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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\
pard\hyphpar }{\page } {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta historia comienza el a\u241?o 146 a.C. cuando los romanos, tras a\u241?adir
Grecia a sus numerosas provincias, emprendieron su tercera guerra contra Cartag
o. Los cartagineses se defendieron con u\u241?as y acero pero nada pudieron hace
r ante el poder imbatible de las legiones comandadas por Escipi\u243?n Emiliano.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras Cartago cay\u243? Numancia; Mario venci\u243? a Yugurta y despu\u233?s se e
nfrent\u243? a la amenaza de los misteriosos pueblos del norte; Pompeyo arras\u2
43? las riquezas de Oriente y C\u233?sar conquist\u243? las Galias. Sin embargo,
pese a su poder\u237?o allende sus fronteras, los romanos estaban sumidos en sa
ngrientas luchas internas que sus enemigos no fueron capaces de aprovechar. Tras
cada guerra civil, la Rep\u250?blica se levant\u243? una y otra vez, siempre au
mentando su autoridad, siempre ampliando sus territorios. La \u250?ltima de esta
s luchas fue un aut\u233?ntico duelo entre dos titanes, Julio C\u233?sar y Pompe
yo el Grande, que sacudi\u243? todo el Mediterr\u225?neo. Cuando las \u250?ltima
s llamas de aquel conflicto se apagaron, los romanos descubrieron que la Rep\u25
0?blica se hab\u237?a convertido en otra cosa: un Imperio. Esta es la amena cr\u
243?nica de los acontecimientos que provocaron la metamorfosis.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {
{\qc
SPECIAL_IMAGE-OEBPS/Images/EPL_logo.png-REPLACE_ME \par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Javier Negrete\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
Roma Invicta\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
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ePUB r1.1}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\b
libra} 11.06.13\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphp
ar }{\page } {
{\ql
T\u237?tulo original: {\i
Roma Invicta}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ql
Javier Negrete Medina, 2013\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ql
Mapas de interior: Juan Miguel Aguilera\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
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Editor digital: libra (r1.1)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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ePub base r1.0\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\qr
{

A mis amigos de la asociaci\u243?n Hispania Romana\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

por su af\u225?n en difundir y popularizar la civilizaci\u243?n de Roma.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n a mis vecinos emeritenses, los bravos soldados de la Legio V Alauda
e.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y especialmente a mis conmilitones de la Legio VIIII Hispana,\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
con los que me he embutido en la cota de malla, he embrazado el escudo,\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
lanzado el pilum y empu\u241?ado la espada,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
y sobre todo he disfrutado de momentos inolvidables en su compa\u241?\u237?a.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Valete omnes!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} \par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\qr
{\i
{
An me deleto non animum advertebatis habere legiones populum Romanum,\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
quae non solum vobis obsistere sed etiam caelum diruere possent?\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
[\u171?Pero \u191?no os dabais cuenta de que, aunque me hubierais destruido\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
a m\u237?, el pueblo romano tiene tales legiones que no solo podr\u237?an\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
venceros a vosotros, sino incluso derribar el cielo?\u187?].\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Palabras pronunciadas por JULIO C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
ante los hispalenses en {\i
De bello Hispanico}, 42\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\p
ard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
PR\u211?LOGO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
En julio del a\u241?o 168 a.C., un poderoso ej\u233?rcito viajaba hacia Alejandr
\u237?a siguiendo la orilla del Nilo. Lo formaban m\u225?s de cuarenta mil solda
dos: jinetes g\u225?latas con pesados blindajes, arqueros \u225?rabes a lomos de
dromedarios, caballer\u237?a ligera, arqueros, honderos y otros escaramuceros d
e infanter\u237?a ligera. Hab\u237?a tambi\u233?n elefantes y carros de guerra a
rmados con afiladas hoces en las ruedas. Pero, como ocurr\u237?a con todos los e
j\u233?rcitos helen\u237?sticos, la espina dorsal la constitu\u237?an hoplitas p
rotegidos con corazas de lino y armados con picas de madera de cornejo que med\u
237?an m\u225?s de seis metros, las temibles sarisas macedonias.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Aquel ej\u233?rcito lo mandaba el rey Ant\u237?oco, cuarto de ese nombre y conoc
ido como Epifanes, \u171?el Ilustre\u187?. Ant\u237?oco gobernaba el imperio sel
\u233?ucida, el m\u225?s poderoso y extenso de los reinos que hab\u237?an nacido
tras la fragmentaci\u243?n de los dominios del gran Alejandro.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Era la segunda vez que Ant\u237?oco invad\u237?a Egipto. La primera hab\u237?a s
ido el a\u241?o anterior, pero en lugar de anexionarse el reino permiti\u243? qu
e siguiera gobernando su pariente Ptolomeo VI, que ten\u237?a tan solo diecis\u2
33?is a\u241?os. Siempre que actuara como su marioneta, a Ant\u237?oco no le par
ec\u237?a mal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los ciudadanos de Alejandr\u237?a, que ten\u237?an un car\u225?cter muy levantis
co, se hab\u237?an rebelado contra esta situaci\u243?n nombrando rey a un herman
o m\u225?s joven de Ptolomeo, llamado tambi\u233?n Ptolomeo. En los libros apare
ce como el octavo de ese nombre, aunque es m\u225?s conocido por el apodo que se
gan\u243? con el tiempo por su extrema obesidad: Fisc\u243?n o \u171?el Panzudo
\u187?. (Hubo un Ptolomeo VII, pero en realidad no lleg\u243? a reinar y no inte

rviene en esta parte de la historia).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Ptolomeo VI decidi\u243? hacer la paz y reinar junto a su hermano. O, por ser m\
u225?s precisos, junto a su camarilla, pues Ptolomeo VIII, que con el tiempo dem
ostrar\u237?a un innegable talento para la intriga y el asesinato, no ten\u237?a
entonces m\u225?s que trece a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Ant\u237?oco, sin embargo, no le gust\u243? aquel arreglo fraterno. Por eso de
cidi\u243? invadir Egipto por segunda vez y poner las cosas en su sitio. Como ya
ten\u237?a una guarnici\u243?n plantada en la ciudad de Pelusio, cruzar la fron
tera le result\u243? muy f\u225?cil. Desde all\u237? su ej\u233?rcito remont\u24
3? la boca Pel\u250?sica del Nilo hasta llegar a la antigua ciudad de Menfis, la
capital religiosa del reino. Cuando los menfitas aceptaron someterse a Ant\u237
?oco, este se dirigi\u243? hacia el norte para seguir el curso de la boca Can\u2
43?pica que lo conducir\u237?a a las inmediaciones de Alejandr\u237?a.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
A unos veinte kil\u243?metros de Alejandr\u237?a, el ej\u233?rcito sel\u233?ucid
a gir\u243? hacia el este. No hab\u237?a p\u233?rdida: de la boca Can\u243?pica
sal\u237?a un gran canal que desviaba las aguas del Nilo para llenar las cistern
as de la enorme ciudad fundada por Alejandro. Avanzando entre bosques de papiros
, las tropas de Ant\u237?oco no tardaron en llegar al suburbio de Eleusis. Aleja
ndr\u237?a estaba ya a la vista, a menos de una hora de marcha. A seis kil\u243?
metros, la silueta blanca del gran Faro se recortaba contra el cielo y el sol ar
rancaba destellos de la estatua de bronce de Zeus que vigilaba el puerto desde m
\u225?s de ciento veinte metros de altura.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y entonces los hombres de Ant\u237?oco vieron algo que les hizo detenerse en sec
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No se trataba de un ej\u233?rcito enemigo. En el camino solo hab\u237?a tres hom
bres acompa\u241?ados por una peque\u241?a escolta que permanec\u237?a unos paso
s atr\u225?s. No llevaban armas, ni las necesitaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eran romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Ant\u237?oco se adelant\u243? a saludar, uno de aquellos tres hombres hiz
o lo propio. El rey sel\u233?ucida lo conoc\u237?a: se llamaba Cayo Popilio Lena
s y hab\u237?a sido c\u243?nsul de Roma cuatro a\u241?os antes. Aquel manto con
franjas p\u250?rpura que llevaba en pleno verano era la toga, una prenda de la q
ue los ciudadanos romanos se enorgullec\u237?an tanto como si fuera la \u233?gid
a del mism\u237?simo Zeus.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Ant\u237?oco le irrit\u243? sobremanera toparse con aquel hombre, pero sonri\u
243? tratando de ser diplom\u225?tico y se acerc\u243? a \u233?l con la mano ten
dida para estrech\u225?rsela. Para su sorpresa, el romano sac\u243? de los plieg
ues de su toga un haz de tablillas y se lo puso en la palma abierta.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?Es un decreto del senado \u8212?dijo Popilio\u8212?. Quiero que lo leas y
me des una respuesta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cualquier otro que hubiera osado dirigirse as\u237? a un rey sel\u233?ucida habr
\u237?a muerto al instante, alanceado por sus escoltas. Pero los guardias de Ant
\u237?oco se hab\u237?an retrasado unos pasos por orden expresa de su rey.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ant\u237?oco abri\u243? las tablillas y ley\u243? el decreto, que estaba traduci
do al griego. El senado de Roma le ordenaba renunciar a la guerra, evacuar Egipt
o antes del 30 de julio y no inmiscuirse en los asuntos de aquel pa\u237?s.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El rey cerr\u243? las tablillas y dijo:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?Tengo que consultar con mis consejeros antes de responder.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
El romano se acerc\u243? a \u233?l y, con la punta de un sarmiento que llevaba e
n la mano, dibuj\u243? un c\u237?rculo alrededor de los pies de Ant\u237?oco.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?Antes de salir de aqu\u237? debes darme una respuesta para que se la llev
e al senado \u8212?dijo Popilio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Asombrado ante aquella orden tan perentoria, Ant\u237?oco dud\u243? unos instant
es y trag\u243? saliva. Despu\u233?s respondi\u243?:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

\u8212?Est\u225? bien. Har\u233? lo que el senado considere oportuno.\par\pard\p

lain\hyphpar} {
Solo entonces Popilio Lenas le tendi\u243? la mano y se la estrech\u243? como al
iado y amigo. Despu\u233?s, Ant\u237?oco y su ej\u233?rcito dieron media vuelta
y regresaron por donde hab\u237?an venido. Antes de que se cumpliera el plazo fi
jado, hab\u237?an abandonado Egipto. Desde aquel d\u237?a, Ant\u237?oco renunci\
u243? a sus proyectos de conquistar el pa\u237?s de los antiguos faraones.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las fuentes de esta historia son Tito Livio y Polibio. Ninguno de ellos detalla
cu\u225?l era la composici\u243?n de las tropas de Ant\u237?oco, por lo que he d
escrito un ej\u233?rcito sel\u233?ucida m\u225?s o menos est\u225?ndar. Tampoco
explican cu\u225?ntos senadores compon\u237?an la comisi\u243?n que acompa\u241?
aba a Popilio Lenas. Podr\u237?an haber sido tres, cinco, tal vez diez. Pero lo
que uno se pregunta realmente al leer esta an\u233?cdota es: \u191?por qu\u233?
un rey tan poderoso se dej\u243? humillar delante de decenas de miles de soldado
s por un hombre vestido con un simple manto cuya \u250?nica arma era un sarmient
o?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La respuesta es sencilla: por lo que aquel hombre representaba. Ant\u237?oco era
tristemente consciente de que si se le ocurr\u237?a no ya ponerle una mano enci
ma a Popilio Lenas, sino tan siquiera desobedecer sus \u243?rdenes, las legiones
romanas invadir\u237?an su territorio, destruir\u237?an sus ciudades y aniquila
r\u237?an a sus ej\u233?rcitos. Tardar\u237?an m\u225?s o menos en hacerlo, e in
cluso podr\u237?an sufrir alg\u250?n rev\u233?s en el proceso, pero al final lo
conseguir\u237?an. Porque aquellos romanos, que ni siquiera se gobernaban por re
yes como los pueblos civilizados, no eran del todo humanos y no comprend\u237?an
que a veces hay que negociar, recular, rendirse. Pero no, esas palabras no entr
aban en su vocabulario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Bien lo sab\u237?a Ant\u237?oco. Su padre hab\u237?a sido el m\u225?s grande y p
oderoso de los soberanos helen\u237?sticos, y hab\u237?a conducido a sus tropas
hasta las fronteras de la India. Sin embargo, los romanos, con un ej\u233?rcito
inferior en n\u250?mero, le hicieron morder el polvo en el a\u241?o 190 a.C. en
la batalla de Magnesia. Es m\u225?s que probable que Ant\u237?oco Epifanes, que
ten\u237?a ya m\u225?s de veinte a\u241?os por aquel entonces, hubiese estado pr
esente en aquel infausto d\u237?a. Y a esas alturas del a\u241?o 168 ya deb\u237
?an de haberle llegado noticias de lo que acababa de ocurrir en Pidna, donde las
legiones del c\u243?nsul Emilio Paulo hab\u237?an aplastado a las falanges mace
donias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? estaban las cosas en el Mediterr\u225?neo a mediados del siglo II. El p
oder de Roma era tan grande y tan conocido que bastaba con que enviara a unos in
dividuos ataviados con mantos de lana para que todo un ej\u233?rcito diera media
vuelta y regresara a su pa\u237?s con el rabo entre las piernas como un perro a
paleado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aun as\u237?, no todo el mundo reaccion\u243? como Ant\u237?oco. Hubo pueblos qu
e decidieron enfrentarse a los romanos por pura desesperaci\u243?n, como los car
tagineses. Otros porque no los conoc\u237?an y porque confiaban en sus propias f
uerzas, como los cimbrios y los teutones. Los hab\u237?a que moraban en tierras
tan pobres que no ten\u237?an gran cosa que perder luchando contra Roma, como lo
s ligures o los lusitanos. Hubo tambi\u233?n l\u237?deres carism\u225?ticos que,
por unas circunstancias u otras, pensaron que pod\u237?an poner en jaque a Roma
, como Yugurta y Mitr\u237?dates, o a menor escala Viriato y Espartaco.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
Roma invicta} es el relato de c\u243?mo la Rep\u250?blica se enfrent\u243? a eso
s enemigos, a veces por aumentar sus territorios y expoliar las riquezas ajenas,
como C\u233?sar en la Galia o Pompeyo en Oriente, y a veces por defender a su p
atria de una terrible amenaza, como Mario contra los invasores germanos.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero, sobre todo, es el relato de c\u243?mo la Rep\u250?blica se enfrent\u243? a
sus propios demonios. Ninguna de las guerras que hizo contra los enemigos exter
iores fue tan sangrienta y encarnizada como las luchas que libraron los romanos

entre s\u237?. Lo incre\u237?ble es que los adversarios de Roma no lograron apro

vecharse a la larga de estas guerras civiles, y que la Rep\u250?blica se levant\
u243? de ellas una y otra vez, siempre aumentando su poder, siempre ampliando su
s territorios. No obstante, en el proceso se fue transformando. Aunque despu\u23
3?s de la muerte de C\u233?sar los romanos siguieron refiri\u233?ndose a su esta
do como {\i
res publica}, lo cierto era que se hab\u237?a convertido en otra cosa para la qu
e usamos el t\u233?rmino \u171?Imperio\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La historia del Imperio romano y de los c\u233?sares ha sido y ser\u225? contada
en muchos otros libros, no en este. El relato de {\i
Roma invicta} arranca en el punto en que acab\u243? {\i
Roma victoriosa} y termina con los idus de marzo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo relato que se precie ha de tener personajes. Los que protagonizaron el \u25
0?ltimo siglo de la Rep\u250?blica pose\u237?an virtudes y defectos tan grandes
y personalidades tan intensas que al abrir las p\u225?ginas de los libros de his
toria parecen salirse de ellas como figuras talladas en relieve. Los conflictos
entre ellos sacudieron los cimientos de Roma una y otra vez, pero al mismo tiemp
o la engrandecieron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchos son estos personajes y muchas fueron las rivalidades que se dirimieron en
tre ellos, pues si algo caracterizaba a la sociedad romana es que era ferozmente
competitiva. Sin embargo, he articulado esta narraci\u243?n alrededor de tres m
omentos y tres ejes de oposici\u243?n. Hablaremos primero de Escipi\u243?n Emili
ano, el conquistador de Cartago y Numancia, y de las reformas de los hermanos Gr
aco, sus rivales pol\u237?ticos, que elevaron la tensi\u243?n social hasta ensan
grentar las propias calles de Roma. Contemplaremos luego el ascenso de Mario, su
s campa\u241?as contra Yugurta y contra unos misteriosos pueblos del norte, los
cimbrios y teutones, y tambi\u233?n c\u243?mo Sila creci\u243? a su sombra hasta
que los celos y el odio entre ambos condujeron a Roma a una guerra civil. Por \
u250?ltimo, asistiremos a las conquistas de Pompeyo en Oriente y a las de C\u233
?sar en la Galia, y contemplaremos el duelo definitivo entre estos dos titanes,
un choque que se libr\u243? de un extremo del Mediterr\u225?neo a otro, desde Hi
spania hasta las tierras de Egipto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En {\i
Roma victoriosa} dejamos a los romanos en el 146 a.C. arrasando Corinto y convir
tiendo a Grecia en una provincia m\u225?s. En ese mismo a\u241?o decidieron guer
rear por tercera vez contra una vieja enemiga, la ciudad de Cartago. Los cartagi
neses hab\u237?an demostrado una asombrosa capacidad de trabajo y superaci\u243?
n tras la derrota y hab\u237?an recuperado la prosperidad de anta\u241?o; algo p
arecido a lo que consiguieron alemanes y japoneses tras la Segunda Guerra Mundia
l, pero sin recibir nada parecido a un Plan Marshall sino todo lo contrario, pue
s ten\u237?an que pagar religiosamente a los romanos su indemnizaci\u243?n de gu
erra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, el poder militar de los cartagineses estaba reducido a la m\u237?ni
ma expresi\u243?n y no hab\u237?a entre ellos ning\u250?n general de la talla de
An\u237?bal. En la Antig\u252?edad, poseer riquezas sin un ej\u233?rcito potent
e que las defendiera supon\u237?a una invitaci\u243?n al saqueo y una imprudenci
a que se pagaba muy cara. Cuando los ojos de los romanos y sus aliados los n\u25
0?midas se posaron con codicia en Cartago, todo hac\u237?a prever que la ciudad
p\u250?nica se convertir\u237?a en una presa f\u225?cil y caer\u237?a casi sin l
uchar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero, como suele ocurrir, el tren de la historia no sigui\u243? las v\u237?as de
lo previsible y los romanos comprobaron que aquella presa que cre\u237?an tan t
ierna como un cordero escond\u237?a en su interior huesos de piedra y bronce. Pa
ra conquistarla, necesitar\u237?an a alguien que llevaba el mismo apellido que e
l vencedor del gran An\u237?bal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {
\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
LIBRO I\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\b
{
{\qc
ESCIPI\u211?N EMILIANO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Y LOS HERMANOS GRACO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} \par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
I\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LA CA\u205?DA DE CARTAGO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
ENTRE DOS GUERRAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Oficialmente, la vencedora de la Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica hab\u237?a sido Roma
. En \u193?frica, sin embargo, quien m\u225?s beneficio territorial obtuvo de la

derrota de An\u237?bal fue Numidia. Y m\u225?s en concreto su joven rey, Masini

sa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Cartago no le qued\u243? m\u225?s remedio que tragarse el sapo y contemplar im
potente c\u243?mo a su lado aparec\u237?a un nuevo reino, una gran Numidia que s
e extend\u237?a m\u225?s de mil kil\u243?metros de este a oeste y que se hab\u23
7?a apropiado de buena parte de sus territorios. Por si fuera poco inquietante t
ener a una potencia de tal magnitud pegada a sus fronteras, los cartagineses no
pod\u237?an defenderse de sus posibles agresiones, que no tardaron en producirse
. El tratado de rendici\u243?n les ataba las manos: para dirimir cualquier difer
encia, estaban obligados a someterse al arbitraje de la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
A Roma no le desagradaba esa situaci\u243?n, puesto que prefer\u237?a no implica
rse demasiado en los asuntos de \u193?frica. Antes de la guerra ya pose\u237?a l
as provincias de Sicilia, C\u243?rcega y Cerde\u241?a, las tres grandes islas de
l Mediterr\u225?neo central. Ahora, adem\u225?s, sus legionarios acababan de pla
ntar sus botas claveteadas en Hispania. Por el momento, a los romanos no les int
eresaba m\u225?s que la zona costera de la pen\u237?nsula, la m\u225?s rica y ci
vilizada. Pero para protegerse de los ataques de las tribus del interior (o para
que sus generales pudieran celebrar triunfos y conseguir bot\u237?n), tuvieron
que internarse cada vez m\u225?s en un territorio cuya verdadera extensi\u243?n,
el doble de Italia, seguramente se les escapaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hispania, como veremos en el siguiente cap\u237?tulo, result\u243? un bocado muy
grande y duro de roer. Por otra parte, tras su victoria contra Cartago, Roma se
vio envuelta en varios conflictos en Grecia. Aquel era un teatro de operaciones
que necesitaba y quer\u237?a controlar: con buenas condiciones, una flota invas
ora pod\u237?a cruzar el Adri\u225?tico en una sola noche y plantarse en Italia
imitando el ejemplo de Pirro. Desde el punto de vista de los romanos era mucho m
ejor adelantarse, ya que no ten\u237?an nada en contra del concepto de guerra pr
eventiva.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con todo ello, \u193?frica no se antojaba una cuesti\u243?n tan urgente, y menos
teniendo la gran isla de Sicilia en medio a modo de coj\u237?n. En lugar de con
trolar a Cartago personalmente para evitar que volviera a convertirse en una sup
erpotencia, Roma pod\u237?a recurrir a Masinisa, que hab\u237?a demostrado ser u
n fiel aliado contra An\u237?bal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema, como dir\u237?a Plat\u243?n, era qui\u233?n iba a vigilar al guardi
\u225?n. Pues el rey n\u250?mida fraguaba sus propios planes, y no se puede nega
r que su pol\u237?tica para llevarlos a cabo fue muy coherente. Durante cinco d\
u233?cadas, del a\u241?o 201 al 151, Masinisa no dej\u243? de acosar a su vecino
, atacando sus ciudades costeras, lanzando incursiones contra sus tierras y envi
ando colonos a sus territorios para llevar cada vez la frontera un poco m\u225?s
lejos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Le favorec\u237?a el tratado de paz, que hab\u237?a sido redactado en t\u233?rmi
nos muy ambiguos. Sus cl\u225?usulas estipulaban que Cartago deb\u237?a devolver
a Masinisa todo territorio que le hubiera pertenecido a \u233?l o a sus antepas
ados. El l\u237?mite eran las llamadas \u171?zanjas fenicias\u187?, unas fosas y
terraplenes construidos en tiempos por los propios cartagineses. Pero su locali
zaci\u243?n no estaba demasiado clara; algo que resulta comprensible, ya que no
se trataba de murallas de piedra s\u243?lida, sino de construcciones que con el
tiempo se erosionaban hasta casi desaparecer.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cada vez que los n\u250?midas atacaban esas borrosas fronteras, Cartago apelaba
a Roma, que envi\u243? varias comisiones para investigar. La primera lleg\u243?
en 193, presidida por Escipi\u243?n Africano. Como era de esperar, se decidi\u24
3? a favor de los n\u250?midas. Durante las d\u233?cadas siguientes se produjero
n muchas m\u225?s disputas fronterizas, y Roma casi siempre arbitr\u243? benefic
iando a Numidia, que no dejaba de expandirse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mediados los a\u241?os 60 del siglo II, Masinisa incluso sobrepas\u243? el terri
torio cartagin\u233?s por el oeste y se apoder\u243? de la zona conocida como Em
poria, alrededor de la Sirte Menor, el golfo situado al sur de Cartago. Se trata
ba de una regi\u243?n c\u233?lebre por la asombrosa fertilidad de su tierra. Ade
m\u225?s, su ciudad m\u225?s importante, Leptis Magna, era el punto de llegada d

e las caravanas que atravesaban el Sahara y tra\u237?an del sur \u233?bano, marf
il, plumas de avestruz y oro en polvo. Gracias a su prosperidad, Leptis hab\u237
?a estado pagando un tributo de un talento al d\u237?a a Cartago. Ahora, esa riq
ueza pas\u243? a engrosar el tesoro de Masinisa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La verdadera intenci\u243?n del rey n\u250?mida no era otra que anexionarse Cart
ago. Primero sus dominios, que iba reduciendo poco a poco a modo de lima, y desp
u\u233?s la gran joya: la propia ciudad con sus puertos. Sin embargo, deb\u237?a
actuar con cuidado si no quer\u237?a despertar los recelos de Roma. Dispuesto a
mostrarse como el mejor de los aliados de la Rep\u250?blica, Masinisa no dej\u2
43? de enviarle soldados, caballos y elefantes para sus guerras en Hispania y Ma
cedonia, e incluso surti\u243? de grano a sus tropas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Cartago, siempre respet\u243? de forma escrupulosa el tratado de paz
con Roma. De hecho, su econom\u237?a se hab\u237?a recuperado tan r\u225?pido q
ue en 191 propuso liquidar el montante total de esa indemnizaci\u243?n. Roma se
neg\u243?, ya que aquella deuda, garantizada con rehenes, era una manera de tene
r atados de pies y manos a los p\u250?nicos. Pero todo indica que Cartago, pese
a sus problemas, segu\u237?a poseyendo un tejido social y econ\u243?mico muy ric
o que le permit\u237?a prosperar sin necesidad de un imperio ni aventuras milita
res. Incluso es posible que el hecho de no tener que pagar un ej\u233?rcito de m
ercenarios le posibilitara emplear esos recursos en campos m\u225?s productivos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CHISPA DE LA GUERRA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
La crisis final estall\u243? a mediados de la d\u233?cada de los 50. La fuente p
rincipal para todo lo que ocurri\u243? en aquellos a\u241?os, Apiano,{\super
[1]} nos informa de que por entonces exist\u237?an tres facciones pol\u237?ticas
dentro de Cartago (BP, 68). Un grupo prorromano encabezado por un tal Han\u243?
n, otro pron\u250?mida dirigido por An\u237?bal el Estornino, y otro democr\u225
?tico liderado por Am\u237?lcar el Samnita y Cartal\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Leyendo entre l\u237?neas y a la luz de los acontecimientos posteriores, se intu
ye que las facciones prorromana y pron\u250?mida eran, en realidad, la misma, fo
rmada por un grupo reducido de miembros de la \u233?lite que podr\u237?amos cali
ficar como {\i
lobby}. Cuando Apiano habla de bando \u171?democr\u225?tico\u187?, todo indica q
ue se refiere a la opini\u243?n mayoritaria del pueblo cartagin\u233?s. Esta, l\
u243?gicamente, ten\u237?a que estar en contra de Numidia y de su rey Masinisa,
que no hac\u237?an m\u225?s que a\u241?adir una ofensa tras otra, arrebatarles s
us territorios y privarles de sus ingresos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que prendi\u243? la chispa fue una nueva ofensiva de Masinisa, en esta ocasi\
u243?n sobre la regi\u243?n de los Grandes Llanos, muy cerca de Cartago. De nuev
o, Cartago tuvo que pedir a Roma que terciara, y en 153 el senado envi\u243? una
comisi\u243?n a investigar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para desgracia de los cartagineses, esa comisi\u243?n la presid\u237?a Marco Por
cio Cat\u243?n, conocido como el Censor. Este personaje, ya octogenario, era uno
de los hombres m\u225?s respetados de Roma, si no el que m\u225?s, y representa
ba o cre\u237?a representar las esencias de la vieja Rep\u250?blica. A decir ver
dad, como veremos en el cap\u237?tulo sobre los hermanos Graco, las ideas y las
pr\u225?cticas que reflejaba Cat\u243?n en su obra {\i
Sobre la agricultura} estaban socavando los cimientos de la sociedad romana trad
icional. Pero en una \u233?poca en que la econom\u237?a no exist\u237?a como cie
ncia \u8212?si es que existe ahora\u8212?, Cat\u243?n dif\u237?cilmente pod\u237
?a ser consciente de esa paradoja.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Cat\u243?n lleg\u243? a Cartago, en ning\u250?n momento se interes\u243?
por averiguar qui\u233?nes llevaban raz\u243?n en la disputa, si los n\u250?mida
s o los p\u250?nicos. Se limit\u243? a observar la prosperidad de aquella ciudad
, sus grandes puertos, la altura de sus edificios \u8212?que se levantaban hasta
seis pisos en el distrito residencial cercano a la ciudadela de Birsa\u8212?, l

