),pp.
65-76.Forthisandlatersubventions
tothetreasury
seeRG17.1; RIC
byOctavian/
Augustus
360-2.Fortheadministration
in23totwopraetors,
ofthetreasury,
transferred
seeSuet.Aug.
VAerarium
et VAerarium
Militare
:
Saturni
36; Tac. Ann.13.29;Dio 53.32.2;M. Corbier,
administration
etprosopographie
snatoriale
(Rome,1974),
pp.637-9.

200
by Dio as personaldecisionsof Octavian; no doubt

praetorsare represented
theywere in factenacted at his initiative,but by decreeof the senate.)91It
seems likelythat these various measuresformedpart of a comprehensive
it to the Roman
reformof the treasurywhichwas representedas returning
senateand people.92As withthe laws, Dio has suppressedthisforhis own
reasons: he representsthe 'revenues' as one of theelementssurrendered
by
Octavian in his resignationspeech of 27, and laterinsiststhattherewas in
betweenthe public fundsand those of the emperor.93
realityno difference
The triumvirs,
as we have seen,nominatedthe magistrates,
althoughthe
assemblydoubtlessmet to confirmthe names put beforethem. Once he
becamesole ruler,Octavianwillhave continuedto exercisethispowerat least
until29. It was, however,flagrantly
incompatiblewithrepublicanforms,and
of 28-27 was thustherestorationof
an importantelementin the settlement
freeelectionsby the popular assembly.It is usuallysupposed thatthe first
such freeelectionswereheld in 27. This assumptionis a consequenceof the
view, based on Dio's account, that Octavian made a comprehensive
has
surrenderof his extraordinary
powerson 13 January27. Confirmation
been foundin theremarkson theworkingsof theelectoralassembliesunder
AugustuswhichDio makes laterin his account of the year 27 (53.21.6-7).
However,thatpassage occursnot in thenarrativeof theeventsof theyear,
but in an excursuson Augustus'methodof government
(53.21), and so no
inferencescan safelybe drawn fromit on the date when this and other
innovationswere made. It is in fact more likelythat freeelectionswere
resumedin 28 than in 27. It would have been whollyanomalous if,in that
year,while proclaimingthe restorationof laws and rightsto the Roman
people, Octavian had once again nominatedthe incomingmagistrates.The
rightto elect the magistratesmay thus be included in the powers which
Octavianrestoredto thepeople in 28. Moreover,thismaywellbe one of the
thatSuetoniusused the
iuraenvisagedin theaureuslegend.It is noteworthy
word ius in his noticeof therestorationof freeelections: comitiorum
quoque
ius reduxit{Aug. 40.2: 'he revivedthe old rightof elections').94
pristinum
91P.A. Brunt,
at
intheAugustan
'Theroleofthesenate
pp.423-44,
CQ 34(1984),
regime',
infactpassed
which
were
measures
often
Dio andSuetonius
shows,
represent
p.437.AsBrunt
ofAugustus.
ordinances
as personal
thesenate
through
92So already
at
JRS62(1972),
SC onAugustan
A. Bay,'Theletters
pp.111-22,
coinage',
andthePrincipte
(n.2),pp.86,91.
Augustus
p. 120;Lacey,
m27:Dio 53.9.6,
n.88;cf.52.13.1
surrendered
cited
'Revenues
there):
(alsocited
above,
No real
torestore.
Octavian
which
theitems
r xPWa
Agrippa
urges
among
('thefunds')
22.2-4.
Dio 53.16.1,
funds
andtheemperor's:
thepublic
between
difference
94Dio'sstatement
in28isnota difficulty
urbanus
thepraetor
thatOctavian
appointed
(53.2.3)
isnottothemodeof
inthatyear.Thereference
elections
wererestored
fortheviewthatfree
for28entered
: when
thepraetors
oftheurbana
totheassignment
butsimply
election,
prouincia
willhavebeenappointed
oneofthem
fortheyear,
functions
anddrew
lotsfortheir
office
judicial
ofthesenate
theballot,
togothrough
without
urbanus
bya decree
probably
having
praetor
Rmisches
Staatsrecht
initiative
(n.49a),vol.2,p.215n.3;
(Mommsen,
passedonOctavian's

201
The lowermagistratesfor27 werethusprobablychosen at freeelections

heldin 28. The samecannothave beentruefortheconsulship,sinceOctavian
and Agrippa,theconsulsof 28, continuedto hold theofficein thefollowing
year, evidentlywithout a contest. This continuation,in such apparent
conflictwiththe returnto republicanforms,was surelyprocuredby some
special device,perhapsa decreeof the senate,backed up by some formof
expressionof thepopular wish,beggingthe consuls to continuein officeto
superintendthe processof reform.
werebroughtback intoconformity
with
In otherwaystoo themagistracies
in
in
29-27.
Rome
The
forms
duringOctavian/Augustus' stay
republican
electedwas reducedto pre-civilwar levels,and suffect
numberofmagistrates
consulsceased to be appointed(both theseprincipleswereto be abandoned
laterin Augustus'reign).These reformswould not have requiredlegislation,
but,althoughno sourcerefersto it directly,it is clear thata new lex annalis
musthave been passed, since underAugustusand his successorsthe rules
regulatingthe ages at whichmagistraciesmightbe held were significantly
different
fromthosewhichhad been in forcein thelate Republic.95The most
likelyoccasion forthislaw was in 28, whenOctavianrestoredfreeelections.
The restorationof legeset iurameant,in fact,not onlythe revivalof old
laws but thepassingof new ones. So muchis impliedby Tacitus,who, after
to the annulmentof Octavian's triumviralacts in 28, goes on to
referring
state thatin the same year 'he gave the laws whichwe were to use under
'
peace and the princeps (.Ann 3.28.2: deditqueiura quis pace et principe
uteremur).What furtherlaws were passed in that year,whetheron other
of powers,is a matterforconjecture.It
topicsor arisingout of the transfer
is, forexample,likelythatsome of thenew measurestakenin respectof the
of new magistracieshad
treasuryin 28 wereratifiedby a law: theinstitution
the
and
it
is unlikelythatin 28,
sanction,
customarilyrequired
assembly's
whenhe was so scrupulousabout legality,Octavian would have omittedto
get the assembly'sapproval for the transferof the treasuryto prefectsof
praetorianrank.96
Augustuslatershowedhimselfscrupulousin consultingthe senateabout
'Theroleofthesenate',
beassociated
with
the
Brunt,
p.430).Theappointment
mayperhaps
revival
oftraditional
oflegesetiura: so Lacey,
judicial
procedures
bytherestoration
implied
andthePrincipte
Augustus
, p.84.
95Mommsen,
Rmisches
Staatsrecht
under
the
, vol.1,pp.572-7;J.Morris,
'LegesAnnales
87(1964),
and88(1965),
Principte,'
Filologick
Listy
pp.316-37,
pp.22-31; R.J.A.Talbert,
TheSenate
Rome
tothese
rules
ofImperial
(Princeton,
1984),
pp.17-18.Dio alludes
indirectly
inthespeech
ofMaecenas:
52.20.1-2.
96Forlaws
seeMommsen,
Rmisches
Staatsrecht
instituting
magistracies
, vol.2,pp.613ff.,
vol. 3, p.330.It has oftenbeeninferred
fromProp.2.7.1-3thatOctavian
attempted
tolegislate
onmarriage
andchild-rearing
ofE. Badian,
unsuccessfully
c.28,butseetherebuttal
'A phantom
129(1985),
andthe
law',Philologus
marriage
pp.82-98.Boththenewlexannalis
rulesintroduced
in 27 fortheballotforproconsulships
rewarded
thosewithchildren:
Dio
53.13.2;
Morris,
'LegesAnnales',
p. 317.

