Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Language History : Florentine Codex Nahuatl
Language History : Florentine Codex Nahuatl
A page of the Florentine Codex written in romanized Nahuatl (Nahuatl is not known to have
been a written language prior to its romanization).
The slow process of replacing Mexico's indigenous languages with Spanish began with the
arrival of Spanish forces and colonists in Mexico in the 16th century. Some monks and priests
attempted to describe and classify indigenous languages with Spanish. Philip II of Spain decreed
in 1570 that Nahuatl become the official language of the colonies of New Spain in order to
facilitate communication between the natives of the colonies.[1]
In 1696 Charles II reversed that policy and banned the use of any languages other than Spanish
throughout New Spain.[1] Beginning in the 18th century, decrees ordering the Hispanization of
indigenous populations became more numerous and Mexican colonizers no longer learned the
indigenous languages.
After the independence the government initiated an educational system with the primary aim of
Hispanization of the native populations. This policy was based on the idea was that this would
help the indigenous peoples become a more integrated part of the new Mexican nation.[2][3]
Except for the Second Mexican Empire, led by the Habsburg Maximilian I, no Mexican
government tried to prevent the loss of indigenous languages during the 19th century.[2]
In 1889, Antonio Garca Cubas estimated that 38% of Mexicans spoke an indigenous language,
down from 60% in 1820. By the end of the 20th century, this figure had fallen to 6%.
For most of the 20th century successive governments denied native tongues the status of valid
languages. Indigenous students were forbidden to speak their native languages in school and
were often punished for doing so.[2][3][4][5][6][7]
In 2002, Mexico's constitution was amended to reinforce the nation's pluricultural nature by
giving the State the obligation to protect and nurture the expressions of this diversity. On June
14, 1999, the Council of Writers in Indigenous Languages presented Congress with a document
entitled "Suggested legal initiatives towards linguistic rights of indigenous peoples and
communities", with the goal of beginning to protect the linguistic rights of indigenous
communities. The Ley General de Derechos Lingsticos de los Pueblos Indgenas was passed in
December 2002, establishing a framework for the conservation, nurturing and development of
indigenous languages. Critics claim that the law's complexity makes enforcement difficult.[
Language in Mexico
Spanish control of Mexico led to the dominance of Spanish, the official language. As many as 100 Native
American languages are still spoken in Mexico, but no single alternative language prevails. Eighty
percent of those Mexicans who speak an indigenous language also speak Spanish.
The most important of the Native American languages is Nahuatl. It is the primary language of more than
a million Mexicans and is spoken by nearly one-fourth of all Native Americans in the country. This is
followed by Maya, used by 14 percent of Native Americans, and Mixteco and Zapoteco, each spoken by
about seven percent of Native Americans. No other indigenous language is spoken by more than five
percent of Mexico's Native Americans.
Why not learn some useful Spanish phrases?
Mexican Society & Culture
Outside of the major cosmopolitan cities, families are still generally large.
The extended family is as important as the nuclear family since it provides a sense of stability.
Mexicans consider it their duty and responsibility to help family members. For example, the will
help find employment or finance a house or other large purchase.
Most Mexican families are extremely traditional, with the father as the head, the authority figure
and the decision-maker.
Mothers are greatly revered, but their role may be seen as secondary to that of their husband.
Hierarchical Society
Mexican society and business are highly stratified and vertically structured.
People respect authority and look to those above them for guidance and decision-making.
Rank is important, and those above you in rank must always be treated with respect.
This makes it important to know which person is in charge, and leads to an authoritarian approach
to decision-making and problem- solving.
Mexicans are very aware of how each individual fits into each hierarchy--be it family, friends or
business.
'Machismo'
For example, making remarks to women is a stereotypical sign of machismo and should not be
seen as harassment.
Mexican males generally believe that nothing must be allowed to tarnish their image as a man.
Meeting Etiquette
When greeting in social situations, women pat each other on the right forearm or shoulder, rather
than shake hands
Men shake hands until they know someone well, at which time they progress to the more
traditional hug and back slapping.
Dining Etiquette
If you are invited to a Mexican's home:
Arrive 30 minutes late in most places (check with colleagues to see if you should arrive later than
that).
Always keep your hands visible when eating. Keep your wrists resting on the edge of the table.
When you have finished eating, place your knife and fork across your plate with the prongs
facing down and the handles facing to the right.
Do not sit down until you are invited to and told where to sit.
You will be judged by the person who introduces you and changing this first impression is nearly
impossible.
Since the initial meeting is generally with someone of high stature, it is important that your
delegation include an upper-level executive.
After the initial getting-to-know-you meeting, the senior executive may not attend meetings or be
visible.
This indicates you are now getting down to business and they are no longer needed to smooth the
introduction.
Expect to answer questions about your personal background, family and life interests.
Business appointments are required and should be made at least 2 weeks in advance. Reconfirm
the appointment one week before the meeting.
Reconfirm the meeting again once you arrive in Mexico and make sure that the secretary of the
person you will be meeting knows how to contact you.
It is important that you arrive on time for meetings, although your Mexican business associates
may be up to 30 minutes late.
Do not appear irritated if this occurs as people often run behind schedule.
Agendas are not common. If they are given, they are not always followed.
Business Negotiation
Since Mexicans are status conscious, you should always have someone on your negotiating team
who is an executive.
Deadlines are seen as flexible and fluid, much like time itself.
Negotiations will include a fair amount of haggling. Do not give your best offer first.
Language in Mexico
Spanish control of Mexico led to the dominance of Spanish, the official language. As many as 100 Native
American languages are still spoken in Mexico, but no single alternative language prevails. Eighty
percent of those Mexicans who speak an indigenous language also speak Spanish.
The most important of the Native American languages is Nahuatl. It is the primary language of more than
a million Mexicans and is spoken by nearly one-fourth of all Native Americans in the country. This is
followed by Maya, used by 14 percent of Native Americans, and Mixteco and Zapoteco, each spoken by
about seven percent of Native Americans. No other indigenous language is spoken by more than five
percent of Mexico's Native Americans.
Why not learn some useful Spanish phrases?
Mexican Society & Culture
Outside of the major cosmopolitan cities, families are still generally large.
The extended family is as important as the nuclear family since it provides a sense of stability.
Mexicans consider it their duty and responsibility to help family members. For example, the will
help find employment or finance a house or other large purchase.
Most Mexican families are extremely traditional, with the father as the head, the authority figure
and the decision-maker.
Mothers are greatly revered, but their role may be seen as secondary to that of their husband.
Hierarchical Society
Mexican society and business are highly stratified and vertically structured.
People respect authority and look to those above them for guidance and decision-making.
Rank is important, and those above you in rank must always be treated with respect.
This makes it important to know which person is in charge, and leads to an authoritarian approach
to decision-making and problem- solving.
Mexicans are very aware of how each individual fits into each hierarchy--be it family, friends or
business.
'Machismo'
For example, making remarks to women is a stereotypical sign of machismo and should not be
seen as harassment.
Mexican males generally believe that nothing must be allowed to tarnish their image as a man.
Meeting Etiquette
When greeting in social situations, women pat each other on the right forearm or shoulder, rather
than shake hands
Men shake hands until they know someone well, at which time they progress to the more
traditional hug and back slapping.
Dining Etiquette
If you are invited to a Mexican's home:
Arrive 30 minutes late in most places (check with colleagues to see if you should arrive later than
that).
Always keep your hands visible when eating. Keep your wrists resting on the edge of the table.
When you have finished eating, place your knife and fork across your plate with the prongs
facing down and the handles facing to the right.
Do not sit down until you are invited to and told where to sit.
You will be judged by the person who introduces you and changing this first impression is nearly
impossible.
Since the initial meeting is generally with someone of high stature, it is important that your
delegation include an upper-level executive.
After the initial getting-to-know-you meeting, the senior executive may not attend meetings or be
visible.
This indicates you are now getting down to business and they are no longer needed to smooth the
introduction.
Expect to answer questions about your personal background, family and life interests.
Business appointments are required and should be made at least 2 weeks in advance. Reconfirm
the appointment one week before the meeting.
Reconfirm the meeting again once you arrive in Mexico and make sure that the secretary of the
person you will be meeting knows how to contact you.
It is important that you arrive on time for meetings, although your Mexican business associates
may be up to 30 minutes late.
Do not appear irritated if this occurs as people often run behind schedule.
Agendas are not common. If they are given, they are not always followed.
Business Negotiation
Since Mexicans are status conscious, you should always have someone on your negotiating team
who is an executive.
Deadlines are seen as flexible and fluid, much like time itself.
Negotiations will include a fair amount of haggling. Do not give your best offer first.
Business Dress
Business Cards
Business cards should contain both your professional and educational qualifications.
Present your business card with the Spanish side facing the recipient.
Mexico
Census
Contents
[hide]
1
1930 Census
2
Searching Census Records
3
Census Resources by State
A census (censos or padrones) is a count and description of the population. Censuses have been
taken by colonial and national governments throughout Latin America. The Catholic Church also
took occasional censuses of parishioners.
Under the Mexican government, national censuses were attempted in 1868 and 1878. They were
not accepted by the people, who feared more taxation and military conscription. The 1895 census
was more successful. After the 1900 census, additional censuses were taken every 10 years. Most
of the census records are housed in the national archives, or in the case of the Spanish
administration of colonial Latin America, in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville, Spain.
Census usage in Mexican research may vary greatly from its usage in other countries, because
censuses were taken for specific purposes and included various types of jurisdictions. More
accessible genealogical sources, such as church records and civil registration are available in
Mexico.
Where available, census records can provide a persons age, birth year, religion, birthplace, and
occupation. These records can also explain his or her relationship to family members, and
provide other family information.
Census records are especially valuable because they list a large portion of the population. They
can provide information about persons where church and civil records may be incomplete.
However, use the information with caution, since it may contain inaccuracies. The informant
(perhaps a member of the family or a neighbor) may have not known the facts or deliberately
falsified the information.
Mexican census returns were often destroyed, generally only the compiled statistical information
remains. Some original census records of towns, municipios, and states still exist at the archives,
but few are presently available to researchers. Search the FamilySearch Catalog for local
censuses
Mexico
Land records are primarily used to learn where an individual lived and when he or she lived
there. They often reveal other information, such as the name of a spouse, heir, other relatives, or
neighbors. You may learn where a person lived previously, his or her occupation, and other clues
for further research. The national and state archives of Mexico, such as the one in Guadalajara,
house records that were created in their historical jurisdiction. In the Guadalajara archives you
will also find land records dealing with the southwest part of the United States. The Archivo
General de la Nacion in Mexico City has large collections of these records.
Different type of land records include:
Tierras y Aguas (Land and Water). Land grants and water rights,
correspondence, transfer of title, and other documents related to the
transactions.
The Family History Library has some land records from Mexico. Some of the major land records
the library has are:
Ramo de Tierras, 15231822 (Land Records, 15231822). Mxico, D.F.: Archivo General de la
Nacin, 19891992. (On 1999 FHL films beginning with 1563720, and on 66 FHL films
beginning with 1857028.) Indexed.
Vnculos, 17001800 (Entails, 17001800). Ciudad de Mxico: Archivo General de la Nacin,
1953. (On 184 films beginning with 0034613.)
Original Spanish and Mexican land titles in Texas from 1720 to 1836 can be found at the Texas
General Land Office, whose address is:
Texas General Land Office
1700 North Congress Avenue
Austin, TX 78701
Telephone: 512-463-5001
Internet: http://www.glo.state.tx.us
want. Click on Search. A list of the records for that place will come up and you can choose to
see the ones that might be of help to you.
Mexico
Contents
[hide]
Maps
Introduction
2
Using Maps
3
Finding the Specific Town on the Map
4
Online Maps
o
5
Types of Maps
Introduction
Maps are an important source to locate the places where your ancestors lived. They help you see
the neighboring towns and geographic features of the area from which your ancestor came.
Maps are also helpful in locating places, parishes, geographical features, transportation routes,
and proximities to other towns. Historical maps are especially useful for understanding boundary
changes.
Maps are published individually or as an atlas, which is a bound collection of maps. Maps may
also be included in gazetteers, guidebooks, local histories, historical geographies, encyclopedias,
and history texts.
See the Mexico Map from Research Guidance
Using Maps
There are often several places with the same name. For example, there are
over 50 towns throughout the various states of Mexico that begin with the
name Dolores.
The spelling and even names of some towns may have changed since your
ancestor lived there. For example, the town presently known as Arroyo Seco
was formerly named El Rincn, in the state of Sonora.
To successfully research maps from Mexico, you must identify the town where your ancestor
lived. Because there are several towns that have the same name, you may need some additional
information before you can locate the correct town on a map. You will be more successful in
identifying the town on a map if you have some information about the town. Using gazetteers
and other such sources to identify the municipio and district your ancestors town was in will
distinguish it from other towns of the same name and help you locate it on a map. See the
Mexico Gazetteers article for more information.
Online Maps
Mexico through the Centuries
Mexico in 2013
Mexico in 1924
Mexico in 1886
Mexico in 1840
Mexico in 1824
Mexico in 1771
Mexico in 1747
Mexico in 1719
Mexico in 1656
One of the pages on the Internet of greatest relevance is hosted by, The University of Texas at
Austin and is called, Perry-Castaneda Library Map Collection. This collection has a specific
section for Mexico. It also counts with maps of North America that are relevant because of the
areas which belonged to Mexico and Spain. Although those files are of extreme importance, one
of greater, is the one pertaining to links to other pages on the Internet. It is important for the large
amount of the sources that one finds there.