a belleza de sus templos y la riqueza de sus habitantes. No se le pas\u243? por

alto que sus arsenales estaban repletos de armas, y que la gente los miraba a \u
233?l y a sus compa\u241?eros de comisi\u243?n con hostilidad. Ciertamente, los
habitantes de Cartago podr\u237?an haberle preguntado: \u171?\u191?Y qu\u233? es
perabas?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando regres\u243? a Roma y habl\u243? ante el senado, Cat\u243?n demostr\u243?
que a sus m\u225?s de ochenta a\u241?os todav\u237?a conservaba recursos como o
rador. Primero, expuso los peligros. Cartago, dijo, no era la ciudad d\u233?bil
y pobre que los romanos cre\u237?an. Al contrario, segu\u237?a siendo muy rica,
rebosaba de hombres j\u243?venes y vigorosos y ten\u237?a armas de sobra como pa
ra declarar una nueva guerra. Lo urgente en aquel momento no era ocuparse de los
asuntos de Numidia, sino evitar que Cartago, el enemigo ancestral, se rearmara
y se convirtiera de nuevo en una amenaza para la libertad de Roma.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s, como golpe de efecto, abri\u243? los pliegues de su toga y sac\u24
3? de all\u237? un higo de aspecto tan apetitoso que hizo salivar a m\u225?s de
un senador. Aquel higo, explic\u243?, proven\u237?a de Cartago. Pod\u237?an ver
que estaba muy fresco. \u191?Por qu\u233?? Porque el pa\u237?s donde crec\u237?a
se hallaba a tan solo tres d\u237?as de Roma en barco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Por supuesto, Cat\u243?n bien pudo haber comprado el higo en el mercado o, puest
o que era bastante taca\u241?o, arrancarlo de su propio huerto. Pero lo que aseg
uraba era cierto: con vientos favorables, se pod\u237?a llegar desde \u218?tica
o Cartago en tres d\u237?as o menos, como demostr\u243? Cayo Mario en el a\u241?
o 108.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cat\u243?n termin\u243? su discurso con un lema que, a partir de ese momento, no
dej\u243? de repetir cada vez que interven\u237?a en el senado: \u171?Mi consej
o es que Cartago deje de existir\u187?. Esa es la expresi\u243?n que utiliza su
bi\u243?grafo Plutarco, aunque a los lectores les sonar\u225? m\u225?s la frase
{\i
Delenda est Carthago}, \u171?Cartago debe ser destruida\u187?. Lo cierto es que
en ninguna fuente antigua aparece Cat\u243?n pronunciando esas palabras, del mis
mo modo que Sherlock Holmes no dice: \u171?Elemental, querido Watson\u187? en ni
nguna de sus novelas. En cualquier caso, el {\i
Delenda est Carthago} refleja el esp\u237?ritu de las palabras de Cat\u243?n, qu
e se empe\u241?\u243? hasta el final de sus d\u237?as en borrar del mapa aquella
ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cartago tambi\u233?n contaba con sus valedores. En 152 visit\u243? la ciudad otr
a comisi\u243?n, encabezada en esta ocasi\u243?n por P. Cornelio Escipi\u243?n N
\u225?sica, \u171?el de la nariz puntiaguda\u187?. N\u225?sica, un prestigioso s
enador que hab\u237?a sido dos veces c\u243?nsul, inform\u243? a favor de Cartag
o y argument\u243? que, si Roma la destru\u237?a, se quedar\u237?a sin un rival
a su altura. El miedo a Cartago serv\u237?a, adem\u225?s, como una brida para fr
enar al pueblo. Cuando desapareciera aquel espantajo, nada evitar\u237?a que la
agresividad innata de los romanos se volviera contra ellos mismos.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
El discurso de N\u225?sica suena muy clarividente, pero me temo que la raz\u243?
n es que se trata de una creaci\u243?n a posteriori de los autores que ya conoc\
u237?an las guerras civiles que sufri\u243? Roma d\u233?cadas despu\u233?s. Para
ellos, la Tercera Guerra P\u250?nica fue el detonante de la corrupci\u243?n gen
eralizada y la discordia que un siglo despu\u233?s acabar\u237?an con la Rep\u25
0?blica. Incluso San Agust\u237?n opina as\u237? en un pasaje de {\i
La ciudad de Dios} (1.30). El hecho de que hubiera nacido en la regi\u243?n de C
artago quiz\u225? influy\u243? en ello, claro est\u225?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Los motivos de Escipi\u243?n N\u225?sica para favorecer a Cartago seguramente er
an otros. Puede que hubiera comprendido que la verdadera potencia regional y, po
r ende, la amenaza para el futuro de Roma era Numidia. O quiz\u225? se trataba d
e una rencilla familiar con el viejo Cat\u243?n, que durante la Segunda Guerra P
\u250?nica hab\u237?a tratado de boicotear a Escipi\u243?n Africano, suegro y t\

u237?o segundo de N\u225?sica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Para desgracia de Cartago, Cat\u243?n representaba mucho mejor que N\u225?sica l
a opini\u243?n mayoritaria en Roma. A pesar de los a\u241?os transcurridos, las
guerras anteriores hab\u237?an dejado como poso un hondo sentimiento antip\u250?
nico. Por supuesto, lo rec\u237?proco tambi\u233?n deb\u237?a de ser cierto. Una
cosa es que Cartago cumpliera el tratado de paz con Roma y otra es que lo hicie
ra de buena gana. Si exist\u237?a ese supuesto {\i
lobby} prorromano mencionado por Apiano, seguro que no era demasiado popular ent
re el pueblo cartagin\u233?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dejando aparte emociones enquistadas, exist\u237?an razones para que los senador
es se sintieran inquietos. En 151 se cumplir\u237?an los cincuenta a\u241?os que
estipulaba el tratado de paz. A partir de ese momento, Cartago dejar\u237?a de
pagar la indemnizaci\u243?n anual de doscientos talentos, algo de lo que se iban
a resentir las arcas romanas. Si se manten\u237?a la alianza entre Cartago y la
Rep\u250?blica, ser\u237?a en un nivel de igualdad, algo a lo que los romanos n
o estaban acostumbrados. Cuando o\u237?an \u171?amigo y aliado del pueblo romano
\u187?, ellos en realidad escuchaban \u171?vasallo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Por otra parte, el razonamiento del higo de Cat\u243?n y los tres d\u237?as de n
avegaci\u243?n entre Roma y \u193?frica parece demag\u243?gico, porque el tratad
o limitaba la flota de guerra cartaginesa a diez tristes barcos. Pero cuando ese
acuerdo caducara, \u191?qui\u233?n garantizaba que los astilleros de Cartago no
empezar\u237?an a producir trirremes en serie?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a queda un argumento que los historiadores antiguos no suelen present
ar, y que el senado, o el reducido grupo de senadores que decidi\u243? finalment
e la guerra, debi\u243? de mantener en secreto. Por mucho que las comisiones sen
atoriales favoreciesen a Masinisa, no estaban ciegos, y ten\u237?an que darse cu
enta de que la intenci\u243?n del anciano rey era acabar anexion\u225?ndose Cart
ago. Eso convertir\u237?a a Numidia no en una potencia, sino en una superpotenci
a. Conven\u237?a anticiparse y quitarle la presa de entre los dedos a Masinisa a
ntes de que se la llevara a la boca. Adem\u225?s, la recompensa era muy suculent
a. Tal como hab\u237?a informado Cat\u243?n, las riquezas de Cartago volv\u237?a
n a ser formidables. \u191?Por qu\u233? dejar que se las llevaran los n\u250?mid
as?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No hay que desde\u241?ar el peso de la pura codicia. Como se\u241?ala William V.
Harris:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era casi inevitable que, a mediados de la d\u233?cada de 150, muchos senadores i
nfluyentes hubieran estado calculando d\u243?nde pod\u237?a encontrar Roma un nu
evo teatro de guerra que ofreciera mejores oportunidades que las tribus de los A
lpes o de Dalmacia. Luchar contra los feroces y empobrecidos rebeldes hispanos e
ra un trabajo que compensaba muy poco si se comparaba con una guerra contra Cart
ago.{\super
[2]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hay que tener en cuenta, asimismo, que entre 155 y 153 los rebeldes hispanos hab
\u237?an propinado varias palizas a los ej\u233?rcitos romanos. Esos reveses est
aban minando el prestigio internacional de la Rep\u250?blica. El prestigio no er
a \u250?nicamente una cuesti\u243?n inmaterial: puesto que Roma no era capaz de
proteger a las tribus hispanas aliadas \u8212?l\u233?ase vasallas\u8212?, estas
se sublevaban tambi\u233?n, con lo cual cada vez se le acumulaban m\u225?s enemi
gos contra los que combatir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una buena forma de recuperar su reputaci\u243?n para que los antiguos aliados vo
lvieran al redil era derrotar por tercera vez a Cartago. Y los romanos estaban c
onvencidos de que lo iban a conseguir pr\u225?cticamente sin bajarse del trirrem
e, por parafrasear la famosa frase de Helenio Herrera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sumando unos motivos y otros, la guerra ya estaba decidida antes de que expirase
el tratado. El problema para los romanos era encontrar un pretexto, un {\i
casus belli} para poder alegar que se trataba de una guerra justa.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
El {\i
casus belli} que buscaban lleg\u243? en 150. Ese a\u241?o, la facci\u243?n democ

r\u225?tica de Cartago \u8212?t\u233?rmino que ya hemos visto que se refer\u237?

a a la mayor\u237?a de sus ciudadanos\u8212? expuls\u243? a cuarenta hombres de
Masinisa que trabajaban como una quinta columna dentro de la ciudad. Los desterr
ados se refugiaron junto al rey, y este envi\u243? a Cartago a sus hijos Micipsa
y Gulusa para exigir que aquellos hombres fueran readmitidos. Los cartagineses
no solo no les hicieron caso, sino que ni siquiera les dejaron entrar en la ciud
ad, e incluso se produjo un ataque contra su comitiva en el que muri\u243? un ay
udante de Gulusa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como respuesta, Masinisa invadi\u243? el territorio p\u250?nico y asedi\u243? la
ciudad de Horoscopa, cuya localizaci\u243?n exacta se desconoce. Puesto que el
tratado con Roma hab\u237?a caducado, las autoridades cartaginesas decidieron qu
e no ten\u237?an por qu\u233? pedirle permiso para actuar y movilizaron a veinti
cinco mil infantes y cuatrocientos jinetes dirigidos por un general llamado Asdr
\u250?bal. Era un ej\u233?rcito muy corto de caballer\u237?a, pero recibi\u243?
refuerzos cuando dos caudillos n\u250?midas llamados Asasis y Suba y sus seis mi
l jinetes desertaron de las filas de Masinisa. Aunque Apiano no lo explique, par
ece obvio que esa deserci\u243?n no fue improvisada, sino que Asasis y Suba ya l
levaban un tiempo en tratos con los p\u250?nicos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras algunas escaramuzas favorables a los cartagineses, Masinisa se retir\u243?
hasta llegar a una gran explanada des\u233?rtica y rodeada de colinas y quebrada
s. All\u237? acamp\u243?, y Asdr\u250?bal tom\u243? posiciones en una elevaci\u2
43?n cercana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla, por mutuo acuerdo, se libr\u243? al d\u237?a siguiente en la llanura
. Un tribuno militar romano la presenci\u243? desde otro monte. Se trataba de Es
cipi\u243?n Emiliano, que ven\u237?a desde Hispania enviado por el general Licin
io L\u250?culo para pedirle elefantes de guerra a Masinisa. Escipi\u243?n coment
ar\u237?a m\u225?s tarde a sus amigos que se hab\u237?a sentido como un espectad
or en un teatro, o m\u225?s bien como J\u250?piter desde el monte Ida contemplan
do la guerra de Troya.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El combate se prolong\u243? hasta que oscureci\u243?, y se produjeron muchas baj
as por ambos bandos. El resultado favoreci\u243? a Masinisa, aunque no fue tan d
eterminante como para considerarlo una gran victoria.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la noche, Escipi\u243?n se present\u243? en el campamento n\u250?mida. Una v
ez all\u237?, lo condujeron ante el rey, que lo salud\u243? con gran cortes\u237
?a, ya que hab\u237?a sido amigo de su abuelo Escipi\u243?n Africano. A Escipi\u
243?n, por su parte, le sorprendi\u243? la vitalidad de Masinisa. A sus ochenta
y ocho a\u241?os, hab\u237?a dirigido a sus tropas cabalgando a pelo como buen n
\u250?mida. Su estado f\u237?sico era envidiable, y para demostrarlo, la v\u237?
spera de la batalla lo hab\u237?an visto en pie delante de su tienda masticando
pan duro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Normalmente los tribunos militares eran bastante j\u243?venes, pero Escipi\u243?
n ten\u237?a treinta y cinco a\u241?os: si se hab\u237?a presentado voluntario a
l puesto era para dar ejemplo a otros nobles, puesto que nadie quer\u237?a ir a
la guerra de Hispania. Con esa edad y siendo hijo biol\u243?gico de Emilio Paulo
, el vencedor de Pidna, y nieto adoptivo del gran Escipi\u243?n Africano, pose\u
237?a ya suficiente prestigio como para que tanto los n\u250?midas como los cart
agineses le pidieran que arbitrase en el conflicto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y as\u237? hizo Escipi\u243?n. Al principio, Asdr\u250?bal acept\u243? las condi
ciones: los cartagineses se resignar\u237?an a que Masinisa se quedase con el te
rritorio conquistado, e incluso le dar\u237?an doscientos talentos de plata inme
diatamente y ochocientos m\u225?s a plazos. Pero cuando el rey exigi\u243? adem\
u225?s que le fueran entregados los caudillos desertores y sus seis mil jinetes,
Asdr\u250?bal se neg\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello rompi\u243? las negociaciones. Mientras Escipi\u243?n regresaba a Hispan
ia con sus elefantes, Masinisa cerc\u243? a los cartagineses en el monte donde e
staban acampados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquellos parajes desolados no hab\u237?a nada que comer. Cuando agotaron sus
provisiones, los cartagineses devoraron todo lo que ten\u237?an a mano. Primero
cayeron las ac\u233?milas y despu\u233?s los caballos. Tanta hambre pasaban que
llegaron a hervir los arneses de cuero para poder masticarlos y, como no ten\u23

7?an le\u241?a, usaron de combustible sus propios escudos. Para colmo, sin agua
y bajo el sol, los muertos causaban una terrible pestilencia, ya que no pod\u237
?an tan siquiera sacarlos del campamento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando ya no soportaban m\u225?s aquella situaci\u243?n infrahumana, los p\u250?
nicos se rindieron someti\u233?ndose a condiciones m\u225?s duras que las que ha
b\u237?an rechazado al principio. Adem\u225?s de entregar a los desertores, acor
daron recibir de nuevo en Cartago a los agentes del rey, y darle a este una inde
mnizaci\u243?n de cinco mil talentos pagadera en cincuenta a\u241?os. Con un pla
zo tan largo, Masinisa estaba pensando en sus hijos y el futuro de su reino; a n
o ser que su salud y su longevidad le hubieran hecho creer que de verdad iba a v
ivir para siempre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cartagineses, para colmo, tuvieron que soportar la humillaci\u243?n de pasar
entre sus enemigos, vestidos tan solo con una t\u250?nica, y aguantar sus insul
tos y escupitajos. Como toda situaci\u243?n es susceptible de empeorar, mientras
regresaban a la ciudad desarmados, Gulusa los atac\u243? con un escuadr\u243?n
de caballer\u237?a y mat\u243? a muchos de ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La victoria para Masinisa era total. Hab\u237?a destruido al ej\u233?rcito de Ca
rtago y reducido su territorio a una estrecha franja pegada al mar, y para mayor
satisfacci\u243?n el acuerdo le permit\u237?a seguir extorsionando a su enemigo
. Ahora que el tratado con la Rep\u250?blica hab\u237?a prescrito, Cartago se ac
ababa de convertir en realidad en vasalla de Masinisa, no de Roma.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Eso era algo que, como ya hemos comentado, los romanos no pod\u237?an consentir,
de modo que inmediatamente empezaron a reclutar un ej\u233?rcito. Su pretexto p
ara tomar represalias contra Cartago era que esta se hab\u237?a atrevido a decla
rarle la guerra a Numidia sin pedir permiso a Roma. \u191?Segu\u237?a en vigor e
n ese aspecto el tratado de paz de 201? Al parecer, los cartagineses pensaban qu
e no y los romanos que s\u237?. Nosotros no vamos a enfangarnos ahora en esa cue
sti\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por si acaso, los cartagineses enviaron una embajada a Roma para preguntar c\u24
3?mo pod\u237?an evitar la guerra. Antes, con el objetivo de congraciarse al sen
ado romano, condenaron a muerte a Asdr\u250?bal y Cartal\u243?n como incitadores
de la guerra contra Masinisa. El primero se salv\u243? porque no lleg\u243? a p
resentarse en Cartago, sino que se hizo fuerte en la ciudad de N\u233?feris con
los restos del ej\u233?rcito y otros hombres que pudo reclutar. De Cartal\u243?n
no se vuelve a saber nada en esta historia, as\u237? que es posible que le echa
ran el guante. En tales casos, el destino para un l\u237?der fracasado era la cr
ucifixi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Roma, los senadores se hicieron los misteriosos. Si Cartago no quer\u237?a gu
erra, respondieron, deb\u237?a dar satisfacci\u243?n al pueblo romano. Pero no e
xplicaron en qu\u233? consist\u237?a esa satisfacci\u243?n ni a los embajadores
ni a los miembros de una segunda legaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, los preparativos b\u233?licos segu\u237?an en marcha y los diplo
m\u225?ticos y los esp\u237?as actuaban entre bambalinas. \u218?tica, la segunda
ciudad del territorio p\u250?nico, que distaba unos cuarenta kil\u243?metros de
Cartago, se pas\u243? al bando romano. Teniendo en cuenta que medio siglo antes
hab\u237?a sido el puerto elegido por Escipi\u243?n para desembarcar en \u193?f
rica, aquello supon\u237?a un presagio siniestro para los cartagineses.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
A principios de 149 los senadores se reunieron en el Capitolio y aprobaron una d
eclaraci\u243?n de guerra, que fue refrendada en los comicios por centurias. En
contra de la costumbre, el senado no encomend\u243? las operaciones a un solo c\
u243?nsul, sino a los dos de aquel a\u241?o. Manio Manilio, que hasta entonces h
ab\u237?a destacado m\u225?s como orador y jurista que como general, mandar\u237
?a las legiones, mientras que Marcio Censorino dirigir\u237?a la flota.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso demuestra que esta campa\u241?a no era la de Hispania y que hab\u237?a bofet
adas para apuntarse. De hecho, no surgieron problemas para encontrar reclutas. E
l doble ej\u233?rcito consular, formado por m\u225?s de cincuenta mil hombres, e
mbarc\u243? en una flota formada por cincuenta quinquerremes, cien naves de comb

ate ligeras y un n\u250?mero indeterminado de barcos de transporte. Con ellos vi

ajaba Escipi\u243?n Emiliano, de nuevo con el puesto de tribuno militar.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cartagineses enviaron una nueva embajada a Roma. El senado dijo a los diplom
\u225?ticos que, si entregaban como rehenes a trescientos ni\u241?os de las mejo
res familias de la ciudad y obedec\u237?an el resto de sus instrucciones, Cartag
o conservar\u237?a su libertad y sus territorios. Fue una respuesta bastante c\u
237?nica, puesto que la guerra ya estaba m\u225?s que decidida.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Dispuestos a casi todo por evitar una contienda que sab\u237?an que estaban cond
enados a perder, los cartagineses obedecieron, eligieron a trescientos cr\u237?o
s y los embarcaron para enviarlos a Lilibeo, en Sicilia, donde se hallaban los c
\u243?nsules con sus tropas. Aqu\u237? el historiador Apiano da rienda suelta a
su pluma y se extiende unas cuantas l\u237?neas describiendo c\u243?mo las madre
s se arrancaban los cabellos, se ara\u241?aban los pechos e incluso se arrojaban
al agua nadando detr\u225?s del barco que se llevaba a sus hijos. Adornos ret\u
243?ricos aparte, lo cierto era que estaban entregando a aquellos ni\u241?os com
o rehenes sin condiciones y sin saber si les iba a servir para algo.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Y, de momento, no sirvi\u243?. Los c\u243?nsules se limitaron a enviar a los tre
scientos chicos a Roma, y despu\u233?s zarparon de Lilibeo y desembarcaron en \u
218?tica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? acudi\u243? una nueva legaci\u243?n cartaginesa. Manilio y Censorino l
os recibieron sentados en un alto estrado, rodeados de tribunos y legados. Para
humillar todav\u237?a m\u225?s a los embajadores, les obligaron a quedarse abajo
, al otro lado de un cord\u243?n. Ante ellos, todo el ej\u233?rcito formaba con
las armas relucientes como para un desfile.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cartagineses estaban dispuestos a ofrecerse en {\i
deditio in fidem}, una rendici\u243?n incondicional. Censorino les exigi\u243? q
ue empezaran por entregar todas sus armas. Los embajadores preguntaron c\u243?mo
se defender\u237?an entonces de Asdr\u250?bal, el general al que hab\u237?an co
ndenado a muerte, pues se hallaba acampado cerca de Cartago con un ej\u233?rcito
de veinte mil hombres y supon\u237?a una amenaza para la ciudad. \u171?Dejad qu
e yo me encargue de Asdr\u250?bal\u187?, respondi\u243? Censorino.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Los cartagineses no tuvieron otro remedio que aceptar. En la entrega del armamen
to ejerci\u243? de mediador Escipi\u243?n N\u225?sica, que manten\u237?a buenas
relaciones con los p\u250?nicos. Un enorme convoy viaj\u243? de Cartago a \u218?
tica. Seg\u250?n las fuentes antiguas, aquellos carromatos llevaban dos mil cata
pultas de diversas clases y la friolera de doscientas mil panoplias; es decir, e
l equipo completo para armar a doscientos mil hombres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El n\u250?mero de catapultas parece exagerado. El de panoplias es simplemente im
posible. \u191?Para qu\u233? querr\u237?an los cartagineses armar a doscientos m
il hombres, un ej\u233?rcito que ni ten\u237?an ni hab\u237?an tenido en su vida
? Una posibilidad es que esa cifra se refiera a piezas individuales: yelmos, esc
udos, lanzas, corazas, etc. La otra, m\u225?s sencilla, es que los romanos false
aran las cuentas para demostrar que la amenaza de Cartago era real (pensemos en
ciertas \u171?armas de destrucci\u243?n masiva\u187?).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, los cartagineses entregaron a los romanos armas suficientes c
omo para demostrar que su rendici\u243?n iba en serio. Sin embargo, Censorino, q
ue segu\u237?a un plan ya decidido, fue mucho m\u225?s all\u225?. \u171?Abandona
d Cartago \u8212?exigi\u243?\u8212?. Llevaos todo lo que quer\u225?is con vosotr
os y asentaos al menos a quince kil\u243?metros del mar, pues hemos decidido arr
asar vuestra ciudad hasta los cimientos\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los embajadores acogieron estas palabras como era de esperar, arrastr\u225?ndose
por el suelo, rasg\u225?ndose las vestiduras y ara\u241?\u225?ndose el cuerpo.
Expresiones que hoy d\u237?a suenan t\u243?picas, pero que en aquel entonces era
n gestos que formaban parte del lenguaje corporal. Censorino, como si se dejara
conmover, les dijo que no lo destruir\u237?an todo: al menos respetar\u237?an su
s templos y sus tumbas, y les dejar\u237?an visitarlos de cuando en cuando.\par\

pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los enviados regresaron a la ciudad, el {\i
adirim}, el senado de Cartago, rechaz\u243? la propuesta. La reacci\u243?n popul
ar fue mucho m\u225?s violenta: los senadores que hab\u237?an aceptado entregar
a los rehenes fueron despedazados por la multitud, al igual que muchos mercadere
s it\u225?licos que resid\u237?an en Cartago o estaban de paso. La ira se mezcl\
u243? con el miedo, la incredulidad y la consternaci\u243?n. Como cuenta Apiano:
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algunos increpaban a sus dioses por no haber sido capaces de defenderlos. Otros
acud\u237?an a los arsenales y lloraban al verlos vac\u237?os, o corr\u237?an a
los muelles y gem\u237?an por las naves que hab\u237?an entregado a aquellos hom
bres sin palabra. Hab\u237?a quienes llamaban a los elefantes por sus nombres co
mo si siguieran all\u237?, y se maldec\u237?an a s\u237? mismos y a sus antepasa
dos por no haber perecido espada en mano junto con su pa\u237?s en lugar de paga
r tributo y renunciar a sus elefantes, sus barcos y sus armas. (BP, 92).\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Pasado el primer estupor, todos se pusieron en acci\u243?n con la presteza propi
a de aquella ciudad tan diligente y emprendedora. El {\i
adirim} despach\u243? emisarios a los c\u243?nsules para solicitar un armisticio
de treinta d\u237?as, con el fin de enviar una nueva embajada a Roma. En realid
ad, su \u250?nico prop\u243?sito era ganar tiempo. De puertas adentro, el {\i
adirim} declar\u243? la guerra. Como medida de emergencia, anul\u243? la condena
a muerte de Asdr\u250?bal y le envi\u243? mensajeros a N\u233?feris para pedirl
e que organizara las operaciones para defender Cartago desde el exterior con sus
tropas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dentro de las murallas, nombraron jefe de las defensas a otro Asdr\u250?bal, un
individuo que ten\u237?a algo de sangre n\u250?mida, pues era hijo de una hija d
e Masinisa. Asimismo, se decret\u243? la libertad para los esclavos que defendie
ran su ciudad. Con el fin de reemplazar las armas que hab\u237?an entregado, los
templos y edificios p\u250?blicos se convirtieron en talleres y herrer\u237?as
donde hombres y mujeres trabajaban y com\u237?an juntos por turnos, en una muest
ra de aut\u233?ntica econom\u237?a de guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pensar en las cartaginesas trabajando en aquellos talleres evoca lo que ocurri\u
243? en Estados Unidos en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, y la influencia que eso tuv
o en la segunda fase del movimiento de liberaci\u243?n femenino. Demostrando su
compromiso con la patria, muchas mujeres se cortaron los cabellos para que los i
ngenieros los utilizaran en los mecanismos de torsi\u243?n de las catapultas.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
PRIMEROS ASALTOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Pasados unos d\u237?as, el doble ej\u233?rcito consular se puso en marcha hacia
Cartago. Cuando los c\u243?nsules pidieron ayuda a Masinisa, este respondi\u243?
con ciertas reservas, dici\u233?ndoles que les enviar\u237?a refuerzos en cuant
o le diera la impresi\u243?n de que los necesitaban. Estaba muy molesto con Roma
. Desde su punto de vista, era comprensible. Tras d\u233?cadas provocando y host
igando a los cartagineses, cuando por fin hab\u237?a conseguido sacarlos al camp
o de batalla y derrotarlos, llegaban los romanos con la mano abierta para recoge
r la fruta madura que estaba a punto de caer.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En este punto de su relato, Apiano hace una descripci\u243?n de Cartago que vien
e muy bien para comprender mejor c\u243?mo transcurri\u243? el asedio. La ciudad
estaba construida sobre un promontorio unido al resto del continente por un ist
mo de unos cinco kil\u243?metros de anchura. Tanto el istmo, situado al oeste, c
omo la parte sur de la ciudad estaban protegidos por una triple fortificaci\u243
?n, con torres de vigilancia de cuatro pisos repartidas a intervalos de sesenta
o setenta metros. La muralla en s\u237? med\u237?a quince metros de alto y ten\u
237?a diez de espesor. Por su interior corr\u237?an dos series de b\u243?vedas f
ormando dos pisos. En el inferior hab\u237?a establos para trescientos elefantes
y en el superior, cuadras para cuatro mil caballos, am\u233?n de almacenes para