202
whentheycloselyaffectedthesenators
his legislativeproposals,particularly
as thenewlex annalisdid. His chiefvehicleforsuchconsultations
themselves,
was the consiliumwhichhe established,mannedmainlyby magistratesand
senatorsselectedby lot.97The date when this consiliumwas institutedis
which
uncertain.Dio mentionsit in the excursuson Augustus'government
he includedin his account of theyear27 (53.21.4), but,as we notedabove,
no conclusionscan be drawnfromthisexcursusabout whentheprocedures
of
describedtherewereinstituted.One possible occasion forthe institution
is thesocial legislationof 19-18 bc. However,another,perhaps
theconsilium
more likely,occasion is 28 bc. In thatcase the initialtask of the consilium
would have been to helpin thepreparationofthevolumeoflegislationmade
necessaryby the returnto republicanformsand the restorationof leges et
iura.
Thus in the course of the year 28 Octavian carriedout a wide range of
measures,all of whichformedpart of the restorationof his extraordinary
observed,and, from
powersto thesenateand people. The laws werestrictly
the
with
his
he
alternated
February,
fasces
colleague. At some point he
declaredthe annulmentof his past illegaland unjustacts,perhapscoupling
oftheirlaws and rights
itwitha moregeneralproclamationoftherestoration
Free
elections
were
to the Roman people.
restored,the treasurywas
and, to implementthesevariouschanges,a numberof laws were
reformed,
carried. The thematiccharacterof Dio's account of the year makes it
impossibleto establisha chronologyfor these events,but the annulment
declarationis likelyto have beenmade quiteearlyin theyear.As was itsway,
the senateis likelyto have respondedto thisproclamationwitha decreein
Octavian's honour,and, as argued above, it was fromthisdecreethat the
ATIS P R VINDEX
reversetypeand legendof the aureus and the titleLIBERT
accorded him on the PAX cistophoriprobablyderive.
All thatremainedforthefollowingyearwas forOctavianto concludethe
thearmiesand
hisextraordinary
powersbyreturning
processofsurrendering
theprovinces.This transactiontook place at thesenatemeetingheld(ifOvid
is correct)on 13 January27. For whattranspiredat thatmeetingwe are still
dependenton Dio. The core of his narrative- thatOctavianmade a speech
of resignationwhich was greetedby protestsand led in due course to a
compromisebywhichhe retainedsome ofhispowers- probablystoodin his
source(or sources)and maybe accepted.The resignationspeechwillnotjust
of thearmiesand provinces,butwill
have beenconcernedwiththesurrender
thatas completingthetransfer
of therespublicatherestof
have represented
whichhad been carriedout the previousyear: thismuch may be inferred
97ForAugustus'
them
onmatters
ofsenators
consultation
byinviting
closely
affecting
special
see
Ontheconsilium
seeDio 55.4.1,
inwriting
andamendments
25.4-5;56.28.4-6.
proposals
'Therole
Consilium
Suet.Aug.35.3;J.A. Crook,
1955),
pp.8-20;Brunt,
(Cambridge,
Principis
ofthesenate',
pp.428,443.