Another extremely good web page is that of the David Rumsey collection. Similar to the
aforementioned collection, it also has an ample selection of Mexico maps. The maps include a
date range that extends from the present to antiquity and it also boasts of maps pertaining to
areas that once belonged to Mexico and/or Spain.
There are also historical maps of Mexico available on the Nuestros Ranchos site.
To access the maps on these sites you might need to disable your computer's pop-up blocker.
Modern Maps
http://www.maps-of-mexico.com/
http://www.mapquest.com/
Often one forgets the more recent maps. Google's map site is one of the best for quickly
determining, not only the place of interest, but also the towns, cities, topography, etc. that are
found in the environs. Many times one only knows the name of the town and not necessarily the
state. Entering the name of the town in Google maps search area helps in finding the state. If one
searches for the city and country on the Google home page information can be found on the
municipality and state. This information is important when one is trying to determine
jurisdictions amongst other things.
Types of Maps
Other types of maps include: parish maps, state maps, tourist maps,
topographical maps, and air navigation maps. City maps are extremely
helpful when researching in large cities such as Mexico City.
Mexico
Newspapers
Online Archives
Mexico
Effective family research requires some understanding of the society in which your ancestor
lived. Learning about everyday life, religious practices, customs, and traditions will help you
appreciate your ancestor and the time in which he or she lived. This information is particularly
helpful if you choose to write a history of your family. Research procedures and genealogical
sources are different for each area and time period and are affected by the local customs and
traditions.
Mexico is, after Brazil, the second-largest economy in Latin America. At its high point, at
the time the Canadian prime minister and the U.S. president signed the North
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico in 1992, Mexico had a
gross national product of well over $250 billion, with pre-NAFTA exports (75 percent
of which went to the United States) of just less than $40 billion.
Mexico is also, again after Brazil, the second-biggest country in Latin America both
geographically and in terms of population. Mexico covers approximately 760,000
square miles divided into 31 states and the federal district of Mexico City, its capital.
Mexico City is the world's largest city, with a population of more than 20 million people
and an estimated greater metropolitan area population of 32 million people. Mexico's
two other great industrial cities, Guadalajara and Monterrey, both have exploded from
being relatively small cities to having populations of approximately 5 million and well
over 3 million, respectively. The nation as a whole has a population of approximately
97.5 million, making it the most populous Spanish-speaking nation in the world.
Mexico has been the focus of considerable attention in the business world with the
signing of NAFTA in 1992 and its legislative approval in Canada and the United States in
1994. NAFTA represents an arrangement by which the three nations of North America
agreed to reduce tariffs and coordinate limited facets of their trade policy.
NAFTA was of particular importance for Mexico as it represented the first instance in
which any developing nation entered into an economic arrangement with two major
developed nations. In essence, NAFTA thrust Mexico from a developing-nation status to
the status of the 67 developed nations. For Mexico too, NAFTA cemented for the long
term its economic relationship with the United States and Canada while paving the way
for increased trade and investment.
CURRENT ECONOMIC EVENTS IN
MEXICO
The last decade and a half of the 20th century saw Mexico enter its most significant
period of economic prosperity, then collapse in the worst economic crisis in its history.
While Mexico has always experienced a certain degree of economic fluctuation, this
particular period was not a typical boom and bust cycle. The degree of fluctuation was
unprecedented and arguably set into motion the world economic crisis that followed,
first in South America and later in East Asia and Russia.
THE ECONOMIC BOOM.
Well before the flurry of attention surrounding NAFTA, Mexico had much to commend
itself in the economic sphere. Reaching a postwar low point tied to the collapse of oil
prices in the early 1980s, Mexico officially indicated that it had to default on its debt
payments and foreign investment fled Mexico while the Mexican peso was devalued
by almost 50 percent. By 1987, Mexico was experiencing an annualized inflation rate of
over 130 percent.
Following the election of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari in 1988, Mexico
transformed itself. President Salinas negotiated debt relief from the United States,
including a $3.5 billion "debt bridge" loan. Under the Salinas presidency, Mexico
privatized more than 100 of its 1,100 state-owned firms in dozens of areas ranging from
telecommunications to banking . Mexico's debt reduction and privatization
coupled with an anticorruption campaign and tax restructuring transformed Mexico
dramatically, cutting its inflation rate, attracting foreign investment from around the
globe, spurring a rebirth of private enterprise, and supporting a thriving stock exchange.
All of this culminated with the full legislative approval of the three NAFTA nations in
1994.
THE MEXICAN ECONOMIC CRISIS.
The roots of the crisis may have begun with two unrelated events in 1994: an uprising in
Chiapis and two political assassinations.
In January 1994, an uprising took place in the southernmost Mexican state, Chiapas,
under the banner of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Chiapas,
historically once independent from Mexico as part of the United Provinces of Central
America, has long been among Mexico's economically poorest states, and the insurgents
protested lack of Mexican concern about poverty. The insurgents also raised issues such
as the rights of indigenous ethnic groups. The EZLN and the Mexican government
clashed militarily, but soon reached a ceasefire. While no further armed insurrections
have taken place in Chiapas, the state still remains politically unstable.
The second event that led to political turmoil surrounded the assassinations of
presidential candidate Lus Donaldo Colosio and PRI Secretary General Jos Francisco
Ruz Massieu. Not only did this lead to political instability in itself, but the murder
investigations resulted in charges filed against the brother of President Salinas. The
most immediate result of the assassinations, however, was the replacement as PRI
presidential candidate of the highly charismatic Colosio by the relatively unknown
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon. Zedillo was then duly elected president, but carried little
enthusiasm among the electorate or confidence from foreign investors.
The combination of the Chiapas uprising and a newly elected president with little public
experience caused experienced investors in Mexico to grow a bit cautious.
Even this, in itself, would not have caused an economic disaster of the magnitude of the
crisis that followed. It was the panic of inexperienced investors that caused the crisis.
For the first time, small-scale individual investors had begun to play a marked role in
the Mexican stock market. For many of these investors, mostly from the United States,
their Mexican stocks represented their first time investing not just in Mexico, but in any
foreign market. Unaccustomed to the volatility of international investment and buoyed
up in their expectations from over six years of unimpeded growth, these investors grew
alarmed when the Mexican market initially stumbled.
Confusing the essentially stable Mexican political landscape with more significant
historical political uprisings elsewhere in Latin America, many of these novice investors
misinterpreted what was an essentially short-lived and localized uprising as a full-scale
revolution. Even this panic might have been stemmed had President Salinas not been so
immediately involved in the assassination investigations involving his brother, or had a
more politically experienced successor been elected the next president. President
Zedillo, however, did not have President Salinas's flair for public relations and handling
the press. Indeed, Zedillo's initial days in office seemed only to add to the panic when,
after first promising not to devalue the peso, he did just that.
The widescale panic that exploded in the Mexican stock market following the peso
devaluation was the worst in Mexico's history. Inexperienced investors felt deceived,
and fled not only the Mexican market, but many other Latin American markets. This
rash flight of investment served to destabilize such essentially stable markets as
Argentina and Chile, even though their economies were unrelated in any significant way
to the events occurring in Mexico. The panic itself fueled further destabilization and
fears of a default. The peso went into a rapid decline. In December 1994 alone, the peso
fell from 3.5 to 6.5 to the U.S. dollar. For most of 1995, the peso continued to decline,
averaging over 7 pesos to the dollar, sinking to 8 pesos to the dollar by March 1996.
POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RECOVERY.
Mexico faced the crisis in several ways. To battle charges of corruption, President
Zedillo entirely replaced the Mexican Supreme Court.
Moreover, Mexico clearly demonstrated that it was politically more open than ever
before. Zedillo's own party, the PRI, faced enormous opposition, losing several state
governorships and for the first time in history, it lost its majority in Mexico's Chamber
of Deputies. Moreover, the first election for mayor of Mexico City since 1928 was held.
For the previous 70 years, the Mexican president appointed the mayor to what is
arguably the second-most powerful political position in the nation after the presidency
itself. Elections were indisputably freely run as the strongest opponent of the PRI won:
the leftist PRD party's leader Cuauhtmoc Cardenas. These victories, though bad for the
ruling PRI party, nonetheless gave foreign investors confidence in the free electoral
process of Mexico.
An uprising of terrorists, separate from the Chiapas uprising, took place in the summer
of 1996 in the states of Guerrero, Puebla, and Oaxaca. The leaders of the Zapatistas, as
well as political opposition leaders such as Cardenas, denounced the uprising as the
work of terrorists rather than as a political movement. With support across the political
spectrum, the Mexican government quickly put down the uprising. Because of the unity
of political opinion toward the uprising as terrorist-led, the incidents led to none of the
political instability associated with the Chiapas Zapatista movement.
More significantly, from an economic perspective, the United States, finding its
economy heavily integrated through NAFTA and other increased trade ties to Mexico,
faced a crisis of its own. The Clinton administration, over heavy opposition from NAFTA
critics, opened a $20 billion line of credit to Mexico in 1995. The U.S. loan package was
coordinated with a $1.5 billion loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Using the line of credit to stabilize the economy, Mexico almost immediately began
repaying the U.S. loan, paying $700 million back as early as October of the same year.
Well ahead of schedule, by January 1997, Mexico had fully paid back both the U.S. and
the IMF loans. Not only did the repayment silence critics of the loan (the United States
earned $560 million in interest on the loan) but renewed confidence in the stability of
Mexico. Since 1997, the peso had begun to gradually strengthen and the Mexican
economy showed a growth rate of over 4 percent.
BUSINESS PRACTICES
With the close integration of the U.S. and Canadian economies to Mexico under NAFTA,
coupled with the clear need to understand Mexico in more depth in the aftermath of the
Mexican peso crisis, considerable interest in Mexican business practices has developed.
Mexican business culture differs from any other in the Americas due to its unique
history. Moreover, it is profoundly different from the United States with whom Mexico
shares its long northern border.
LANGUAGE.
Mexico is the largest Spanish-speaking country in the world. Its form of Spanish is
distinctive, drawing heavily on speakers of pre-Columbian native languages, and filled
with many idioms unique to Mexican Spanish.
Spanish as a language is a useful tool when doing business in Mexico both because it
gives access to the large number of Mexicans who speak only Spanish or who speak
other languages poorly.
Nevertheless, English is extremely widespread, especially among the educated and the
middle class who constitute the majority of the business class in Mexico. Many
government officials and business leaders have earned degrees from U.S. or Canadian
universities, increasing the number of people in leading positions who speak English
with great fluency. Indeed, many Mexicans may view the ability to conduct business in
English as a sign of their educationsuggestions that their use of English is less than
fluent or even absent may be a source of loss of face.
While speaking the language of the country in which one conducts business is always
advisable for gaining market insight and building relationships, the use of Spanish in
Mexico by U.S. businesspeople is of particular value since Mexicans have come to expect
that the majority of U.S. businesspeople with whom they come in contact will speak
little or no Spanish. For this reason alone, it is an advantage for the U.S. businessperson
to learn to speak Spanish as it will likely reflect a presumed interest in and commitment
to Mexico that the non-Spanish speaker would have to demonstrate in other ways.
ENVIRONMENT AND TECHNOLOGY.
Mexico traditionally has been more ambivalent toward the use of technology than the
United States and other control cultures. Mexicans, particularly in nonurban areas, are
more likely to see themselves as subject to the forces of nature around them than as
controllers of that environment.
Current severe difficulties with pollution and other environmental problems have
brought the cost of rapid industrialization further into question in urban areas as well,
reviving some traditional skepticism toward the use of technology for its own end. Still,
Mexico is rapidly increasing its technological standards. Its infrastructure
telecommunications , transportation, and electronicshave all seen dramatic
improvement in the last two decades.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
FAMILY TIES.
Family ties are considerably stronger in Mexico than they are in the United States.
"Family," as Eva S. Kras explained, "takes precedence over work and all other aspects of
life." Moreover, family ties are not only stronger but broader in Mexico than in the
United States. The family in the United States consists of a spouse and children (and
occasionally one's parents). In Mexico, family ties are equally strong for kinship
relationships such as cousins, in-laws, uncles and aunts, nephews and nieces, as well as
compadrazo, or godparent relationships.
This has far-reaching effects on Mexican-U.S. interactions. The majority of Mexicans
define themselves as belonging to a particular family; the majority of people in the
United States define themselves by what they do for a living. Thus a Mexican manager is
likely to respond first to a query for a self-description with the fact that he or she is a
member of the families of his or her father, mother, and spouse. By contrast the average
U.S. manager would respond to the same query with the fact that he or she is a manager
of some area of specialty. This has direct business application in the way these familial
connections are used in the workplace. As John C. Condon explained, "In Mexico
credibility is demonstrated more through position and connections than in the U.S.,
where one's track record of personal achievements tends to command attention."
The effect of family on business, however, goes much further than self-definition. Family
ties provide access to business joint ventures, to favorable terms on negotiations, and to
reaching people in power in Mexico. Family ties provide little of this in the United
States. The result is that many U.S. businesspeople in Mexico may not be able to reach
people in power in Mexico because they do not know how to employ such connections,
while many Mexicans in the United States may place greater faith on such connections
than their situation merits.