el pienso y el forraje de ambas especies.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Por el norte y el este, donde la ciudad limitaba con el mar, la muralla era simp
le, pero de altura igualmente imponente. En el rinc\u243?n sureste se abr\u237?a
un entrante natural que se pod\u237?a bloquear con una cadena y que daba paso a
l Cot\u243?n, un complejo formado por dos puertos. El primero era rectangular y
de uso comercial, mientras que el segundo era circular y daba servicio a los bar
cos militares. En el centro de este \u250?ltimo hab\u237?a una peque\u241?a isla
con hangares cubiertos que pod\u237?an albergar hasta doscientas veinte naves.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u218?nicamente hab\u237?a un punto en las defensas que pod\u237?a calificarse c
omo \u171?d\u233?bil\u187?. Al sur, entre el lago de T\u250?nez y la entrada del
puerto, se extend\u237?a una lengua de tierra de cien metros de anchura. En ese
sector el muro no era triple, sino simple, y estaba m\u225?s descuidado.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a estos formidables baluartes, cuando los romanos llegaron ante la ciudad p
ensaron que no tardar\u237?an en tomarla. Ten\u237?an sus buenas razones: los ca
rtagineses hab\u237?an entregado sus armas y la mayor parte de lo que pod\u237?a
considerarse su ej\u233?rcito se encontraba con Asdr\u250?bal en N\u233?feris.
Todo les hac\u237?a pensar que la poblaci\u243?n se hallaba aterrorizada y desmo
ralizada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin aguardar m\u225?s, ambos c\u243?nsules atacaron a la vez, Manilio por el ist
mo y Censorino por el supuesto punto d\u233?bil con barcos y hombres de a pie. E
l asalto, cuyo prop\u243?sito era poner a prueba las defensas, fue m\u225?s una
tentativa que una ofensiva de verdad. Para sorpresa de los romanos, los cartagin
eses los rechazaron con m\u225?s br\u237?o del previsto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Cuando un segundo asalto m\u225?s en serio tambi\u233?n fracas\u243?, los c\u243
?nsules decidieron construir dos campamentos, uno a orillas del lago y otro en e
l istmo. Puesto que no tra\u237?an suficientes m\u225?quinas de guerra, enviaron
partidas de hombres para traer madera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, el Asdr\u250?bal que mandaba las tropas del exterior trajo a sus
soldados al otro lado del lago y se dedic\u243? a hostigar a los romanos. El co
mandante de su caballer\u237?a, Himilc\u243?n F\u225?meas, atac\u243? a los homb
res que buscaban le\u241?a y provoc\u243? una escabechina en la que cayeron quin
ientos del bando romano. A partir de ese momento, las partidas de le\u241?adores
y forrajeadores tuvieron que andar con mucho m\u225?s cuidado.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Tras un tercer asalto fallido, los c\u243?nsules ordenaron construir dos arietes
de tama\u241?o descomunal. Los artefactos de ese tipo se proteg\u237?an con un
mantelete construido a modo de tejado de madera a dos aguas y cubierto con piele
s empapadas para evitar el fuego. Dentro de cada mantelete hab\u237?a un tronco
gigantesco colgado de cadenas que serv\u237?a para balancearlo y darle m\u225?s
impulso en el choque.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los dos arietes eran tan grandes que los romanos tuvieron que rellenar parte del
lago para llevarlos hasta la muralla. All\u237? empezaron a batir una y otra ve
z contra los sillares de la pared exterior, hasta que consiguieron abrir una bre
cha y a trav\u233?s de ella tuvieron el primer atisbo del interior de la ciudad.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cartagineses acudieron a proteger aquel hueco en sus defensas y tras una enc
arnizada lucha consiguieron rechazar el ataque en las \u250?ltimas horas de la t
arde. Durante la noche, mientras trataban de reparar los da\u241?os a toda prisa
, una partida de guerreros sali\u243? en la oscuridad con la intenci\u243?n de p
render fuego a los arietes. Aunque no los destruyeron del todo, lograron dejarlo
s inservibles por un tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto amaneci\u243?, los romanos vieron que todav\u237?a quedaban grietas ab
iertas en la muralla y lanzaron una ofensiva. Fue demasiado precipitada, porque
la abertura no era lo bastante grande para que se introdujeran en gran n\u250?me
ro. Los soldados que entraron se vieron rodeados y, al mismo tiempo, acribillado
s por todo tipo de proyectiles desde los edificios aleda\u241?os. Cuando se reti
raron a toda prisa y en desorden, quienes les cubrieron las espaldas fueron los

hombres del tribuno Escipi\u243?n Emiliano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Esta fue la primera ocasi\u243?n en que Escipi\u243?n destac\u243? durante el as
edio, pero no ser\u237?a la \u250?ltima. Sin dudar de sus virtudes militares, ha
y que recordar que la fuente principal de la que bebe este relato es Polibio, qu
e hab\u237?a sido su tutor y que era \u237?ntimo amigo suyo. Aunque los libros d
e Polibio relativos a la Tercera Guerra P\u250?nica nos hayan llegado reducidos
a fragmentos, su influencia es evidente en Apiano y los dem\u225?s autores. Eso
explica que el foco alumbre tan a menudo a Escipi\u243?n cuando, como en toda ca
mpa\u241?a de esta magnitud, es inevitable que destacaran asimismo muchos otros
centuriones, tribunos y soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, tras meses de estar ausente del cielo, reapareci\u243? Sirio,
la estrella del perro. Su orto hel\u237?aco marcaba la can\u237?cula, la \u233?
poca m\u225?s calurosa del a\u241?o. El c\u243?nsul Censorino hab\u237?a levanta
do su campamento junto a la laguna, que en verano se infestaba de mosquitos. Par
a colmo, los muros de Cartago eran tan altos que imped\u237?an que llegara la br
isa marina y saneara el aire, de modo que Censorino tuvo que trasladarse a la le
ngua de tierra que separaba la laguna de las aguas del golfo de Cartago, y orden
\u243? que la flota amarrara en las cercan\u237?as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los defensores cartagineses, demostrando su ingenio, subieron decenas de barcas
al parapeto que proteg\u237?a el puerto, las ataron con sogas y las descolgaron
por fuera en un tramo de muralla que quedaba fuera de la vista de Censorino y su
s hombres. Una vez en el agua, las llenaron de ramas secas, azufre y pez y las r
emolcaron a lo largo del muro. Cuando los botes aparecieron ante la vista del en
emigo, sus tripulantes izaron las velas. Aprovechando que el viento soplaba haci
a la flota romana, se arrojaron al agua y dejaron que las barcas siguieran solas
su camino. Mientras tanto, los hombres de las murallas dispararon flechas incen
diarias contra los botes y los convirtieron en aut\u233?nticos brulotes que, al
chocar contra las naves romanas varadas, prendieron fuego a muchas de ellas.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hab\u237?an pasado ya varias semanas. La campa\u241?a que tan f\u225?cil se imag
inaban los romanos promet\u237?a alargarse. Censorino tuvo que regresar a Roma p
ara presidir las elecciones consulares del a\u241?o 149. Manilio, que qued\u243?
como \u250?nico general a cargo de la expedici\u243?n, reforz\u243? su campamen
to con un muro y construy\u243? un fuerte junto al mar para proteger los barcos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante este tiempo, no dejaron de sufrir el acoso de los jinetes de Himilc\u243
?n F\u225?meas. La caballer\u237?a, limitada a la hora de chocar contra tropas d
e infanter\u237?a en formaci\u243?n cerrada, era el arma perfecta para perseguir
y cazar a las patrullas que buscaban le\u241?a o forraje.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Para evitar estas incursiones, Manilio decidi\u243? asestar un golpe de mano. Co
n la caracter\u237?stica agresividad romana, el c\u243?nsul lanz\u243? un ataque
contra el campamento de Asdr\u250?bal, que estaba en N\u233?feris, a unos quinc
e kil\u243?metros al suroeste de Cartago. Escipi\u243?n, aunque lo acompa\u241?\
u243?, manifest\u243? su desaprobaci\u243?n, ya que hab\u237?a que atravesar una
zona que era pr\u225?cticamente un desfiladero y las alturas las ocupaba el ene
migo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al llegar a la vista del cuartel de Asdr\u250?bal, los romanos comprobaron que t
en\u237?an que bajar un declive, atravesar un r\u237?o y despu\u233?s cargar cue
sta arriba. Escipi\u243?n volvi\u243? a desaconsejarlo. Cuando los dem\u225?s tr
ibunos se burlaron de su excesiva prudencia, propuso que al menos levantaran un
campamento al que pudieran retirarse si las cosas iban mal. Esta segunda sugeren
cia, que no era m\u225?s que el abec\u233? del manual del buen legionario, tambi
\u233?n fue desde\u241?ada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos cruzaron el r\u237?o y se enzarzaron en una sangrienta refriega cont
ra el enemigo. Al cabo de un rato, Asdr\u250?bal, que s\u237? ten\u237?a un camp
amento fortificado a sus espaldas, se retir\u243?. Por su parte, las tropas de M
anilio recularon hacia el r\u237?o en formaci\u243?n. Pero cuando lleg\u243? el
momento de vadear la corriente no les qued\u243? otro remedio que separarse por
grupos. En ese momento, la caballer\u237?a de Asdr\u250?bal atac\u243? y mat\u24

3? a muchos hombres; entre otros, a tres de los tribunos que hab\u237?an tildado
a Escipi\u243?n de timorato.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escipi\u243?n, por su parte, se destac\u243? de nuevo aquel d\u237?a protegiendo
la retirada de sus compa\u241?eros con dos escuadrones de caballer\u237?a. Pero
sus gestas no quedaron all\u237?. Cuando estuvieron al otro lado del r\u237?o,
lejos del alcance de los enemigos, los soldados de Manilio comprobaron que cuatr
o de sus unidades se hab\u237?an quedado rezagadas. Al ver que ten\u237?an corta
da la retirada, aquellos hombres se hab\u237?an refugiado en una colina.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Eran entre quinientos y dos mil legionarios, seg\u250?n interpretemos el t\u233?
rmino {\i
spe\u238?rai} de Apiano como man\u237?pulos o como cohortes. En cualquier caso,
demasiados como para abandonarlos a su suerte. Sin embargo, la mayor\u237?a de s
us compa\u241?eros, desmoralizados por los reveses anteriores, prefer\u237?an da
rlos por perdidos antes que arriesgarse a entablar un nuevo combate.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Escipi\u243?n, que hasta ese momento no hab\u237?a hecho m\u225?s que aconsejar
prudencia a los dem\u225?s, asegur\u243? que llegada una emergencia como aquella
ya no era momento de deliberar, sino de actuar con intrepidez, pues corr\u237?a
n peligro muchos camaradas y estandartes. Aqu\u237? Apiano, como todos los autor
es antiguos, incide en la importancia de los s\u237?mbolos militares, reflejando
la devoci\u243?n que sent\u237?an por ellos los soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Tras elegir voluntarios de la caballer\u237?a, Escipi\u243?n les orden\u243? que
cogieran raciones para dos d\u237?as (en eventualidades similares, cuando se pr
eve\u237?a que no podr\u237?an cocinar, el alimento elegido era el {\i
buccellatum}, una especie de bizcocho o pan seco). Despu\u233?s cruz\u243? el r\
u237?o de nuevo, tom\u243? una colina cercana a aquella en la que se defend\u237
?an sus compa\u241?eros y no tard\u243? en poner en fuga a los hombres de Asdr\u
250?bal que los sitiaban. La salvaci\u243?n de aquellas cuatro unidades fue la \
u250?nica buena noticia de aquella jornada, que termin\u243? con el propio Escip
i\u243?n parlamentando con Asdr\u250?bal para que le devolviera los cad\u225?ver
es de los tribunos ca\u237?dos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A principios del a\u241?o 148, cuando las noticias de los \u250?ltimos contratie
mpos llegaron a Roma, el senado decidi\u243? recurrir a la ayuda de Masinisa, a
quien hasta entonces hab\u237?an tenido postergado. Pero este acababa de morir,
a los noventa a\u241?os. A lo largo de una vida tan activa hab\u237?a tenido tan
tos hijos que, incluso con los elevados porcentajes de mortalidad infantil de la
\u233?poca, siempre hab\u237?an vivido simult\u225?neamente al menos diez de el
los.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tres de sus v\u225?stagos eran leg\u237?timos: Micipsa, Gulusa y Mastan\u225?bal
. Al menos, seg\u250?n el punto de vista de los historiadores romanos; es posibl
e que m\u225?s que leg\u237?timos debamos considerarlos hijos de las esposas o c
oncubinas favoritas. En cualquier caso, el \u250?ltimo deseo de Masinisa era que
, debido a los viejos v\u237?nculos de amistad y hospitalidad que hab\u237?a man
tenido con el abuelo de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano, este fuera el albacea de su test
amento y se encargara de repartir el reino entre sus tres herederos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, Escipi\u243?n tuvo que ausentarse del campamento romano durante u
nos d\u237?as para viajar a Cirta, donde se hallaba la corte real de Numidia. Cu
ando lleg\u243?, Masinisa ya llevaba tres d\u237?as muerto.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Sobre lo que ocurri\u243? con sus hijos y dem\u225?s descendientes hablaremos co
n detenimiento m\u225?s adelante, ya que fue el origen de otra guerra en la que
los romanos se involucraron mucho m\u225?s de lo que habr\u237?an deseado. Por e
l momento, baste con saber que Escipi\u243?n organiz\u243? todo como quer\u237?a
Masinisa o como pens\u243? que mejor conven\u237?a a Roma. Terminadas las gesti
ones, convenci\u243? a Gulusa, el m\u225?s belicoso de los tres hermanos, para q
ue lo acompa\u241?ara a Cartago con tropas de refuerzo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{

Cuando Escipi\u243?n apareci\u243? de regreso con Gulusa, su prestigio entre la

tropa creci\u243? todav\u237?a m\u225?s. Gracias a los escuadrones de caballer\u
237?a n\u250?mida y a sus unidades de infanter\u237?a ligera, que eran capaces d
e aguantar el paso de los caballos, los romanos lograron acabar con las correr\u
237?as de Himilc\u243?n F\u225?meas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la primavera, sabiendo que estaba a punto de llegar un nuevo c\u243?nsul, Man
ilio decidi\u243? resarcirse de su primer fiasco y atac\u243? de nuevo el campam
ento de Asdr\u250?bal en N\u233?feris. En esta ocasi\u243?n llev\u243? comida pa
ra quince d\u237?as y rode\u243? a su enemigo con una zanja y una valla, tal com
o debi\u243? hacer antes. Pero no consigui\u243? nada y se retir\u243? cuando se
les acabaron las provisiones, con tanto descr\u233?dito como antes.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
El \u250?nico que sac\u243? provecho de aquella operaci\u243?n fue, de nuevo, Es
cipi\u243?n Emiliano, que consigui\u243? que Himilc\u243?n F\u225?meas desertara
con m\u225?s de dos mil hombres. En casos como este, igual que hab\u237?a suced
ido con las tropas de Gulusa, se establec\u237?a un v\u237?nculo personal entre
patr\u243?n y cliente que, si bien resultaba beneficioso para Roma, aumentaba so
bre todo el prestigio de Escipi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aprovechando el momento, Escipi\u243?n, con permiso de Manilio, decidi\u243? reg
resar a Roma y presentar all\u237? a F\u225?meas como nuevo aliado. Antes de emb
arcar, miles de soldados lo aclamaron en el puerto y le pidieron que regresara a
\u193?frica como c\u243?nsul, ya que estaban convencidos de que \u250?nicamente
\u233?l pod\u237?a acabar bien con aquel asedio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin duda, se hab\u237?a convertido en el hombre del momento, por lo que no est\u
225? de m\u225?s que centremos nuestra mirada en \u233?l. Escipi\u243?n era hijo
de Emilio Paulo, el vencedor de Pidna, de modo que el nombre que recibi\u243? e
n su {\i
dies lustralis} fue Lucio Emilio Paulo. A los pocos a\u241?os su padre se lo ent
reg\u243? en adopci\u243?n a Publio Cornelio Escipi\u243?n, primog\u233?nito del
vencedor de Zama, un hombre de mala salud que no hab\u237?a tenido hijos de su
esposa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La adopci\u243?n era una pr\u225?ctica muy frecuente en Roma. Cuando un var\u243
?n no ten\u237?a descendencia, adoptar al hijo de otro matrimonio era un modo de
asegurar que no se perdiera el nombre de la familia y que los dioses dom\u233?s
ticos siguieran recibiendo culto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El procedimiento ritual era complicado y al mismo tiempo peculiar. El padre biol
\u243?gico llevaba a cabo una venta ficticia de su hijo hasta tres veces. En las
dos primeras, el adoptante compraba literalmente a su nuevo hijo, despu\u233?s
lo manumit\u237?a y el ni\u241?o regresaba a la patria potestad de su padre.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se produc\u237?a la tercera venta, seg\u250?n el c\u243?digo de las Doce
Tablas (\u171?Si un padre vende tres veces a su hijo como esclavo, el hijo queda
r\u225? libre del padre\u187?), el hijo quedaba definitivamente emancipado de su
progenitor. Entonces el adoptante lo reclamaba, y a partir de ese momento pasab
a a formar parte de su familia y recib\u237?a su nombre, a\u241?adiendo como {\i
cognomen} el apellido de su familia biol\u243?gica m\u225?s el sufijo -{\i
anus}. De este modo, el hijo de Emilio Paulo pas\u243? a llamarse Publio Corneli
o Escipi\u243?n Emiliano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A todos los efectos, un hijo adoptado era igual que uno carnal. Sin embargo, sol
\u237?a mantener la {\i
cognatio} o lazo de sangre con su familia biol\u243?gica. En el caso de Escipi\u
243?n Emiliano, \u233?l y su hermano, que hab\u237?a sido adoptado por Fabio M\u
225?ximo, acompa\u241?aron a su padre en la batalla de Pidna, demostrando las bu
enas relaciones que exist\u237?an entre ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esas relaciones se mantendr\u237?an toda la vida. Cuando Emilio Paulo muri\u243?
, leg\u243? su fortuna a los dos hijos que hab\u237?a entregado en adopci\u243?n
, puesto que los otros dos nacidos de su segundo matrimonio hab\u237?an muerto s
iendo ni\u241?os. Escipi\u243?n Emiliano renunci\u243? a su parte y se la entreg
\u243? a su hermano natural M\u225?ximo Emiliano, a quien siempre estuvo muy uni
do.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Por herencia tanto de su familia natural como de la adoptada, y tambi\u233?n por

su viaje a Grecia, Escipi\u243?n Emiliano fue siempre un gran amante de la cult
ura griega. Ya hemos comentado que fue alumno y amigo de Polibio, pero cultiv\u2
43? asimismo la amistad de otros intelectuales como el fil\u243?sofo Panecio o l
os poetas Terencio y Lucilio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque pod\u237?a pasar horas concentrado estudiando textos griegos, Escipi\u243
?n era tambi\u233?n un gran amante de la caza y el ejercicio f\u237?sico, y no v
acilaba a la hora de pasar a la acci\u243?n. Lo demostr\u243? durante su primer
mando como tribuno en Hispania, donde mat\u243? en duelo singular a un cacique n
ativo y fue el primero en escalar la muralla de la ciudad de Intercacia.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a esa variedad de facetas, Escipi\u243?n Emiliano se convertir\u237?a en
modelo de conducta para personas de muy diferente talante. Lo fue para Cicer\u2
43?n, un intelectual sin nervio f\u237?sico alguno; admiraba tanto como orador a
Escipi\u243?n que lo convirti\u243? en personaje de varias de sus obras literar
ias. O para Cayo Mario, prototipo de militar chapado a la antigua que desde\u241
?aba la cultura griega. Mario sirvi\u243? como tribuno de Escipi\u243?n en Numan
cia e imit\u243? toda su carrera, sus doctrinas, su disciplina f\u233?rrea y su
manera de inspirar a los soldados compartiendo sus peligros y sus penalidades.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escipi\u243?n no aplic\u243? su intelecto privilegiado \u250?nicamente a cuestio
nes te\u243?ricas, sino que lo emple\u243? con gran habilidad en el arte de la p
ol\u237?tica. Las manifestaciones de apoyo de los legionarios que lo despidieron
en el puerto eran en parte espont\u225?neas y en parte orquestadas por \u233?l,
y lo mismo podr\u237?amos decir de los cientos o miles de cartas que enviaron l
os soldados y oficiales del ej\u233?rcito a sus familiares en Roma poniendo a Es
cipi\u243?n por las nubes. Todo estaba encaminado a un fin: conseguir el consula
do y el mando del ej\u233?rcito africano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u218?nicamente se le opon\u237?a un obst\u225?culo, que no era balad\u237?: tod
av\u237?a le faltaban cinco a\u241?os para cumplir cuarenta y dos, la edad legal
para ser c\u243?nsul, y adem\u225?s no hab\u237?a sido ni edil ni pretor, los p
elda\u241?os anteriores del {\i
cursus honorum}. Pero si su abuelo adoptivo hab\u237?a sorteado esas dificultade
s siendo incluso m\u225?s joven, ya encontrar\u237?a \u233?l alguna manera de ha
cer lo mismo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el resto del a\u241?o 148, el asedio de Cartago no ofreci\u243? resultad
os espectaculares. Ni el nuevo c\u243?nsul Pis\u243?n ni su lugarteniente Mancin
o eran grandes generales. Ambos hab\u237?an cosechado m\u225?s derrotas que vict
orias durante su carrera previa en Hispania. Ahora que estaban en \u193?frica, v
iendo que el asalto a las murallas de Cartago se antojaba imposible, intentaron
tomar las ciudades de Aspis y de Hipagreta, y tambi\u233?n fracasaron.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Roma segu\u237?a perdiendo prestigio a raudales, hasta el punto de que un tal An
drisco, supuesto hijo del rey macedonio Perseo, derrot\u243? al ej\u233?rcito de
l pretor Publio Juvencio y se autoproclam\u243? rey de Macedonia con el nombre d
e Filipo. En pleno asedio, Cartago aprovech\u243? para firmar una alianza con es
te personaje.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora, con el privilegio de mirar hacia atr\u225?s, el curso de la historia nos
suele parecer inevitable (para una visi\u243?n radicalmente opuesta, recomiendo
leer el interesant\u237?simo libro {\i
El cisne negro o el efecto de lo altamente improbable}, de Nassim Taleb). Pero e
n aquel momento, las legiones romanas estaban demostrando ser muy inferiores a l
as que hab\u237?an vencido en Zama, Cinosc\u233?falos o Pidna \u191?Qu\u233? imp
ed\u237?a a los pueblos tantas veces humillados hacerse ilusiones y so\u241?ar c
on que el odiado conquistador estuviera a punto de hundirse?\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
La percepci\u243?n del presente siempre es m\u225?s confusa que la del pasado, l
\u243?gicamente. Desde que puedo recordar, he o\u237?do predecir la inminente ca
\u237?da de Estados Unidos. No obstante, pese a reveses, errores y momentos muy
dif\u237?ciles (pensemos que al final del mandato de Carter el prestigio del pa\

u237?s se arrastraba tanto como el de Roma en el a\u241?o 148 a.C.), Estados Uni
dos todav\u237?a se mantiene como potencia hegem\u243?nica. Ahora bien, \u191?qu
\u233? ocurrir\u225? en el futuro? Como siempre, acertar\u225?n quienes emitan s
u or\u225?culo a toro pasado, un privilegio de los historiadores.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CAMPA\u209?A DE ESCIPI\u211?N\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras en Cartago se combat\u237?a sin fruto alguno, en Roma todos opinaban qu
e Escipi\u243?n era el hombre del momento. Incluso antes de su regreso a la ciud
ad, un enemigo tradicional de su clan como Cat\u243?n el Viejo lo hab\u237?a elo
giado en p\u250?blico. Curiosamente, pese a sus prejuicios antihelenos, Cat\u243
?n escogi\u243? para hacerlo unos versos de Homero donde alababa al adivino Tire
sias: \u171?Solo \u233?l posee sabidur\u237?a y raz\u243?n, los dem\u225?s son s
ombras fugaces\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Escipi\u243?n lleg\u243? a Roma, Cat\u243?n ya hab\u237?a muerto a la res
petable edad de ochenta y cinco a\u241?os. No tan viejo como Masinisa, pero con
\u233?l tambi\u233?n desaparec\u237?a uno de los \u250?ltimos supervivientes de
la Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la edad de Escipi\u243?n, treinta y seis o treinta y siete a\u241?os, y por
los cargos que hab\u237?a desempe\u241?ado, su siguiente paso en la carrera pol\
u237?tica era presentarse a edil curul, y eso fue lo que hizo. Pero cuando lleg\
u243? el d\u237?a en que los comicios por centurias deb\u237?an elegir a los dos
nuevos c\u243?nsules, los ciudadanos se saltaron las normas y lo votaron en mas
a a \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era algo irregular se mirara como se mirara. Como ya hemos comentado, Escipi\u24
3?n no ten\u237?a la edad requerida ni hab\u237?a pasado antes por los cargos in
feriores. Pero lo m\u225?s llamativo era que su nombre ni siquiera estaba en la
lista de candidatos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
He utilizado el t\u233?rmino \u171?irregular\u187?, y no \u171?ilegal\u187?. Pue
s en Roma la legalidad se basaba en la costumbre y sol\u237?a supeditarse a un h
echo: pese a que por muchas razones el r\u233?gimen de la Rep\u250?blica no pod\
u237?a definirse como una democracia, lo cierto es que las asambleas del pueblo
eran soberanas pr\u225?cticamente para todo. Y ahora la asamblea por centurias s
e hab\u237?a empe\u241?ado en nombrar c\u243?nsul a Escipi\u243?n.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Cuando Postumio Albino, el c\u243?nsul en ejercicio que presid\u237?a las elecci
ones, trat\u243? de convencer a los votantes de que as\u237? no se pod\u237?a ac
tuar, un tribuno de la plebe amenaz\u243? con anular todo el proceso electoral s
i no se respetaba la voluntad del pueblo. Ante este callej\u243?n sin salida, el
senado permiti\u243? a los tribunos que durante un a\u241?o anularan la {\i
lex Villia Annalis} que fijaba la edad m\u237?nima para cada cargo.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
El otro c\u243?nsul electo era Livio Druso, que tambi\u233?n ambicionaba el mand
o de las tropas de \u193?frica. Cuando propuso que el nombramiento se sorteara c
omo era habitual, un tribuno, probablemente el mismo de antes, volvi\u243? a sal
tarse a la torera las costumbres y present\u243? ante la asamblea la asignaci\u2
43?n de las provincias, que hasta entonces hab\u237?a sido monopolio del senado,
al igual que toda la pol\u237?tica exterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como cab\u237?a esperar desde el principio, fue Escipi\u243?n quien recibi\u243?
el mando. Adem\u225?s, se le permiti\u243? rellenar las bajas del ej\u233?rcito
de \u193?frica con reclutas y alistar a todos los voluntarios que se presentara
n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cierto modo, la carrera de Escipi\u243?n anticipaba la de su tribuno en Numan
cia, Cayo Mario, que cuarenta a\u241?os despu\u233?s obtuvo el mando de una prov
incia del mismo modo, por votaci\u243?n de la asamblea popular. Pero no conviene
extrapolar demasiado, pues en el a\u241?o 148 no sucedi\u243? nada que pudiera
definirse como \u171?revolucionario\u187?. Mientras que Mario les ech\u243? m\u2
25?s de un pulso a los dem\u225?s senadores, para quienes \u233?l no era m\u225?