203
fromAugustus'statementat RG 34.1-2,wheretheensuinghonoursare said

to have been conferredin recognitionof thetransfer
of therespublica." As
fortheprotestsand the resultingcompromise,Dio mustbe rightthatthese
had been plannedby Octavian and perhapsstage-managed:he cannothave
intendedhis transfer
of thearmiesand provincesto be acceptedin full,since
this would have ended the control over the armies on which his power
ultimatelyrested.
On the timingof the compromiseand the honourswe are inadequately
informed:as notedabove, we are told onlythatthe oak or civiccrownwas
conferredon 13 January27, and the name Augustuson a date variously
givenas 13, 15, 16 or 17 January.Dio's account perhapssuggeststhatthe
compromiseby which the provinceswere divided was made at the initial
meeting,but thiscannot be pressed.A different
impressionis conveyedin
hislateraccountofthehonours,wherehe tellsus thattheoak crownand the
laurels were conferred'when the resignationof the monarchyand the
divisionof the provinceswere under discussion' and the name Augustus
This maysuggestthatOctavian
'whenhe had put thesemattersintoeffect'.99
made a parade ofreluctancebyallowingmattersto remainin abeyanceat the
meetingon 13 Januaryand only consented to accept the compromise
agreementat a latermeetingof the senate. If so, the name Augustusmay
have been conferredat the session at which the compromisewas agreed.
Public businesscould not be transactedon 14 January,whichwas Antony's
birthdayand so had been declareda dies uitiosus.If the ruleswere strictly
observed,the second sessionmusthave been held on 15 January,since the
days from16 Januaryon were comitialesand thusnot available forsenate
meetingsunderthe Lex Pupia.100
98Theviewof
andthePrincipte
Octavian
, pp.77-99,thatprocedurally
Lacey,Augustus
limited
himself
toputting
theconsular
tothesenate
forallocation,
is unacceptable.
provinces
Theallocation
ofprovinces
couldnotbediscussed
until
newprinciples
hadbeenestablished
to
determine
forprovinces,
andthisitself
ofthe
thedivision
eligibility
onlytookplaceafter
hadbeenagreed
provinces
(seebelow).
99DO53.16.4,
6: orera7repi
KalraneplrrjstwvOvwv
Siavofirjs
rrjsecjfjLoaas
rrjs
fiovapx^CLS
...7TL
8kKdiTO)py(i)
VT
...
7TT(JV
Siecy
07)
100See
' Reddita
andthePrincipte
omnis
, pp. 88-9,92-3; Simpson,
Augustus
' Lacey,
ofthedays13-17January
seeInscr.
Ital.vol.13.2,pp.396-401.
prouincia
(n.72).Forthestatus
13and15January
bothcarried
thedesignation
NP(perhaps
fornefastus
), the
standing
publicus
former
as theIdes,thelatter
as thefestival
oftheCarmentalia.
Senate
couldbeheld
meetings
alldayonNPdays(paceLacey,
: seeM. Bonnefond-Coudry,
Lesnat
dela rpublique
Simpson)
romaine
delaguerre
Hannibal
Auguste
oftheLex
(Rome,
1989),
pp.220-1.Theimplications
in27havegenerally
beendisregarded.
Foritsprohibition
onsenate
Pupiafortheproceedings
from
16January
totheendofthepre-Julian
month
seeCic.QF2.2.3,Fam.1.4.1; for
meetings
fulldiscussion
ofthelawseeBonnefond-Coudry,
Snat
, pp.229-56.As Bonnefond-Coudry
itismostplausibly
as forbidding
senate
onalldiescomitiales.
This
argues,
interpreted
meetings
rulewassometimes
intheCiceronian
butforthesessions
inJanuary
27to
disregarded
period,
haveextended
todiescomitiales
wouldhavesatillwith
theclaimthatthelawswerenowbeing
observed.
Therulethatsenatorial
decisions
taken
onunpermitted
torank
strictly
dayswere
only
asauctoritates
inthemeasure
onsenatorial
in9 bc(Dio55.3.5),
,incorporated
procedure
passed

204
As in thepreviousyear,legislationwould have beenrequiredto implement

thesearrangements.
The grantof a share of the provincesforten yearsto
Augustuswill have requiredapproval by a law.101The same will have been
ofwhichDio gives
about provincialadministration
trueof thearrangements
us a sketch(53.13.2-15.6). The provisionsrelatingto the governmentof
Augustus' provincesmay have been included in the law conferringhis
provinces,but a separatelaw willhave been requiredto establishprocedures
fortheallocationoftheproconsulshipsofpublicprovincesbyballot.As with
the lex annalis, the new arrangementsfor the sortitionwere not simplya
reversionto republican practice: the new systemwas in outline that
introducedby Pompey in 52 (with an intervalbetweenmagistracyand
but withmodificationsof detail.102
promagistracy),
The new evidence of the aureus has thus enabled us to produce a
of the course of the settlementof 28-27 whichis radically
reconstruction
different
fromthatgenerallyheld. It is usuallysupposedthatin 28 Octavian
merelytook variouspreparatorystepsand thaton 13 January27 he made a
by a partial
resignationof his powers,followedimmediately
comprehensive
of 13
the
events
are
advanced
above
retraction.If the arguments
correct,
bulk
which
the
of
January27 weremerelythe finalact in a stagedprocess,
nature
and
had already taken place in 28. We must now consider the
of 28-27 in thelightof thisnew reconstruction
of thesettlement
significance
of the course of events.
A RESTORED
RES PUBLICAI
As Dio recognized,the true aim of the settlementof 28-27 was to

legitimizethe new regimeby obtainingpublic assentforit and castingit in
republican guise. In his eagerness to point up the contrast between
appearance and reality,Dio presentsOctavian's surrenderof power as a
single,comprehensiveact, immediatelyrevoked. In Dio's portrayal,the
modernaccounts,
episodeis a grotesquecharade.Even in moresympathetic
ondies
ofsenate
oftheprohibition
inmodified
as a re-assertion,
isbesttaken
meetings
form,
toallmeetings
asapplying
Snat
comitiales
,pp.256-60,
byBonnefond-Coudry,
(misinterpreted
andtheIdesinstituted
ontheKalends
sessions
other
thantheregular
measure).
Simpson,
bythat
' Reddita
withthe
forthenameAugustus
to saveOvid'sdating
omnis
proposes
prouincia'
on15or
andratified
on13January
thatitwasdecreed
bythepeople
bythesenate
hypothesis
sinceitwasnota
couldnothavebeenheldon 15January,
16January
(infactan assembly
atthesametime
were
voted
thatthelaurels
wemayaccept
comitial
day).InviewofDio 53.16.4,
but
isunknown,
wasdecreed
thegoldshield
Thedatewhen
on13January.
as theoakcrown,
an
beeither
in27,not26: COSVIHontheAries
itwassurey
(EJ22)must
copyofthe4shield
etla
d'Arles
virtutis
W.Seston,Le clipeus
contra
at Aries,
orthedateofitserection
error
andthe
DiviAugusti
desResGestae
', CRAI1954,pp.286-97;Lacey,Augustus
composition
, pp.93-4.
Principte
andpeople.
ofAugustus'
ratification
Cf.Dio. 53.12.1:
'hegemony
bysenate
102Onthese
further
with
Dio, pp.143-6,
seeRich,Cassius
bibliography.
arrangements