Finally, nepotismthe hiring of relativesis considered desirable in Mexico and
undesirable in the United States. In Mexico, relatives one employs are likely to work
harder and be more dedicated than strangers. In the United States, relatives are likely to
work less hard and be less dedicated than strangers. In Mexico, nepotism ensures access
and loyalty through family ties while fulfilling familial obligations to other family
members related to the individual hired (even further strengthening and extending the
reach of connections with relatives who are not employees). Nepotism, by contrast, is
disdained in the United States where family ties are assumed to cover up the relative's
incompetence; indeed, many organizations in the United States have explicit
antinepotism policies.
GENDER ROLES.
The genders are more clearly differentiated in Mexico than in the United States. This
especially holds true in Mexican social settings where men are more likely than in the
United States to rule their households with little open disagreement from wives and
where any unchaperoned male female meetings may be called into question in a way
that they would not north of the border.
Machismo does exist in Mexico. Nevertheless, the concept of "machismo" is largely
misunderstood and exaggerated in the United States. Machismoessentially the state of
acting in a manly manneris usually misinterpreted in the United States as male
boasting of a sexual nature (which is extremely uncommon in the Mexican corporate
setting) and a more blatant use of sexually charged stares and innuendos (which do
occur at an arguably greater rate but no more so than in, for example, French or Italian
culture for which the same concerns are not widely held in the United States).
Machismo, however, also includes a man's sense of earned respect through education
(including knowledge of the liberal artsa distinctly unmacho assumption in the United
States), titles, and other distinctions. Finally, machismo includes a sense that men must
be decisive and unwilling to show feara gender distinction still widely practiced in the
United States.
While gender distinctions are more strongly delineated in Mexico than in the United
States, Mexico is undergoing a transition as well. Many Mexican women, particularly in
the large urban centers, are increasingly active in professional settings ranging from
university professors to government leaders and entrepreneurs. Finally, many Mexicans
are growing accustomed to the large number of women in the United States and Canada
in leading business positions and have become increasingly familiar with working with
these foreign businesswomen in positions of authority.
CLASS STRATIFICATION.
In general, most people in the United States are highly uncomfortable with class
distinctions. While it is not uncommon in the United States to talk about good and bad
parts of town, someone coming from a good family, or someone's position demanding
more respect than another (high-level executives, judges, physicians, etc.), the average
person in the United States holds an egalitarian ideal and is uncomfortable in the face of
social or even workplace distinctions. Mexicans, by contrast, are much more
comfortable with these social realities. Most Mexicans view the world as a whole and the
workplace in particular as innately unequal. Mexicans, therefore, are more comfortable
than their counterparts north of the border with existing class stratification into good
families, powerful positions, and other social and workplace distinctions.
EDUCATION.
Advanced education is very widespread in the corporate United States. Indeed, graduate
and doctoral degrees are very common in the workplace. Higher education in Mexico is
common among business leaders but is nowhere as widespread among the general
population as it is in the United States. Among the educated elite, however, the quality
and breadth of education is likely to be very high, often including study abroad in the
United States, Canada, or Europe, as well as domestically in Mexico.
Educational ties may play a greater role in Mexico than in the United States. Alumni ties
as common bonds are strong as they represent a shared experiencea factor that is
important in the more personalized nature of business in Mexico described below. The
nature of the university is important as well. Foreign education is much more common
among upper level Mexican executives than among their counterparts in the United
States, and those educated abroad, of course, are likely to reflect the emphases of the
educational institutions of the countries in which they studied. Domestically in Mexico,
private universities differ markedly from public universities in their educational
emphasis; a distinction almost wholly absent in U.S. public and private colleges. Such
private institutions of higher education as the prestigious Instituto Tecnologico y
Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) and La Salle University in Mexico City
emphasize analytical approaches applied to business, legal, and technical education.
Public universities, by contrast, reflect a more European-based generalist education
with a highly theoretical emphasis by U.S. business or technological education
standards.
REGIONALISM.
Mexico is divided into numerous regions, each with distinctive histories, accents, and
loyalties. Most Mexicans are very proud of their region, and many Mexicans claim ties to
the region of their parents even if they themselves were born in a distant urban center
such as Mexico City. Mexicans themselves carry many stereotypes and beliefs regarding
characteristics of these regions. For example, people from Nuevo Leon are perceived as
being very business-oriented and thrifty; people from Oaxaca may be proud of the
influence of native Indian cultures, and so forth. Whether true or not, these
generalizations are more strongly held than comparable divisions of northerners and
southerners in the United States and represent very real points of connection for the
businessperson aware of their significance.
In recent decades, many Mexicans have been attracted to Mexico's urban centers in the
search for jobs and opportunities. While all of Mexico's major cities have seen influxes
from the countryside, Mexico Citynow the world's largest cityhas grown at a pace
unmatched anywhere in the industrialized world. Less dramatic but still major
migrations of people to Monterrey and Guadalajara have also occurred. These magnet
cities represent a major demographic shift for Mexico and break with traditional ties to
region and family.
THE CHURCH.
Mexico is among the most uniformly Roman Catholic nations. While several hundredthousand Protestants and several thousand Jews represent significant minorities,
Mexico has nowhere near the mix of religion as the United States. Also, while technically
Mexico has a separation of church and state (including a period of heavy anticlerical
activity early in the 20th century), the role of religion may seem pervasive by U.S.
standards. Conflict of religion in the workplace is negligible since Catholicism is so
widely shared; consequently such practices as having a priest bless a new office building
or corporate sponsorship of a religious procession are well accepted. Display of religious
imagery in the workplace is likewise common and well accepted; by contrast, religion is
usually intensely personal in the United States, a fact that makes many Mexicans view
their U.S. counterparts as irreligious or at least highly secularized. Widespread belief in
God's influence in the workplace (as in all aspects of life) may also provide some
Mexicans with more of a sense of acceptance of events that might be fought against in
the United States.
CONTEXTING.
Mexico is what is called a high context culture As a result, Mexicans place a strong
emphasis on how a message is said rather than on the words used alone. The eloquence
of the words used are themselves part of the message. Something may be exaggerated in
a way known to be an exaggeration but spoken because it is rhetorically satisfying; this
is often understood to be lying in the literal understanding of low context cultures such
as the United States.
Messages are also understood in terms of the full context of the communicators'
relationship with one another. This particularly affects the importance for social
etiquette and formality in official situations (including business meetings) and creates
an emphasis on face-saving.
As a direct consequence of the high context nature of Mexican communication, it is
necessary to build a personal relationship in conducting business with Mexicans.
Without the context of that personal relationship, little if any substantive
communication can take place, and necessary levels of trust are inadequate to undertake
most business arrangements.
As in most high context cultures, Mexican behavior is more likely to be governed by
individual interpretation and the need to save face rather than on external rules and
regulations. As a result, in Mexico, personal understandings are more binding than
contracts. Indeed, contracts in Mexico are often seen as the beginning of a relationship
that can be subject to change as the business progresses. This contrasts to the view of
low context cultures (such as the United States) in which the contract is viewed as not
subject to change.
Finally, in high context societies, understood or unofficial rules are often as important
(or even more important) than written rules. This holds true even in relations with
government officials. These unwritten rules deal often with issues of respect and family
loyalty in Mexico, and remain subject to the context of the situation to which they are
applied. As a result, these unwritten rules may be employed in some instances and
overlooked in others, depending on the context of the individuals involved and of the
situation particular to the incident at hand.
NONVERBAL COMMUNICATION
As with all nations, Mexico has distinctive nonverbal communication unique to itself. It
contrasts markedly with the United States in the four areas described below.
PERSONAL SPACE.
Mexican concepts of personal distance are considerably closer than in the United States.
The average workplace distance while standing face to-face between two people in the
United States is roughly arm's length. While regional differences are notable in Mexico
(with interpersonal distance greater as one moves north), the average distance is
approximately three to four inches closer than in the United States.
TOUCHING BEHAVIOR.
Movement (kinesics) differs somewhat in Mexico and the United States. Lacking the
large waves of immigration that have influenced U.S. body language, Mexicans are more
uniform in the sorts of body movement they use when speaking. Generally speaking,
Mexicans are more expressive with the hands than many of their U.S. counterparts.
Also, most U.S. movement is limited to the arms and head; movement from the torso is
not uncommon in Mexican conversation. Finally, most people in the United States, even
in formal situations, tend to slouch while sitting; slouching in Mexico is usually a sign of
boreedom and is thus subject to misinterpretation.
DRESS.
Mexicans tend to dress more conservatively in Mexico City than elsewhere in the
country. Still, as a whole, business as well as social dress is somewhat more conservative
throughout Mexico than it is in the United States. Detailssuch as shined shoes or wellgroomed hairare often more important in business dress in Mexico than they are in
the United States.
TIME CONCEPTION
Mexico and the United States are extremely different in the way each conceives of time.
Mexico is what Edward T. Hall termed a polychronic culture; the United States, a
monochronic one. Mexico, like all polychronic cultures, ranks personal involvement and
completion of existing transactions above the demands of preset schedules. The United
States, like other monochronic cultures, adheres to preset schedules that take
precedence over personal interaction or the completion of the business at hand.
Because Mexican businesspeople generally complete tasks at the expense of scheduling,
people in high authority may become easily overwhelmed with multiple tasks. To
prevent overloading, people in positions of high authority rely heavily on subordinates
to screen for them. Once a person gets past the screeners, the person in authority will
generally see the task to completion regardless of its relative importance. By contrast, in
the United States, the scheduling of appointments acts as the screen; not the person's
subordinates. If a task is not completed within a scheduled time, a new meeting is
scheduled.
Because people rather than appointment books act as the screens in Mexico, personal
relationships flourish within close circles. In the United States, personal relationships
are discouraged or at least are not allowed to interfere with maintaining the schedule. As
a result, in the United States, personal relationships are determined by the terms of the
job in a manner that is nearly incomprehensible in Mexico. Conversely, personal
relationships are emphasized in the Mexican workplace in a manner that is difficult for
most U.S. businesspeople to comprehend. Mexicans make distinctions between insiders
and those outside their existing personal relationships. Appointments are secondary. In
the United States, one needs only to schedule a meeting with the appropriate people;
little or no preference is given to those one knows over complete strangers. In the
United States (in direct contrast to Mexico), the outsider is treated in exactly the same
fashion as the close associate.
Culture of Mexico
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The culture of Mexico evolved quickly during the 19th and 20th centuries. In many ways,
contemporary life in its cities has become similar to that in neighboring United States and
Europe. While most Mexican villagers follow the older way of life more so than the city
dwellers.
More than 45 percent of the people in Mexico live in cities of over 50,000 inhabitants. Large
metropolitan areas include Mexico City, Guadalajara, Monterrey, and Puebla-Tlaxcala, while
rural areas include small areas throughout Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guerrero, Sonora, Sinaloa,
Tamaulipas, Yucatn, Michoacn, and many more.
Religion[edit]
Main articles: Religion in Mexico and Our Lady of Guadalupe
See also: Holy Week in Mexico
Art[edit]
Main articles: Mexican art and Visual arts of Mexico
Ro Juchitn (River Juchitan), at the Museo Soumaya, the last mural by Diego Rivera.
Mexico is known for its folk art traditions, mostly derived from the indigenous and Spanish
crafts. Pre-Columbian art thrived over a wide timescale, from 1800 BC to AD 1500. Certain
artistic characteristics were repeated throughout the region, namely a preference for angular,
linear patterns, and three-dimensional ceramics. Notable handicrafts include clay pottery from
the valley of Oaxaca and the village of Tonala. Colorfully embroidered cotton garments, cotton
or wool shawls and outer garments, and colorful baskets and rugs are seen everywhere. Mexico
is also known for its pre-Columbian architecture, especially for public, ceremonial and urban
monumental buildings and structures.
Following the conquest, the first artistic efforts were directed at evangelization and the related
task of building churches. The Spanish initially co-opted many indigenous stonemasons and
sculptors to build churches, monuments and other religious art, such as altars. The prevailing
style during this era was Baroque. In the period after independence into the early 20th century,
Mexican fine arts continued to be largely influenced by European traditions.
After the Mexican Revolution, a new generation of Mexican artists led a vibrant national
movement that incorporated political, historic, and folk themes in their work. The painters Diego
Rivera, Jos Clemente Orozco, and David Siqueiros were the main propegaters of Mexican
muralism. Their grand murals, often displayed on public buildings, promoted social ideals.
Rufino Tamayo and Frida Kahlo produced more personal works with abstract elements. Mexican
art photography was largely fostered by the work of Manuel lvarez Bravo.[5]
Literature[edit]
Main articles: Mexican literature and Mesoamerican literature
A late 18th-century painting of Sor Juana Ins de la Cruz, poet and writer.
The literature of Mexico has its antecedents in the literatures of the indigenous settlements of
Mesoamerica. The most well known prehispanic poet is Netzahualcoyotl. Modern Mexican
literature was influenced by the concepts of the Spanish colonialization of Mesoamerica.
Outstanding colonial writers and poets include Juan Ruiz de Alarcn and Sor Juana Ins de la
Cruz.
Other notable writers include Alfonso Reyes, Jos Joaqun Fernndez de Lizardi, Ignacio Manuel
Altamirano, Maruxa Vilalta, Carlos Fuentes, Octavio Paz (Nobel Laureate), Renato Leduc,
Mariano Azuela ("Los de abajo"), Juan Rulfo ("Pedro Pramo") and Bruno Traven.