s que un advenedizo, Escipi\u243?n, vinculado con dos poderosas familias, gozaba

de mucho predicamento entre los {\i
patres conscripti}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Leyendo las fuentes antiguas, da la impresi\u243?n de que lo ocurrido pill\u243?
por sorpresa a Escipi\u243?n, quien se resign\u243? modestamente a aceptar la v
oluntad del pueblo romano y ejercer de salvador de la patria. Pero es obvio que
no hubo nada de improvisado en su elecci\u243?n como c\u243?nsul. Hab\u237?a rea
lizado una h\u225?bil campa\u241?a que empez\u243? con sus actuaciones como trib
uno en Cartago y que continu\u243? con el diluvio de cartas que llegaban del ej\
u233?rcito de \u193?frica, aquel peculiar {\i
mailing} que durante varios meses invadi\u243? Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escipi\u243?n y sus refuerzos tuvieron que entrar en acci\u243?n el mismo d\u237
?a que llegaron a Cartago. Mancino, que mandaba la flota, hab\u237?a aprovechado
un punto d\u233?bil para tomar parte de la muralla. Pero luego se qued\u243? ai
slado en las alturas de un parapeto asomado a un barranco, con quinientos soldad
os y tres mil marineros, y sin provisiones. Despu\u233?s de pasar una noche muy
apurada, Mancino y sus hombres se vieron rodeados por los defensores y formaron
un c\u237?rculo defensivo, una maniobra desesperada. Cuando ya estaban a punto d
e ser arrojados desde lo alto, la flota de Escipi\u243?n apareci\u243? a la vist
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El nuevo c\u243?nsul podr\u237?a haber aprovechado aquella brecha en las defensa
s para lanzar un asalto. Pero sab\u237?a que era prematuro: todav\u237?a ten\u23
7?a que moldear al ej\u233?rcito para convertirlo en una herramienta de su volun
tad. De modo que se limit\u243? a rescatar del aprieto a los soldados y marinos
de Mancino, y despu\u233?s evalu\u243? la situaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
La disciplina de las legiones que le entreg\u243? Pis\u243?n dejaba mucho que de
sear. Seguramente ya era mediocre en el a\u241?o 149, cuando Escipi\u243?n sirvi
\u243? como tribuno con Manilio. Pero entonces no pod\u237?a hacer nada, mientra
s que ahora pose\u237?a el {\i
imperium} de un c\u243?nsul de Roma y pod\u237?a actuar con la contundencia que
hab\u237?a heredado de su padre biol\u243?gico, un hombre de car\u225?cter muy f
uerte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para empezar, Escipi\u243?n limpi\u243? el campamento expulsando a prostitutas,
vendedores ambulantes y muchos supuestos voluntarios que se hab\u237?an adherido
a las legiones con el \u250?nico prop\u243?sito de conseguir bot\u237?n. Todos
aquellos que no eran militares tuvieron que abandonar el campamento ese mismo d\
u237?a. Tan solo se les permitir\u237?a venir a vender comida, y con la condici\
u243?n de que fuese apropiada para el ej\u233?rcito. Es decir, trigo sin moler,
queso, panceta: nada de manjares refinados que solo serv\u237?an para engordar e
l est\u243?mago y debilitar el esp\u237?ritu.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A los dem\u225?s, Escipi\u243?n los increp\u243? con la misma dureza que sab\u23
7?a usar Emilio Paulo en sus discursos: \u171?\u161?Parec\u233?is m\u225?s ladro
nes que soldados, m\u225?s fugitivos que guardianes y m\u225?s mercachifles que
conquistadores! Os est\u225?is dedicando a buscar lujos en mitad de una guerra c
uando todav\u237?a no hab\u233?is vencido. Pero yo no he venido aqu\u237? a roba
r, sino a conquistar, ni a pedir dinero antes de vencer, sino a derrotar al enem
igo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando juzg\u243? que sus tropas ya estaban preparadas, Escipi\u243?n lanz\u243?
un asalto nocturno contra Megara, un barrio muy populoso situado en la parte no
rte de la ciudad. Al mismo tiempo que otras unidades llevaban a cabo una maniobr
a de distracci\u243?n atacando en el sector sur, Escipi\u243?n y los hombres que
hab\u237?a elegido corrieron hacia la muralla. Mientras los defensores empezaba
n a dispararles desde arriba, los romanos descubrieron que junto al muro se leva
ntaba una torre que pertenec\u237?a a un ciudadano privado y que posiblemente fu
ese un monumento funerario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al ver que la torre estaba vac\u237?a, unos cuantos voluntarios se encaramaron a
ella, saltaron sobre el adarve de la muralla y rechazaron a los defensores. Des
pu\u233?s abrieron las puertas para que Escipi\u243?n entrara con cuatro mil hom
bres. La historia de esta torre, con esa mezcla de casualidad e incompetencia \u

8212?\u191?por qu\u233? no la hab\u237?an derribado o puesto una guarnici\u243?n

en ella?\u8212?, suena perfectamente veros\u237?mil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los defensores de aquel sector de la muralla, presos de p\u225?nico, se retiraro
n hacia el sur, a la ciudadela de Birsa. Pero Escipi\u243?n no lleg\u243? a apro
vechar la cabeza de puente que acababa de tender. Dentro ya de Cartago, \u233?l
y sus hombres se encontraron atravesando una zona de huertos, jardines y setos q
ue dibujaban un aut\u233?ntico laberinto. Temiendo que sus tropas se dispersaran
y extraviaran de noche en una ciudad poblada por cientos de miles de enemigos,
orden\u243? la retirada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A esas alturas del asedio, el general que dirig\u237?a las defensas era el Asdr\
u250?bal que hab\u237?a estado acampado en N\u233?feris. Hab\u237?a obtenido el
cargo convenciendo a los cartagineses de que el otro Asdr\u250?bal, nieto de Mas
inisa, era un traidor, por lo que lo hab\u237?an linchado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Rabioso por el asalto de la noche anterior, Asdr\u250?bal subi\u243? a la murall
a a los prisioneros romanos y, ante la vista de sus compa\u241?eros de armas, lo
s tortur\u243? sac\u225?ndoles los ojos, cort\u225?ndoles la lengua, despellej\u
225?ndolos vivos y arroj\u225?ndolos finalmente al vac\u237?o. Aparte de cruelda
d, hab\u237?a algo de c\u225?lculo en sus actos: de esa forma, los cartagineses
comprender\u237?an que la rendici\u243?n ya no era una opci\u243?n, puesto que l
os romanos querr\u237?an vengarse por lo sucedido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, Escipi\u243?n decidi\u243? apretar las clavijas a los sitiados. Pa
ra ello, pas\u243? el resto del verano fortificando el istmo con zanjas sembrada
s de estacas puntiagudas, un terrapl\u233?n con torres de vigilancia y una atala
ya de cuatro pisos en el centro desde la que se controlaba todo. A partir de ese
momento, ya no pod\u237?a entrar nada por tierra (lo que nos hace pensar que el
asedio hasta entonces no hab\u237?a sido lo bastante estricto).\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, los defensores todav\u237?a recib\u237?an suministro por mar. Como
ya vimos, Cartago ten\u237?a dos puertos, uno militar al norte y otro comercial
al sur. Era este el que ten\u237?a salida al mar, una bocana de poco m\u225?s de
veinte metros de anchura. Para cegarla, los hombres de Escipi\u243?n arrojaron
piedras pesadas al fondo con la intenci\u243?n de usarlas de cimiento sobre el q
ue levantar un terrapl\u233?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como respuesta, los cartagineses excavaron otro canal m\u225?s al norte para uni
r el puerto militar con el mar, una obra que llevaron a cabo en el mayor secreto
y en la que participaron mujeres y ni\u241?os. Asimismo a escondidas, reciclaro
n toda la madera que pudieron para construir trirremes y quinquerremes. Seg\u250
?n Frontino, como les faltaba esparto usaron de nuevo los cabellos de sus mujere
s para trenzar las jarcias ({\i
Estr}., 1.7.3). Aunque puede que se hayan mezclado dos historias, tampoco es imp
osible, pues hab\u237?an pasado ya dos a\u241?os desde que recurrieron por prime
ra vez a sus cabelleras para fabricar las catapultas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? el d\u237?a en que las naves estuvieron listas, los cartagines
es abrieron el nuevo canal al amanecer, y una flota de cincuenta trirremes sali\
u243? del puerto acompa\u241?ada por muchas otras naves de guerra de menor tama\
u241?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella s\u250?bita aparici\u243?n pill\u243? por sorpresa a los romanos. Si los
cartagineses hubieran atacado entonces a la flota de Escipi\u243?n, podr\u237?a
n haberla destruido, pues sus dotaciones estaban ocupadas en las obras de asedio
y el combate en la muralla. Pero se limitaron a desplegarse y navegar como si h
icieran una exhibici\u243?n, y pasado un rato volvieron a entrar al puerto. Aunq
ue Apiano no explica por qu\u233? actuaron as\u237?, es muy posible que las trip
ulaciones necesitaran unos d\u237?as de adiestramiento para dominar aquellos bar
cos nuevos. Hace unos a\u241?os, los experimentos del trirreme {\i
Olympias} demostraron que coordinar a los remeros de una nave de guerra antigua
era una tarea muy complicada que requer\u237?a un tiempo de pr\u225?ctica.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tres d\u237?as despu\u233?s, la flota p\u250?nica volvi\u243? a salir y se libr\
u243? una batalla naval en las aguas cercanas a la ciudad. Durante varias horas

el resultado fue incierto. Mientras los trirremes y quinquerremes de ambos bando

s intentaban abordarse y hundirse con los espolones, los botes de los cartagines
es se arrimaban a los barcos romanos para hostigarlos como t\u225?banos, tratand
o de taladrar sus cascos y romper sus remos y timones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, cuando empez\u243? a caer la tarde, los cartagineses decidieron refugia
rse de nuevo en el puerto y probar suerte otro d\u237?a. En primer lugar, se ret
iraron las embarcaciones peque\u241?as, protegidas por las naves de guerra. En e
se momento, se demostr\u243? que a los tripulantes les faltaba pericia o les sob
raba miedo. Las barcas empezaron a chocar entre s\u237?, sus remos y sus jarcias
se enredaron y se organiz\u243? un tremendo tap\u243?n en la bocana. Los nav\u2
37?os de guerra cartagineses, viendo que no pod\u237?an pasar por ese cuello de
botella, se dirigieron hacia un muelle exterior, construido al pie de las murall
as para los barcos que no cab\u237?an en el puerto. Al llegar all\u237?, amarrar
on los barcos con las proas y los espolones apuntando hacia fuera. La flota roma
na aprovech\u243? para atacar y se entabl\u243? una segunda batalla igual de re\
u241?ida que la primera. Al principio la suerte fue pareja, pero cuando cay\u243
? la noche y los trirremes p\u250?nicos se retiraron por fin al puerto, hab\u237
?an sufrido muchas m\u225?s bajas que la flota romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escipi\u243?n se hab\u237?a fijado en aquel muelle exterior, y pens\u243? que of
rec\u237?a una buena base de operaciones. Al d\u237?a siguiente, sus tropas se a
poderaron de \u233?l e instalaron catapultas y arietes con los que se dedicaron
a golpear y batir la muralla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la noche los defensores volvieron a demostrar su audacia y su ingenio con un
nuevo contraataque. Un nutrido grupo de cartagineses sali\u243? nadando del pue
rto. Iban sin armas y pr\u225?cticamente desnudos, tan solo provistos de antorch
as que llevaban apagadas para no ser descubiertos y de bolsas impermeables con m
aterial para prender fuego.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando llegaron al muelle, encendieron las teas y se dedicaron a quemar las m\u2
25?quinas de guerra. A la luz de sus propias llamas y sin ropa ofrec\u237?an un
blanco f\u225?cil. Sin embargo, pese a la lluvia de flechas y lanzas que cay\u24
3? sobre ellos, aguantaron sin emprender la huida y consiguieron destruir los ar
tefactos enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias al hero\u237?smo de aquellos hombres, los cartagineses pudieron reparar
la muralla. Pero Escipi\u243?n era m\u225?s tozudo que ellos y orden\u243? const
ruir nuevas m\u225?quinas. Tras reconquistar el muelle, levant\u243? all\u237? u
n muro, una obra que no termin\u243? hasta el oto\u241?o de 147. Cuando estuvo f
inalizado, sus hombres dominaban la nueva entrada al puerto.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Durante el invierno, Escipi\u243?n se dedic\u243? a tomar las pocas ciudades que
todav\u237?a ayudaban a Cartago. Tambi\u233?n, con la ayuda de la caballer\u237
?a n\u250?mida de Gulusa, derrot\u243? al ej\u233?rcito que segu\u237?a acampado
en N\u233?feris. Con todo eso, a finales de a\u241?o, Cartago se hab\u237?a que
dado sin aliados y completamente aislada del mundo exterior.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Los c\u243?nsules elegidos para el a\u241?o 146 fueron Cneo Cornelio L\u233?ntul
o y Lucio Mumio. Pero Escipi\u243?n manten\u237?a sus influencias en el senado y
no tuvo ning\u250?n problema para que le prorrogaran el mando sobre el ej\u233?
rcito de \u193?frica. Cuando termin\u243? el invierno, decidi\u243? que la presa
estaba madura. Hab\u237?a llegado el momento de lanzar la ofensiva final.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Asdr\u250?bal, sospechando por d\u243?nde vendr\u237?a el ataque principal, orde
n\u243? prender fuego a los almacenes y hangares que rodeaban el puerto comercia
l. Pero durante la noche, un destacamento mandado por Cayo Lelio, amigo personal
de Escipi\u243?n, logr\u243? entrar en el puerto militar y lo tom\u243?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
A esas alturas, los defensores se encontraban tan debilitados por el hambre que
apenas opusieron resistencia. Los romanos se abrieron paso hasta el \u193?gora,
se apoderaron de ella y pasaron la noche all\u237?. Por la ma\u241?ana, Escipi\u
243?n trajo cuatro mil soldados m\u225?s y se dirigi\u243? con ellos hacia la ci
udadela de Birsa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Por el camino, los hombres de Escipi\u243?n se encontraron con el templo del dio
s Reshef, al que los romanos identificaban con Apolo. Entre la estatua del dios
y otros adornos hab\u237?a all\u237? m\u225?s de treinta toneladas de oro. Los s
oldados entraron en el santuario, desenvainaron las espadas y se dedicaron a arr
ancar a tajo limpio las piezas de oro batido, haciendo caso omiso de las \u243?r
denes de sus oficiales. Pese a que Escipi\u243?n era un general que sab\u237?a m
antener una disciplina de hierro, lo que ocurri\u243? en el templo demuestra cu\
u225?les eran las prioridades de los soldados y lo dif\u237?cil que resultaba co
ntrolarlos en plena acci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El \u250?ltimo asalto se dirigi\u243? contra Birsa, que estaba unida a la plaza
principal por tres calles a cuyos lados se alzaban edificios de hasta seis plant
as. Desde el punto de vista antiguo, esas avenidas eran amplias, pero med\u237?a
n tan solo entre cinco y siete metros de anchura y pronto se convirtieron en rat
oneras para los atacantes. Los moradores de aquellos bloques y otros defensores
que se hab\u237?an refugiado en ellos empezaron a arrojar una lluvia de proyecti
les, tejas y piedras sobre las cabezas de los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla se convirti\u243? en una aut\u233?ntica operaci\u243?n de guerrilla u
rbana. Para seguir avanzando, los hombres de Escipi\u243?n se vieron obligados a
tomar casa por casa, y cuando llegaban al tejado de un bloque tend\u237?an plan
chas de madera para cruzar al edificio de enfrente y seguir combatiendo. Miles d
e personas luchaban y mor\u237?an en las calles, las escaleras, las viviendas y
los terrados de aquellos bloques, y hab\u237?a cuerpos de romanos y cartagineses
por igual cayendo al vac\u237?o y aplast\u225?ndose contra el pavimento o ensar
t\u225?ndose en las lanzas de los que combat\u237?an abajo.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Por fin, los romanos lograron controlar la zona. Para despejar el acceso a la ci
udadela y traer las m\u225?quinas, Escipi\u243?n orden\u243? prender fuego a las
casas. Las escenas que siguieron a continuaci\u243?n fueron aterradoras. Aunque
Apiano da lo mejor de s\u237? describi\u233?ndolas, prefiero ahorrar a los lect
ores los detalles m\u225?s truculentos. Los romanos se dejaron llevar por la sed
de sangre t\u237?pica de los sitiadores que tomaban una ciudad y descargaron me
ses de frustraci\u243?n contra sus defensores, masacrando a hombres, mujeres y n
i\u241?os por igual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos cerraron el cerco sobre Birsa, el \u250?ltimo reducto, y aguardaron.
Seis d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde, una comitiva con ramas de olivo sali\u243? de la
ciudadela. Aquellos suplicantes dijeron a Escipi\u243?n que los supervivientes
se rendir\u237?an si les perdonaba la vida, y \u233?l acept\u243?. Poco despu\u2
33?s, cincuenta mil personas entre hombres y mujeres abandonaron Birsa.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, todav\u237?a quedaban dentro novecientos desertores del ej\u233?rci
to de Escipi\u243?n, pues este se hab\u237?a negado a concederles clemencia. Des
esperados, aquellos hombres se refugiaron en el lugar m\u225?s alto de la ciudad
ela, el templo de Eshm\u250?n (Esculapio para los romanos), un lugar casi inacce
sible al que se llegaba por una estrecha y empinada escalera de sesenta pelda\u2
41?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Asdr\u250?bal estaba con ellos. Pero el general cartagin\u233?s no tard\u243? en
escapar a hurtadillas para presentarse ante Escipi\u243?n y pedirle clemencia,
tambi\u233?n con una rama de olivo. Mientras tanto, el resto de los desertores i
ncendiaron el templo y saltaron sobre las llamas. La esposa de Asdr\u250?bal, qu
e se encontraba con ellos, mat\u243? a sus dos hijos y los arroj\u243? al fuego:
por \u250?ltima vez, una madre cartaginesa sacrificaba a sus propios ni\u241?os
. Despu\u233?s, no sin antes llamar cobarde a su esposo desde las alturas, ella
misma se inmol\u243? en aquella gigantesca hoguera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se trata de un final a la altura de la tragedia {\i
Medea} y muy apropiado para la leyenda de Cartago. Qui\u233?n sabe, a lo mejor o
curri\u243? de verdad: cuando una sociedad se acostumbra a un tipo de ficci\u243
?n puede acabar emul\u225?ndola cuando llegan situaciones parecidas a las que es
a ficci\u243?n describe. O, por decirlo en menos palabras, la vida imita al arte
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tal fue el final de Cartago. Los incendios duraron diez d\u237?as, ya que los te

jados de los edificios estaban impermeabilizados con brea. Mientras contemplaba

las llamas y ve\u237?a a sus hombres saqueando aquella ciudad que hab\u237?a flo
recido durante setecientos a\u241?os, Escipi\u243?n medit\u243? sobre la fugacid
ad de los imperios. Pensando en c\u243?mo hab\u237?a ca\u237?do Troya, y despu\u
233?s de ella los asirios, los medos, los persas y los macedonios, llor\u243? y
recit\u243? estos versos de la {\i
Il\u237?ada}:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\i
{
Llegar\u225? el d\u237?a en que perezcan\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
la sagrada Troya y Pr\u237?amo\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
y el pueblo de Pr\u237?amo, el de la buena lanza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} } {
El historiador Polibio, que estaba presente, le pregunt\u243? a qu\u233? se refe
r\u237?a. \u171?Es un momento glorioso, Polibio \u8212?respondi\u243? Escipi\u24
3?n\u8212?. Pero temo que llegue el tiempo en que sea otro quien d\u233? la orde
n de destruir mi patria\u187?. Un estudioso del pasado como \u233?l sab\u237?a q
ue Roma acabar\u237?a cayendo igual que Cartago, pues tal es el destino de las c
osas humanas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por una curiosa coincidencia, ese mismo a\u241?o, al otro lado del Mediterr\u225
?neo los romanos arrasaban hasta los cimientos otra ciudad que pose\u237?a una l
arga historia y hab\u237?a sido un importante emporio comercial: Corinto, en Gre
cia. Para muchos autores posteriores, el a\u241?o 146 supuso un antes y un despu
\u233?s en la historia de Roma y su imperio, y no para bien.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Los romanos se anexionaron los territorios que todav\u237?a le quedaban a Cartag
o y los convirtieron en la provincia de \u193?frica. Las poblaciones que les hab
\u237?an ayudado quedaron libres de impuestos, mientras que las dem\u225?s tuvie
ron que pagar tributo. Una de las ciudades que se hallaba en el primer caso, \u2
18?tica, se convirti\u243? en capital de la provincia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Cartago, cierta tradici\u243?n cuenta que, cuando se apagaron los re
scoldos, los romanos barrieron los \u250?ltimos restos, araron la tierra y la se
mbraron de sal para que no volviera a crecer ni la mala hierba. En realidad, se
trata de una invenci\u243?n de los historiadores posteriores; y no de los antigu
os, sino de un autor del siglo XX que, tal como he le\u237?do en un ingenioso co
mentario, debi\u243? pensar que \u171?una pizca de sal no le vendr\u237?a mal a
la historia\u187?. Cartago fue destruida, ciertamente, pero no con tal sa\u241?a
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiempo m\u225?s tarde, sobre las ruinas renaci\u243? una nueva Cartago que, aunq
ue depend\u237?a de Roma, creci\u243? y prosper\u243? mucho con los emperadores.
Algo perdur\u243? tambi\u233?n de su sabidur\u237?a, ya que Escipi\u243?n le re
gal\u243? a Micipsa, hijo de Masinisa, miles de vol\u250?menes que encontr\u243?
en Cartago, y los romanos copiaron los tratados de agricultura de Mag\u243?n. P
ara nuestra desgracia esos libros, como tantos otros tesoros del mundo antiguo,
acabaron perdi\u233?ndose en la marea del tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Escipi\u243?n Emiliano, regres\u243? a la urbe y celebr\u243? su tri
unfo. Despu\u233?s de tantos a\u241?os de guerras contra tribus hispanas a las q
ue no se les pod\u237?a saquear gran cosa, el pueblo romano disfrut\u243? contem
plando un bot\u237?n como los que hab\u237?an tra\u237?do en su d\u237?a los con
quistadores de Grecia. Escipi\u243?n tom\u243? el mismo {\i
cognomen} de su abuelo, Africano, que en su caso fue una herencia bien merecida.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero, a diferencia del primer Africano, Escipi\u243?n Emiliano no entr\u243? en
declive pol\u237?tico despu\u233?s de aquel \u233?xito. Al contrario, se mantuvo
durante a\u241?os en la cima de la Rep\u250?blica como n\u250?cleo de una influ
yente facci\u243?n. Adem\u225?s, no tardar\u237?a en llegarle el momento de echa
rse a la espalda de nuevo la capa roja de general y tomar el mando de las tropas
. Su nuevo destino ser\u237?a un lugar muy familiar para nosotros: Numancia.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
II\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

{\b
{\qc
VIRIATO Y NUMANCIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
UN VIETNAM PARA ROMA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
La conquista de Hispania empez\u243? solap\u225?ndose con la Segunda Guerra P\u2
50?nica, y la inici\u243? Publio Cornelio Escipi\u243?n, que todav\u237?a no se
hab\u237?a ganado el sobrenombre de Africano. En el a\u241?o 206 derrot\u243? a
los generales Mag\u243?n Barca y Asdr\u250?bal Gisc\u243?n en la batalla de Ilip
a (situada cerca de Sevilla), una obra maestra t\u225?ctica que supuso pr\u225?c
ticamente el fin de la presencia cartaginesa en la Pen\u237?nsula Ib\u233?rica.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchas tribus hispanas hab\u237?an apoyado a Escipi\u243?n como un modo de echar
a los cartagineses. Pronto comprendieron que los romanos no hab\u237?an venido
para liberarlos y marcharse, sino que ten\u237?an intenciones de quedarse all\u2
37?. Uno de los principales se\u241?uelos de la pen\u237?nsula era la ciudad p\u
250?nica de Cartago Nova, donde cerca de cuarenta mil esclavos extra\u237?an, en
unas condiciones dur\u237?simas, m\u225?s de mil talentos de plata al a\u241?o.
En general, los antiguos consideraban que Hispania era un lugar rico en metales
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 197, considerando la gran extensi\u243?n del territorio que deb\u
237?a controlar, el senado decidi\u243? dividir la Pen\u237?nsula Ib\u233?rica e
n dos provincias: la Hispania Citerior o \u171?m\u225?s cercana\u187?, situada a
l nordeste y centrada en el Ebro, y la Ulterior o \u171?m\u225?s lejana\u187? cu
yo n\u250?cleo era el f\u233?rtil valle del Guadalquivir. En el centro y al nort
e quedaban vastos territorios sin conquistar y pr\u225?cticamente sin explorar,
m\u225?s atrasados y menos atractivos para la conquista.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Ese mismo a\u241?o estall\u243? una rebeli\u243?n en ambas provincias. La situac
i\u243?n se complic\u243? tanto que el senado decidi\u243? enviar al c\u243?nsul
Marco Porcio Cat\u243?n, que ser\u237?a conocido m\u225?s tarde como Cat\u243?n
el Censor y de quien ya hablamos en el cap\u237?tulo sobre Cartago. Cat\u243?n,
que a\u241?adi\u243? las dos legiones que tra\u237?a a las tropas pretorianas y
a acantonadas en Hispania, recorri\u243? con su enorme ej\u233?rcito la Citerior
aplastando revueltas con extrema dureza (la misma que exig\u237?a a sus soldado
s, a los que alanceaba sin piedad si reculaban ante el enemigo) y exigiendo trib
utos. La Ulterior se le rindi\u243? sin tan siquiera combatir. Cat\u243?n alarde
ar\u237?a despu\u233?s de que hab\u237?a tomado m\u225?s ciudades que d\u237?as
hab\u237?a pasado en Hispania, hasta cuatrocientas. Una afirmaci\u243?n bastante
exagerada, ya que fuera de la costa del Mediterr\u225?neo apenas hab\u237?a pob
laciones dignas de tal nombre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras las campa\u241?as de Cat\u243?n, Roma controlaba el tercio meridional y ori
ental de la pen\u237?nsula, que se correspond\u237?a m\u225?s o menos con la zon
a poblada por tribus iberas, m\u225?s desarrolladas que las del interior. En est
e moraban diversos pueblos muy belicosos \u8212?carpetanos, vetones, lusitanos y
celt\u237?beros entre otros\u8212? que no dejaban de causar problemas con sus i
ncursiones de saqueo en las fronteras de las j\u243?venes provincias.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Las guerras en aquella zona eran continuas, hasta que lleg\u243? a Hispania el c
\u243?nsul Tiberio Sempronio Graco \u8212?padre de los famosos hermanos que pres
entaron sendas reformas agrarias d\u233?cadas despu\u233?s\u8212?. Como general,
cosech\u243? varios \u233?xitos contra celt\u237?beros y lusitanos que le valie
ron a su regreso a Roma un triunfo en el que exhibi\u243? un bot\u237?n de casi
quince toneladas de plata. Pero su labor m\u225?s importante fue la de pacificad
or. Graco firm\u243? alianzas con las tribus independientes del exterior de las
provincias, por las que se compromet\u237?an a no formar grandes coaliciones y a
prestar ayuda militar a la Rep\u250?blica cuando esta se lo exigiera. Tambi\u23