205
it remainsa crude piece of play-acting,which could not have convinced

The trickery
anyoneand mighthave repelledthemoreindependent-minded.
the
more
because
and
the
all
the
armies
provincesare held to
gross
appears
be themostimportantissue and littleaccountis takenof otherelementsin
the transferof power. Since in the event Augustus retainedmost of the
becomes onlytoo apparent.
militaryprovinces,his sleight-of-hand
of
the
transfer
Once it is recognizedthatmuch
processwas carriedout in
28 ratherthan27, itbecomesa less grossdeception,and itis easierto see how
contemporariesmay have received it favourablyand regarded it as a
significant
step back towardsthe old republicanways. The processcovered
all theelementsof therespublica, domesticas well as militaryand external.
The domesticaspects were for the most part dealt with in 28, with the
ofthetreasuryand ofthepeople's 'laws and rights',includingthe
restoration
rightto choose the magistrates.All thesemeasureswere accepted without
demur.It was onlywhenOctavian came to completetheprocessin 27 with
thesurrenderof thearmiesand provincesthatoppositionwas expressed(as
he intended)and a compromiseagreed.
As a presentationalexercisethe settlement
thusappears moreeffective
as
In reality,however,the changes were less
it has been here re-interpreted.
substantialthanwas claimed.Despite Augustus'assertionin theRes Gestae
of therepublicwere
theinstitutions
(34.1) thathe had 'acquired everything',
in
the
triumviral
in
and
after
no
means
period,while
wholly abeyance
by
afterthe settlementhis controlcontinuedto be all-pervasive.Due to the
to assess how
limitationsin our knowledge,it is in many respectsdifficult
muchthe changesamountedto in practice.
As has alreadybeennoted,itis uncertainhow theannulmentofOctavian's
'illegal and unjustacts' was implementedor whetherit had muchpractical
effect.His alternatingof thefasces and takingof the oath to have observed
thelaws werefurther
striking
gestures,but whatpracticalchanges,ifany,in
the administrationof justice lay behind the
the
laws
and
the workingsof
vauntedrestorationof legeset iura, it is impossibleto say. One aspectwhich
appears not to have been affectedhas been pointedout by Millar: Augustus
as sole rulerseemsto have exercisedmoreroutinepersonaljurisdictionthan
The measures'importancewas
he or his colleagueshad done as triumvir.103
perhaps primarilysymbolic: they marked the end of the illegalitiesand
summaryactionswhichhad been the inevitableconcomitantsof civil war,
the supremacyof the laws and the validityof the people's
and reaffirmed
thatVellernsgivesprominenceto theseaspects
It is not surprising
rights.104
103Millar,
'Triumvirate
andPrincipte'
(n.62),pp.59-61.
haveaccepted
a
In viewofhisclaimsat RG 34.3andelsewhere,
cannever
Augustus
in24
suchan exemption
from
thelaws.Dio's assertion
thathereceived
general
exemption
On
a misinterpretation
ofa specific
from
thelawonambitus.
isprobably
(53.28.2)
dispensation
clauseoftheLexde Imperio
theclaiminthesixth
(ILS 244= EJ364= Roman
Vespasiani

206
J.W.RICH AND J.H. C.WILLIAMS
in his fervently
partisaneulogyof thepost-Actiumsettlement:
'validitywas
restoredto thelaws, authorityto thecourts,... thepowerof themagistrates
was reducedto its formerlimit' (2.89.3, cited above, p. 192).105It is more
strikingthat Tacitus, withhis verydifferent
viewpoint,adopted the same
that
Octavian's
actions
in 28 bc markedtheend of
interpretation,
declaring
non
in
which
there
was
the twenty-year
mos,nonius {Ann.3.28.1-2,
period
cited above, p. 197).
The public financesare anotheraspect of the changeswhichwe are too
poorlyinformedto assess. It is likelythattheaerariumwas betterorganized
under Augustus and that he was more scrupulous in respectingits
independencefrom28 onwards than he and his colleagues had been as
triumvirs.However, Dio's view that the distinctionbetween the public
treasuryand the emperor'sresourceswas essentiallya formalitywas not
excessivelycynical.106
Significantchange certainlydid take place in the making of public
had selectedthe
appointments.FormerlyOctavian and his fellowtriumvirs
but
from
28
free
electionto the
the
and
governors,
provincial
magistrates
of
the
from
27
the
was
restored
and
public
provinces
proconsuls
magistracies
were selectedby the lot, as underthe Republic.
downto 23 byAugustus'continued
Accessto theconsulshipwas restricted
tenure.As in 28, he probably avoided the immodestyof declaringhis
candidature.All the electionsfor26-23 wereprobablyheld in his absence,
and the presidingofficermay have securedhis electionas consul and then
solicitedhis acceptance,whichmay sometimeshave been givenonlyaftera
A similarproceduremay have been followedat the
show of reluctance.107
electionsfor 21 and 19, but on those occasions Augustuspersistedin his
refusal.108
Of hiscolleagues,thegreatmarshalT. StatiliusTaurus,consulfor
thesecondtimein 26, was surelyunopposed,butin thefollowingyearssome
totakesuchactions
a general
andhissuccessors
Statutes
right
enjoyed
(n.2) 39)thatAugustus
JRS67
'LexdeImperio
seeP. A. Brunt,
tobeexusureipublicae
deemed
as they
Vespasiani',
etal.(eds.),"'...ageret
inW.Dahlheim
A.Pabst,
atpp.117-16;
faceretque
(1977),
pp.95-116,
inW.
andielexdeimperio
esse": Annherung
censeret
e republica
Vespasiani',
quaecumque
J.Crook,
CAH2
Werner
Robert
Dahlheim
etal.(eds),Festschrift
1989),
pp.125-48;
(Konstanz,
Roman
Statutes
vol.10,pp.118-20;
, pp.549-50.
Crawford,
105Vellerns'
modm'
redactum
adpristinum
that'imprium
assertion
obscure
magistratuum
tothesamelevel
ofOctavian/
bothtotherestriction
imprium
magisterial
Augustus'
mayrefer
atRG34.2,and
ofthefascesandasserted
evinced
as thatofhiscolleagues,
byhisalternation
' tantummodo
octo
Theappended
ofmagistrates.
inthenumber
tothereduction
qualification,
downtothe
wasinfactbrought
ofpraetors
thenumber
adiecti
duo',isconfused:
praetoribus
were
twopraetors
totenin23when
butraised
in28/27,
warlevelofeight
putincharge
pre-civil
n.90).
ofthetreasury
(above,
106Ontherelationship
F. G. B.
funds
seeespecially
andtheemperor's
theaerarium
between
inthe
andTheEmperor
JRS53(1963),
twocenturies',
inthefirst
'TheFiscus
pp.29-42,
Millar,
Themes
Roman
P. A. Brunt,
RomanWorld
(Oxford,
Imperial
1977),pp. 189-201;
(London,
347-53.
1990),
pp.134-62,
107Veil.
butthetextisunfortunately
ofreluctance,
suchdisplays
2.89.4mayattest
corrupt.
108Dio 54.6.2-3,
10.1-2.