Language[edit]
Main article: Languages of Mexico
See also: Mexican Spanish and List of endangered languages in Mexico
Mexico is the most populous Spanish-speaking country in the world.[6] Although the
overwhelming majority of Mexicans today speak Spanish, there is no de jure official language at
the federal level. However, the government recognizes 62 indigenous Amerindian languages as
national languages. Some Spanish vocabulary in Mexico has roots in the country's indigenous
languages, which are spoken by approximately 6% of the population.[7] Some indigenous
Mexican words have even become common in other languages, such as the English language.
For instance, the words tomato, chocolate, coyote, and avocado are Nahuatl in origin.[8]
Architecture[edit]
Main articles: Architecture of Mexico and Mesoamerican architecture
The Academy of San Carlos, founded in 1788, was the first major art academy in the Americas.
The academy promoted Neoclassicism, focusing on Greek and Roman art and architecture.
The Palacio de Bellas Artes is built in a primarily Art Nouveau exterior and an Art Deco interior,
a result of interruptions during construction caused by the Mexican Revolution.
From 1864 to 1867, during the Second Mexican Empire, Maximilian I was installed as emperor
of Mexico. This intervention, financed largely by France, was brief, but it began a period of
French influence in architecture and culture. The style was emphasized during the presidency of
Porfirio Diaz who was a pronounced francophile.
After the Mexican Revolution in 1917, idealization of the indigenous and the traditional
symbolized attempts to reach into the past and retrieve what had been lost in the race toward
modernization.
Functionalism, expressionism, and other schools left their imprint on a large number of works in
which Mexican stylistic elements have been combined with European and American techniques,
most notably the work of Pritzker Prize winner Luis Barragn. His personal home, the Luis
Barragn House and Studio, is a World Heritage Site.
Enrique Norten, the founder of TEN Arquitectors, has been awarded several honors for his work
in modern architecture. His work express a modernity that reinforces the government's desire to
present a new image of Mexico as an industrialized country with a global presence.
Other notable and emerging contemporary architects include Mario Schjetnan, Michel Rojkind,
Isaac Broid Zajman, Bernardo Gmez-Pimienta, and Alberto Kalach.
Cinema[edit]
Main article: Cinema of Mexico
See also: El Chavo del Ocho
Ariel Award
The history of Mexican cinema dates to the beginning of the 20th century, when several
enthusiasts of the new medium documented historical events most particularly the Mexican
Revolution. The Golden Age of Mexican cinema is the name given to the period between 1935
and 1959, where the quality and economic success of the cinema of Mexico reached its peak. An
era when renowned actors such as Cantinflas and Dolores del Ro appeared on the silver screen.
Present-day film makers include Alejandro Gonzlez Irritu (Amores perros, Babel), Alfonso
Cuarn (Children of Men, Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban), Guillermo del Toro (Pan's
Labyrinth), Carlos Reygadas (Stellet Licht), screenwriter Guillermo Arriaga and owners
Guillermo Navarro and Emmanuel Lubezki.
National holidays[edit]
Main article: Public holidays in Mexico
See also: Christmas in Mexico
Municipal president giving the "grito" of "Viva Mxico" at the commencement of Independence
Day festivities in 2008
Mexicans celebrate their Independence from Spain on September 16, and other holidays with
festivals known as "Fiestas". Many Mexican cities, towns and villages hold a yearly festival to
commemorate their local patron saints. During these festivities, the people pray and burn candles
to honor their saints in churches decorated with flowers and colorful utensils. They also hold
large parades, fireworks, dance competitions, beauty pageant contest, party and buy refreshments
in the market places and public squares. In the smaller towns and villages, soccer, and boxing are
also celebrated during the festivities.
Skulls made of amaranto, given during the Day of the Dead festival.
Other festivities include Da de Nuestra Seora de Guadalupe ("Guadalupe Day"), Las Posadas
("The Shelters", celebrated on December 16 to December 24), Noche Buena ("Holy Night",
celebrated on December 24), Navidad ("Christmas", celebrated on December 25) and Ao
Nuevo ("New Years Day", celebrated on December 31 to January 1). "Guadalupe Day" is
regarded by many Mexicans as the most important religious holiday of their country. It honours
the Virgin of Guadalupe, the patron saint of Mexico, which is celebrated on December 12. In the
last decade, all the celebrations happening from mid December to the beginning of January have
been linked together in what has been called the Guadalupe-Reyes Marathon.
Rosca de reyes
Epiphany the evening of January 5 marks the Twelfth Night of Christmas and is when the
figurines of the three wise men are added to the nativity scene. Traditionally in Mexico, as with
many other Latin American countries, Santa Claus doesn't hold the cachet that he does in the
United States. Rather, it is the three wise men who are the bearers of gifts, who leave presents in
or near the shoes of small children.[10] Mexican families also commemorate the date by eating
Rosca de reyes. In modern Mexico however, and particularly in the larger cities and in the North,
local traditions are now being observed and intertwined with the greater North American Santa
Claus tradition, as well as with other holidays such as Halloween, due to Americanization via
film and television, creating an economy of gifting tradition that spans from Christmas Day until
January 6.
A piata is made from papier-mache. It is created to look like popular people, animals, or
fictional characters. Once made it is painted with bright colors and filled with candy or small
toys. It is then hung from the ceiling. The children are blindfolded and take turns hitting the
piata until it breaks open and the candy and small toys fall out. The children then gather the
candy and small toys.
Cuisine[edit]
Main article: Mexican cuisine
Tacos al pastor
Popular composers includes: Agustn Lara, Consuelo Velzquez ("Bsame mucho"), Jos
Alfredo Jimnez, Armando Manzanero, lvaro Carrillo, Joaqun Pardav and Alfonso Ortiz
Tirado.
Traditional Mexican music has influenced the evolution of the Mexican pop and Mexican rock
genre. Some well-known Mexican pop singers are Luis Miguel and Alejandro Fernndez. Latin
rock musicians such as Carlos Santana, Caf Tacuba and Caifanes have incorporated Mexican
folk tunes into their music. Traditional Mexican music is still alive in the voices of artists such as
Lila Downs.
Sport[edit]
1.1 Aguascalientes
1.4 Campeche
1.5 Chiapas
1.6 Chihuahua
1.7 Coahuila
1.8 Colima
1.9 Durango
1.10 Guanajuato
1.11 Guerrero
1.12 Hidalgo
1.13 Jalisco
1.15 Michoacn
1.16 Morelos
1.17 Nayarit
1.19 Oaxaca
1.20 Puebla
1.21 Quertaro
1.24 Sinaloa
1.25 Sonora
1.27 Tabasco
1.28 Tamaulipas
1.29 Tlaxcala
1.30 Veracruz
1.31 Yucatn
1.32 Zacatecas
2 See also
3 References
Aguascalientes Museum
Fauna Museum
Sport Museum
Baja California[edit]
Museo Universitario Mexicali (has photos, fossils, etc. of Baja California Norte)
Campeche[edit]
Archaeology Museum
Chiapas[edit]
Museum of Tapachula
Chihuahua[edit]
Quinta Gameros
Quinta Gameros
Coahuila[edit]
Colima[edit]
Durango[edit]
Museo de la Ferrera
Guanajuato[edit]
Mummy Catacombs
Guerrero[edit]
Hidalgo[edit]
Mining Museum
Photography Museum
Jalisco[edit]
Ceramics Museum
Wax Museum
Mexico City[edit]
Anahuacalli Museum[4]
Army and Air Force Museum of Mexico (Museo del Ejrcito y Fuerza Area)
Charrera Museum[16]
Cuitlahuac Museum[21]
Estanquillo Museum[25]
Geological Museum of UNAM Jaime Torres Bodet 176 Santa Maria la Ribera
Cuauhtemoc
Miguel Hidalgo Peoples Social Center San Juan de Aragon 2nd section
Museum of SHCP[51]
Museum of Women[56]
Palace of Mining[61]
Pinacoteca de la Profesa[63]
Soumaya Museum[71]
Michoacn[edit]
Morelos[edit]
Palace of Cortes
Nayarit[edit]
Nuevo Len[edit]
Museo del Valle del Piln (Museum of the Pilon Valley), Montemorelos
Hacienda San Pedro (Hacienda of San Pedro), General Zuazu, Nuevo Len
Papalote museo del nio (Nuevo Len) (Kite Children's museum), Monterrey
Oaxaca[edit]
Puebla[edit]
Amparo Museum
Automobile Museum
Quertaro[edit]
Quintana Roo[edit]
Sinaloa[edit]
Sonora[edit]
State of Mexico[edit]
Museo de Virreinato
Print Museum
Watercolor Museum
House of Handcrafts
Teotihuacan Museum
Tabasco[edit]
Museo de Oxolotn.
Tamaulipas[edit]
Tlaxcala[edit]
Veracruz[edit]
Jardn de Esculturas
Casa Principal.
Oil Museum
Yanga Museum; dedicated to Gaspar Yanga who has the first successful slave
revolt in the Americas
Tuxteco Museum
Jarocho Museum
Museo el Zapotal
Museo de Cempoala
Yucatn[edit]
Zacatecas[edit]
Museo de La Quemada
Museo de Guadalupe
Mexican handcrafts and folk art is a complex collection of items made with various materials
and intended for utilitarian, decorative or other purposes. Some of the items produced by hand in
this country include ceramics, wall hangings, vases, furniture, textiles and much more.[1] In
Mexico, both crafts created for utilitarian purposes and folk art are collectively known as
artesana as both have a similar history and both are a valued part of Mexicos national
identity. Mexicos artesana tradition is a blend of indigenous and European techniques and
designs. This blending, called mestizo was particularly emphasized by Mexicos political,
intellectual and artistic elite in the early 20th century after the Mexican Revolution toppled
Porfirio Dazs French-style and modernization-focused presidency.[2] Today, Mexican artesana is
exported and is one of the reasons why tourists are attracted to the country.[3] However,
competition from manufactured products and imitations from countries like China have caused
problems for Mexicos artisans.[1][4]
Contents
[hide]
2 History
3 Export
6 See also
7 References
Wood and fiber crafts for sale at the municipal market in Ptzcuaro.