3?n procedi\u243? a repartir tierras cultivables entre los ind\u237?genas, asent

ando as\u237? a poblaciones enteras que dejaron de ser semin\u243?madas y de lan
zar expediciones de pillaje contra los vecinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante algo m\u225?s de dos d\u233?cadas los pactos de Graco se mantuvieron mal
que bien, y las fronteras permanecieron donde estaban; entre otras causas porqu
e Roma estaba m\u225?s centrada en sus guerras en Macedonia y Grecia. Pero la ma
yor\u237?a de los gobernadores romanos que sucedieron a Graco no pose\u237?an su
altura de miras y tan solo buscaban enriquecerse. El senado acabar\u237?a compr
endiendo que la corrupci\u243?n excesiva resultaba perjudicial para la Rep\u250?
blica, ya que le granjeaba los odios de la poblaci\u243?n sometida y provocaba l
evantamientos constantes. Eso explica que en el a\u241?o 149 se creara por la le
y Calpurnia un tribunal especial para procesar a los magistrados corruptos, la {
\i
quaestio perpetua de repetundis}, presidida por un pretor. El problema era que q
uienes juzgaban a los exgobernadores provinciales pertenec\u237?an a su misma cl
ase, el orden senatorial, y casi siempre acababan absolvi\u233?ndolos.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Pero incluso antes de que se creara ese tribunal, las revueltas hab\u237?an vuel
to a estallar en Hispania, protagonizadas por dos pueblos: los lusitanos y los c
elt\u237?beros. El resultado fueron veinte a\u241?os de guerras de los que Roma
sac\u243? muy poco provecho material y en los que perdi\u243? a miles de hombres
. Debido a la mortandad entre sus j\u243?venes, el rechazo de estos a ser reclut
ados y los problemas pol\u237?ticos que suscitaron estas guerras, hay autores qu
e han denominado a Hispania \u171?el Vietnam de los romanos\u187?.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LOS LUSITANOS Y VIRIATO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque las campa\u241?as contra celt\u237?beros y lusitanos coincidieron en el t
iempo, las tratar\u233? por separado. En el a\u241?o 154, un caudillo llamado P\
u250?nico lider\u243? una serie de incursiones lusitanas contra Hispania Ulterio
r. El cuestor Terencio Varr\u243?n le sali\u243? al paso, pero fue derrotado y s
eis mil hombres y \u233?l mismo perdieron la vida. Los vetones se sumaron a esta
razia, y ambos pueblos hicieron una incursi\u243?n juntos m\u225?s all\u225? de
l Guadalquivir hasta las ciudades de la costa. Sus victorias los hicieron tan os
ados que incluso cruzaron el estrecho de Gibraltar para saquear el norte de \u19
3?frica. All\u237? el pretor Lucio Mumio \u8212?el mismo que poco despu\u233?s a
rrasar\u237?a Corinto\u8212? los persigui\u243? y logr\u243? derrotarlos.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 152, el pretor de la provincia Ulterior, Atilio Serrano, decidi\u
243? llevar la guerra al territorio enemigo e internarse en Lusitania, una regi\
u243?n que comprend\u237?a el Portugal actual hasta el Duero y parte de Extremad
ura. El lugar no ofrec\u237?a demasiados alicientes, pero a Atilio le pareci\u24
3? conveniente sojuzgarlo para detener las incursiones, en la t\u237?pica forma
de expandir las fronteras romanas. El pretor tom\u243? la ciudad m\u225?s import
ante de los lusitanos, Oxtracas. No se sabe d\u243?nde se hallaba, pero no deb\u
237?a de ser muy grande, pues en la campa\u241?a Atilio solo mat\u243? a setecie
ntos enemigos. Como resultado, los lusitanos y sus vecinos los vetones acabaron
pidiendo la paz.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al a\u241?o siguiente ocurri\u243? uno de los hechos m\u225?s infames de la conq
uista de Hispania. El nuevo pretor, Publio Servilio Galba, recibi\u243? a unos e
mbajadores de los lusitanos que le solicitaron renovar el tratado firmado con At
ilio. En realidad, ellos mismos se hab\u237?an saltado sus propios pactos, pero
las campa\u241?as de Galba y de L\u250?culo por el norte los hab\u237?an disuadi
do de seguir guerreando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Galba se mostr\u243? muy comprensivo y dijo a los enviados que comprend\u237?a l
a raz\u243?n de que se dedicaran al pillaje y al robo. \u171?Lo que os obliga a
cometer esas tropel\u237?as es la pobreza de vuestro suelo. Si acept\u225?is ser
amigos de Roma, yo entregar\u233? tierras a vuestra gente\u187?.\par\pard\plain

\hyphpar} {
En la fecha convenida, miles de lusitanos se presentaron divididos en tres grupo
s y Galba los condujo a otros tantos valles. A continuaci\u243?n, se dirigi\u243
? al primer grupo y convenci\u243? a sus miembros de que, como amigos y aliados
del pueblo romano, deb\u237?an dejar las armas porque ya no las necesitaban. Cua
ndo ellos le obedecieron, el pretor orden\u243? excavar una zanja a su alrededor
de modo que no pudieran escaparse y luego mand\u243? a sus soldados al interior
del recinto para asesinar a todos aquellos lusitanos por igual, hombres, mujere
s y ni\u241?os. Despu\u233?s actu\u243? del mismo modo con los otros dos grupos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella brutal traici\u243?n horroriz\u243? a los propios romanos. Cuando Galba
regres\u243? a la urbe, el tribuno de la plebe Escribonio Lib\u243?n lo denunci\
u243?. Durante el juicio, Galba recurri\u243? al pat\u233?tico expediente de lle
var a sus hijos para conmover al tribunal con sus llantos. Mas si sali\u243? abs
uelto no fue por eso, sino porque gast\u243? en sobornos buena parte del bot\u23
7?n conseguido en Hispania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n Apiano, entre los pocos lusitanos que escaparon de la trampa que les
hab\u237?a tendido Galba se hallaba un noble llamado Viriato. Es posible que se
trate de una tradici\u243?n para embellecer su historia, y que simplemente Viria
to fuese uno de tantos lusitanos que por unas razones u otras no participaron en
el reasentamiento propuesto por el pretor y se salvaron as\u237? del exterminio
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En un resumen muy sucinto de sus libros perdidos conocido como {\i
Periochae}, Tito Livio informa de que Viriato empez\u243? siendo pastor y luego
se convirti\u243? en cazador, bandido y caudillo militar. Dicho as\u237?, da la
impresi\u243?n de que sus or\u237?genes fueron muy humildes y que ascendi\u243?
poco a poco en sociedad. En realidad, todas esas ocupaciones eran propias de la
\u233?lite guerrera de las tribus semin\u243?madas dedicadas al pastoreo: algo p
arecido se dijo tiempo despu\u233?s de Espartaco el tracio, y se podr\u237?a hab
er afirmado exactamente lo mismo de R\u243?mulo, el fundador de Roma.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la traici\u243?n de Galba, Viriato no tard\u243? en llegar a ser
el principal l\u237?der de los lusitanos, y se dedic\u243? a hostigar a los rom
anos con expediciones de guerrillas, aunque tambi\u233?n los derrotar\u237?a m\u
225?s de una vez en campo abierto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El primer ataque en el que particip\u243? Viriato, todav\u237?a como un guerrero
m\u225?s, fue contra la vecina Turdetania. All\u237? les sali\u243? al paso el
pretor Cayo Vetilio con diez mil hombres. Tras acabar con las patrullas de forra
jeadores lusitanos, Vetilio consigui\u243? acorralar a los hombres de Viriato en
un paraje donde no ten\u237?an manera de conseguir provisiones. Desesperados, l
os lusitanos enviaron emisarios con ramas de olivo para pedirle a Vetilio tierra
s donde asentarse. A cambio, le prometieron que obedecer\u237?an sus \u243?rdene
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El pretor acept\u243?. Pero Viriato reuni\u243? a los dem\u225?s y les explic\u2
43? que aquel acuerdo se parec\u237?a demasiado al de Galba. Si segu\u237?an sus
instrucciones, a\u241?adi\u243?, \u233?l los sacar\u237?a de aquella encerrona.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los lusitanos se mostraron de acuerdo, Viriato los despleg\u243? frente a
los romanos en orden de batalla. \u201?l tom\u243? a mil jinetes y se puso dela
nte de los dem\u225?s, que luchaban a pie. En lugar de entrar en combate, cuando
Viriato les hizo una se\u241?al todos los guerreros de infanter\u237?a salieron
corriendo en diversas direcciones. El plan era dispersarse y despu\u233?s segui
r rutas separadas para reunirse en la ciudad de Tr\u237?bola, donde deb\u237?an
esperar a Viriato.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo normal habr\u237?a sido que los romanos siguieran a aquellos fugitivos y los
exterminaran. Pero Viriato consigui\u243? mantener clavado en el sitio a Vetilio
con cargas y retiradas constantes de su caballer\u237?a; el pretor no se atrev\
u237?a a lanzar patrullas de persecuci\u243?n porque tambi\u233?n habr\u237?a te
nido que dividirlas, algo que no era recomendable dejando a su espalda una fuerz
a de mil jinetes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Cuando hab\u237?an pasado dos d\u237?as de escaramuzas constantes, Viriato calcu

l\u243? que los suyos ya habr\u237?an llegado a Tr\u237?bola. A una orden suya,
sus jinetes volvieron grupas y huyeron. Los romanos no pudieron darles alcance,
como explica Apiano, \u171?por el peso de su armadura, porque no conoc\u237?an l
os senderos y porque sus caballos eran peores\u187? (BH, 62).\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Aquella fue la primera haza\u241?a de Viriato, y gracias a ella su prestigio cre
ci\u243? tanto que los lusitanos lo eligieron como caudillo y muchas tribus veci
nas le enviaron refuerzos. Pero no ser\u237?a la \u250?ltima. Cuando Vetilio lle
g\u243? a las inmediaciones de Tr\u237?bola, Viriato le tendi\u243? una emboscad
a entre una espesura y unos barrancos. All\u237? perecieron cuatro mil romanos,
casi la mitad del ej\u233?rcito. Entre ellos se hallaba el propio pretor: un lus
itano lo captur\u243? y, \u171?al verlo viejo y gordo, crey\u243? que era un hom
bre que no merec\u237?a la pena y lo mat\u243?\u187?, en palabras de Apiano (BH,
63).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Vetilio no fue la \u250?nica v\u237?ctima de Viriato, que derrot\u243? a varios
comandantes romanos m\u225?s. Curiosamente, fue enfrent\u225?ndose con generales
que eran hermanos de diversas maneras. En el a\u241?o 144 luch\u243? contra Fab
io M\u225?ximo Emiliano, hijo natural de Emilio Paulo, el vencedor de Pidna, que
hab\u237?a sido adoptado por los Fabios. A decir verdad, M\u225?ximo Emiliano e
stuvo rehuy\u233?ndolo casi todo el a\u241?o, pues sus tropas eran biso\u241?as
y no se fiaba de ellas; pero al final de la campa\u241?a consigui\u243? poner en
fuga a Viriato y obligarlo a salir de la provincia Ulterior.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Dos a\u241?os despu\u233?s, volvemos a encontrar al jefe lusitano combatiendo de
nuevo en la provincia romana, en esta ocasi\u243?n contra el proc\u243?nsul Fab
io M\u225?ximo Serviliano, que por nacimiento pertenec\u237?a a los Servilios, p
ero que tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a sido adoptado por los Fabios y por eso era herma
no legal de Fabio M\u225?ximo Emiliano. A esas alturas, los romanos hab\u237?an
comprendido que no se las ten\u237?an con un vulgar bandolero, sino con un l\u23
7?der militar de gran talento, de modo que enviaron a Serviliano con dos legione
s y dos {\i
alae} de aliados, m\u225?s mil seiscientos jinetes y varios elefantes que aport\
u243? el rey n\u250?mida Micipsa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a este potente ej\u233?rcito, Serviliano logr\u243? expulsar de nuevo a
Viriato de la provincia. Tras tomar represalias contra algunos de sus aliados, e
l proc\u243?nsul entr\u243? en Lusitania y asedi\u243? una de sus ciudades llama
da Erisana, cuya localizaci\u243?n se desconoce.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la noche, Viriato y sus tropas lograron introducirse en la fortaleza burland
o a los romanos, lo que indica que el cerco no estaba bien cerrado. Al amanecer,
los hombres de Viriato y los defensores de Erisana hicieron una salida con la q
ue sorprendieron a sus enemigos, que pensaban que dentro de la ciudad no hab\u23
7?a tantos soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras poner en fuga a los zapadores que cavaban las trincheras, los lusitanos car
garon contra las legiones de Serviliano y las derrotaron. Los romanos se retirar
on a toda prisa y quedaron encerrados en un valle rodeado de barrancos: unas nue
vas Horcas Caudinas, pero en Hispania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para salvar a su ej\u233?rcito, a Serviliano no le qued\u243? m\u225?s remedio q
ue rendirse. Por suerte para \u233?l, las condiciones que le impuso Viriato eran
sumamente moderadas. Sin tener que pasar bajo el yugo, los romanos deb\u237?an
retirarse de Lusitania, reconocer a Viriato como amigo y aliado del pueblo roman
o y permitir que los lusitanos conservaran sus tierras.{\super
[3]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo m\u225?s sorprendente es que la asamblea aprob\u243? este pacto, cuando los r
omanos no ten\u237?an por costumbre reconocer la derrota ni aceptar las condicio
nes del enemigo. Pero la situaci\u243?n en Roma era complicada y casi nadie quer
\u237?a servir en esta fatigosa guerra que tan pocos frutos estaba rindiendo.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel podr\u237?a haber sido el final del conflicto, al menos por unos a\u241?os
. Pero el nuevo gobernador de Hispania Ulterior, Quinto Servilio Cepi\u243?n, no

estaba dispuesto a dejar las cosas as\u237?. Observemos la curiosa secuencia de

generales que lidiaron contra Viriato: primero M\u225?ximo Emiliano, hijo biol\
u243?gico de Paulo Emilio y adoptado por los Fabios. Despu\u233?s, M\u225?ximo S
erviliano, hijo biol\u243?gico de Cneo Servilio Cepi\u243?n, tambi\u233?n adopta
do por los Fabios y por tanto hermano legal de M\u225?ximo Emiliano, pero sin ni
ng\u250?n parentesco de sangre. Y por \u250?ltimo, Quinto Servilio Cepi\u243?n,
que se hab\u237?a quedado tranquilamente en su familia y era hermano biol\u243?g
ico de M\u225?ximo Serviliano. \u161?Organizar una fiesta familiar entre la \u23
3?lite romana era harto complicado!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para continuar con la guerra, Servilio Cepi\u243?n necesitaba un {\i
casus belli}, as\u237? que escribi\u243? al senado para quejarse de que el trata
do de su hermano natural era indigno del pueblo romano. El senado le autoriz\u24
3? a provocar a Viriato siempre que lo mantuviera en secreto. Es de suponer que
se obr\u243? as\u237? para que no se enterase la asamblea y ning\u250?n tribuno
de la plebe soliviantara al pueblo, ya que \u250?ltimamente los tribunos, que du
rante mucho tiempo hab\u237?an estado casi domesticados por el senado, actuaban
con bastante independencia (v\u233?ase en el siguiente apartado lo que ocurri\u2
43? con L\u250?culo).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este Servilio Cepi\u243?n no era hombre que gozara de buena reputaci\u243?n ni s
iquiera entre sus hombres. Se portaba de forma grosera y antip\u225?tica con tod
os, pero en particular con los soldados de caballer\u237?a. Estos, por las noche
s, hac\u237?an chistes a su costa junto a las hogueras y los propalaban por el c
ampamento, y cuanto peor le sentaban a Cepi\u243?n m\u225?s se burlaban de \u233
?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El general quer\u237?a cortar por lo sano con aquellas bromas. Como no pod\u237?
a se\u241?alar a ning\u250?n culpable concreto, decidi\u243? castigar a todo el
cuerpo. Para ello envi\u243? a sus seiscientos jinetes a recoger le\u241?a al mi
smo monte donde se levantaba el campamento de Viriato. Los tribunos de Cepi\u243
?n le pidieron que revocase su orden. Corr\u237?an el riesgo de quedarse sin cab
aller\u237?a, algo que era una aut\u233?ntica temeridad, pero \u233?l se mostr\u
243? intransigente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los jinetes no estaban dispuestos a rebajarse a pedir disculpas, as\u237? que sa
lieron del campamento acompa\u241?ados por m\u225?s tropas de caballer\u237?a al
iada y algunos voluntarios. Tras cortar la le\u241?a, regresaron sanos y salvos,
la amontonaron alrededor de la tienda de Cepi\u243?n y le prendieron fuego. El
general solo se salv\u243? porque sali\u243? corriendo a tiempo de no perecer ab
rasado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, a fuerza de provocaciones, Cepi\u243?n consigui\u243? que se declara
ra la guerra abiertamente en el a\u241?o 140. Una vez rotas las hostilidades, ex
puls\u243? a Viriato de la ciudad de Arsa, lo persigui\u243? por la Carpetania c
on un ej\u233?rcito muy superior al suyo y lo acab\u243? expulsando del territor
io de la provincia Ulterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la campa\u241?a siguiente, Viriato intent\u243? entablar negociaciones con Ce
pi\u243?n, a quien le hab\u237?an prorrogado el mando como proc\u243?nsul. Para
las conversaciones, el lusitano envi\u243? a tres hombres que cre\u237?a de su m
\u225?xima confianza y que, para su desgracia, resultaron no serlo. Los tres ind
ividuos, llamados Audax, Ditalco y Minuro, aceptaron el soborno de Cepi\u243?n p
ara asesinar a su caudillo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al regresar a su campamento, entraron en la tienda de Viriato aprovechando que c
omo amigos ten\u237?an acceso a \u233?l a todas horas. El jefe lusitano, que dor
m\u237?a solo a saltos, estaba dando una cabezada con la armadura puesta. Los co
njurados le clavaron un pu\u241?al en el cuello, uno de los pocos puntos vitales
que no proteg\u237?a su blindaje, y huyeron a toda prisa antes de ser descubier
tos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando llegaron ante Cepi\u243?n y le pidieron el resto de la recompensa, el pro
c\u243?nsul contest\u243? con el mayor cinismo que se contentaran con lo que ten
\u237?an y que si quer\u237?an m\u225?s viajaran a Roma a ped\u237?rselo al sena
do. La frase \u171?Roma no paga a traidores\u187? parece ser una invenci\u243?n
posterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La muerte de Viriato lo convirti\u243? en una leyenda. Pero dicha leyenda no sir

vi\u243? para fortalecer la causa lusitana. Sin un l\u237?der tan carism\u225?ti

co como \u233?l, fueron derrotados por Cepi\u243?n en una batalla junto al Guada
lquivir. Su nuevo jefe, T\u225?ntalo, lleg\u243? a un acuerdo con el proc\u243?n
sul y se rindi\u243? a cambio de que Roma les proporcionara tierras. Poco a poco
, Lusitania cay\u243? en poder de los romanos, que se atrevieron a internarse in
cluso m\u225?s all\u225?: en el a\u241?o 138, D\u233?cimo Junio Bruto cruz\u243?
el Duero con sus legiones y se intern\u243? por primera vez en tierras gallegas
, lo que le vali\u243? el sobrenombre de Galaico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \
afs28
{\b
{\ql
NUMANCIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
El otro conflicto de aquellos a\u241?os estall\u243? en el 153, en la zona de Ce
ltiberia. Mientras que los lusitanos eran m\u225?s atrasados y semin\u243?madas,
los celt\u237?beros se estaban desarrollando econ\u243?mica y socialmente y viv
\u237?an en ciudades cada vez m\u225?s grandes. Una de sus tribus, la de los bel
os, decidi\u243? ampliar el per\u237?metro de Segeda, su ciudad principal, para
alojar dentro al pueblo vecino de los titios (no est\u225? muy claro si por las
buenas o por las malas). Unir varias aldeas para crear una entidad pol\u237?tica
mayor era una pr\u225?ctica que en el pasado hab\u237?a dado lugar a ciudades e
stado como Esparta o la misma Roma, y que en griego recib\u237?a el nombre de {\
i
synoikism\u243?s} o sinecismo: una muestra de que los celt\u237?beros empezaban
a recorrer el mismo sendero que ya hab\u237?an transitado griegos y romanos.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los acuerdos firmados entre las tribus celt\u237?beras y Graco prohib\u237?
an expresamente formar grandes alianzas o crear nuevas ciudades que pudieran con
vertirse en una amenaza para las provincias romanas. Al menos, eso dijo el senad
o, que orden\u243? a los belos que cesaran las obras. Cuando se negaron, Roma le
s declar\u243? la guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado se tom\u243? tan en serio al rival que en lugar de un pretor se mand\u
243? a uno de los c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o, Fulvio Nobilior, con un poderoso e
j\u233?rcito de unos treinta mil hombres. Aquella guerra tuvo una primera consec
uencia cuyo alcance quiz\u225? no sospechaban ni los propios romanos, pues no po
d\u237?an imaginar todav\u237?a que alg\u250?n d\u237?a su calendario llegar\u23
7?a a ser universal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hasta entonces, los c\u243?nsules tomaban posesi\u243?n de su cargo el 15 de mar
zo. A continuaci\u243?n, reclutaban a sus legiones, las equipaban, las adiestrab
an y las enviaban all\u237? donde eran necesarias. El problema era que cada vez
combat\u237?an en escenarios m\u225?s alejados. Cuando las tropas quer\u237?an l
legar a su destino pr\u225?cticamente se les acababa el verano; y hay que tener
en cuenta que los inviernos de la Meseta, sobre todo en su parte norte, no eran
los de Grecia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La soluci\u243?n fue adelantar el inicio del curso oficial al 1 de enero, mes de
dicado al dios Jano, que desde entonces pas\u243? a ser el primero del a\u241?o.
Sin embargo, los romanos, tan tradicionalistas como siempre, mantuvieron los no
mbres de septiembre, octubre, noviembre y diciembre, aunque ahora se hab\u237?an
convertido en los meses noveno, d\u233?cimo, und\u233?cimo y duod\u233?cimo.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella anticipaci\u243?n sorprendi\u243? a los propios segedanos, que, sin habe
r terminado las murallas, vieron c\u243?mo un ej\u233?rcito consular marchaba co
ntra ellos. Los belos abandonaron su ciudad y se dirigieron al territorio de otr
a tribu celtib\u233?rica, los ar\u233?vacos, cuya capital era Numancia.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
El c\u243?nsul Nobilior, persiguiendo a los segedanos, invadi\u243? las tierras
de los ar\u233?vacos. Pero numantinos y segedanos unidos le tendieron una embosc
ada en la que dieron muerte a seis mil de sus hombres. Solo le salv\u243? del de
sastre que los celt\u237?beros se lanzaron en su persecuci\u243?n de una manera
tan imprudente que, cuando intentaron saquear el convoy de la impedimenta, la ca

baller\u237?a cay\u243? sobre ellos y les infligi\u243? numerosas bajas.\par\par

d\plain\hyphpar} {
Nobilior no se arredr\u243? por la derrota y plant\u243? su campamento a unos cu
atro kil\u243?metros de Numancia. All\u237? recibi\u243? trescientos jinetes y d
iez elefantes que le mand\u243? el rey n\u250?mida Masinisa. (Hablando de Viriat
o he mencionado al hijo del monarca africano, Micipsa: cuando mand\u243? refuerz
os a Serviliano para su lucha contra los lusitanos, en el a\u241?o 142, su padre
ya hab\u237?a muerto y \u233?l era rey).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Precisamente esos elefantes fueron su perdici\u243?n. Nobilior lanz\u243? un asa
lto contra las murallas, y en plena batalla una enorme piedra cay\u243? sobre la
cabeza de uno de sus paquidermos. El animal enloqueci\u243? de dolor y empez\u2
43? a aplastar a todo el mundo a su paso, amigos y enemigos por igual. Contagiad
os por sus atronadores barritos, los dem\u225?s elefantes corrieron en estampida
y sembraron el caos entre las filas romanas. Los romanos se dieron a la fuga y
los numantinos aprovecharon para hacer una impetuosa salida en la que dieron mue
rte a cuatro mil hombres y tres paquidermos. (Apiano aprovecha esta ocasi\u243?n
para comentar que hay quienes llaman a los elefantes \u171?el enemigo com\u250?
n\u187? por su comportamiento imprevisible).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin haber conseguido nada positivo, el c\u243?nsul le entreg\u243? el mando a Cl
audio Marcelo, nieto del general que hab\u237?a conseguido los {\i
spolia opima} por matar al caudillo galo Viridomaro poco antes de la Segunda Gue
rra P\u250?nica. En lugar de atacar directamente Numancia, Marcelo tom\u243? otr
as poblaciones menores para obligar a los belos y a los ar\u233?vacos a negociar
. Cuando les ofreci\u243? unas condiciones moderadas \u8212?no sin antes arranca
rles una indemnizaci\u243?n de seiscientos talentos\u8212?, en el senado se le a
cus\u243? de blando, pues era una \u233?poca en que la dureza se hab\u237?a conv
ertido en la norma en pol\u237?tica exterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Marcelo no le qued\u243? m\u225?s remedio que proseguir la campa\u241?a, de mo
do que se dirigi\u243? a Numancia y cerc\u243? a sus habitantes. Los numantinos,
junto con otras tribus, se vieron obligados a mandar una legaci\u243?n a Roma p
ara discutir la paz. Aunque las cl\u225?usulas se estaban discutiendo, el senado
decidi\u243? en cualquier caso que uno de los nuevos c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o
151, Lucio Licinio L\u250?culo, viajara a Hispania con su ej\u233?rcito.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero su empresa se vio rodeada de dificultades diversas. Fulvio Nobilior y sus a
llegados hab\u237?an vuelto a Roma explicando cosas sobre aquella guerra que sem
braban el miedo en los posibles voluntarios: los celt\u237?beros eran guerreros
muy feroces, all\u237? se combat\u237?a constantemente \u8212?nada de librar una
o dos batallas decisivas en una campa\u241?a, como se hac\u237?a en Grecia\u821
2? y los legionarios ca\u237?an como moscas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? el d\u237?a del alistamiento, se presentaron muy pocos ciudada
nos en el Campo de Marte. L\u250?culo y el otro c\u243?nsul, Postumio Albino, se
empe\u241?aron en reclutar a todos los hombres disponibles sin admitir exencion
es para nadie. Muchos protestaron y pidieron {\i
auxilium} a los tribunos de la plebe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Estos magistrados hab\u237?an aparecido precisamente para proteger a los plebeyo
s de los abusos de los poderosos. Con el tiempo, la distinci\u243?n entre plebey
os y patricios se hab\u237?a difuminado, superada por la aparici\u243?n de una n
ueva \u233?lite, la {\i
nobilitas}, que dominaba el senado. Esta \u233?lite hab\u237?a absorbido pr\u225
?cticamente a los tribunos, convirtiendo su cargo en un escal\u243?n m\u225?s de
l {\i
cursus honorum}, otra manera distinta de ascender en la pol\u237?tica. Por eso,
para evitar enfrentamientos contra la clase a la que ellos mismos pertenec\u237?
an, los tribunos hab\u237?an suavizado mucho su agresividad contra las actuacion
es del senado y de los magistrados superiores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora, sin embargo, la guerra de Hispania estaba provocando tal tensi\u243?n ent
re los ciudadanos que deb\u237?an acudir a filas que varios tribunos actuaron y
ordenaron a los c\u243?nsules que, en lugar de reclutar a la fuerza, lo hicieran
por sorteo. (Al parecer, en los \u250?ltimos a\u241?os a muchos ciudadanos les

tocaba servir una y otra vez en las legiones, ya que los generales prefer\u237?a
n a quienes ya ten\u237?an experiencia de combate). Cuando tanto L\u250?culo com
o Postumio se negaron, los tribunos los hicieron arrestar y los tuvieron encarce
lados hasta que finalmente accedieron a sus demandas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
L\u250?culo sufri\u243? problemas asimismo para encontrar tribunos militares y l
egados. Era la primera vez que suced\u237?a algo as\u237?: siempre hab\u237?a m\
u225?s voluntarios que vacantes disponibles. Para espolear a otros senadores con
su ejemplo, Escipi\u243?n Emiliano, que entonces ten\u237?a treinta y tres a\u2
41?os, declar\u243? que, aunque se reclamaba su presencia en Macedonia, un lugar
mucho m\u225?s seguro, estaba dispuesto a arrostrar cualquier peligro por la pa
tria y a acompa\u241?ar a L\u250?culo en el puesto que este quisiera. Aquello an
im\u243? a los dem\u225?s y por fin las vacantes se cubrieron. La an\u233?cdota
la transmite Polibio (35.4), siempre dispuesto a ensalzar a su amigo Escipi\u243
?n, pero revela el pavor que despertaba la campa\u241?a de Hispania.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Cuando L\u250?culo lleg\u243? al territorio celt\u237?bero con su ej\u233?rcito,
se encontr\u243? con que los numantinos hab\u237?an firmado la paz con Marcelo.
Despu\u233?s de haber viajado hasta all\u237?, L\u250?culo no se iba a resignar
a acantonar sin m\u225?s a sus tropas, m\u225?xime cuando para alcanzar el carg
o de c\u243?nsul hab\u237?a contra\u237?do grandes deudas que solo pod\u237?a pa
gar obteniendo bot\u237?n. Olvid\u225?ndose de Numancia, decidi\u243? atacar a l
os vacceos, vecinos de los ar\u233?vacos, sin que se hubiera declarado ninguna g
uerra contra ellos. En primer lugar, se dirigi\u243? contra Cauca (Coca, en Sego
via). Cuando los lugare\u241?os se rindieron, el c\u243?nsul hizo entrar a sus t
ropas en la ciudad y les orden\u243? saquearla y matar a todos los varones en ed
ad de combatir, algo que no contribuy\u243? precisamente al buen cr\u233?dito de
Roma en la zona.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, atac\u243? Intercacia, que algunos autores sit\u250?an en l
as inmediaciones de Villalpando, en Zamora. En aquel asedio lo m\u225?s destacad
o fue la actuaci\u243?n personal de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano. En una pausa entre c
ombates, un guerrero celt\u237?bero de aspecto formidable cabalg\u243? hacia las
l\u237?neas romanas retando a batirse en duelo singular a quien quisiera. Escip
i\u243?n, pese a no ser hombre de gran estatura, se ofreci\u243? a luchar contra
\u233?l. Estuvo a punto de perder la vida cuando el celt\u237?bero hiri\u243? a
su caballo, pero consigui\u243? caer de pie, continu\u243? la lucha y acab\u243
? derrotando a su adversario. En ese mismo asedio, fue el primero en escalar al
asalto de la muralla, otra acci\u243?n igualmente arriesgada.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Estos dos actos eran prueba de valor, pero tambi\u233?n formaban parte de una op
eraci\u243?n destinada a ganar popularidad, gracias a la cual pudo convertirse e
n c\u243?nsul antes de tiempo. Durante esta misma campa\u241?a, L\u250?culo apro
vech\u243? los lazos que un\u237?an a los Escipiones con la familia real n\u250?
mida para enviarlo a \u193?frica por elefantes. Fue entonces cuando Emiliano pre
senci\u243? la batalla entre las tropas del anciano Masinisa y los cartagineses.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Merced a sus pactos con Marcelo, la ciudad de Numancia se mantuvo en paz durante
unos a\u241?os. Pero en el a\u241?o 143, animados por el \u233?xito de Viriato,
los ar\u233?vacos se sumaron a la revuelta lusitana. El c\u243?nsul Cecilio Met
elo Maced\u243?nico los atac\u243? con un poderoso ej\u233?rcito y consigui\u243
? que la mayor\u237?a de ellos se rindieran. Con todo, mantuvieron la resistenci
a algunas peque\u241?as fortalezas y, sobre todo, Numancia, que poco a poco se e
staba convirtiendo en un s\u237?mbolo de la oposici\u243?n al invasor.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Numancia aguantar\u237?a todav\u237?a diez a\u241?os la presi\u243?n de Roma, al
go que parece una heroicidad sobrehumana considerando que su enemiga era la mayo
r potencia del Mediterr\u225?neo. Pero hay que tener en cuenta que la crisis soc
ial y pol\u237?tica de la Rep\u250?blica estaba a punto de estallar. Por complej
as razones que detallaremos al hablar de los hermanos Graco, cada vez resultaba
m\u225?s complicado encontrar reclutas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En general, el ej\u233?rcito romano hab\u237?a entrado en una fase de decadencia