207
of thosewho sharedtheconsulshipwithAugustusmayhave won theirplace

by contest.From 22 on electionsto theconsulshipwereonce again free,as
the turbulencewhichfollowedAugustus'refusalsin 21 and 19 confirms.
Occasionally he
Augustus continuedto play a part in the elections.109
resolved electoral turmoilby naming consuls (doubtless for subsequent
confirmation
He regularlygave his supportto individual
bytheassembly).110
in
ad
candidates personor (after 8) in writing.111
This was justifiedon the
specious groundthat he was merelyexercisingthe rightenjoyed by every
privatecitizen,but his supportwas, of course,a guaranteeof success.We do
not know how many candidatesfor the various magistraciesenjoyed this
in the
favour,but it is likelythat Augustusavoided excessiveinterference
freedomof the electionsby restricting
his support to a minorityof the
candidates.112
The appointmentof provincialgovernorspresentedOctavian/Augustus
witha particularly
delicateproblem.If his claim to have transferred
the res
publica was to have any substance,he could not continueto appoint the
governorsas before,but he could not surrenderthe choice of military
commanderswithoutjeopardizingthe control of the army on which his
power ultimatelydepended. The solution which he devised was one of
characteristic
brilliance.He transferred
the provincesto senateand people,
but made sure that therewould be protests,and then, aftera show of
reluctance,consentedto resumethebulk of themilitaryprovinces,claiming
that this would be a temporaryarrangementaimed at the pacificationof
those provinces and the peoples beyond their borders. This ingenious
compromisepermittedtheresumptionof sortitionfortheproconsulsof the
publicprovinces,whileAugustuscontinuedto appointthegovernorsof his
own provinces. Moreover, his position vis--vis these governors was
since theynow rankednot as proconsuls,but merelyas his
strengthened:
were
legati, they
ineligibleforimperatorialsalutationsand triumphs,and it
was to Augustus,not theirimmediatecommanders,that the troops swore
allegiance.
of 28-27 did
Althoughthe rhetoricoutranthe substance,the settlement
nonethelesslead to changesof some significance.
The restorationof largely
free elections and of sortitionfor the appointmentof many provincial
109Onelections
under
seeespecially
A. H. M.Jones,
inRoman
Studies
Government
Augustus
andLaw(Oxford,
'TheLexValeria
JRS51(1961),
Cornelia',
1960),
pp.27-50;P. A. Brunt,
pp.
control
of theelections
undertheearlyPrincipte:
71-83;B. M. Levick,'The imperial
and"nominatio"',
Historia
16(1967),pp.207-30;R. Frei-Stolba,
commendatio,
suffragatio
zu denWahlen
inderrmischen
Kaiserzeit
Untersuchungen
(Zurich,
1967),pp.87-129;A.J.
'Theelection
ofmagistrates
intheearly
Latomus
37(1978),
Holladay,
Principte',
pp.874-93.
110Dio 54.10.2
55.34.2
(19
BC);
(ad
7).
111Suet.
55.34.2.
56.1;Veil.2.124.4;Dio 53.21.7,
112InadAug.
theelections
weretransferred
tothesenate
onAugustus'
Tiberius
14,when
death,
restricted
hissupport
tofour
candidates
fortwelve
: Tac.Ann.1.14.4-15.1.
praetorships