Mexican handcrafts and folk art is a complex collection of items made with various materials
and fashioned for utilitarian, decorative or other purposes, such as wall hangings, vases, toys and
items created for celebrations, festivities and religious rites.[1] These arts and crafts are
collectively called artesana in Mexican Spanish. This term was invented in Spanish during the
20th century to distinguish merchandise made by traditional methods versus those made by
industrial/assembly line methods. The word is also used to promote traditional products to
tourists and as a source of Mexican national identity.[5] Mexican artesana has its foundations in
the crafts of the many pre-Hispanic cultures within the country, but 500 years of European
influence has transformed it into a mixture of the two and unique to Mexico. Most artesana
produced here shows both European and native influences in the crafting, the design or both.[1]
Artesana can be defined as those items created by common people, using traditional methods
which are well-founded in the past. Most artisans do not have school-based training in their craft,
but rather learn it through formal or informal apprenticeship. The term common people for
Mexico generally applies to people native to rural areas and those outside the upper and middle
classes.[1]
For Mexico, artesana is heavily tied to national identity as well as indigenous identities, and this
idea is often played out in movies and television in the country.[1][6] From the early 20th century to
the present day, Mexican folk art has inspired famous artists such as Diego Rivera, Rufino
Tamayo, Jos Clemente Orozco, Fernndez Ledezma, Luis Nishizawa and many others.[2] Miguel
Covarrubias and Salvador Novo defined true Mexican artesana as a blending of European and
indigenous traditions, with items produced for domestic consumption, mostly for the Mexican
middle class. This definition best applies to the production of pottery, leatherwork, textiles and
toys. This definition is founded in the early post-Mexican Revolution era when artists and
intellectuals were concerned with creating a native identity for Mexico, which revolved around
the concept of mestizo or the blend of European and indigenous races. It was even thought by
some of its proponents, such as Dr. Atl, that any change in the artesana of Mexico would led to
its degradation and of the identity they represent.[7]
Most of the artesana produced in Mexico is ordinary things made for daily use, but they are still
considered artistic because most contain decorative details and/or are painted in bright colors for
aesthetic purposes.[1] The bold use of colors in crafts and other constructions extends back into
pre-Hispanic times. Pyramids, temples, murals, textiles and religious objects were painted or
colored ochre red, bright green, burnt orange, various yellows and turquoise. These would be
joined by other colors introduced by European and Asian contact, but always in bold tones.[8]
Even the production of colors ties into the history of craft making. Red pigment since preHispanic times has made from the cochineal bug, which is crushed, dried and ground to a powder
to mix into a liquid base.[9]
Design motifs can vary from purely indigenous to mostly European with some other elements
thrown in. Geometric designs are prevalent and the most directly connected to Mexicos preHispanic past and/or items made by the countrys remaining purely indigenous communities.[10]
Motifs from nature are as popular, if not more so, than geometric patterns in both pre-Hispanic
and European-influenced designs. They are especially prevalent in wall-hangings and ceramics.[11]
Mexican artesana also shows influence from cultures other than European. Pueblos famous
Talavera pottery is a mix of Chinese, Arab, Spanish and indigenous design influences. Lacquered
furniture was unknown in Mexico until the Manila galleons brought lacquered wood products
here, which local craftsmen copied.[12]
Many Mexican crafts are considered to be of Baroque style, with the definition of such as a
decorative style characterized by the use, and the occasional abuse, of ornaments in which the
curved line predominates. This is a result of Spanish Plateresque and Churrigueresque styles
being used during the colonial periods and possibly from some highly ornate pre-Hispanic
traditions as well.[12]
History[edit]
By the late pre-Conquest era, the Aztecs had absorbed many of the crafts and trades traditions
from the Toltecs, Mixtecs, Zapotecs and the Maya. In some of his writings, Hernn Corts
describes the myriad of handcrafted goods available in Tenochtitlans markets such as textiles,
feather art, containers made with gourds and objects made of precious metals.[1] Bernardino de
Sahagn describes the various items made from the maguey plant, the wide variety of pottery, as
well as about the privileged place that artisans held in the native social hierarchy.[2]
In the very early colonial period, the native artisan class was persecuted and was all but
destroyed, as many of the designs and techniques they used were linked to pre-Hispanic religious
practices, which the Spaniards wanted replaced with Christianity.[2] Conversely, new crafts and
new craft techniques were introduced from Europe and often taught to indigenous and mestizo
people in missions.[1]
Those crafts that survived the Conquest, such as pottery, were enriched by the new techniques
from Europe. New crafts were also brought to Mexico, such as saddlemaking, and naturalized by
local artisans, using elements of indigenous designs. However, crafts which did not fit with
European lifestyles or tastes, such as like feather mosaics, tended to disappear.[1]
One notable case of the re-establishment of crafts in the early colonial period is the work of
Vasco de Quiroga. Quiroga arrived to the newly conquered Michoacn province after Nuo
Beltrn de Guzmn had murdered many of the native P'urhpechans, ruined many crops and
disrupted the economy. He began to repair the damage by feeding the hungry, founding schools
and hospitals and reconstructing the economy. He worked to re-establish the crafts that had
existed previously, often introducing new techniques, and to establish new crafts. To avoid
competition for the same limited markets, he encouraged each village to specialize in one
particular craft or product. He was successful in bringing many native craftsmen back to their
work.[13] Quiroga was the first to systematically blend native and Spanish craft techniques as well
as organization of labor.[2] Vasco de Quiroga is still honored in the state of Michoacn, especially
the Lake Ptzcuaro region, and the state is well known as a crafts producer.[13]
In time, the crafts redefined themselves, as most of them were dominated by mestizos or those of
mixed indigenous and European ancestry. However, tight control was kept on production by the
higher classes and government authorities.[2]
Near the end of the colonial period, another member of the clergy was active in promoting the
crafts as way to help those in lower social positions in Mexico. In 1803, Miguel Hidalgo y
Costilla settled in as the parish priest of Dolores, Guanajuato. Turning over most of his religious
duties to a vicar, Hidalgo dedicated himself to commerce, intellectual pursuits and humanitarian
activity.[14] He spent much of his time studying literature, scientific works, grape cultivation, the
raising of silkworms.[15][16] He used the knowledge that he gained to promote economic activities
for the poor and rural people in his area. He established factories to make bricks and pottery and
trained indigenous people in the working of leather.[15][16] He also promoted beekeeping.[16] He was
interested in promoting activities of commercial value to use the natural resources of the area to
help the poor.[17] His goal was to make the Indians and mestizos more self-reliant. However, these
activities violated policies designed to protect Spanish peninsular agriculture and industry, and
Hidalgo was ordered to stop them. The Spanish authoritys treatment of peasants and the lower
classes would be one factor in pushing Hidalgo to begin the Mexican War of Independence with
his famous Grito de Dolores.[18] Hidalgos efforts founded the Majolica pottery industry in
Guanajuato state.[2]
16th or 17th century Talavera bowl at the Museo de Arte Popular, Mexico City.
After the Mexican War of Independence, the crafts guilds that had regulated manufacture
through the colonial period were abolished. Since anyone could call themself a craftsman,
product quality deteriorated badly, especially in pottery,[19] foreign products entered the country
freely and industrialization began to take hold. To help stop the socio-economic deterioration of
artisans, brotherhoods, cooperatives and professional organizations were founded. However,
indigenous artists generally did not join these associations, and they remained within their own
socioeconomic organizations.[20]
The status of native crafts remained precarious and were further depreciated during what is now
known as the Porfirato, or the long rule of President Porfirio Daz from the 1880s to 1910. Not
only crafts, but just about everything native to Mexico was nearly discarded in favor of Frenchstyle and modernization.[2][7]
The Porfirato was ended by the Mexican Revolution. Near the end of the Revolution, there was a
desire on the part of artists, intellectuals and politicians to define and promote a national
Mexican identity. Part of this effort was aimed at Mexicos crafts tradition. A number of Mexican
intellectuals and artists, including Dr. Atl and Adolfo Best Maugard, were fascinated in folk art.
Convinced of its importance, they began to write about the subject, and since then numerous
books about the topic have been published.[6] President Alvaro Obregon was interested in
promoting Mexican crafts outside of Mexico. A group of academics and artists interested in folk
art was commissioned to form the first collections of these for public display. This group
included Gerardo Murillo, Javier Guerrero, Ixca Faras, Roberto Montenegro and Gabriel
Fernndez Ledezma.[2]
The centennial of the end of the Mexican War of Independence in 1821 prompted two major
exhibitions of Mexican folk art, one in Mexico City and the other in Los Angeles. These were
conceived of by Roberto Montenegro and Jorge Enciso, with help from Xavier Guerrero, Adolfo
Best Maugard and Gerardo Murillo or Dr Atl. At this time period, Dr Atl published a two-volume
work called "Las artes populares de Mxico" (Folk arts of Mexico) which became an authority
on the subject. This survey included discussions on pottery, fired-clay earthenware, toys,
silverwork, goldwork, feather mosaics, basketry, textiles, wood objects, folk religious paintings
called ex-votos or retablos as well as other folk art expression such as theater, poetry and
printmaking.[7]
In the 1920s, upper-class homes were still mostly arranged in European style, with the middle
and lower classes adorning their homes with crafts such as serapes from Oaxaca.[7] During the
1920s and 1930s, Mexican artists and academics such as Diego Rivera, Adolfo Best Maugart and
Frida Kahlo promoted Mexican folk arts and crafts as well as foreigners such as Francisca Toor
and William Spratling.[2] Diego Rivera and Frida Kahlo encouraged linked Mexican identity with
indigenous crafts, with Frida adopting indigenous dress as her look.[1][21]
Folk art did have significant influence on the fine arts in Mexico during these decades, which can
be seen in paintings by Frida Kahlo, Mara Izquierdo, Roberto Montenegro and others. One
particular influence was the use of bold colors. Artesana was depicted as a phenomenon of the
masses, with the aim of promoting Mexican national identity.[7] Despite the support for artesana
by many of Mexicos elite, foreign collectors, critics and gallery owners in the first decades of
the 20th century, the pieces themselves were never considered true art. They were considered to
be examples of native intuition, genius and tradition but not individual talent. For most of the
20th century, what had mostly been discussed about Mexican artisana is its collective meaning,
especially identifying it with various ethnic groups. This anonymity assured that such
expressions would remain somewhat inferior to true art, and its creators called artisans and not
artists.[7]
Barro negro (black clay) and majolica ceramics in San Bartolo Coyotepec, Oaxaca.
From 1920 to 1950, Mexico was the third largest producer of handcrafts, behind Japan and
China, with the support described above. However, this support did not lead to major museum
collections or higher valuations on the work being produced.[7][20] Some crafts did not benefit from
being associated with the new myth of Mexican identity. One in particular is waxcrafting, as it is
mostly associated with Catholic religious items and motifs. Today, only a handful of people still
work with wax and for all intents and purposes, the craft is dead in Mexico. The glorification of
crafts and national icons, archetypes and prototypes in the first half of the 20th century had some
negative effects. Certain images such as the China Poblana, rural scenes, charros etc.,began to
appear almost ubiquitously on products artisans were making. The promotion of Mexican
artesana was accepted earlier by foreigners than by Mexicans themselves. Very few examples of
crafts from the early 20th century survive and most of the best collections of it are in North
American or European hands.[7]
Native Mexican appreciation of their own crafts would be helped near the mid century, in part
because of the popularity of films by Emilio El Indio Fernndez and Gabriel Figueroa.
Eventually, even homes in the exclusive Lomas de Chapultepec neighborhood of Mexico City
would have some touch of lo mexicano (Mexican-ness) in their dcor.[7] At the end of the 1940,
governor of the State of Mexico Isidro Fabela created the first museum dedicated to Mexican
folk arts and crafts in Toluca. Later Mexican president Miguel Alemn Valds inaugurated the
National Museum of Popular Arts and Industries, naming Fernando Gamboa as curator. Gamboa
organized an exposition in Europe with great success.[2] Adolfo Lpez Mateos created a trust to
promote Mexican arts and crafts called the Banco Nacional de Fomento Cooperativo which was
transformed into the current Fondo Nacional para el Fomento de la Artesanas (FONART) by
Luis Echeverra. Various states organized similar support structures, including Casas de
Artesanas which are state-run store selling handcrafted merchandise. A private initiative by
Banamex supports a large number of artists and arranges expositions where some of the best
crafts to be found can be seen and bought.[2]
In 1940, the Primer Congreso Indigenista Interamericano took place in Ptzcuaro, giving rise to
the Instituto Indigenista Mexicano. In the 1950s, this institute, along with INAH created the
Patronato de las Artes e Industrias Populares, which played an important part in the protection
and promotion of Mexican handicrafts. During the same decade, the first socio-economic studies
of these craft traditions took place, with the aim of establishing economic policies in their regard.
In 1969, the first Congreso Nacional de Artesana took place in Mexico City, which led to the
creation of the Consejo Nacional par alas Artesanias, with a store named the Palacio de las
Artesanas. Later the Direccion General de Arte Popular and the Fondo Nacional para el
Fomento de la Artesanias were created. These would be later replaced with the Direccin
General de Culturas Populares and within this entity is the Departamento de Artesanas. Next
was established the Junta de Fomento de Artesanos, which published a magazine called
Semanario Artstico. To promote Mexican made products, the group organized the Juntas
Patriticas, which has one objective as the exclusive consumption by it members only of folk art
and crafts from Mexico.[20] Many of these organizations have recognitions, awards and events
related to artesana including a national prize the Premio Nacional de Arte Popular (National
Folk Art Award).[7]
With the rise of intellectual and formal institutional interest in artesana came also an ebb of
interest in the Mexican populace. Much of this was due to the rise of the middle classes in
Mexico between 1950 and 1980 who showed a preference for mass-produced items and the
desire to be part of a progressive, national culture, rather than a local traditional one. By the end
of this period, artesana was considered to be nothing more than a collection of curiosities. Cheap
imitations of Mexican crafts, especially those connected to religion, began to arrive to Mexican
markets from North America and Asia, devolving into kitsch, such as images of Christ with
optical illusions to make him look like he is blinking. True folk images such as exvotos were no
longer made or made for tourists or collectors, not as true religious expression.[7]
Interest in the latter part of the 20th century would be concentrated among academics,
collector/experts and tourists.[6][7] Among the artisans themselves, there has been some
movement since the 1970s to break from the tradition of anonymity to having the individuals
talents recognized as artists. Some who have managed to do this include Roberto Ruiz, who
specializes in works made from bone, Teresa Nava who makes maquettes, Teodoro Torres who
makes lead figures and many more. In each of these cases, the artists individual talents are part
of the value of the works made.[7]
The tourism industry and foreign interest are now an essential part of keeping the Mexican
artesana tradition alive. However, mass production of imitations are often sold to tourists.[7]
Export[edit]
Mexican artesana is sold to foreigners in two ways. The first is to tourists, as Mexican
handmade items is part of what makes the country attractive to foreign visitors.[22] The second is
through exports. Mexican artesana is widely sold outside of Mexico, especially through the
Internet.[3] However, there is no single marketing entity or corporation whose business is to
export Mexican artesana in general. Exporting is mostly done by investments in a particular
crafts by particular people, rather than a large scale promotion of Mexican crafts in general.[22]
One example involves smaller enterprises and cooperatives attracting foreign investment and
opportunities to sell their wares abroad. One such cooperative, headed by Nurith Alvarez
Cravioto, in Hidalgo State consists of rural poor, many of whom have sent men to the United
States to work, and ex-convicts who cannot find employment. They needed an investment of
almost $10,000 USD to build workshops and buy equipment. They were unsuccessful getting
money from the Hidalgo or Mexican federal sources. However, their case was well known
enough that a state politician mentioned them to the secretary of the Japanese embassy in
Mexico. The cooperative made a sales pitch to the Japanese embassy, which agreed to fund the
cooperative. This effort is hoped to lead to the ability to export the cooperatives products to
Japan.[23]
Another community in Hidalgo called Axhiquihuixtla makes ceremonial masks of sculpted
wood. Sculptor Javier Astora found the community and bought their masks. They masks wound
up at a gallery called Biddingtons in New York where they fetched prices of up to 350 dollars
each, in comparison to the 250 pesos (roughly $25) they normally sold for.[23]
Maintaining the tradition[edit]
As in the past, most handcrafted products produced in Mexico are still consumed domestically in
everyday family life, especially items such as clothes, kitchen utensils and the like, as well as
ceremonial and religious objects. Much of what the world knows as Mexican craft was promoted
in the 1920s and is considered luxurious, with Talavera pottery as an example.[24] Tradition
survives in the production of many of these products. Only five percent of Mexicos artisans
employ innovative methods in production, design and promotion with success. 65% continue
making their crafts with little, if any, differences from their ancestors and 30% are somewhere in
between.[25]
Many organizations and government programs exist to help craftspeople and promote the
production of artsana. Many art schools in Mexico have classes in certain crafts and the Instituto
Nacional de Bellas Artes y Literatura has a Crafts School.[3] In Puebla, artists such as Juan
Soriano, Vicente Rojo Almazn, Javier Marn, Gustavo Prez, Magali Lara and Francisco Toledo
were invited to help redesign the decoration of the ceramics produced there (but not the
production techniques), which they did by adding human forms, animals and others to the
traditional images of flowers and curved designs.[26]
Stoneware plate with modern wave design at the Museo de Arte Popular in Mexico
City
The intervention of artists in the design process has been criticized by experts such as
anthropologist Victoria Novelo, who claims that many of these artists interfere in the craft
process by introducing ideas even though they have no studies in the cultural traditions behind
these crafts. She also claims that many college-educated designers believe that with innovative
designs, they can help the artisan get out of poverty, without knowing why the artisan is poor in
the first place.[24]
Despite organizations and institutions, most Mexican artisans are impoverished with little access
to quality materials or designs, because of lack of cultural knowledge.[20] Artisans also must
compete with goods manufactured in large factories[1] and copies of Mexican artesania imported
from places like China.[4] This keeps prices down, and the time it takes to make authentic
artesana puts the Mexican craftsmen at an economic disadvantage. This is one reason why
younger generations have less interest in the craft tradition.[22][26]
Types of folk arts and crafts in Mexico[edit]
Handcrafts in Mexico vary widely from materials used, techniques and employ and styles
preferred.[3] The most prevalent of Mexicos crafts is ceramics/pottery. Ceramics was considered
one of the highest art forms during the Aztec Empire, with the knowledge of making pottery said
to have come from the god Quetzalcoatl himself. Pre-Hispanic pottery was made by coiling the
clay into a circle then up the sides, then scraping and molding the coiled work until the coils
could no longer be detected. The Spanish introduced the potters wheel and new glazing
techniques.[27] Majolica glazed pottery was introduced by the Spanish. Puebla in particular is
renowned for its variety of Majolica, which is called Talavera. One distinctive feature of this city
is that many kitchens and buildings are decorated with intricately detailed Talavera tiles.[28] Tiles
are a subset of ceramic pottery and were used extensively in colonial-era Mexico. These tiles
were first fired at a low temperature, then hand-painted with intricate designs, then fired at a high
temperature to set the glaze. These are still made, but most decorative tiles used in Mexico are
factory-made.[29] Unglazed pottery is still made, but generally it is for decorative purposes only,
and copies the designs of pre-Hispanic cultures.[28]
Silver jar with bird handle at the Museo de Arte Popular, Mexico City
Further information: Traditional metal working in Mexico
Metalworking in Mesoamerica, especially of silver, gold and copper, was highly advanced when
the Spanish arrived. Gold was inlaid into copper and metals were hammered to paper thinness
and cast using the lost wax method. Some copper and iron tools where produced, but preHispanic metal craft was dominated by jewelry and ornaments. The Spanish introduced new
techniques such as filigree work, where tiny threads of metal are strung together to make jewelry.