. Como se\u241?ala Adrian Goldsworthy, en el cap\u237?tulo dedicado a Escipi\u24

3?n Emiliano, en {\i
Grandes generales del ej\u233?rcito romano} (p. 14):\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La generaci\u243?n de la Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica estaba muerta o era demasiad
o mayor para el servicio activo y una buena parte de la experiencia acumulada ha
b\u237?a ca\u237?do en el olvido. El sistema de milicia romano hac\u237?a dif\u2
37?cil conservar los conocimientos por alguna v\u237?a institucional y ese probl
ema se agrav\u243? a\u250?n m\u225?s por la escasa frecuencia de conflictos en e
l segundo cuarto del siglo. En el a\u241?o 157 a.C., el senado se mostr\u243? es
pecialmente dispuesto a enviar una expedici\u243?n a Dalmacia porque tem\u237?a
que una paz prolongada pod\u237?a volver afeminados a los italianos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Estos problemas que afectaban a la tropa se agravaban porque el mando cambiaba t
odos los a\u241?os y unos generales deshac\u237?an lo que hab\u237?an hecho los
otros. Buena culpa de ello la ten\u237?a la lucha de facciones en el senado. Las
dos principales en aquel momento eran las que orbitaban en torno a los Claudios
y los Escipiones, m\u225?s tradicionalistas los primeros \u8212?y en cierto mod
o \u171?nacionalistas\u187?\u8212? y m\u225?s filohelenos y abiertos a la influe
ncia exterior los segundos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En las sucesivas campa\u241?as contra Numancia, los ej\u233?rcitos romanos sufri
eron reveses de todo tipo. El m\u225?s humillante fue el del Cayo Hostilio Manci
no, c\u243?nsul del a\u241?o 138, al que acompa\u241?aba como cuestor Tiberio Gr
aco, hijo del hombre que hab\u237?a firmado aquella paz tan duradera para Hispan
ia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras fracasar en varios asaltos contra la ciudad, Mancino recibi\u243? la falsa
informaci\u243?n de que hordas de c\u225?ntabros y vacceos ven\u237?an en ayuda
de los numantinos. Temiendo verse rodeado de enemigos, el c\u243?nsul hizo que s
us hombres apagaran los fuegos del cuartel y todos huyeron en la oscuridad de la
noche a un lugar donde Nobilior hab\u237?a acampado unos a\u241?os antes.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se hizo de d\u237?a, los romanos se vieron rodeados por los numantinos, q
ue los hab\u237?an perseguido. A esas alturas, los legionarios apenas hab\u237?a
n podido excavar una zanja para fortificar el campamento, por lo que se hallaban
pr\u225?cticamente indefensos. Seg\u250?n Apiano, los numantinos no ten\u237?an
m\u225?s que ocho mil guerreros, aunque todos de primera clase. Es muy posible
que aqu\u237? recibieran ayuda de otros pueblos vecinos, y en cualquier caso con
taban con la ventaja de conocer el terreno y de haber atra\u237?do a los enemigo
s a una posici\u243?n desfavorable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mancino envi\u243? heraldos para pactar una tregua. Los numantinos respondieron
que \u250?nicamente lo har\u237?an si el mediador era Tiberio Graco, en quien co
nfiaban por ser hijo de su padre. Cuando Graco negoci\u243? las condiciones, Man
cino las acept\u243? aunque eran humillantes: aparte de firmar la paz con Numanc
ia, los romanos deb\u237?an entregar como bot\u237?n de guerra todas sus pertene
ncias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era la \u250?nica forma de que el c\u243?nsul pudiera salvar a sus veinte mil ho
mbres. Pero cuando regres\u243? a Roma, el senado se neg\u243? a aceptar las con
diciones de paz pactadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema era que Mancino hab\u237?a prestado un juramento, por lo que, si se
romp\u237?a, hab\u237?a que contentar a los dioses de alg\u250?n modo. Por orden
del senado, los sacerdotes feciales, encargados de los rituales relativos a la
guerra, llevaron al c\u243?nsul de regreso a Hispania. Con el consentimiento de
Mancino, lo dejaron desnudo y con las manos atadas a la espalda ante los muros d
e Numancia para que sus habitantes hicieran con \u233?l lo que quisieran. Era un
a forma de expiar la ofensa religiosa que supon\u237?a romper el tratado.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Los numantinos, por su parte, se negaron a aceptar aquella extra\u241?a ofrenda.
Cuando Mancino volvi\u243? a su casa, lejos de avergonzarse por lo ocurrido, hi
zo que le esculpieran una estatua en la que aparec\u237?a desnudo y encadenado:
era un modo de demostrar que hab\u237?a aceptado sacrificarse por Roma en lugar
de huir. Una consecuencia inesperada de estos hechos fue que Tiberio Graco, gara

nte del pacto con los numantinos, se qued\u243? muy resentido con el resto del s
enado, algo que influir\u237?a en sus posteriores actuaciones pol\u237?ticas.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras el fracaso de Mancino, los numantinos vivieron unos a\u241?os de tregua. No
era oficial, puesto que el senado hab\u237?a decretado que la guerra deb\u237?a
continuar, pero los tres c\u243?nsules que sucedieron a Mancino prefirieron con
centrar sus campa\u241?as en la tribu de los vacceos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A estas alturas, Numancia constitu\u237?a una ofensa para Roma. Convencido de qu
e \u250?nicamente el destructor de Cartago pod\u237?a librarlos de aquel bald\u2
43?n, en 134 los ciudadanos votaron a Escipi\u243?n Emiliano como c\u243?nsul.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Consciente de que la ciudad se hallaba exhausta, el nuevo general prefiri\u243?
no hacer m\u225?s levas. En su lugar pidi\u243? voluntarios, y se presentaron cu
atro mil. Su n\u250?cleo duro lo formaban quinientos allegados y clientes a los
que Escipi\u243?n denomin\u243? \u171?la tropa de amigos\u187?. Entre ellos hab\
u237?a personajes de los que se oir\u237?a hablar m\u225?s adelante, como Cecili
o Metelo, Rutilio Rufo y, sobre todo, Cayo Mario. Tambi\u233?n se encontraban al
l\u237? Cayo Graco, hermano menor de Tiberio, y el historiador Polibio. No tarda
ron en llegar refuerzos de Numidia, mandados por un pr\u237?ncipe llamado Yugurt
a que tambi\u233?n dar\u237?a mucho que comentar en el futuro.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? a Hispania y recibi\u243? las tropas de su predecesor en el ca
rgo, Escipi\u243?n se encontr\u243? con que la moral estaba incluso m\u225?s hun
dida y las costumbres se hab\u237?an relajado m\u225?s que en el sitio de Cartag
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo primero que hizo el nuevo c\u243?nsul fue reinstaurar las ordenanzas de forma
tan expeditiva como sol\u237?a hacerlo. Para empezar, expuls\u243? a las prosti
tutas \u8212?nada menos que dos mil\u8212? y tambi\u233?n a mercaderes y adivino
s de todo tipo. Ni los vivanderos que vend\u237?an provisiones al ej\u233?rcito
se salvaron: igual que hab\u237?a hecho en Cartago, el c\u243?nsul ech\u243? a t
odos y solo permiti\u243? a sus soldados comer las raciones oficiales, prescindi
endo de refinados manjares destinados a dar placer al paladar. Tambi\u233?n les
prohibi\u243? hacer las marchas montados en mulas, vendi\u243? los carros y redu
jo el bagaje al m\u237?nimo. Orden\u243? marchar a la mayor\u237?a de los esclav
os y se burl\u243? especialmente de aquellos soldados y oficiales que ten\u237?a
n sirvientes que los ba\u241?aban y les ung\u237?an el cuerpo, diciendo que tan
solo las mulas, que no tienen manos sino cascos, necesitan que las almohacen. Cu
alquier cosa que le pareciera sospechosa de lujo la prohib\u237?a, como los colc
hones, y \u233?l mismo daba ejemplo durmiendo en un sencillo jerg\u243?n de paja
tendido en el suelo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este modelo impact\u243? mucho en dos de sus tribunos, Metelo y Mario, que a\u24
1?os m\u225?s tarde recurrir\u237?an a la misma disciplina y al ejemplo personal
en la guerra de Numidia. En realidad, podr\u237?a decirse que Escipi\u243?n fue
un adelantado de las reformas que se le atribuyeron a Mario; pero esta es una c
uesti\u243?n que se discutir\u225? m\u225?s adelante al relatar las guerras cont
ra los cimbrios y teutones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de enfrentarse directamente al enemigo, Escipi\u243?n ejercit\u243? a sus
hombres con marchas muy duras. Al terminar cada jornada insist\u237?a en que se
levantara el campamento seg\u250?n las ordenanzas, sin descuidar ning\u250?n det
alle, ni la fosa, ni el terrapl\u233?n, ni la empalizada. Todo deb\u237?a hacers
e cumpliendo un estricto l\u237?mite de tiempo para que los soldados se acostumb
raran a trabajar con presi\u243?n, ya que en m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n se ver
\u237?an obligados a realizar esas tareas bajo el fuego enemigo.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Por fin, cuando consider\u243? que sus tropas estaban preparadas, se intern\u243
? en territorio celt\u237?bero. Lo primero que hizo fue lanzar una ofensiva cont
ra los vacceos y arrancar el grano de sus campos, aunque todav\u237?a no estaba
maduro, para que no pudieran suministrar v\u237?veres a los numantinos. Despu\u2
33?s, tras diversas escaramuzas (entre otras vicisitudes, tuvo que acudir person
almente al rescate de un escuadr\u243?n de caballer\u237?a mandado por Rutilio R

ufo), se dirigi\u243? al coraz\u243?n del problema, Numancia.\par\pard\plain\hyp

hpar} {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los romanos llegaban ante una ciudad amurallada era bastante t\u237?pico
que lanzaran un asalto inicial, como ya se hab\u237?a hecho en Cartago. Escipi\u
243?n hab\u237?a presenciado aquel ataque y sab\u237?a que no hab\u237?a servido
para nada y, por otra parte, conoc\u237?a la solidez de las murallas de Numanci
a y el car\u225?cter feroz de sus guerreros. Los numantinos no pose\u237?an un e
j\u233?rcito muy numeroso, pero en los asaltos a posiciones fortificadas los def
ensores siempre contaban con ventaja y, si eran disciplinados y valientes, casi
siempre inflig\u237?an muchas m\u225?s bajas de las que sufr\u237?an. Convencido
de que la fortaleza \u250?nicamente caer\u237?a por hambre, Escipi\u243?n orden
\u243? construir dos campamentos y puso a su hermano carnal M\u225?ximo Emiliano
al mando de uno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los numantinos sacaron sus tropas delante de la muralla y le retaron a combatir.
Aunque eran muchos menos que sus efectivos \u8212?\u233?l ten\u237?a m\u225?s d
e cincuenta mil hombres\u8212?, Escipi\u243?n no pic\u243? el anzuelo. Si el com
bate se libraba cerca de la muralla, sus soldados tendr\u237?an que protegerse a
l mismo tiempo de los oponentes situados frente a ellos y de los proyectiles lan
zados desde el parapeto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras levantar los campamentos, los romanos cercaron la ciudad con un per\u237?me
tro de unos nueve kil\u243?metros, provisto de doble trinchera y terrapl\u233?n,
m\u225?s un muro de m\u225?s de tres metros de alto con torres defensivas de ma
dera repartidas cada treinta metros y equipadas con m\u225?quinas de artiller\u2
37?a. A lo largo de esa circunvalaci\u243?n se alzaban siete fuertes, construido
s con paredes de piedra para defenderse tanto de los enemigos como del fr\u237?o
de las noches sorianas. Para comunicarse entre unos fuertes y otros y pedir ayu
da en caso de que los numantinos hicieran una salida, los sitiadores desarrollar
on un sistema en el que se serv\u237?an de banderas de d\u237?a y hogueras de no
che para transmitir un complejo c\u243?digo de se\u241?ales, tal vez dise\u241?a
do por Polibio (si conserv\u225?ramos su obra completa lo sabr\u237?amos con cer
teza).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel per\u237?metro ofrec\u237?a un solo hueco, el Duero. Por \u233?l entraban
y sal\u237?an provisiones, y tambi\u233?n guerreros, a veces en peque\u241?os bo
tes y a veces buceando. Como el r\u237?o era demasiado ancho y bajaba demasiado
crecido para construir un puente, Escipi\u243?n orden\u243? construir una torre
en cada orilla. Despu\u233?s, los ingenieros tendieron entre ambas una red de cu

erdas a las que ataron vigas de madera. Dichas vigas, sacudidas por la corriente
, estaban erizadas de cuchillos y puntas de lanza, de modo que hac\u237?an picad
illo a todo el que intentara pasar por all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se cerr\u243? el cerco, era pr\u225?cticamente impenetrable. Por si acaso
, Escipi\u243?n inspeccionaba cada d\u237?a y cada noche el circuito completo. E
l \u250?nico que consigui\u243? salir de Numancia durante el asedio fue un tal C
araunio. Tras matar a unos centinelas y huir con unos cuantos amigos en una noch
e encapotada, recorri\u243? las diversas poblaciones de los ar\u233?vacos para p
edir ayuda. Ninguna se la prest\u243?, pues tem\u237?an las represalias de los r
omanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, Caraunio y sus compa\u241?eros llegaron a Lutia, a unos sesenta kil\u24
3?metros de Numancia seg\u250?n Apiano. Los j\u243?venes del lugar, m\u225?s bel
icosos, les prometieron ayuda, pero los ancianos se asustaron de las consecuenci
as y enviaron un mensaje en secreto a Escipi\u243?n. Este lo recibi\u243? un par
de horas despu\u233?s de mediod\u237?a y se puso en camino sin perder tiempo co
n una fuerza numerosa. Al amanecer, rode\u243? el lugar y orden\u243? que le ent
regaran a los c\u243?mplices de Caraunio; de lo contrario, saquear\u237?a la pob
laci\u243?n. Cuando los habitantes de la ciudad obedecieron su orden, Escipi\u24
3?n, que estaba decidido a que nadie ayudara a los numantinos, cort\u243? las ma
nos a aquellos j\u243?venes, que eran cerca de cuatrocientos.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Al comprobar que estaban m\u225?s solos que nunca, los numantinos enviaron seis
embajadores a Escipi\u243?n para negociar con \u233?l. El general, que a estas a
lturas mandaba a las tropas ya como proc\u243?nsul con el mando prorrogado, cont
est\u243? que solo aceptar\u237?a una {\i
deditio in fidem}, una rendici\u243?n incondicional. Cuando los emisarios regres
aron a la ciudad, los numantinos los mataron haciendo bueno el proverbio de \u17
1?matar al mensajero\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El cerco era tan herm\u233?tico que los numantinos no pod\u237?an recibir ni una
m\u237?sera brizna de heno del exterior. Pronto empezaron a hervir el cuero par
a masticarlo, como hab\u237?an hecho los cartagineses asediados por Masinisa tra
s su derrota. Despu\u233?s recurrieron a la carne humana: empezaron por aprovech
ar los cad\u225?veres de los que fallec\u237?an de muerte natural, mas lleg\u243
? un momento en que los m\u225?s fuertes mataban a los m\u225?s d\u233?biles en
una especie de terrible darwinismo social que se repet\u237?a en m\u225?s de un
asedio (v\u233?ase en el cap\u237?tulo sobre la guerra de las Galias lo que ocur
ri\u243? en Alesia).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, tras quince meses de sitio, los supervivientes se rindieron, fam\u233?l
icos y desgre\u241?ados, muchos de ellos con las miradas extraviadas por los hor
rores que hab\u237?an presenciado dentro de la ciudad. No deb\u237?an de ser dem
asiados, porque muchos hab\u237?an muerto durante el asedio y otros se hab\u237?
an suicidado por no entregarse a los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escipi\u243?n se reserv\u243? a cincuenta prisioneros para el desfile triunfal y
a los dem\u225?s los vendi\u243? como esclavos. Luego arras\u243? la ciudad com
o hab\u237?a hecho con Cartago. Por su triunfo, pudo a\u241?adir otro {\i
cognomen} \u8212?Numantino\u8212? a su nombre: Publio Cornelio Escipi\u243?n Afr
icano Numantino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la muerte de Viriato y la ca\u237?da de Numancia, Hispania dej\u243? de ser
ese temido Vietnam para los romanos (quiz\u225? hoy podr\u237?amos hablar con m
\u225?s propiedad de Afganist\u225?n). Todav\u237?a se mantuvieron muchos focos
de resistencia, pero los pueblos que siguieron sin someterse a Roma en el norte
y el oeste estaban mucho menos desarrollados que los lusitanos y los celt\u237?b
eros, no planteaban una resistencia tan fiera y sus incursiones no sembraban ya
tanta devastaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con todo, la llamada \u171?romanizaci\u243?n\u187? a\u250?n tardar\u237?a en lle
gar. Muchos a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde, cuando Julio C\u233?sar fue gobernador de
Hispania, en el a\u241?o 61, alcanz\u243? el Atl\u225?ntico y someti\u243? a tri
bus \u171?que hasta entonces nunca hab\u237?an estado bajo la autoridad de Roma\
u187?, en palabras de Plutarco ({\i
C\u233?sar}, 12). Incluso veinte a\u241?os despu\u233?s, Asinio Poli\u243?n, que

mandaba las tropas cesarianas en Hispania, ped\u237?a disculpas a Cicer\u243?n

en una carta por haber tardado tanto en contestarle, explicando que los bandidos
del Saltus Castulonensis (Sierra Morena) imped\u237?an el paso a sus mensajeros
o {\i
tabellarii}. Te\u243?ricamente, la conquista de Hispania se complet\u243? en el
a\u241?o 19 a.C., cuando Augusto someti\u243? a los c\u225?ntabros y astures, pe
ro es m\u225?s que seguro que durante mucho tiempo siguieron manteni\u233?ndose
reductos aislados de la influencia romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras Escipi\u243?n segu\u237?a en Numancia, le llegaron noticias preocupante
s de Roma. En medio de violentos disturbios, su cu\u241?ado Tiberio Sempronio Gr
aco hab\u237?a sido asesinado. Cuando le explicaron las circunstancias, Escipi\u
243?n respondi\u243? con un verso de Homero: \u171?\u161?Que as\u237? perezca to
do aquel que cometa acciones semejantes!\u187?. En el cap\u237?tulo siguiente ex
plicaremos el motivo de esta enigm\u225?tica frase.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\pa
r\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
III\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LOS HERMANOS GRACO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA NUEVA RIQUEZA Y LOS CAMBIOS SOCIALES\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, en el a\u241?o 133, hab\u237?a ca\u237?do Numancia. Hispania seguir\u23
7?a dando quebraderos de cabeza, pero ya no ser\u237?a el foco principal de preo
cupaciones para el senado y el pueblo romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese mismo a\u241?o ocurrieron muchas otras cosas. Una de ellas, que la influenci
a que desde hac\u237?a tiempo pose\u237?a la Rep\u250?blica en la costa de la ac
tual Turqu\u237?a, que por aquel entonces se conoc\u237?a como Asia Menor, se co
nvirti\u243? en una posesi\u243?n mucho m\u225?s concreta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Uno de los reinos m\u225?s opulentos de aquella zona era P\u233?rgamo, heredero
del ef\u237?mero imperio de Alejandro Magno. Tambi\u233?n era de los aliados m\u
225?s fieles de la Rep\u250?blica, pues su rey, \u193?talo I, ya hab\u237?a ayud
ado a Roma en la Primera Guerra Maced\u243?nica. Gracias a ese apoyo, P\u233?rga
mo hab\u237?a aumentado sus dominios hasta convertirse en el estado m\u225?s ext
enso de la pen\u237?nsula de Anatolia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El \u250?ltimo soberano de la dinast\u237?a gobernante se llam\u243? \u193?talo,
el tercero de su nombre, y era un personaje muy peculiar. Fue conocido con el s
obrenombre de Filom\u233?tor, \u171?amante de su madre\u187?, y mucho deb\u237?a
amarla, porque cuando ella falleci\u243? culp\u243? de su muerte a sus amigos y
parientes e hizo asesinar a un buen n\u250?mero de ellos. Despu\u233?s se retir
\u243? de la vida p\u250?blica, dej\u225?ndose crecer la barba y el cabello como
si fuera un reo, y dedic\u243? todo su tiempo a cultivar su jard\u237?n y a mod
elar figuras en cera que luego convert\u237?a en vaciados de bronce. Seg\u250?n
Justino, hac\u237?a esto como si hubiera enloquecido{\super
[4]} porque lo acosaban los manes, los esp\u237?ritus de aquellos a quienes hab\
u237?a asesinado. Pero da que pensar si su problema mental no vendr\u237?a de an
tes y ser\u237?a la causa y no la consecuencia de aquellos cr\u237?menes.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, \u193?talo decidi\u243? levantar una estatua en honor de su madre. L
o hizo al aire libre y con una dedicaci\u243?n tan obsesiva que pill\u243? una t
errible insolaci\u243?n y muri\u243? siete d\u237?as despu\u233?s. No ten\u237?a
hijos. Como este mis\u225?ntropo hab\u237?a liquidado a muchos de sus parientes
y con los que quedaban vivos no deb\u237?a de llevarse bien, en su testamento l
e leg\u243? el reino entero a la Rep\u250?blica de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{