208
in such areas as
governors,along withotherchanges,less easy to identify,
a reversionto
constituted
to
a
not
inconsiderable
and
finance,
degree
justice
made
with
other
changes
during Octavian/
republican ways. Along
Augustus' stay in Rome in 29-27, such as the reductionin the size of the
senate and the number of magistrates,these developmentsshow that,
althoughexcessive,Vellerns'claim (2.89.4, citedabove, p. 192) thatthe'old,
traditionalformof the republic' had been broughtback was by no means
devoid of substance.
Did Augustusand his supportersclaim thathe had restoredtherepublic?
Many modern writershave supposed that they did, but in more recent
The
doubtshave been expressed,notablyby Millar and Judge.113
treatments
evidenceis scanty,and the issue is complicatedby the range of meanings
whichcan be borne by the termsrespublica and restituere.
Respublicameant,as Cicero{Rep. 3.43) remarked,respopuli, thecommon
propertyof the Roman people. The termoftenapproximatesto our 'state',
but, as Bruntobserves,thisword 'fails to conveythe nuance in respublica
of a communityorganizedby and forthecitizens,whichis bestrenderedin
English by the archaic word "commonwealth".'114Res publica was thus
generallyheld to be incompatible with regnum,and, when powerful
individualsweredominant,Cicero was wont to lamentthatthe respublica
extensionofthesameusage,
lostor non-existent.115
was afflicted,
By a further
later writerssuch as Tacitus could contrastthe old res publica with the
however,did
Augustushimself,
imperialsysteminauguratedbyAugustus.116
not scrupleto claim thatthe respublica had survivedand prosperedunder
his regime,as in theedict(of uncertaindate) in whichhe expressedthehope
that 'the foundationsof the res publica which I have laid will remain
unshaken' (mansurain uestigiosuofundamentareip. quae iecero).117
The troublesofthecivilwarcould undoubtedlybe regardedas an affliction
for the res publica, and so Augustus by his establishmentof peace and
Thisis the
itto healthand prosperity.
could be perceivedas restoring
stability
and
also
another
discovered,
unique,
relatively
recently
conveyed
by
message
aureus,struckat Rome, probablyin 12 bc, bythemoneyerCossus Cornelius
113F. G. B. Millar,
and
'TwoAugustan
notes',CR 18(1968),
pp.263-6,and'Triumvirate
in
Restituta".
A modern
"'Res Publica
illusion?',
(n.62),pp.61-7;E. A.Judge,
Principte'
inHonour
PolisandImperium:
Studies
J.A. S. Evans,
1974),
(Toronto,
TogoSalmon
ofEdward
in '"Augustus"
e la "Respublica"'
NotealsoBrunt's
(n.71) andthe
riposte
pp.279-311.
'
' ResPublica
Restituta
remarks
ofMackie,
(n.51),pp.328-34.
114Brunt,
this
respublica
e la "Respublica"',
see,besides
p.238.Ontheterm
'"Augustus"
in
1937
R. Stark,
ResPublica
intheprevious
cited
andtheother
works
; repr.
note,
(Gttingen,
Rmische
[n.57],pp.42-110).
Wertbegriffe
Oppermann,
115SeeC. Meier,
references.
Amissa
ResPublica
1966),
pp.1-3,with
1,6E.g.Tac.Ann.1.3.7,4.19.3;Hist.(Wiesbaden,
50.
1.1,
117Suet,Aug.28.2(there
Essai
forassigning
thisedictto28bc,with
isnoground
Grenade,
inwhich
toliving
ofAugustus
helooksforward
a letter
Cf.Gell.15.7.3,
citing
(n.86),pp.68ff.).
andpassing
onhisstatiotoC. Caesar.
outtherestofhisdaysinstatureipublicae
felicissimo

209
Lentulus( RIC 413; PL 20, 11). The reverseshows a togatestandingfigure

the
extendinghis righthand to a femalekneelingfigure,and legendsidentify
as
and
the
as
the
Res
standingfigure Augustus
kneelingfigure
personified
Publica.11*The configurationof this scene reappears on a range of later
reversetypes.On coins of Galba and Vespasian it is again used to symbolize
theclaimedrestorationof libertyand prosperity
aftertyranny
and civilwar:
thekneelingfigurerepresents
Libertyor Roma, identified
by legendssuchas
LIBERTASRESTITVTAand ROMA RESVRGE(N)S.119
On coins of Trajan and
stillmoreHadrian theemperoris shownraisingpersonifications
of Italyand
the provinces from their knees, accompanied by legends such as
RESTITVTORIITALIAE.120
In the so-called Laudatio Turiae, an epitaph composed by an unknown
man forhis deceased wife( ILS 8393 = EJ 357), the authorintroduceshis
accountof theirimprovedcircumstances
afterthecivilwars withthewords
re publica (Col. II, 1.25: 'the worldhaving
, res[titut]a
pacato orbe terrarum
been made peaceful,the res publica having been restored'). The precise
meaningof the phrase restituare publica here is uncertain.It could (like
Lentulus'aureus)denotetherestorationof an ailingrespublicato healthand
prosperity.Alternatively,the implicationmay be that the res publica,
was now revived.It is,
suppressedunderthe arbitraryruleof thetriumvirs,
however,clear that the phrase makes a generalreferenceto the returnof
stabilityand good order,both throughthe endingof civilwar and through
the reformsmade during Octavian/Augustus' stay in Rome in 29-27.
Octavian's surrenderof his extraordinary
powersin 28-27 was part of that
but
it
is
that
the
author
intendedthe phrase to refer
process,
unlikely
to
that
surrender.
particularly
This is the only place whererempublicamrestituere
is certainlyused of
but
this
has
also
in a passage
been
restored
Octavian/Augustus,
terminology
witha muchmore directreference
to the settlement
of 28-27. The entryin
the Fasti of Praenesterecordingthe confermenton Octavian of the oak
crownon 13 January27 also specifiesthe groundon whichthe grantwas
made. Unfortunately,
only the leftside of the entrysurvives,and the lineis
In
uncertain.
the usually accepted restoration,firstproposed by
length
the
reads:121
Mommsen,
entry
118See C. C. Vermeule,
'Un aureoaugusteo
delmagistrato
monetale
CossusLentulus',
Numismatica
n.s.1(1960),
ofa denarius
of16bc(RIC358),
pp.1-7.Cf.alsotheobverse
legend
a decree
ofthesenate
forAugustus'
safereturn
onthegrounds
that
quoting
vowing
games
per
inampQiore)
himtherespublica
eu(m
) r(es)p(ublica)
atqiue)
tran(guilliore)
s(tatu)
e(st)('through
isina moreprosperous
andpeaceful
condition').
119RIC Galba479-80,
Divus
485,Vespasian
310,407,430,445,520,735.Cf.Weinstock,
11),p.46.
Julius
(n.
120RICTrajan105-6,
472-4;Hadrian
321-329,
568,938-966.
121CIL vol.
Ital.vol.13.2,pp.112-13,
396-7.
I2,pp.231,307= EJ45= Inscr.