[30]
During the colonial period, indigenous peoples were forbidden to work with precious metals.
Today, ancient designs have been revived with Taxco being the center of silversmithing.
Silverwork is now one of Mexico's major exports.[31] Copper work is particularly abundant in
Michoacn. A traditional hammered copper object is a large vessel in which pork fat is rendered
or sugar caramelized for making candies. Every year during the month of August Santa Clara del
Cobre holds a copper festival.[32]
Many different fibers are twisted, knotted and woven into textiles and objects. Materials include
rushes, reeds, thread, plastic string and rope as well as many more. Historically, fibers were dyed
using pigments created from plants and animals. Synthetic dyes have replaced natural ones for
many craftspeople, but there still are some, especially in Oaxaca state that still use traditional
dyes.[33] Woven materials in Mexico started with basketry and mat-making. The agave plant was
an important source of fibers and thread and is still used to day for thread and paper. Cotton was
also used, spun into thread by itself or combined with feathers or animal fur to provide warmth.
Very traditional Mexican women still spin their own thread, which are made from cotton or wool
and can be very fine or very coarse.[34] Textiles have long history of tradition. Brightly colored
embroidered designs on female garments can identify tribe, age, and marital status of the wearer.
Woven textiles were known to pre-Hispanic cultures for hundreds of years before the arrival of
the Spanish, using a back-strap loom fastened between a tree and the weavers back. The Spanish
introduced the treadle loom, which can make larger pieces of cloth.[21]
Weaving is a craft practiced by men, women and children in Mexico and just about every fiber
available is crafted into utilitarian objects such as placemats, baskets, hats and bags. Many of the
materials used are left in their natural color but some can be dyed vivid colors. In addition,
plastic fibers are beginning to be used.[35]
Cut paper banner for Dia de Muertos with mole poblano theme
Paper is both made and used to make crafts in Mexico. Paper-making is a skill that goes back to
pre-Hispanic times. The bark of two trees are primarily used, that of the morus or mulberry
family for white paper and that of the ficus or fig family for darker varieties. Traditionally, the
bark was cut and scraped by men, but the making the paper itself was done by women. The
process begins by washing the bark, then boiling it with ashes. It is then rinsed and beaten until
the fibers knit together, then dried in the sun. Banderolas, or cut-paper banners, are hung in the
streets for special occasions.[36]
Leatherwork in Mexico is closely tied to the charro/vaquero, or cowboy tradition, focusing on
the creation of saddles, belts and boots. However, leatherwork can also be seen in seat covers,
such as those on equipale chairs and as lampshades. Leatherwork is traditionally decorated with
flowing patterns using the labor-intensive punch and tool method and colored with dye or
varnish.[37]
The palaces and noble home of the Aztecs had ornate furniture. Entire pieces of hardwoods
would be carved into benches and tables, and other items. Furniture was inlaid with gold and
some covered in animal skins.[38] A kind of shellac or lacquer existed in pre-Hispanic Mexico and
was used in many ceramics. The Mendocino Codex mentions it as a kind of waterproof oil
extracted from a worm called axe and mixed with oil from the prickly poppy seed or Mexican
sage seed and pigments, which resulted in a paint.[12] After the Conquest, the Spanish demanded
European style furniture, which was usually made by indigenous craftsmen. As colonial Mexico
was Spains gateway to Asia, oriental techniques such as parquetry and other types of inlay
became common as well.[38] The state of Michoacn is a major producer of handcrafted furniture,
which can be simply varnished or stained or painted in bright colors.[39]
Ceremonial objects are produced in every region of the country in all different shapes, sizes and
colors, whose sole purpose is to celebrate saints and holidays and honor the dead.[6] One of the
major holidays for artesana is Day of the Dead. Objects are created to decorate houses and
create ofrendas (altars to the deceased) such as candy skulls, decorated skeletons, many of
which are dressed to imitate professions such as doctors.[40] Large quantities of flowers and other
plant matter to create decorations for ofrendas and for graves.[41] There is also a special burnished
black pottery which is used for objects related to the Day of the Dead.[28] Another major holiday
for crafts is the Christmas season, where sales of piatas peak and ornate nativity scenes are
constructed in homes. For Palm Sunday, intricate crosses are woven from palm fronds. In some
places in Mexico during Holy Week, large papier-mch effigies of Judas Iscariot are ritually
burned. For the feast days of patron saints, cut paper banners are strung over roads and hung in
windows.[41]
Mexican handcrafted toys are mostly miniature representations of things in life, such as birds,
furniture, mermaids, bullfighting scenes, carts and much more, made with materials on hand
such as bulrush, wood, cloth, clay and lead. They were mostly made for children of the Mexican
underclasses. They are considered artistic not because of originality but rather the ingenuity of
creating something special from practically nothing. These toys, most of which that survive are
from the 19th and early 20th century are increasingly valued by collectors but are in disdain
among the general Mexican populace. Since the 1950s, with the influence of movies and
television, most children stopped wanting these types of toys for mass products produced abroad
and based on what they see in media. Most toys sold to tourists now are cheaply made imitations
of what used to be common
COUNTRY REPORT
Retailing in Mexico
Dec 2014 | Pages: 174
Price: US$1,900
growth of 3-4% per year, with a growing middle class and a modernising retail environment give an
optimistic outlook for the future of the market in Mexico.
Shopping Hours
Buying Food
Buying Clothes
Buying Medicines
Department Stores
Coffee Shops
Food Diners
Shopping Abroad
Rosticeria (roast chickens from a spit; they also sell sauces and other
condiments to complement a roast chicken meal)
The local store types listed above stock and sell comestibles.
There are many other types of local stores, you can see the
complete list under Local Stores in Mexico, on this guide. Also
see Local Markets in Mexico.
[Menu]
When you are looking for sports clothes, sports shoes, and
other sports equipment, then Mexico offers a number of options
depending on what you are looking for:
Markets: Market stalls, both in ambulant markets and fixed
(covered) markets, usually have a stall selling sports shoes and
a range of sportswear.
Department Stores: Department Stores have extensive
sportswear and sports equipment sections, usually divided into
three main areas: sportswear (clothes and fashion wear);
sports shoes (tennis shoes, soccer boots, etc.); and equipment
(running and cycle machines, weights, home gyms, etc).
Specialist Sports Stores: The most well-known specialist
sports store in Mexico is Marti. Marti has branches in towns and
cities across Mexico and the larger outlets are sports-fan
emporiums, even offering specialist sports equipment like skis
and mountain climbing equipment. Besides Marti, other
specialist sports stores in Mexico include Sportland, and
Ruben's. Online sports catalogs can be found at SportsOnline
(Mexico) and SportArea.
[Menu]
Rosticeria - roast chickens from a spit; they also sell sauces and
other condiments to complement a roast chicken meal
Toks offers a bar service, although it's not as speedy as the one
at Vips. Toks offers a good range of dishes from its a-la-carte
menu as well as good-value daily specials. www.toks.com.mx
Wings: Wings restaurants are principally situated at Mexicos
airports, although you can also find them in some other areas,
including road-side shopping precincts on major highways.
Their a-la-carte menu has a good range of international and
Mexican dishes and many Wings restaurants have an adjacent
beverage bar, named El Baron Rojo (The Red Baron).
www.wings.com.mx
[Menu]
Personal Luggage: including new and used goods for personal use to
include clothes, footwear, personal hygiene and beauty items which,
according to the form: 'reasonably respond to the duration of the trip and
that due to its quantities may not be used for commercial purposes';
One used or new laptop; one used or new printer; one projector;
Three liters of liquor AND three liters of wine (over 18's only);
And it's all true enough, right? Apparently not. If there's one thing this country is really great at,
it's coming up with clever new ways to take what is a completely normal product, apply a bit of
subtle psychological manipulation, convince people that it's something special, and sell it at a
jacked up price.
I'm talking here about Mexican Coke, and I do so not without a hint of irony, because I myself
am a firm believer in its superiority over regular old American Coke. I mean, how could it not be
better? Real sugar instead of corn syrup. Glass bottle instead of aluminum or plastic. The cachet
of seeing the words refresco and no retornable printed instead of plain old pedestrian
"refreshing."
It's so much better, in fact, that I go out of my way to seek it out. I keep a little black notebook of
the elusive locations selling it. Everywhere from the Costco on 117th and Pleasant ($17.99 for a
case of 24the cheapest location in the city) to the bodega around the corner from the office ($3
for an icy cold bottle), to the restaurants that are hip to its superiority (and charge an arm and a
leg for it).
You want Mexican Coke? I can get you a Mexican Coke. There are ways, believe me. Hell, I
could get you a Mexican Coke by 3 o'clock this afternoon, with bottle opener.
But here's the thing. More than once in the past, I've discovered that the brain has a powerful
effect on the taste buds. Free-range eggs taste better? Nope. Darker colored eggs taste better. Is
New York pizza better when made with New York tap water? Nope. At least my panel of experts
couldn't tell the difference. I've done tests where I've fed an entire room full of people two
batches of identical carrots, labeling one as organic and the other as conventional.
Unsurprisingly, they unanimously pick the carrots labeled organic as superior in flavor every
single time, even when they are two halves of the same carrot.
Is it possible, however unlikely, that somehow wethe cult of Mexican Coke loversare all
being hoodwinked? Does Mexican Coke really taste better?
This week, we're gonna find out.
Behind The Bottle
First off, before we even get to the tasting, let's examine the differences between regular old
American Coke and Mexican Coke.
Since 1980, American Coke has been formulated with High-Fructose Corn Syrup (HFCS)
instead of Sucrose (that is, table sugar). Now I'm no nutritionist or dietitian so I'm not going to
weigh in on the whole HFCS vs. real sugar thing from a health perspective except to say that as
someone with a very basic understanding of chemistry, I don't worry myself too much about the
health implications of HFCS vs. sugar. After all, they are nearly chemically identical. Sucrose (or
saccharose) is a disaccharide made of a single fructose molecule attached to a single glucose
molecule.
HFCS is a mixture of dissociated glucose and fructose molecules. The only real difference
between the two is the ratio of fructose to glucose, and the way in which the molecules are
connected with each other. Even sucrose breaks down into fructose and glucose in your body. I
feel pretty safe drinking either version (at least in moderation).