210
Coronaquerc[ea
, utisuperianuamdomusImp. Caesaris]
sentusdecreuit,
]
Augusti
poner[etur,
quodrempublicam
p(opulo)R(omano)rest[it]u[it].
The senatedecreedthatan oak crownshouldbe setabovethehouseofImperator
becausehe restored
therespublicato theRomanpeople.
CaesarAugustus,
Mommsen'srestorationwas based on Augustus'own statement( RG 34.1-2,
citedabove) that' in mysixthand seventhconsulships... I transferred
theres
publicafrommypowerto thecontrolof the senateand the Roman people'
(in consulatusexto et septimo. . . rempublicamex mea potestatein senat[us
transtuli
populiqueRom]ani[a]rbitrium
), and thatthe civiccrownand other
honourswereconferred
forthisservice(quo pro meritomeo).The restoration
is necessarilyconjectural.However, the argumentsbroughtagainst it by
Judge(n. 113) are not cogent,and, whiletheremainderof therestorationis
stilluncertain,the parallelwiththenew aureus greatlystrengthens
the case
for supposing that the entryincluded the words [rem publicam] p R
The wordsp R restituiioccuron thereverselegendof theaureus.
rest[it]u[it'.
used therederivesfroman honorific
If,as was arguedabove, theformulation
decreepassed in 28 in responseto thefirststageof thetransfer
process,it is
plausibleto suppose thatthe senatewould have used the same formulathe
followingyear,whenhonouringOctavian forthecompletionof theprocess.
The object of the verb,of course,would be different
fromthat of the first
decree celebratingthe returnof leges et iura. Since Augustusin the Res
Gestaeused rempublicamto denotewhat was transferred
as a resultof the
wholeprocessextendingover28 and 27, itis reasonableto inferthatthesame
termwould have been used in the decree passed by the senate on the
completionof the transferprocesson 13 January27.
Thus, in the lightof the aureus legend,we may reasonablyconcludethat
the Fasti of Praenestedid assert that the oak crown was conferredon
Octavian/Augustus because he 'restored the res publica to the Roman
was used in thedecreein whichthesenate
people', and thatthisformulation
conferredthis honour on 13 January27, and perhaps also in the speech
whichhe himselfhad made earlierthatday. However,thisdoes not entitle
us to speak loosely of Augustusas claimingto have restoredthe Republic.
The formulationused in the Fasti Praenestinimust be interpreted
in the
context of the events of 28-27, as elucidated above. Octavian had, he
claimed,'acquired everything'.In 28-27, he restoredto the Roman people
what was rightlytheirs:theirlaws and rights,the magistracies,treasury,
armiesand provinces- in short,therespublica, thecommonpropertyof the
Roman people.
Octavian/Augustuswas awarded the oak, or civic,crownabove his door
'for savingcitizens'(ob ciuisseruatos), as the legendwhichaccompaniedit

211
attested.122
It is at firstsightpuzzlingthatthishonourshould have been felt
to be an appropriatereward for the political restitutionof 28-27. The
explanationis to be foundin theclose connectionwhichwas made between
his victoryin the war against Antonyand Cleopatra and the subsequent
surrenderof his extraordinary
powers,a connectionwhichwe observedin
his
earlier
honours
as
saviourand liberator(pp. 184-185). Octavian
discussing
had, it was held,saved therespublica and its citizensby repellingthethreat
of foreigndomination.His victoryhad lefthimin a positionof domination,
albeitbygeneralconsent.To completehiswork,he had to put an end to this
dominationby restoringthe respublica to the Roman people.
The act of restitution
carriedout on 13 January27 was not,of course,the
end of thestory.Augustushimselfin theRes Gestae(34.3) concededthathe
was thereafter
supreme,thoughclaimingthathis supremacywas merelyin
auctoritas.He leftunmentionedthedivisionof theprovincesand thecontrol
of the armiesto whichit was the key.Nor was thisall: throughoutRome,
Italy and the provinces,Augustus'controlwas in factall-pervasive.Some
recognitionof all this is implicitin the evasive formulawhich Augustus
adopted in his own referenceto the act of restitution.In place of the
unambiguousclaimthathe had restoredtherespublicato theRoman people,
therespublicato the
Augustusin theRes Gestaetellsus thathe transferred
arbitrium
of the senateand people. If the respublica was in theirarbitrium
,
it was at theirdisposal,and theywerethusfreeto entrustit,in whole or in
part,to Augustus.
As Millar has shown,Augustus'contemporaries
werefullyaware thathe
was their ruler.123What remains uncertainis the extent to which his
subsequentpositionwas based on thetransactionswhichfollowedtheact of
restitution
on 13 January27. One possibilityis thattheprotestswhichwere
made thentook no account of the restof his positionin the stateand were
concernedsolelywiththeprovincesand thearmies,so thatthecompromise
whichwas subsequentlyagreedconsistedsimplyof his retentionof a share
of the provinces,initiallyfor ten years but extendedby periodicrenewals
untilhis death.It is, however,perhapsmorelikelythatboththeprotestsand
thesubsequentagreementhad a widerscope. In additionto his shareof the
provinceshe may also have accepted (perhaps, like his provinces,on a
temporarybasis) 'the overallcare and leadershipof the public business,as
In thelight
needingsomeattention'.That at leastis whatCassius Dio says.124
of our earlier discussion, his evidence can hardly be accepted without
corroboration.However, it is supportedby a contemporarywitness,the
122Seeabove, 173andn. 11.
p.
123'Triumvirate
andPrincipte',
theimpact
ofmonarchy',
pp.65-7,and'Stateandsubject:
inF. Millar
andE. Segal(eds),CaesarAugustus
: Seven
Aspects
(Oxford,
1984),
pp.37-60.
124Dio 53.12.1
: TTV
TTTpOOTdOlCLV
TCV
KOLVCV
TTaOdV
KOL
COS
TWOS
JLV
<>pOVT8a
TTV
lTlfJLceaS
(xv.
Ttjv
kolvv
reipublicae.
Seoiev
maytranslate