At first glance, the labels on both bottles appear to be pretty much identical, except for their
sweetener. But take a closer look at the nutrition information and you'll find that for the same
355 mL serving, American Coke has 140 calories and 45 mg of sodium, while the Mexican
version has 150 calories and 85 mg of sodium. How do you explain this?
I called up the Coca-Cola company to find out and talked a bit with a very pleasant lady named
Annette. After a bit of idle chit chat on the state of cola we got down to brass tacks. Or at least, I
tried to.
"The differences all come down to formulation," she'd tell me.
Ok, thanks. But Annette, I'm wondering, exactly what kind of differences?
"Well, depending on what part of the world you go to, Coke is made with a slightly different
formula."
I understand that, but is it to appease local palates? Is it because of ingredient availability?
What's the market research? Dear God, Annette, where are the data?!?
"Oh, I see what you're asking, sir. Well, the truth is, because Coke is made with a different
formula in each part of the world, the formulation is not the same from country to country."
Yep, the old runaround. It all reminded me very much of my early dating career: feigned interest,
pleasant enough conversation, a general airing of grievances but ultimately, no real return on my
time investment. And for the record, I have absolutely no information on whether or not Coke is
planning on releasing a competitor to the sugar-sweetened Pepsi Throwback.
Without a straight-up answer from Coke, I can only speculate as to the differences. Since there is
exactly the same amount of fat, protein, and carohydrates by weight the difference in calorie
count must simply be in the rounding (companies are required to report calories in multiples of
ten). There are 3.8 calories in a gram of sugar, giving us an actual calorie count of 148.2 per 355
ml bottle. Somewhere in between the reported 140 and 150.
As for sodium, my guess would be that the Mexican and American bottlers use different
carbonation methods. More sodium bicarbonate (an ingredient used to give club soda its bubbles)
would lead to a higher sodium content.
Whether all of this affects the flavor of the two products is the real question.
The Tasting
For the purposes of my taste test there were a couple of criteria I had to set up first:
All Coke must be served ice cold. Bottles and cans would be stored in the
fridge then placed in an ice water bath for at least 1 hour before tasting.
Now, a lazy researcher could crack open a couple cans and bottles, invite some friends over, ask
some opinions, and be done with the whole thing, and there's no shortage of "taste tests" on the
internet of this sort. But we all know that those tests aren't really valid, right? I mean, doubleblind, good science, and all that?
What we'd be doing is subjecting our tasters to an entire battery of tests. See, I'm not so
convinced that a lot of what's going on in your mouth isn't based solely on the packaging or
presentation of the Coke product. Indeed, perhaps the packaging and presentation are even more
important than the flavor itself. If the Coke 2 debacle of the 1980's* taught us anything, it's that
when it comes down to it, people care far more about branding than actual flavor. Would this be
the case with Mexican Coke as well?
*an infamous marketing play gone bad in which the Coca-Cola company carried out a series of blind taste tests
between its classic Coke, a newly reformulated "New Coke," and Pepsi. In the blind taste tests, tasters
overwhelmingly preferred the flavor of New Coke to either Coke or Pepsi. Yet when it was released later on as
"New Coke," the Coca-Cola loyalists flipped out. Eventually, the company decided to re-release the old-fashioned
Coke as "Coca-Cola Classic" (branding they still use to this day) and finally re-branded the new Coca-Cola as "Coke
2" in 1992. It never sold well (despite people preferring its flavor), and eventually slipped quietly into the night in
the early 2000's.
Here's what I tested in my first round. All tests were carried out completely blind. Tasters were
brought one at a time to taste and did not discuss their answers with either myself nor any of the
other tasters until all responses were completely collected. For each taster, tests were
administered in a completely random order (both in terms of test order and sample order), and
fresh bottles and cans were opened for each taster. In cases where liquid had to be poured from
one vessel to another, the utmost care was taken to ensure a minimal loss of carbonation. Tasters
were asked to pick their favorite from within each sample set of two.
Test 2: Mexican Coke in a cup with ice vs. American Coke in a cup with ice
Test 3: Mexican Coke in a cup with no ice vs. American Coke in a cup with no
ice
Test 6: Mexican Coke in a glass bottle vs. American Coke in a glass bottle
With this battery of testswhich pitted the most important permutations of American/Mexican
and can/bottle/cup against one anotherI was fairly confident that I should be able to tease out
whether or not tasters could a) really taste a difference between the two products, b) whether they
preferred drinking from a can or a bottle, and c) whether the difference a can or bottle makes is
great enough that it trumps any perceived flavor differences.
The Tasters and the Feelers
The spread of results I got from this initial testing was surprising to say the least, and answered
one thing for sure: There is a perceivable difference in the flavor between Mexican and
American Coke, despite the best efforts of the Coca-Cola company to convince us otherwise.
The first analysis I made was to tally up the scores between every test in which tasters had a
choice between Mexican and American Coke (that is, tests 1 through 6). From within this set of
tests, there was an overwhelming preference for American Coke over Mexican Coke. The
average taster picked regular coke two to one over Mexican coke!
So that settles it. America reigns supreme in the Coke flavor wars, right? Not so fast. Looking
closer, we see something even more interesting: Half of the tasters seemed to have no real
preference between American and Mexican Coke, while the other half of the tasters
unanimously chose American Coke as their favorite for nearly every test, regardless of the
vessel it was served in. We'll call these folks the Tastersthe ones who let their tongues and
noses do all the deciding.
The Tasters pick out American Coke as superior to Mexican Coke a full 7 times out of 8.
the tasters unanimously picked Coke served out of a glass bottle as their favorite
When you take the Tasters out of the pool in order to determine what the other half are basing
their tasting decision on, everything becomes clear: the other half of the tasters unanimously
picked Coke served out of a glass bottle as their favorite for nearly each and every test,
regardless of whether the liquid in there was Mexican or American Coke. We'll call these folks
the Feelersthe ones who care more about the tactile sense of the bottle against their lips or in
their hands than the minor differences in flavor or aroma that the product inside may have.
People prefer American Coke to Mexican Coke from a pure flavor and
aroma standpoint.
Interesting, right?
But there's still a nagging question on my mind. Why don't people freak out about American
Coke sold in glass bottles? I mean, it's available, and it theoretically should make both the
Tasters and the Feelers happy, providing the ultimate Coke experience, right?
I did one more round of testing with a fresh batch of tasters to get to the bottom of it.
The Mexico Boosters
This time, there would be no more trickery. Ok, I lie. A little bit more trickery. My goal was to
see if in a non-blind taste testthat is, one in which the tasters are specifically told that what
they are drinking is Mexican Coke or American Coke (regardless of if it really is or not), would
they be consistent in their choices?
That is, could the knowledge that a given batch of Coke is Mexican affect tasters'
perception of it?
For this set of tests, I had tasters try Mexican and American Coke out of glass bottles and cans.
For half of the tests, tasters were told the truth: when I said the Mexican Coke was in the glass
bottle and the American Coke was in the can, it really was. For the other half of the tests, I told a
lie. Both the Coke in the can and the bottle were from the exact same source.
Can you guess what happened?
the Coke labeled as Mexican was picked by the Mexico Boosters every time.
Exactly. Regardless of what was actually in the serving containers, people stuck by their original
choice. Those who preferred what really was the Mexican Coke the first time (we'll call these
guys the Mexico Boosters) unanimously picked the Coke that I told them was the Mexican Coke
the second time, whether it really was or was not. Even when the containers were completely
removed from the test and the Coke was served in plastic cups, the Coke labeled as Mexican was
picked by the Mexico Boosters every time.
Of course, that's not to say that everyone was a Mexico Booster. Some folks knowingly picked
American Coke (though they too consistently picked the Coke labeled American, regardless of
whether it really was or what container it was served in).
There are a number of pretty clear conclusions that can be drawn from these tests. To put it
simply, when it comes to taste, there's this simple relationship: Boosterism > Tasting = Feeling,
meaning that while there are an equal number of people who are affected by the flavor of Coke
as there are affected by the feel of the container, both of these groups are eclipsed once you add
in knowledge of the product's provenance. Those folks who prefer Mexican Coke (like myself),
really just like the idea of Mexican Cokewhether it's because they think real sugar is
tastier/healthier than corn syrup, whether it's because Mexican Coke is more expensive and
harder to find, thus more valuable, whether it's because of its exoticism, whatever the reason
strip away the Mexicanness of it, and suddenly it's a lot less appealing.
This is not all that surprising to me, given some pretty similar results in taste tests past. What
was surprising was that after the Mexicanity of the Coke was removed, people actually preferred
the flavor of American Coke.
So, Coca-Cola Company, here is what you need to do to provide your valued customers with the
ultimate Coke experience: Bottle American HFCS-sweetened Coke in Mexican Coke bottles, and
just tell everyone it comes from Mexico. Que refresco!
There are many questions left unanswered here: does glass insulate better than aluminum, and
does that have an effect? How about plastic? What about storage conditionscan light affect
flavor? What about quantity? Our tasters were taking sips. Would their opinions change if they
had to drink an entire portion? And for some of us, more importantly, what about Diet Coke vs.
Coke Light?
The universe never ceases to amaze with the number of questions it can throw your way. Now,
I've gotta go run around the block a few times to work off the massive caffeine shakes I've built
up.
Universidad de Guanajuato, Guanajuato, Mexico; 2Instituto Politecnico Nacional, Mexico City, Mexico.
consumer habits and influence the behavior of individuals. This paper summarizes variables extracted
from four models of green behavior in five core groups: orientation man-nature, perceived control,
ecological knowledge, personal consequences and environmental consequences, with a special focus
on the Mexican individuals as an example of application of environmental marketing strategies.
Analysis shows that in spite of efforts done in environmental management in Mexico, one of the 12
environmentally megadiverse country of the world, there is a big gap between official programs to
protect environment and social participation. In the particular case of Mexico, it is recommended to
relate environmental issues to survival process, in order to apply efficient environmental marketing
strategies.
1. Introduction
Studies of green behavior have awakened a growing interest, since the accelerated environmental
degradation is partly attributed to a lack of such behavior. However it is not an easy task to modify
consumer habits and influence the behavior of individuals. The review of literature regarding green
behavior reveals preference for variables related to values or attitudes (or changes in attitudes) or
external variables of the individuals, mainly the situational, that occupy a prominent position in these
studies [18]. Studies focus especially on social standards and the physical environment where
specific behaviors occur, observing how these are fomented or obstructed by the conditions of the
environment [9,10]. This paper summarizes variables extracted from four models of green behavior in
five core groups: orientation man-nature, perceived control, ecological knowledge, personal
consequences and environmental consequences, which are described below, with a special focus on
the Mexican individuals as an example of application of environmental marketing strategies.
2. Models of Green Behavior
The four models found in recent specialized literature are briefly described here below:
The conceptual model of the behavior of ecological purchase, developed in 2004 by Chan and Lau [1]
suggests that the values that traditionally govern the relation of the individuals with nature
(orientation man-nature) influence directly the amount of knowledge that a person has about
environmental topics (ecological knowledge), and the level of emotional attachment and commitment
that an individual shows towards the environment (ecological feeling). And they conclude that
purchase behavior depends on the individuals purchase intention of green products. This model can
be described in the following Figure 1.
Figure 1. Conceptual model of the behavior of
ecological purchase
The model of the environmentally responsible
purchase developed by Follows and Jobber [2],
predicts the purchase of a specific type of
environmentally responsible product based on
three variables: self importance (or pro-social) values, conservation values, and individualistic values.
These refer to the factors that motivate people to put their own interests over any other thing. Follows
and Jobber propose that the goals of an individual persons self-indulgence and self reward are
consistent with the interest in the individual consequences, and act in a negative way on the
environment. The model is presented in the following Figure 2.
For this specific study these five variables are being related to some interesting results found in
surveys applied to Mexican individuals regarding their green behavior, in order to suggest some
recommendations on how to launch an efficient environmental marketing campaign in Mexico.
3. Orientation Man-Nature
This variable represents the values that govern the relationship between men and nature. The degree
of awareness towards environmental problems is revealed as one of the key factors of green behavior.
It is therefore important for an organization to determine the level of awareness in its potential
market, especially regarding environmental issues directly related to its activity or product. This level
of awareness is driven by ecological consciousness, which is present in most of the models of green
behavior [11,12]. Barreiro et al. [13] divide consciousness in cognitive and emotional aspects; that is,
those related to the ecological knowledge of individuals and to their environmental awareness, focused
on general ecological attitudes. Green consciousness is understood as a feeling, a representation, an
image, a purpose, an attitude, a course of action, and a trend of behavior whose main value is to
protect the environment and improve quality of life [14]. As mentioned before, this green
consciousness is the starting point for the generation of green consumer behavior. Ecological behavior
is defined as the action that one person does, either individually or collectively, in favor of the
conservation of natural resources and aimed to obtain a better quality of
the environment[15]. Barreiro et al. [13] emphasize that the environmental consciousness of
individuals is divided into two main attitudes: a first related to the concern that suggests the
protection of the environment, with special references to issues regarding the pollution of that
environment; and a second one related to the impression that individuals have of who is truly
responsible for protecting that environment and should, by their actions, be concerned about making
decisions that will help to solve these problems; in this case, they detected that individuals believe
those who should indeed be responsible are countries, governments and, the society in general,
assuming that they could not themselves do anything to protect the environment [16].
On the contrary, values can significantly reduce green behavior, although they would hardly eliminate
it entirely. Stern, Dietz and Kalof [17] classify the values in three groups: values of selfish orientation,
that represent the concern for oneself; values of biosphere orientation, that represent the concern for
non-human species and the biosphere as a whole; and values of social or altruistic orientation, that
show concern for others. Under this scheme, if people are more oriented towards biosphere values,
one could expect that their beliefs about ecological behavior would consider the consequences of some
behavior on the environment, whereas if people privilege selfish values, their beliefs would be based
on the evaluation of the possible consequences for themselves. In contrast, if people are concerned
about others, their beliefs should also be oriented towards the consequences of their behavior on
others.
Some studies point to women as more concerned about environmental issues and ecological behaviors
[1719]. However, Zelezni, Chua and Aldrich [20] indicate that environmentalism does not start in
adulthood, and refute the argument that women are more concerned with environmental issues
because of their maternity and their interest in protecting their family from environmental threats. A
revision of the literature [2124] also highlights evidence of green conscience in western countries,
reflected in the consumers decisions to buy environmental friendly products and actions taken by
companies and governments to sustain this interest and sensibility with the generation of green
products on one hand, and the adoption of laws to protect the environment on the other hand..
However, Elliott [25] emphasizes the difficulty companies can have in implementing green measures
and even some resistance by consumers to accepting these green technologies, and suggests that
these be accompanied with social, economics and political strategies. Rivera-Camino [26], Straughan
R. D and Roberts J. A., [27], and Tadajewski y Wagner-Tsukamoto [28] agree to the above, showing in
addition the importance of considering demographic, anthropological and psychological aspects to
more effectively identify the profile of the targeted market segment in order to apply efficient
environmental marketing strategies.
4. Perceived Control
This variable determines the degree of responsibility individual feel towards their possibilities to reduce
pollution problems. Attitudes and general environmental concerns are not necessarily predictors of
attitudes and behavior regarding specific or isolated acts. In fact, a person may show a favorable
attitude towards the environment in general and a negative attitude towards recycling, e.g. by
considering this process uncomfortable. It is also quite possible that each concrete ecological behavior
(purchase, recycling, etc) could involve specific variables and influence in different directions and
means. In her study of values and attitudes on environmental pollution in Mexico, Durand [16] reveals
that in the specific case of Mexicans, fewer are willing to make an effort to collaborate in the war
against pollution than those who are not. On the other hand, when they believe that pollution is not a
serious issue, the number of Mexicans who are willing to collaborate will increase. In other words, the
willingness of Mexicans to act apparently occurs in inverse proportion to the perceived gravity of the
problem, which probably means that under very negative environmental circumstances the effort of
collaboration by individuals loses its meaning or is considered worthless with regard to the size of the
challenges. This is an important result as to the way the environmental problem is being publicized,
since presenting problems such as pollution or deforestation to the people in an alarming way without
relating them to potential solutions at their reach may paralyze or decrease their capacity to act. Truly,
the concerns of people and their interests are associated with their daily lives and their particular
world. According to Hernandez et al. [29] the perception of ecological crime is very different, whether
the non-environmental behavior is affecting ones own convenience and/or banking accounts. As to the
willingness to recycle, Diaz and Palacio [30] show that the recycling behavior of consumers can not
only be better represented through a model of habit or low-involvement routine know-dofeel than
through the classical hierarchy know-feel-do, but it can also be represented through other models
such as the hedonic feel-do-know and the reverse learning do-feel-know. In addition, the age and
zone of residence and to a lesser extent gender, level of studies, and income affect the way in which
the consumers recycle. Also domestic conditions and the existence of legal and economic incentives
foment a slightly different recycling response. Pato [31] describes the possibility of multiples causes
that influence a proactive ecological behavior, characterized by actions related with the preservation
and conservation of the environment, and with buying decisions and use of products considered
environmental friendly, or a decision to reject products perceived as harmful to the environment.
Thereon Pato y Tamayo [32] indicate that the proactive behavior suggests that individual and
collective actions benefit the collective indistinctly, and would imply equality of recognition of the
persons subject to these actions. Similarly these actions generally seek to improve conditions and
quality of life, and suggest respect of other people, and even other forms of life. They add that it is
different to claim that a specific value does not produce any effect on an ecological behavior more
than saying that such value influences the beliefs people have on the environment, making them
receptive to act in a pro or anti ecological manner. DSouza and Taghian [33] reiterate this assertion,
by proving the relationship between consumerss appreciative of and reactions to green
advertisement, and their low or high feeling of commitment to the environment. Regarding the later it
is interesting to mention the conclusion of a survey applied in Europe by Munuera at al. [34], who
emphasize the importance of cultural background in the decision to purchase green products.
As mentioned earlier, the decision to buy green products may be affected by the surroundings and
socioeconomic circumstances. There are also some controversies in terms of the perception consumers
have of green products. According to a survey launched at the beginning of 2008 by the marketing
agency Ecoalign1, even though there is a great concern for the environment, consumers think that
many forms of green technology (renewable and recycled material) are expensive, difficult to
understand and take care of, and not very esthetically attractive. This is being confirmed by Elliott
[25]. In contrast, according to the Mango Sprouts 2 agencys survey, consumers are not only willing to
pay up to 5% more for environmentally friendly products [3538] , but are looking to support
companies and distribution centers that have adopted green practices with their purchases.
5. Ecological Knowledge
This variable defines the sets of ecological knowledge that an individuals have of environmental topics.
According to Barreiro et al. [13], the knowledge of environmental problems can be in a continuum
ranging from mere knowledge of their existence to the detailed knowledge of their causes, effects,
affected areas, actors responsible for the problem, solutions, and agents responsible for these latest.
Such knowledge can derive mainly from three sources:
Cultural tradition:
It is called the ecological ethnocentrism;
Diffusion of scientific knowledge on these issues:
Increasingly, environmental issues are more present in the media, school curriculum and numerous
recreational activities. This results in "socialization" with new and greater environmental content.
Personal experience of problems, their risks and effects:
Personal experience only counts if the person has developed some sort of cognitive scheme based on
their experience. This scheme must include some insight into its definition, its causes, effects and
extent, and those responsible for provoking and resolving the problems.
The degree of information someone has on a given environmental problem will largely determine their
opinion regarding this problem. What is true is that not all environmental problems require the same
amount of previous information, since familiarity with some of them provides this knowledge
through ones own experience. For that the scale of the problem, i.e. its proximity and/or reach, its
intensity or frequency, and its compatibility with other problems and social needs are the main
features that condition the knowledge and the appreciation of the problemsand eventually, the
corresponding behavior. Ecological knowledge is also supported by past behavior and perceptions
about recycling and second-hand products purchase. According to research from Aguilar et al. [39]
past behavior directly influences the intention to recycle, as part of green behavior. He emphasizes the
significant and independent contribution of past behavior to the variance of the intention, once
variables such as attitudes, social norms or perception of behavioral control are taken into account.
Gregson & Crewe [40] also describe second-hand purchasing as an alternative form of green
consumption, implying therefore a change in the perception of used goods, otherwise interpreted as
waste.
6. Individual Consequences
This variable determines the degree of knowledge that a person has of the individual consequences of
a pollution problem, or on the contrary, of a more friendly action on the environment. In relation to
the individual consequences, Durand [16] contradicts previous positions expressed by Inglehart [41],
suggesting that environmentalists values emerge when caring for the environment is transformed into
a new component of security or individual well-being, i.e. when it becomes part of a survival process.
Thus, it does not only occur in wealthy sectors, but also in less favored ones. According to Inglehart
[41], from the perspective of the theory of post-material value changes, materialistic values linked
with economic security are substituted by postmaterial values or associated to emotional, esthetic or
intellectual needs. Supported by the hypothesis of scarcity, the author explains that in those societies
that have met their basic needs, individuals and social groups grant less importance to materialistic
values (economical success, public and individual security) and come to worry about things that are
now more complicated to get, usually related to the quality of life and social relationships affected by
industrial development. Its only once men and women have satisfied those needs that they consider
prioritary or live according to those values they consider primary, that they will eventually seek new
goals, and new values will emerge to guide them towards these goals. In postmaterial societies the
environmental problem is being reacted to by concern for global warming, pollution, and transgenesis.
While in less prosperous societies, problems such as bad harvests, flood, and diseases are standing
out. In this case, the concern for environmental issues may occur in nonindustrial countries as a
component of personal security, that is, as a new material value. Durand [16] argues that it is likely
that in non postindustrial societies, such as Mexico, environmental values emerge from the
coexistence of interest and priorities that respond to the confluence of both industrializing and post
industrial structures. From the survey the author did on environmental pollution in Mexico [16],
interesting results emerged concerning individual consequences that the surveyed Mexicans perceived.
Among other interesting findings was that the majority of the respondents questioned the existence of
environmental problems, that is, they are not sure if those who talk about pollution are overreacting,
or are fighting a real problem. They consider that some social purposes, such as the need to create
jobs may justify the existence of environmental pollution. Another interesting point that Durand shows
[16] is the correlation between level of education and income with the awareness of environmental
problems. Indeed the results of the survey show that the environmentalism index only relates to those
groups that have a better standard of living. The author also points out that having environmentals
values does not depend on having either postmaterial values or a high standard of living. It surely
increases with socioeconomical status, but analysis reveals that environmentalism in less advantaged
sectors is accompanied with material values, i.e. tied to survival.
7. Environmental Consequences
This variable determines the degree of knowledge that individuals have of the environmental
consequences of a lifestyle or a behavior. Barreiro et al. [13] manifest that the global dimension of the
problem of environmental degradation has converted it into a global problem, clearly exposing the
insufficient measures adopted individually by each nation. Conservation of the natural environment is
a concern that transcends borders; therefore a planetwide joint action becomes necessary to achieve
the combination of economic growth and the environment conservation once and for all. Since the end
of the 20th century, the green house effect, air and see pollution, and the destruction of the ozone
layer have been some of the problems perceived by a growing number of population sectors, who are
making worthy efforts to produce, through economical, social and political strategies, radical changes
in the production process of industrialized societies characterized by high consumption. Durand [16]
indicates that the appreciation of environmental care can be manifested in actions or incorporated in
lifestyles when factors that determine wellbeing, in the short or long term, can be combined with the
desire to preserve nature, which in western countries usually occurs when the material development
goes beyond the subsistence level and the environmental values do not interfere with acquiring food
or maintaining health.. The history of environmentalism as a social movement is consistent with the
ideas that changes in social structure are causing changes in values and priorities. Durand [16] claims
that the strengthening and the dispersion of environmental values can not be understood only as a
logical consequence of the intensification of environmental issues in local and global dimensions that
are being pointed out more vigorously since the mid-20th century, or of our scientific and
technological capacity to perceive problems inaccessible to our senses. On the contrary, it has to be
seen as an action and reaction of the configuration of a new social order.
An interesting fact that Durand [16] also reveals is the lack of correlation between environmental
values and city size in Mexico. The inhabitants of cities such as Mexico City, Guadalajara and
Monterrey, which have high levels of pollution, do not show a greater concern; neither did they show a
more cooperative attitude than inhabitants of less polluted and smaller cities. This phenomenon can be
explained as an adaptation involving a denial process and suppression of consciousness of
environmental risk, in exchange for obtaining other basic or superficial benefits, subordinating the
conservation value to others that put more emphasis on short-term than long-term welfare. Durand
[16] concludes that living in environmentally degraded areas seem not to involve the emergence of
values linked to environmental care, the commitment of action or even the perception of the
deteriorated environment.
country. The personal consequences are appreciated in the upper-level class only and finally the
environmental consequences are poorly appreciated in the country. Despite being the country with
most national communication launched, there is a big gap between the official programs and the
citizen participation. In addition, the highly unequal social structure allows distinguishing at least three
cultural and social groups:
1) People related to the post-industrial countries, for either working with them of for economic or
cultural links.
2) People belonging to the medium class that barely ever leave the country.
3) And at least 40% of Mexicans that are classified as poor, not only because of their lack of
patrimony, but also for nutritional deficiency, and for whom the green behavior, with the exception of a
few, represent a difficult concept to understand.
For the first group, one could say that their practices of environmental care are very similar to other
post industrialized countries. For the second group of the population, one could claim that there is a
growing concern for environmental aspects and finally for the least favored sector of the population,
with the exception of a few, the majority has little knowledge about the subject.
10. Conclusions
The revision of the variables of the green behavior from the perspective of Mexican individuals shows
the relevance of adding aspects of development and social justice in the environmental speech that
promotes in Mexico the preservation of the natural environment. The existence of environmental
values in sectors that are still struggling for achieving decent standard of living, show that those
values are not superfluous components in the vision of the future, but it seems that the connection
between a better future and the environmental responsibility is not yet clear to most of Mexicans. It is
therefore necessary to expand the interest on environmental issues among Mexicans and generate
values in the particular context of different population sectors, so that they can acquire consistency
and gain a real sense. It is indeed perceived that in the case of Mexicans, the importance of the
environmental component in the quality of life in the short and long term has not been achieved yet.
This situation is probably due to the scarcity of economical resources to implement campaigns and
projects focused towards the environmental sustainability beyond the local context, but it is maybe
also due to the kind of environmentalist speeches that are being publicized that have a strong
ecological bias, i.e. they ponderate environmental conservation and the links between the
development and the quality of life. Whereas the search for solving more basic and immediate
problems, such as acquiring food, maintaining health and keeping a job, or survival issues, should find
its sustain in predominant environmental speeches, worried so far essentially for the protection of
species and the simple no alteration of the ecosystems