212
geographerStrabo,who prefacestheaccountof thedivisionof theprovinces

with which he closes his work with the statementthat 'the fatherland'
entrustedAugustus with 'the leadershipof the empire'.125These claims
should not be construedas attestinga position with formalpowers.126
However,eitheron 13 January27 or at thefollowingsession,Augustusmay
wellhave acceptedan informalstatementof hisprimacyand oversightof the
respublica.121
CONCLUSION
The main contentionsof thispaper may be summarizedas follows.
The new aureus is certainlyauthentic,and its close similaritieswiththe
PAXcistophorishow thatthetwo issueswereproducedtogetherat thesame
mintin theprovinceof Asia. The reverseof theaureusshows,bothin image
and words,Octavian restoringtheirlaws and rightsto the Roman people,
and thereference
on theobverseto his sixthconsulship(28 bc) makesitclear
thatthisaction formedpart of thepoliticalsettlement
whichhe carriedout
in 28-27. The titlelibertatispopuliRomaniuindexaccordedto Octavian on
the PAX cistophoriprobablyalludes to thisrestorationof thepeople's laws
and rightsand may have been conferredon himby thesenatein a decreeof
28 promptedby thataction.The reverselegendoftheaureusmayalso derive
fromthatdecree,and itis possiblethatthereversetypewas based on a statue
forwhose erectionthe decree provided.Whetheror not thishypothesisis
correct,both the aureus and the cistophori may be taken as sound
and themannerin which
evidenceforthepoliticalsettlement
contemporary
it was presentedto the Roman public.
We know fromothersourcesthatOctavian claimedto have observedthe
laws duringhis sixth consulshipand that at some point in the year he
proclaimedtheannulmentof thoseof his past ordinanceswhichwereillegal
and unjust. These steps must have constitutedat least part of what was
impliedby therestorationof laws and rightscommemoratedon theaureus.
However,thereference
probablyalso extendedto othermatters,suchas the
restorationof the people's rightof freelyelectingthe magistrates.
it as
Cassius Dio, represents
Our fullestsourceon thepoliticalsettlement,
revoked
a singlecomprehensive
resignationofpower,made and immediately
in 27. The contradictionbetweenthisaccount and Augustus'statementof
RG 34.1 that his transferof the res publica took place 'in my sixthand
seventhconsulships'has beengenerallydisregarded.The newevidenceofthe
as a
aureus has revealed that Dio, for his own purposes,misrepresented
125Strabo17.3.25
exov
avr)rrjv
as.
(840):17rrarpis
rrjsry
rrrpeifiev
rrpoaraaav
126So A. vonPremerstein,
desPrinzipats
VomWerden
undWesen
1937),pp.
(Munich,
117-33.
127Liebeschuetz,
Dio(n.11),pp.139-40.
'Thesettlement
of27bc' (n.71);Rich,Cassius

213
singleact what was in facta stagedprocess,most of whichprobablytook

place not in 27, but in 28. This enables us to make bettersense of the
and to understandmore clearlyhow it servedto legitimateand
settlement
ensurepublic approval forAugustus'regime.
The aureuslegendalso makesit morelikelythatMommsenwas correctto
in thelacunose entryfor13
restorethewords[rempublicam] p R rest[it]u[it]
this
in
Fasti
of
Praeneste.
does not entitleus to assert
the
However,
January
thatAugustusrestored,or claimedto have restoredthe Republic.
KEY TO PLATES 20-21
1. The newaureus.
2. Denarius,c.29/28bc: BMC 637 (RIC 270).
3. Aureus,27 bc: BMC 657 (RIC 277).
4. Cistophorus,
28 bc: Sutherland,
(n. 13), no. 40 (RIC 416= RPC
Cistophori
2203).
5. Cistophorus
ofAntony,
c.39 bc: BMCRR East 134(RPC 2201).
6. Cistophorus
ofAntony,
c.39bc: BMCRR East 135(RPC 2202).
7. DenariusofC. Marius,13bc: BMC 107(RIC 400).
8. DenariusofC. SulpiciusPlatorinus,
13bc: BMC 116(RIC 407).
9. Detailofpraetorian
monument
Insignia(n. 23), no. 2).
(Schfer,
Imperii
grave
oftheMuseoNazionaleRomano.
Photograph
courtesy
'Le trsorde Boscoreale',Monuments
10. Boscorealecup: P. Hronde Villefosse,
XXXI.
Piot
5
Eugne
(1899),pl.
11. Aureusof CossusCorneliusLentulus,probably12bc: Vermeule,
'Un aureo
augusteo'(n. 118),fig.2 (RIC 413).

PLATE
RICH AND WILLIAMS, AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN (1)

20
PLATE
RICH AND WILLIAMS, AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN (2)

21

Leges Et Ivra P. R. Restitvit. A New Aureus of Octavian and The Settlement of 28-27 BC - J.W. Rich and J.H. C. Williams (The Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. 159, 1999) PDF

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Leges Et Ivra P. R. Restitvit. A New Aureus of Octavian and The Settlement of 28-27 BC - J.W. Rich and J.H. C. Williams (The Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. 159, 1999) PDF

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Royal Numismatic Society

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J.W.RICH ANDJ.H. C. WILLIAMS1

ET IVRA PR- RESTITVIT

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

The appearance of a unique and hithertounknown coin bearing so

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

The gold and silvercoinageof Octavian/

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

producedin the East, as earlierwriterssupposed,and mustbe theworkof

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

the East.10These coins commemoratespecificachievementsof Octavian/

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

27 formof thename,IMPCAESARDIVI F,is followedby COS VI, datingthe

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

norwiththeAEGVPTOCAPTA denariiwhichshareitsdatingto 28 (RIC 275,

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

theglobein Augustus'hand. Victorycarriesa longpalm branchoverherleft

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

evoked on the coin, on which the figureof Victoryis turnedaway from

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

about the constitutionalactions of the princeps.Moreover,togetherwith

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

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j. w. RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

civildisputeson the groundsthatit was necessaryto vindicatethe freedom

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C.WILLIAMS

struxit).Cicero declaresthelegesto be the'foundationof liberty'{Clu. 146:

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

aureusalso maymostplausiblybe takenas reproducinga formulation

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

restorationof theirlaws and rightsto the Roman people. The erectionof

The Lex Titia, passed on 27 November43, had createdAntony,Lepidus

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A NEW AUREUS OF OCTAVIAN

puthis supremacyon a stablefooting.To do so, it was essentialto legitimate

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J.W.RICH AND J.H. C. WILLIAMS

: thiswas a potentsymbolicgesture,forRomanshad traditionally