Y eso ocurri\u243?, como dec\u237?amos, precisamente en el a\u241?o 133, fecha m

uy se\u241?alada en la historia romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La herencia de \u193?talo inclu\u237?a una gran cantidad de dinero, que se sum\u
243? al caudal que entraba en Roma sin cesar. La Rep\u250?blica recib\u237?a tod
os los a\u241?os tributos de las provincias, que se sumaban a los ingresos obten
idos de las minas, sobre todo en Hispania. Adem\u225?s, gracias a los conflictos
armados, obten\u237?a indemnizaciones de guerra, y tambi\u233?n cuantiosos boti
nes y tesoros que iban a parar en parte al bolsillo de los generales y sus solda
dos y en parte el erario p\u250?blico. Al final, de un modo u otro, todo aquel r
\u237?o de oro y plata acababa desembocando en Roma. Hasta tal punto hab\u237?an
aumentado las riquezas de la Rep\u250?blica que desde 167 los ciudadanos dejaro
n de pagar el {\i
tributum}, un impuesto directo que el Estado les exig\u237?a casi todos los a\u2
41?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El ejemplo del {\i
tributum} puede hacer pensar que toda la poblaci\u243?n de Roma se benefici\u243
? de las conquistas. Pero suele ocurrir que, cuando una sociedad se enriquece co
n mucha rapidez, no lo hace de forma equilibrada, y a menudo las diferencias ent
re los m\u225?s ricos y los m\u225?s pobres se disparan.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
\u191?Sucedi\u243? algo as\u237? en Roma? Todo indica que s\u237?.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Los romanos segu\u237?an mirando con devoci\u243?n su prestigioso pasado, la \u2
33?poca fundacional de la Rep\u250?blica, cuando personajes como el c\u243?nsul
y dictador Cincinato labraban la tierra con sus propias manos.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Esta uni\u243?n con la tierra segu\u237?a existiendo. La obsesi\u243?n que hoy t
enemos con poseer una casa era m\u225?s primordial en el caso de los romanos, qu
e quer\u237?an sentir c\u243?mo sus pies se clavaban directamente en el suelo co
n profundas ra\u237?ces. Por eso sus legiones las compon\u237?an peque\u241?os p
ropietarios, dispuestos a defender con sangre la tierra de la que viv\u237?an y
en la que cuando mor\u237?an eran enterrados. Esto \u250?ltimo era sumamente imp
ortante para ellos: cuando luchaban contra un invasor, sus generales los exhorta
ban a defender las tumbas de sus antepasados. Tambi\u233?n los santuarios, que p
ara los antiguos eran puntos clave, poseedores de una especie de energ\u237?a m\
u237?stica que emanaba de las profundidades.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por eso, la tierra siempre hab\u237?a sido un signo de diferenciaci\u243?n socia
l. En los primeros tiempos de la Rep\u250?blica, la riqueza de un ciudadano se m
ed\u237?a en {\i
iugera} o yugadas, la extensi\u243?n de terreno que una yunta de bueyes pod\u237
?a arar en un d\u237?a y que equival\u237?a a un cuarto de hect\u225?rea o veint
icinco mil metros cuadrados. En aquella \u233?poca, el ideal de un hombre era ba
starse para mantener a su familia. Lo que se produc\u237?a en sus tierras lo con
sum\u237?an los suyos y el grano sobrante lo almacenaban para los malos tiempos.
El campesino y sus hijos fabricaban la mayor\u237?a de sus herramientas y las m
ujeres de la familia tej\u237?an la ropa, en una econom\u237?a aut\u225?rquica.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero las cosas ya hab\u237?an empezado a cambiar en el siglo III, y ahora las co
nquistas masivas del siglo II aceleraron las transformaciones. Exist\u237?a una
ingente cantidad de monedas en circulaci\u243?n, dinero que ca\u237?a sobre todo
en manos de la \u233?lite. \u191?En qu\u233? pod\u237?a emplearse tanta liquide
z? La mentalidad de los nobles romanos segu\u237?a siendo muy tradicional, as\u2
37? que la inversi\u243?n m\u225?s honrosa y segura era la tierra.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la guerra contra An\u237?bal hab\u237?a abundancia de terrenos p
ara comprar. Muchos hab\u237?an quedado desocupados porque sus due\u241?os hab\u
237?an muerto combatiendo. Otros hab\u237?an sufrido a\u241?os de devastaci\u243
?n y, debido a los incendios y el abandono, hab\u237?an quedado pr\u225?cticamen
te inutilizables. Para recuperarlos hac\u237?a falta invertir un dinero que los
peque\u241?os propietarios no ten\u237?an. O bien se rend\u237?an, vend\u237?an

sus parcelas a vecinos m\u225?s ricos y emigraban a la ciudad, o aguantaban un t

iempo endeud\u225?ndose y al final, cuando no pod\u237?an pagar, perd\u237?an su
s tierras. Por \u250?ltimo, estaban las tierras comunales, el {\i
ager publicus}, sobre el que hablaremos un poco m\u225?s adelante.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Poco a poco se fueron aglutinando propiedades m\u225?s extensas, sobre todo en e
l sur de Italia y en las zonas m\u225?s llanas del centro. No se trataba de lati
fundios muy amplios, pues no sol\u237?an superar las cien hect\u225?reas. Pero s
us due\u241?os pose\u237?an muchas de estas fincas repartidas por diversos lugar
es, lo que los convert\u237?a por acumulaci\u243?n en grandes terratenientes. Pu
esto que les era imposible atender todas sus parcelas y adem\u225?s pasaban la m
ayor parte del tiempo en Roma dedicados a la pol\u237?tica, dejaban su explotaci
\u243?n en manos de personal especializado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese fue otro cambio que perjudic\u243? a los peque\u241?os propietarios. Por el
contacto con los griegos, tanto en el sur de Italia como en los reinos helen\u23
7?sticos, los romanos descubrieron nuevos m\u233?todos de explotaci\u243?n. En l
ugar de diversificar produciendo cereales, legumbres y pasto a la vez para ser a
utosuficientes, aprendieron a concentrar sus esfuerzos en los cultivos m\u225?s
rentables. La idea era producir excedentes, venderlos y seguir enriqueci\u233?nd
ose. Pero eso solo pod\u237?an hacerlo personas acomodadas que ten\u237?an diner
o suficiente para invertir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quien mejor explic\u243? los nuevos m\u233?todos fue Cat\u243?n el Censor en su
obra {\i
Sobre la agricultura}. No deja de ser curioso, porque Cat\u243?n se consideraba
el depositario de las aut\u233?nticas tradiciones de la Rep\u250?blica. Segurame
nte, si alguien le hubiese dicho que \u233?l mismo estaba contribuyendo a cargar
se esas tradiciones, se habr\u237?a llevado las manos a la cabeza escandalizado.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su tratado estaba dirigido a aquellos medianos propietarios que quer\u237?an enr
iquecerse con la agricultura. Una actividad honrada, no como la odiosa usura, y
de la que \u171?provienen los hombres m\u225?s valientes y los soldados m\u225?s
fuertes\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cat\u243?n aconsejaba al terrateniente adquirir fincas cerca de buenas v\u237?as
de comunicaci\u243?n para poder vender fuera sus productos. Lo mejor era concen
trarse en la vid y el olivo, que ofrec\u237?an m\u225?s beneficios, aun mantenie
ndo peque\u241?as parcelas de cereales para no tener que adquirirlos fuera. El i
deal de Cat\u243?n se resum\u237?a en esta frase: \u171?Conviene que el paterfam
ilias sea vendedor y no comprador\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para que la propiedad fuera m\u225?s rentable, hab\u237?a que explotarla con tra
bajadores que costaran lo menos posible. \u191?A qui\u233?nes recurr\u237?an los
terratenientes, tanto en la obra de Cat\u243?n como en el campo real?\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
A los esclavos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esclavos hab\u237?an existido siempre en Roma, pero en un n\u250?mero reducido.
Fue a partir de la Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica cuando inundaron Italia. Las guerr
as de conquista ofrec\u237?an el mayor suministro de esta mano de obra barata: e
ntre el a\u241?o 200 y el 150 se calcula que doscientos cincuenta mil prisionero
s de guerra fueron vendidos como esclavos. Por s\u237? solo Emilio Paulo, el ven
cedor de Pidna, esclaviz\u243? a ciento cincuenta mil personas en el Epiro en el
a\u241?o 168.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hab\u237?a otras fuentes para conseguir siervos. Los {\i
vernae} o hijos de esclavos tambi\u233?n lo eran por nacimiento, al igual que lo
s ni\u241?os a los que sus padres vend\u237?an o abandonaban. Adem\u225?s, estab
an aquellas personas que se convert\u237?an en esclavos por no poder pagar sus d
eudas. Tambi\u233?n hay que contar con los que ca\u237?an en manos de piratas, u
na plaga end\u233?mica en el Mediterr\u225?neo oriental.{\super
[5]} Precisamente all\u237?, merced a la pirater\u237?a, se hallaba el mayor mer
cado de carne humana, la isla de Delos, donde cada d\u237?a se hac\u237?an trans
acciones de miles de esclavos, lo cual hab\u237?a dado origen a un dicho: \u171?
Mercader, desembarca y descarga, que ya se ha vendido todo lo que hab\u237?a\u18

7?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se daba el caso, incluso, de quienes se vend\u237?an a s\u237? mismos como escla
vos. \u191?C\u243?mo pod\u237?a ocurrir algo as\u237?? Algunas personas se encon
traban en situaci\u243?n desesperada, y gracias a la servidumbre consegu\u237?an
al menos comida, ropa y un techo donde dormir. Los criados dom\u233?sticos eran
considerados parte de la familia y, seg\u250?n el talante de los due\u241?os, p
od\u237?an recibir un trato humano. Por otra parte, los que trabajaban como arte
sanos especializados gozaban de mejores condiciones, reten\u237?an parte del fru
to de su trabajo y pod\u237?an llegar a comprar su libertad.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
El trato que recib\u237?a un esclavo depend\u237?a, b\u225?sicamente, del precio
que se hubiera pagado por \u233?l. El r\u233?cord lo marc\u243? Lutacio Dafnis,
un gram\u225?tico que cost\u243? setecientos cincuenta mil sestercios, un diner
al que habr\u237?a servido para pagar el sueldo de un a\u241?o a mil quinientos
legionarios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El precio para un esclavo destinado a la agricultura era mucho m\u225?s bajo, en
tre mil y dos mil sestercios. Las condiciones en el campo resultaban muy duras,
tanto que el \u250?nico lugar peor eran las minas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La mayor\u237?a de las fincas romanas ten\u237?an unas c\u225?rceles llamadas {\
i
ergastula}, a menudo subterr\u225?neas y apenas iluminadas por estrechas tronera
s. Era all\u237? donde los amos o m\u225?s a menudo los capataces encerraban y e
ncadenaban a los esclavos remisos o desobedientes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, para el due\u241?o de una finca sus siervos eran simple maquinaria
agr\u237?cola. As\u237? lo demuestra Cat\u243?n en su obra cuando calcula con pr
ecisi\u243?n cu\u225?nto hay que gastarse en vestir y dar de comer a un esclavo
y cu\u225?nto tiempo debe descansar si el amo no quiere que se debilite y rinda
menos o que, directamente, se desplome reventado. Ahora bien, si el esclavo cae
enfermo, como no tiene que hacer tanto desgaste f\u237?sico, Cat\u243?n recomien
da disminuir su raci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A\u241?adir\u237?a el t\u243?pico \u171?sin comentarios\u187?, pero no me resist
o a poner aqu\u237? el final de este cap\u237?tulo de Cat\u243?n:\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Vende los bueyes viejos, el ganado y las ovejas en malas condiciones. Vende la l
ana y el cuero, tu carro y tus herramientas viejas, y tambi\u233?n a tus esclavo
s ancianos y enfermos y cualquier otra cosa que te sobre. ({\i
Sobre la agricultura}, 2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con estas condiciones, no es extra\u241?o que los esclavos del campo se sublevar
an de forma peri\u243?dica. La m\u225?s conocida de estas revueltas fue la de Es
partaco, que narraremos en su momento, pero a mediados del siglo II ya empezaban
a producirse rebeliones masivas, sobre todo en Sicilia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
En estos tiempos en que se deslocalizan empresas, se busca mano de obra m\u225?s
barata en otros pa\u237?ses y se nos intenta convencer de que debemos empeorar
nuestras condiciones de trabajo para ser m\u225?s competitivos, nos resultar\u22
5? f\u225?cil comprender cu\u225?l era el problema para los peque\u241?os campes
inos. Si perd\u237?an sus tierras, o si lo que sacaban de ellas no bastaba para
alimentar a sus familias, muchos de ellos intentaban ganarse un extra trabajando
como jornaleros para otros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, estos hombres libres no pod\u237?an competir con los esclavos como
mano de obra. Hab\u237?a que pagarles m\u225?s, no se los pod\u237?a azotar ni e
ncerrar en los {\i
ergastula} y, para colmo, en cualquier momento el Estado pod\u237?a reclutarlos
para las legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Expulsados del campo por la concentraci\u243?n de tierras en manos de los m\u225
?s ricos y por la competencia de los esclavos, los peque\u241?os propietarios ac
ababan emigrando a la ciudad. El destino m\u225?s buscado era la propia Roma, do
nde se calcula que acud\u237?a una media de al menos seis mil personas al a\u241
?o. De ah\u237? que en los dos \u250?ltimos siglos de la Rep\u250?blica su pobla
ci\u243?n pasara de ciento cincuenta mil a m\u225?s de quinientos cincuenta mil,

y que en \u233?poca imperial alcanzara y quiz\u225? superara el mill\u243?n. Un

a aut\u233?ntica monstruosidad para la \u233?poca que se puede comparar, salvand
o las distancias, a megal\u243?polis actuales como Ciudad de M\u233?xico, Bombay
o Yakarta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es cierto que la urbe ofrec\u237?a muchas posibilidades. Era un centro de poder
y de negocios por el que corr\u237?a cada vez m\u225?s dinero. Los miembros de l
a \u233?lite que se dedicaban a estas actividades tan lucrativas necesitaban per
sonas que les ofrecieran servicios de todo tipo, incluido el abastecimiento de v
\u237?veres. Adem\u225?s, gran parte de la riqueza que entraba en la ciudad se e
mpleaba en levantar y reparar calzadas, acueductos, templos y edificios p\u250?b
licos, por no hablar de los senadores y caballeros que encargaban lujosas mansio
nes. Este {\i
boom} de la construcci\u243?n daba trabajo a alba\u241?iles, carpinteros y todo
tipo de artesanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de esto, no todo el mundo encontraba empleo, e incluso quienes lo conseg
u\u237?an se topaban con condiciones de vida muy dif\u237?ciles. Hab\u237?a una
inflaci\u243?n constante y de cuando en cuando fallaba el abastecimiento de v\u2
37?veres, pues Roma era como un inmenso est\u243?mago con una boca muy peque\u24
1?a, el r\u237?o T\u237?ber.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La vivienda era otro de los problemas acuciantes. Conforme llegaba m\u225?s gent
e a la ciudad y aumentaba la demanda, su precio no dejaba de subir. A mediados d
el siglo II, los alquileres estaban ya tan caros que un rey exiliado, Ptolomeo V
I de Egipto, tuvo que compartir alojamiento en la ciudad con un tal Demetrio par
a dividirse los gastos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
LA CASA ROMANA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la ciudad exist\u237?an dos tipos principales de viviendas: la {\i
domus} y la {\i
insula}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La primera era una casa individual, propia de los m\u225?s acomodados. Su planta
era cuadrangular y se organizaba alrededor del {\i
atrium}, un patio central con una abertura en el techo por la que se recog\u237?
a el agua de la lluvia en un peque\u241?o estanque o {\i
impluvium}. Este atrio era el n\u250?cleo original de la casa, donde se rend\u23
7?a culto a los dioses del hogar y se conservaban los retratos de los antepasado
s. En los primeros tiempos hab\u237?a en \u233?l un fuego siempre encendido cuyo
humo ennegrec\u237?a el techo alrededor de la abertura: su nombre proven\u237?a
precisamente del adjetivo {\i
ater}, \u171?negro, oscuro\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A los lados del atrio se abr\u237?an estancias usadas para diversos fines. Entre
ellas estaban los dormitorios o {\i
cubicula}. Pasado el {\i
atrium}, en l\u237?nea recta con la puerta de entrada, se encontraba el {\i
tablinum}, un despacho donde el paterfamilias atend\u237?a visitas y resolv\u237
?a sus asuntos. Junto a \u233?l se hallaban el comedor o comedores, seg\u250?n e
l nivel econ\u243?mico de la casa. El nombre latino era {\i
triclinium}, que en origen se refer\u237?a al div\u225?n de tres plazas donde lo
s romanos se reclinaban para comer. Al principio las mujeres com\u237?an sentada
s y con la espalda estirada, pues no se consideraba decoroso que se recostaran,
pero esa diferencia fue cayendo en desuso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde la \u233?poca de las Guerras P\u250?nicas, por influencia griega, los roma
nos empezaron a construir tambi\u233?n un segundo patio, el {\i
peristilum}, rodeado de columnas y adornado con plantas y una o varias fuentes.
Dependiendo del espacio disponible y la fortuna de los due\u241?os, la casa pod\
u237?a contar incluso con m\u225?s patios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fuera, estas casas apenas ofrec\u237?an ventanas, ya que estaban volcadas ha
cia el interior. Con todo, en el siglo I a.C. empezaron a fabricarse ventanas de
cristal. Las primeras eran claraboyas de vidrio oscuro y grueso que apenas deja
ban pasar la luz, pero con el tiempo se refinaron, aunque en Italia su uso nunca
lleg\u243? a extenderse tanto como en la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Las viviendas m\u225?s numerosas de Roma eran las {\i

insulae}, \u171?islas\u187? o bloques de apartamentos. En la \u233?poca de las G
uerras P\u250?nicas ya se constru\u237?an al menos de tres plantas: Livio cuenta
c\u243?mo en el a\u241?o 218 un buey se escap\u243? del mercado, subi\u243? por
las escaleras de una {\i
insula} y cay\u243? a la calle desde el tercer piso. Con el tiempo se intent\u24
3? limitar la altura de estos bloques: Augusto prohibi\u243? levantarlos a m\u22
5?s de veinte metros, aunque se sabe que la norma se saltaba a menudo. La raz\u2
43?n de estas leyes era que, por defectos en los materiales \u8212?la corrupci\u
243?n de los constructores no es un invento de nuestra \u233?poca\u8212?, se der
rumbaban con cierta facilidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el primer piso a veces hab\u237?a {\i
tabernae} \u8212?locales comerciales de todo tipo, no solo para vender vino\u821
2?, y en otras ocasiones viviendas de cierto lujo que ocupaban toda la planta y
se consideraban {\i
domus}. Las condiciones empeoraban conforme se ascend\u237?an las escaleras, que
sol\u237?an ser angostas y empinadas. Mientras que al nivel de la calle pod\u23
7?a haber agua corriente, los inquilinos de los pisos superiores deb\u237?an sub
\u237?rsela ellos mismos en cubos, con lo que la higiene de las viviendas era in
versamente proporcional a su distancia al suelo. Adem\u225?s, en esos apartament
os, que eran m\u225?s baratos, los vecinos m\u225?s pobres viv\u237?an api\u241?
ados, porque en muchas ocasiones subarrendaban habitaciones a otros inquilinos p
ara que les ayudaran a pagar el alquiler.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Vivir en las alturas no reduc\u237?a solo la higiene o la comodidad, sino tambi\
u233?n la seguridad. As\u237? lo refleja el poeta sat\u237?rico Juvenal. Aunque
escribi\u243? a finales del I d.C., por comentarios de otros autores sabemos que
las condiciones que describe eran extrapolables a finales de la Rep\u250?blica:
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qui\u233?n teme o ha temido que se le cayera la casa en la fr\u237?a Prene
ste o en Bolsena? Pero nosotros vivimos en una ciudad construida sobre endebles
vigas. Cuando una vieja grieta se ensancha mucho, el casero la tapa y nos dice q
ue durmamos tranquilos mientras la ruina amenaza nuestras cabezas.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Mejor vivir donde no haya incendios ni miedos nocturnos. \u161?El tercer piso hu
mea ya bajo tus pies y t\u250? ni te enteras! Pues como el fuego empiece por los
pisos de abajo, el \u250?ltimo que arder\u225? ser\u225? aquel a quien solo pro
tegen de la lluvia las tejas donde las blandas palomas ponen sus huevos ({\i
S\u225?tiras}, 3.190 y ss.).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, en Ostia, el puerto de Roma, se han encontrado {\i
insulae} muy s\u243?lidas de hormig\u243?n recubierto de ladrillo, lo que demues
tra que no todos los constructores eran iguales y que hab\u237?a edificios de ta
nta calidad que se han mantenido en pie hasta nuestros d\u237?as.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Debido a estas dificultades, empez\u243? a formarse en la urbe una clase social
cada vez m\u225?s numerosa, la {\i
plebs} urbana. Para ese proletariado que viv\u237?a apenas por encima del nivel
de la subsistencia, las mayores preocupaciones eran poder llevarse un trozo de p
an a la boca y, como hemos visto, tener un techo bajo el cual alojarse. El probl
ema de la vivienda en Roma no hizo sino agravarse con el tiempo, pero el del pan
\u8212?literalmente\u8212? era m\u225?s perentorio. Algunos pol\u237?ticos, con
una mezcla de humanidad y oportunismo, lo comprendieron y aprovecharon para sus
propios fines.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Roma habitaba, pues, una plebe cada vez m\u225?s numerosa que ve\u237?a c\u24
3?mo se ensanchaba a\u241?o tras a\u241?o la brecha que la separaba del nivel de
vida de la \u233?lite. \u191?No parece un caldo de cultivo ideal para una revol
uci\u243?n? Pues no fue as\u237?. El pueblo llano nunca lleg\u243? a organizarse
, y las ansias de vivir mejor que sin duda sent\u237?an sus miembros no se concr
etaron en deseos pol\u237?ticos determinados. Por lo general, los miembros de la
plebe, m\u225?s que actuar, reaccionaban a las acciones de otros.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {

La verdadera lucha que ensangrent\u243? las calles de Roma y los campos de batal
la de Italia no se libr\u243? entre los proletarios y la nobleza, sino entre fac
ciones rivales de senadores, e incluso a veces entre el senado e individuos que
pertenec\u237?an a sus filas, pero que en lugar de seguir el procedimiento habit
ual para alcanzar poder y gloria prefer\u237?an recurrir a m\u233?todos menos or
todoxos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA NOBLEZA, LOS OPTIMATES Y LOS POPULARES\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, las luchas que se produjeron entre 133 y 33 a.C. \u8212?un siglo es
pecialmente convulso\u8212? tuvieron su origen dentro de las propias filas del s
enado. En {\i
Roma victoriosa} ya habl\u233? de la nueva \u233?lite que se hab\u237?a formado
en Roma en el siglo III, conocida como la {\i
nobilitas}. Formaban parte de esta nobleza aquellos senadores que ten\u237?an en
tre sus antepasados alg\u250?n c\u243?nsul, y hab\u237?a en ella por igual famil
ias patricias y plebeyas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los miembros de la nobleza ten\u237?an como objetivo seguir el camino de sus ant
epasados y mantener a su linaje en lo m\u225?s alto. Para ellos, el consulado er
a el gran premio final. Pero muchos eran los llamados \u8212?decenas de arist\u2
43?cratas que empezaban su carrera pol\u237?tica como cuestores\u8212? y pocos l
os elegidos que alcanzaban ese galard\u243?n, ya que \u250?nicamente se designab
a a dos c\u243?nsules al a\u241?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La competencia entre los nobles por acaparar los puestos de poder no dej\u243? d
e crecer con el tiempo. Al principio, para destacar tan solo serv\u237?an los tr
iunfos militares, por lo que si no exist\u237?a una causa justa para declarar la
guerra, se la inventaban. Pero a partir del a\u241?o 200, cuando los romanos em
pezaron a conquistar inmensos botines y conocieron por primera vez el opulento y
fabuloso mundo helen\u237?stico donde la norma era \u171?el tama\u241?o s\u237?
que importa\u187?, los arist\u243?cratas descubrieron una nueva forma de compet
ir entre s\u237?: exhibir en p\u250?blico sus riquezas. Por eso empezaron a cons
truir mansiones m\u225?s grandes, a forrarlas de m\u225?rmol y a decorarlas con
obras de arte que expoliaban sobre todo en Grecia y Asia Menor (ya le tocar\u237
?a el turno a Egipto).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchos senadores contemplaban con alarma esta escalada de ostentaci\u243?n; espe
cialmente los que no pod\u237?an mantenerse a la altura o los que, como Cat\u243
?n el Viejo, eran tan taca\u241?os que sab\u237?an cu\u225?ntos cominos entraban
en un pu\u241?ado. En el a\u241?o 182 el propio Cat\u243?n defendi\u243? la {\i
lex Orchia}, que limitaba el n\u250?mero de invitados que pod\u237?an asistir a
un banquete, y despu\u233?s se dictaron normas para reducir el dinero que gastab
an los magistrados al celebrar fiestas o espect\u225?culos p\u250?blicos.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero no sirvi\u243? de nada. Los nobles romanos necesitaban conquistar prestigio
ante sus iguales y, sobre todo, ante el pueblo llano que votaba en las asamblea
s. Por eso invert\u237?an buena parte de su patrimonio en ofrecer festejos p\u25
0?blicos en los que la gente com\u237?a hasta hartarse (y a veces beb\u237?a vin
o de m\u225?s de cuarenta a\u241?os, como el que ofreci\u243? Sila en una ocasi\
u243?n) y en organizar espect\u225?culos teatrales o luchas de gladiadores.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta escalada en la competencia coincid\u237?a con la \u233?poca de mayor influe
ncia del senado. En teor\u237?a, esta c\u225?mara formada por arist\u243?cratas
era \u250?nicamente un \u243?rgano consultivo, mientras que la soberan\u237?a re
sid\u237?a en las asambleas. Pero el senado pose\u237?a muchos recursos para con
trolar lo que votaba el pueblo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En primer lugar, el sufragio no era secreto. A la hora de votar, un individuo po
d\u237?a recibir todo tipo de presiones: halagos, sobornos, amenazas o directame
nte coacci\u243?n f\u237?sica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En segundo lugar, el sistema no contabilizaba los sufragios de todos los ciudada
nos. Primero, los hac\u237?a votar en tribus o centurias y despu\u233?s contaba

cada una de estas como un solo voto. Si una tribu con cinco mil miembros dec\u23
7?a S\u205? y dos tribus que sumaban trescientas personas dec\u237?an NO, el res
ultado final era que ganaba el NO por dos a uno. Esto hac\u237?a que la \u233?li
te contara con mucho m\u225?s peso electoral del que le correspond\u237?a, pues
se repart\u237?a en m\u225?s tribus y, sobre todo, en m\u225?s centurias.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Si a pesar de todo esto, el pueblo votaba una ley que a la aristocracia senatori
al no le gustaba, todav\u237?a exist\u237?an medios para echarla atr\u225?s. Los
miembros de los diversos colegios sacerdotales \u8212?pont\u237?fices, augures
y fl\u225?mines, todos ellos pertenecientes a la \u233?lite\u8212? ten\u237?an l
a potestad de anular cualquier ley o derogar cualquier votaci\u243?n con pretext
os religiosos. \u191?Que los pollos sagrados se negaban a salir de la jaula para
comer? Adi\u243?s al reparto de trigo barato. \u191?Que hab\u237?a ca\u237?do u
n rayo en el templo de Saturno o que el h\u237?gado del ternero que acababan de
sacrificar ten\u237?a un tumor? Se anulaba el reparto de tierras para los ciudad
anos pobres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En los primeros a\u241?os de la Rep\u250?blica, el pueblo hab\u237?a encontrado
su propio defensor contra los abusos de la aristocracia en los tribunos de la pl
ebe. No pose\u237?an {\i
imperium}, pero s\u237? una herramienta muy poderosa para impedir los abusos de
la \u233?lite: el veto. Bastaba con que uno de ellos dijera \u171?\u161?Veto!\u1
87? para echar por tierra cualquier actuaci\u243?n o decisi\u243?n del resto de
los magistrados. Era como un hechizo, una especie de rayo m\u225?gico que al bro
tar de las manos del tribuno lo paralizaba todo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero con el tiempo, la sociedad romana hab\u237?a cambiado. Las magistraturas ya
no eran monopolio exclusivo de los patricios y la distinci\u243?n entre estos y
el estrato superior de los plebeyos se hab\u237?a desdibujado. El pueblo llano
apenas hac\u237?a distingos entre todos aquellos senadores ricachones que vest\u
237?an togas con franjas p\u250?rpura: para ellos eran b\u225?sicamente los de a
rriba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una consecuencia de esto fue que los tribunos, que antes constitu\u237?an casi u
n estado aparte, fueron absorbidos por el sistema. El puesto segu\u237?a vedado
para los patricios, pero no para los miembros de las familias plebeyas m\u225?s
importantes. Muchos de los j\u243?venes de esa aristocracia plebeya empezaban su
carrera en el {\i
cursus honorum} como tribunos para acabar llegando a pretores o a c\u243?nsules.
\u191?Pod\u237?a un humilde estibador del T\u237?ber presentarse a tribuno de l
a plebe, presidir la asamblea plebeya y vetar una ley propuesta por un c\u243?ns
ul? En teor\u237?a, s\u237?. En la pr\u225?ctica, jam\u225?s ocurr\u237?a.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con tales premisas, se comprende que los tribunos no se buscaran demasiados prob
lemas con el resto de senadores, pues compart\u237?an con ellos intereses e idea
les y pod\u237?an pensar: \u171?Hoy por ti, ma\u241?ana por m\u237?\u187?. En ci
erto modo, el sistema hab\u237?a conseguido \u171?domesticar\u187? a los tribuno
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, las cosas empezaron a cambiar a mediados del siglo II. Como ya vimo
s en el cap\u237?tulo anterior, en el a\u241?o 151 hab\u237?a tan pocos j\u243?v
enes dispuestos a aliarse para la guerra en Hispania que los c\u243?nsules L\u25
0?culo y Galba intentaron reclutarlos a la fuerza. Aquello provoc\u243? un recha
zo popular tan grande que los tribunos de la plebe tomaron cartas en el asunto a
rrestando y encarcelando a ambos c\u243?nsules.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Los dos magistrados supremos de la Rep\u250?blica encerrados en prisi\u243
?n? As\u237? funcionaba el complejo sistema de equilibrios de la Rep\u250?blica.
Mientras los tribunos justificaran que actuaban as\u237? por defender al pueblo
, pod\u237?an anular cualquier actuaci\u243?n p\u250?blica. Incluso, como veremo
s que hizo Tiberio Graco, estaba en su mano paralizar el funcionamiento de toda
la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc

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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A mediados del siglo II, hab\u237?a en el senado dos facciones principales que o
rbitaban alrededor de dos familias, los Escipiones y los Claudios. Entre ellas l
uchaban por poder y prestigio, no por ideolog\u237?a. Por oponerse a los Claudio
s, los Escipiones defend\u237?an pol\u237?ticas que vistas desde ahora pueden pa
recer a veces progresistas y a veces conservadoras, y viceversa.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s, las alianzas entre clanes e individuos no eran estables, y los pact
os se hac\u237?an y deshac\u237?an con la facilidad con que fluye el mercurio. S
i hoy d\u237?a, con ideolog\u237?a y disciplina de partido, existen los tr\u225?
nsfugas, imaginemos qu\u233? ocurr\u237?a entonces.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hay que tener otra cosa en cuenta. No importaba a qu\u233? facci\u243?n pertenec
iera uno: si un noble romano empezaba a destacar demasiado, se convert\u237?a en
una amenaza para todos los dem\u225?s, que llegado el caso lo se\u241?alaban co
n el dedo \u8212?\u171?\u161?Este quiere convertirse en rey!\u187?\u8212?, un\u2
37?an filas contra \u233?l y lo apisonaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En estas despiadadas luchas de poder algunos miembros de la \u233?lite descubrie
ron que, si no pod\u237?an imponerse en el terreno de juego del senado, el siste
ma les ofrec\u237?a otra posibilidad: usar los poderes de los tribunos de la ple
be para puentear a los dem\u225?s senadores acudiendo directamente a la asamblea
del pueblo. Hab\u237?a dos formas de hacerlo: si uno era ya un pol\u237?tico ex
perimentado, pod\u237?a aliarse con un tribuno. Si uno era m\u225?s joven y acti
vo, pod\u237?a convertirse directamente en tribuno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para esto \u250?ltimo hab\u237?a que ganarse a los votantes. Y eso solo se pod\u
237?a conseguir con pol\u237?ticas \u171?populares\u187?. El t\u233?rmino lo emp
ez\u243? a usar de forma sistem\u225?tica Cicer\u243?n, pero la realidad ya exis
t\u237?a mucho tiempo antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Cu\u225?les eran esas pol\u237?ticas? Las que favorec\u237?an a los m\u225
?s humildes. Las m\u225?s t\u237?picas eran cancelar o reducir deudas, distribui
r trigo barato a los ciudadanos pobres y repartirles tierras.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Todas estas medidas mejoraban objetivamente las condiciones de vida de la mayor\
u237?a de la gente, evitando que pasaran hambre o se quedaran sin hogar. \u191?L
os pol\u237?ticos populares las propon\u237?an por sentimientos humanitarios, po
r oportunismo o por una mezcla de ambos? Resulta complicado saberlo, y cada caso
personal era distinto. Pero hay que tener claro que ni los m\u225?s populares d
e entre los populares pretendieron una revoluci\u243?n radical que transformara
la sociedad de arriba abajo. Si les hubi\u233?ramos preguntado, todos los romano

s habr\u237?an contestado: \u171?\u161?Nosotros somos conservadores!\u187?. Para

ellos la palabra \u171?nuevo\u187? pose\u237?a tantas connotaciones negativas c
omo para nosotros el adjetivo \u171?viejo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Frente a estos pol\u237?ticos que recurr\u237?an a procedimientos populares, otr
os en su misma \u233?lite prefer\u237?an mantenerse dentro del orden tradicional
donde era el senado el que siempre ten\u237?a la sart\u233?n por el mango. Con
el tiempo, por oposici\u243?n a los populares, estos senadores se llamaron a s\u
237? mismos optimates, que significa \u171?los mejores\u187?. De todos modos, au
nque lo usaremos en ocasiones, este t\u233?rmino no se extendi\u243? hasta entra
do el siglo I; pues hasta entonces, con gran modestia, se hab\u237?an denominado
simplemente {\i
boni}, \u171?la gente de bien\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algunos senadores eran optimates toda su vida, otros populares, y los hab\u237?a
que cambiaban de t\u225?ctica seg\u250?n el momento. Unas p\u225?ginas m\u225?s
adelante veremos c\u243?mo, con el fin de vencer al popular Cayo Graco en su pr
opio terreno, los optimates utilizaron al tribuno Livio Druso para proponer pol\
u237?ticas a\u250?n m\u225?s populares; tanto, que eran directamente demag\u243?
gicas e imposibles de llevar a cabo. Insistamos, pues: ser optimate o popular no
era una ideolog\u237?a, sino una forma de hacer pol\u237?tica.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
TIBERIO GRACO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Con la ventaja que nos da mirar hacia atr\u225?s, podemos decir que la situaci\u
243?n pol\u237?tica de Roma atraves\u243? un punto de transici\u243?n de fase en
el a\u241?o donde comenz\u225?bamos este cap\u237?tulo, el 133, siendo c\u243?n
sules Publio Mucio Esc\u233?vola y Lucio Calpurnio Pis\u243?n. Pero no fueron el
los los personajes determinantes de aquellos trepidantes d\u237?as, sino Tiberio
Sempronio Graco, uno de los diez tribunos de la plebe de aquel a\u241?o.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiberio Graco pertenec\u237?a por parte de su padre a una {\i
gens} de gran antig\u252?edad, la Sempronia: ya en el a\u241?o 497 uno de sus mi
embros fue elegido c\u243?nsul. Hab\u237?a varias ramas en la {\i
gens}, como sol\u237?a suceder. Una de ellas, la de los Atratinos, era patricia,
mientras que el resto eran plebeyas, entre ellas la de los Graco.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Tiberio Graco padre era un hombre muy respetado que fue elegido dos veces como c
\u243?nsul y una como censor. Estaba casado con Cornelia, la hija m\u225?s joven
del gran Escipi\u243?n Africano. Cornelia era una mujer de marcada personalidad
que dio a luz nada menos que a doce hijos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n cierta historia que corri\u243? a\u241?os despu\u233?s, Tiberio Graco
encontr\u243? un d\u237?a dos serpientes en la cama. Al consultar a los adivino
s, estos le dijeron que si dejaba ir a la serpiente macho y mataba a la hembra,
su esposa fallecer\u237?a en breve plazo; mientras que si hac\u237?a lo contrari
o, ser\u237?a \u233?l quien morir\u237?a. Graco, enamorado de su mujer, acab\u24
3? con la serpiente macho y no tard\u243? en caer enfermo y morir.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
De esta an\u233?cdota se burlaba el racionalista Cicer\u243?n pregunt\u225?ndose
por qu\u233? demonios Graco no dej\u243? marchar a ambas serpientes. El siguien
te en transmitirla, Plutarco, que era un hombre mucho m\u225?s religioso y cre\u
237?a en presagios y prodigios, a\u241?adi\u243? la explicaci\u243?n de que los
adivinos le hab\u237?an dicho a Graco que no pod\u237?a soltar a la vez a los do
s ofidios.{\super
[6]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cornelia cri\u243? sola a los doce hijos, a los que ofreci\u243? una educaci\u24
3?n tan esmerada como la que hab\u237?a recibido ella, incluyendo la lengua y la
literatura griegas. Tambi\u233?n se encarg\u243? de la hacienda familiar. Nunca
quiso volver a casarse, aunque no le faltaron ofertas, como la de Ptolomeo VI,
el rey desterrado del que hemos hablado antes (si el tipo ten\u237?a que compart

ir gastos de alquiler, hay que reconocer que tampoco era un gran partido). Para
desgracia de Cornelia, \u250?nicamente sobrevivieron hasta la edad adulta dos va
rones, Tiberio y Cayo, y una mujer, Sempronia, que se cas\u243? con Escipi\u243?
n Emiliano. En aquella \u233?poca la mortalidad infantil era muy alta, y no se s
alvaban de ella ni las familias pudientes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El mayor de los hijos de Cornelia, Tiberio, naci\u243? entre los a\u241?os 168 y
163; no podemos estar muy seguros de las fechas por ciertas discrepancias entre
los textos. Su primer puesto p\u250?blico fue el de tribuno militar junto a su
cu\u241?ado Escipi\u243?n, durante la Tercera Guerra P\u250?nica. Seg\u250?n Plu
tarco, Tiberio fue el primero en escalar los muros de Cartago, algo que de ser c
ierto debi\u243? de valerle la preciada condecoraci\u243?n de la {\i
corona muralis}. Sin embargo, \u233?l y Escipi\u243?n no tardaron en distanciars
e, sobre todo cuando Tiberio se cas\u243? con Claudia, hija de Apio Claudio, el
mayor rival de Escipi\u243?n en el senado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 137, Tiberio fue nombrado cuestor. Como tal, acompa\u241?\u243? a
l c\u243?nsul Hostilio Mancino a Hispania y sirvi\u243? en la campa\u241?a de Nu
mancia. Como ya vimos, la campa\u241?a no sali\u243? bien y el ej\u233?rcito del
c\u243?nsul cay\u243? en una trampa. Los numantinos solo aceptaron como mediado
r a Tiberio Graco, en quien confiaban por el honor que hab\u237?a mostrado siemp
re su padre en sus tratos con los hispanos. Tiberio hizo lo que se le ped\u237?a
, negoci\u243? las condiciones y acept\u243? entregar como bot\u237?n todo lo qu
e hab\u237?a en el campamento romano. De este modo, salv\u243? las vidas de vein
te mil legionarios m\u225?s un n\u250?mero indeterminado de auxiliares y sirvien
tes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Plutarco a\u241?ade otra an\u233?cdota que muestra el respeto que sent\u237?an l
os numantinos por Tiberio ({\i
Tiberio Graco}, 6). Este, mientras su ej\u233?rcito se retiraba, se dio cuenta d
e que se hab\u237?a dejado en el campamento las tablillas donde llevaba la conta
bilidad que le correspond\u237?a como cuestor. Como conoc\u237?a cu\u225?l era e
l percal de la lucha pol\u237?tica en Roma, pens\u243? que si volv\u237?a sin la
s tablillas lo acusar\u237?an de haberlas perdido a prop\u243?sito para ocultar
alg\u250?n desfalco. De modo que regres\u243? y pidi\u243? a los numantinos que
se las devolvieran. Ellos no solamente lo hicieron, sino que le abrieron las pue
rtas, lo acogieron como un hu\u233?sped y le ofrecieron un banquete.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
El recibimiento en Roma no fue tan cordial. Aunque, en realidad, quien se llev\u
243? la peor parte fue el c\u243?nsul Mancino, al que el senado dej\u243? con el
trasero literalmente al aire cuando lo entreg\u243? desnudo y encadenado a los
numantinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella malhadada campa\u241?a en Hispania marc\u243? el futuro pol\u237?tico de
Tiberio Graco, amenazando con cortar de ra\u237?z una carrera pol\u237?tica que
acababa de empezar. De todos modos, de la misma forma que se encontr\u243? con
el rechazo y el desprecio de los senadores, Tiberio descubri\u243? que de pronto
hab\u237?a ganado millares de partidarios: los familiares y amigos de los veint
e mil soldados a los que hab\u237?a salvado la vida se acercaban a \u233?l en el
Foro, lo abrazaban y besaban para darle las gracias por lo que hab\u237?a hecho
y lo aclamaban como un h\u233?roe. Su desprestigio en el senado se convert\u237
?a en apoyo popular en las calles, algo de lo que tom\u243? buena nota.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, durante aquella campa\u241?a Tiberio no hab\u237?a dejado de pen
sar en lo que hab\u237?a visto en 137, cuando atravesaba Etruria para viajar a H
ispania y asumir su cargo de cuestor militar. Por el camino hab\u237?a observado
que las aldeas estaban despobladas y los campos pr\u225?cticamente abandonados.
{\super
[7]} En los terrenos donde hab\u237?a trabajadores, estos eran esclavos, en much
as ocasiones cargados de cadenas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquel momento Tiberio pens\u243? que esa situaci\u243?n era tan peligrosa com
o un barril lleno de serpientes. En Apulia ya hab\u237?a estallado una revuelta
servil en 185, y en Sicilia llevaban a\u241?os produci\u233?ndose incidentes con
esclavos que culminaron en una guerra a gran escala en 135.\par\pard\plain\hyph

par} {
\u191?A qu\u233? se deb\u237?a la despoblaci\u243?n del campo? En una \u233?poca
en que no exist\u237?an las ciencias econ\u243?micas, es dudoso que Tiberio pud
iera darse cuenta de que un modelo de peque\u241?as propiedades con econom\u237?
a de consumo propio estaba dando lugar a otro en el que el capital se invert\u23
7?a en una agricultura m\u225?s especializada e intensiva destinada a vender los
excedentes para obtener m\u225?s beneficios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que s\u237? pod\u237?a comprender era lo que estaba ocurriendo con el {\i
ager publicus}, las tierras que Roma hab\u237?a conquistado en Italia durante su
s guerras y que pertenec\u237?an al Estado. Este hab\u237?a cedido buena parte d
e esos terrenos en usufructo. A cambio, los campesinos que las trabajaban deb\u2
37?an pagar un canon llamado {\i
vectigal} que consist\u237?a en una d\u233?cima parte del grano y una quinta par
te de los frutos de los huertos, mientras que los pastores contribu\u237?an con
una tasa por cada cabeza de ganado que apacentaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que ocurri\u243? despu\u233?s con este {\i
ager publicus} lo explica Apiano en {\i
Las guerras civiles}:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esto [ofrecer el {\i
ager publicus} a quien lo quisiera cultivar] lo hicieron para que se multiplicar
a la raza it\u225?lica, a la que consideraban la m\u225?s dura, pensando que as\
u237? tendr\u237?an muchos aliados en casa. Pero ocurri\u243? justo lo contrario
. Pues los ricos, que ya hab\u237?an ocupado la mayor parte del {\i
ager publicus} y esperaban que con el tiempo se les reconociera su propiedad, se
dedicaron a a\u241?adir a sus propias posesiones las parcelas vecinas y m\u225?
s reducidas de los pobres. En parte lo hicieron compr\u225?ndolas y en parte qui
t\u225?ndoselas por la fuerza. De este modo, al final, pose\u237?an extensas fin
cas en lugar de peque\u241?as parcelas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s, empezaron a comprar esclavos como labradores y pastores para evitar
que el ej\u233?rcito les arrebatara a los trabajadores de condici\u243?n libre.
Poseer esclavos les report\u243? grandes beneficios, pues ten\u237?an muchos hi
jos y se multiplicaban sin riesgo, ya que no ten\u237?an que hacer el servicio m
ilitar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por estas causas, los poderosos se enriquecieron much\u237?simo y el campo se ll
en\u243? de esclavos. En cambio, los it\u225?licos sufr\u237?an de despoblaci\u2
43?n y falta de varones, ya que los diezmaban la pobreza, los impuestos y el ser
vicio militar. Y si a veces consegu\u237?an aliviarse de estas cargas, se encont
raban en paro, porque la tierra estaba en poder de los ricos, que se serv\u237?a
n de esclavos para trabajarla y no de hombres libres. (BC, 1.7).\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
El servicio militar era una de las claves, el principio y el final de los males.
La Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica exigi\u243? a la Rep\u250?blica un enorme esfuerz
o en hombres, aparte de cobrarse much\u237?simas bajas. Pero cuando termin\u243?
, Roma sigui\u243? embarcada en conflictos por todo el Mediterr\u225?neo. Cada a
\u241?o manten\u237?a movilizados a cerca de cincuenta mil soldados, y a veces m
\u225?s, lo que supon\u237?a entre el 15 y el 20 por ciento de sus ciudadanos va
rones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esos hombres que serv\u237?an en las legiones pertenec\u237?an a la clase llamad
a de los {\i
adsidui}, propietarios con un m\u237?nimo de patrimonio, ya que ten\u237?an que
pagarse su equipo. Es cierto que el Estado les daba una paga, pero esta era muy
exigua y adem\u225?s se les descontaba el coste de la ropa y el equipo.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
La mayor\u237?a de esos soldados eran due\u241?os de peque\u241?as y medianas pl
antaciones. Para su desgracia, el momento ideal para hacer la guerra coincid\u23
7?a con la mayor\u237?a de las labores agr\u237?colas, por lo que ten\u237?an qu
e ausentarse de sus campos en el momento cr\u237?tico (hay que a\u241?adir que e
so no era una novedad del siglo II, pues ya ocurr\u237?a antes cuando combat\u23
7?an \u250?nicamente en tierras de Italia).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En teor\u237?a, el m\u225?ximo de campa\u241?as que pod\u237?a servir un ciudada

no era de diecis\u233?is. Pero a partir del a\u241?o 200 los escenarios b\u233?l
icos se hallaban cada vez m\u225?s alejados, por lo que los soldados no regresab
an a Italia ni siquiera en invierno. En la pr\u225?ctica, las supuestas diecis\u
233?is campa\u241?as estacionales se fund\u237?an en un servicio continuo que du
raba entre cuatro y seis a\u241?os. Pero si la situaci\u243?n lo exig\u237?a, in
cluso soldados que ya hab\u237?an cumplido este tiempo pod\u237?an ser reenganch
ados otra vez. Si de los generales depend\u237?a, prefer\u237?an alistar de nuev
o a soldados veteranos, que ofrec\u237?an mejores prestaciones en combate.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
A perro flaco todo se le vuelven pulgas, y as\u237? le ocurr\u237?a al pueblo ro
mano. Hasta el a\u241?o 140 la construcci\u243?n hab\u237?a ofrecido miles de pu
estos de trabajo en Roma, pero a partir de ese momento se produjo una recesi\u24
3?n en el gasto p\u250?blico. La raz\u243?n era que las guerras que luchaba la R
ep\u250?blica ya no eran tan productivas, por lo que hab\u237?an dejado de aflui
r esos fabulosos caudales de bot\u237?n de las d\u233?cadas anteriores.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
El conflicto de Hispania, en concreto, se hac\u237?a cada vez m\u225?s sangrient
o y ofrec\u237?a menos posibilidades de enriquecerse. Como ya vimos, a la gente
le acobardaba aquella guerra y trataba de escaparse del alistamiento con todo ti
po de excusas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El otro conflicto continuo se libraba en la zona de los Balcanes, donde pueblos
como los belicosos escordiscos no hac\u237?an m\u225?s que atacar la nueva provi
ncia romana de Macedonia. El motivo b\u225?sico de sus invasiones era obtener bo
t\u237?n, puesto que su cultura material era m\u225?s pobre que la de sus vecino
s del sur. Eso significaba que cuando los romanos los derrotaban \u8212?cosa que
no siempre suced\u237?a\u8212?, apenas consegu\u237?an ganancias.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Teniendo en cuenta todo esto, no extra\u241?a que cada vez hubiera menos ciudada
nos reclutables. El censo del a\u241?o 163 hab\u237?a registrado 337.022 ciudada
nos. Desde entonces la cifra, en lugar de aumentar como cabr\u237?a esperar, hab
\u237?a ido disminuyendo hasta un m\u237?nimo de 317.993 en 135, poco antes de q
ue Tiberio fuese elegido tribuno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hay varias explicaciones posibles para estos hechos. La primera, que realmente s
e produjera una ca\u237?da demogr\u225?fica debido a las bajas sufridas en las g
uerras, que entre el final de la Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica y el tribunado de Ti
berio pudieron ser m\u225?s de cien mil. No se trataba solo de los varones j\u24
3?venes que mor\u237?an, sino de los hijos que no llegaban a engendrar.{\super
[8]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La segunda explicaci\u243?n es que, al perder sus propiedades en el campo y vers
e obligados a emigrar a la ciudad, muchos ciudadanos se hab\u237?an empobrecido
tanto que ya no cumpl\u237?an con el m\u237?nimo de patrimonio que se exig\u237?
a para entrar en las legiones y se quedaban fuera del censo.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Existe una tercera posibilidad, claro est\u225?: que muchos hicieran trampas, o
como se dec\u237?a en la mili \u171?se escaquearan\u187? del alistamiento. Hoy d
\u237?a algo as\u237? ser\u237?a impensable, pues la informaci\u243?n que maneja
el Estado sobre nosotros es cada vez mayor. Pero en las sociedades preindustria
les, sin ordenadores, datos cruzados ni n\u243?minas, resultaba mucho m\u225?s f
\u225?cil eludir a los encargados del censo o enga\u241?arlos.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
En cualquier caso, el resultado era el mismo. Roma cada vez ten\u237?a m\u225?s
problemas para encontrar reclutas. La base de la reforma que propuso Tiberio Gra
co era precisamente esa: \u233?l no era un agitador antisistema que quisiera car
garse la Rep\u250?blica, sino m\u225?s bien un patriota que cre\u237?a tener un
diagn\u243?stico de su problema m\u225?s grave y tambi\u233?n una soluci\u243?n.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para aplicar dicha soluci\u243?n necesitaba un cargo pol\u237?tico. El de tribun
o de la plebe era el m\u225?s apropiado, de modo que se present\u243? y fue eleg
ido a finales de 134.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiberio ten\u237?a bien meditado su programa, y por eso en los primeros d\u237?a

s del a\u241?o 133 present\u243? su {\i

lex Sempronia agraria}. No es que fuese del todo novedosa. De entrada, pretend\u
237?a que se cumpliera una ley mucho m\u225?s antigua, la {\i
lex Licinia}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esa norma, promulgada en el a\u241?o 367, cuando los territorios dominados por R
oma eran todav\u237?a muy reducidos, establec\u237?a que nadie pod\u237?a acapar
ar m\u225?s de quinientas yugadas de tierras p\u250?blicas (unas ciento veintici
nco hect\u225?reas). Sin embargo, la ley se hab\u237?a convertido en papel mojad
o, pues los m\u225?s ricos llevaban siglos salt\u225?ndosela y acumulando {\i
ager publicus} con toda impunidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiberio propuso que todos aquellos propietarios ileg\u237?timos devolvieran al E
stado las parcelas comunales que pasaran de las quinientas yugadas. Las tierras
confiscadas de esta manera se repartir\u237?an en fincas de treinta yugadas y se
entregar\u237?an a ciudadanos sin tierras a cambio de un peque\u241?o canon anu
al.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cab\u237?a la posibilidad de que los nuevos colonos se dejaran tentar o presiona
r por sus vecinos m\u225?s ricos para venderles las tierras, y que con el capita
l obtenido emigraran a la ciudad. Eso habr\u237?a anulado cualquier efecto socia
l de la reforma, as\u237? que Tiberio a\u241?adi\u243? una disposici\u243?n: est
aba prohibido vender los terrenos, ya que segu\u237?an perteneciendo al Estado.
A cambio de esta limitaci\u243?n, los colonos y sus hijos pod\u237?an dormir tra
nquilos, ya que se les iba a permitir seguir trabajando en ellos a perpetuidad.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No se trataba de una ley tan revolucionaria. De hecho, sus t\u233?rminos eran mu
y moderados: no solo no se iba a multar a los terratenientes que se hab\u237?an
apoderado ilegalmente de grandes extensiones de terreno p\u250?blico, sino que s
e les iba a pagar por esas parcelas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiberio esperaba solucionar de una tacada varios problemas graves. Por una parte
, reducir\u237?a el \u233?xodo rural y la aglomeraci\u243?n de proletarios en la
propia ciudad de Roma, donde ya hemos visto que la inversi\u243?n p\u250?blica
estaba disminuyendo y el paro aumentaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, los nuevos propietarios, aunque no fuesen precisamente latifundi
stas, mejorar\u237?an econ\u243?micamente y regresar\u237?an a la clase de los {
\i
adsidui}, de modo que ser\u237?an reclutables. A primera vista, esto planteaba d
e nuevo el mismo problema: si los llamaban a filas, abandonar\u237?an sus campos
y condenar\u237?an a sus familias a no poder atender los campos y pasar hambre.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero, como acabamos de comentar en una nota, quienes constitu\u237?an el grueso
de las legiones eran j\u243?venes solteros. Muchos padres ya maduros se quedaban
en sus fincas, ayudados por los ni\u241?os y por las mujeres de la familia, que
no hay que subestimar como fuerza de trabajo. Adem\u225?s, un hijo en la legi\u
243?n supon\u237?a una boca menos que alimentar en casa y, si la campa\u241?a ib
a bien y consegu\u237?a bot\u237?n, incluso pod\u237?a aportar ingresos a la fam
ilia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por \u250?ltimo, la reforma de Tiberio era una respuesta al miedo que sent\u237?
an muchos romanos al ver que en los campos hab\u237?a cada vez m\u225?s esclavos
. En Sicilia se estaba librando una guerra encarnizada contra ej\u233?rcitos de
esclavos rebeldes. \u191?Cu\u225?nto tardar\u237?a en ocurrir lo mismo cerca de
Roma? Tener en los campos a miles de ciudadanos dispuestos a tomar las armas par
a defender lo suyo supon\u237?a una garant\u237?a contra esa quinta columna de s
iervos infiltrados (contra su voluntad, bien es cierto) en territorio romano.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las medidas de Graco encontraron un gran apoyo cuando pronunci\u243? en la Rostr
a de los oradores un c\u233?lebre discurso que nos ha llegado a trav\u233?s de P
lutarco. Aunque no sea una transcripci\u243?n literal (no hab\u237?a grabaciones
ni taqu\u237?grafos), seguramente refleja el esp\u237?ritu de sus palabras:\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las bestias salvajes que campan por los bosques de Italia tienen sus propias cue
vas y guaridas donde cobijarse. En cambio, los hombres que combaten y mueren por

Italia \u250?nicamente participan del aire y de la luz comunes, pero de nada m\

u225?s. Sin techo y sin hogar, vagan errantes con sus mujeres y sus hijos. Por e
so mienten los generales cuando antes de las batallas arengan a sus soldados par
a que luchen contra el enemigo por defender sus templos y sus sepulcros. Pues la
mayor\u237?a de los romanos no tienen ni altares familiares ni t\u250?mulos de
sus ancestros. En realidad, pelean y mueren para que sean otros quienes consigue
n lujos y riqueza. Y aunque se dice de ellos que son los amos del mundo, no pose
en tan siquiera un pu\u241?ado de tierra que sea suyo. ({\i
Tiberio Graco}, 9).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al acercarse el momento en que se deb\u237?a votar la ley, empez\u243? a crecer
la tensi\u243?n en Roma. Hab\u237?a muchos posibles beneficiarios que la apoyaba
n y que empezaron a acompa\u241?ar a Tiberio a modo de escolta personal; m\u225?
s de tres mil seg\u250?n un historiador contempor\u225?neo, Sempronio Aseli\u243
?n. Pero adem\u225?s fueron llegando a la ciudad gentes procedentes de diversos
lugares de Italia que, al no ser ciudadanos romanos, tem\u237?an que les quitara
n aquellas tierras del {\i
ager publicus} que, con derecho o sin \u233?l, llevaban mucho tiempo cultivando.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n exist\u237?a oposici\u243?n en el senado. Era, en parte, la t\u237?
pica rivalidad entre la facci\u243?n de Apio Claudio y el propio Tiberio y el gr
upo de Escipi\u243?n (que segu\u237?a en Numancia). En general, hab\u237?a mucho
s senadores recelosos: si se ratificaba la ley, los beneficiados con esas tierra
s no le dar\u237?an las gracias a la Rep\u250?blica, sino a Tiberio Graco, que a
umentar\u237?a enormemente su influencia y su poder gracias a la deuda que decen
as de miles de ciudadanos tendr\u237?an con \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para evitar que la asamblea aprobara la reforma, los adversarios de Tiberio recu
rrieron a Marco Octavio, amigo personal de Graco \u8212?al menos hasta entonces\
u8212? y tambi\u233?n tribuno de la plebe. Octavio era un hombre joven y deseoso
de ascender en pol\u237?tica, por lo que estaba dispuesto a seguirle el juego a
l senado. Se daba la circunstancia, adem\u225?s, de que pose\u237?a muchas hect\
u225?reas de {\i
ager publicus} de las que tendr\u237?a que desprenderse si la ley sal\u237?a ade
lante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? el momento de votar, Octavio se levant\u243? y exclam\u243?: \
u171?\u161?Veto!\u187?. Se produjo un gran esc\u225?ndalo, como es de esperar, p
ero no hubo m\u225?s remedio que interrumpir la votaci\u243?n y disolver la asam
blea. Lo que acababa de hacer Octavio no era ilegal, ya que los tribunos pod\u23
7?an vetar cualquier cosa, pero resultaba m\u225?s que sospechoso que hubiera ap
licado ese veto a una ley que favorec\u237?a los intereses del pueblo romano.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De haber seguido el cauce habitual, la propuesta habr\u237?a regresado al senado
para seguir debati\u233?ndose e introducir algunas enmiendas. Era un lugar apro
piado para hacerlo, pues all\u237? cada miembro pod\u237?a hacer uso de la palab
ra y exponer sus motivos en un ambiente m\u225?s propicio para la discusi\u243?n
sosegada y argumentada (lo cual no quiere decir que a veces las sesiones no fue
ran tormentosas).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En las asambleas, en cambio, resultaba mucho m\u225?s f\u225?cil que los ciudada
nos se dejaran llevar por las pasiones y cayeran en las trampas de la demagogia.
\u191?Por qu\u233?? No porque los asistentes fuesen una masa inculta y descereb
rada, tal como los ve\u237?an muchos nobles, sino por las limitaciones de proced
imiento. En esas reuniones los ciudadanos no pod\u237?an tomar la palabra, solo
votar, aclamar a gritos o abuchear, de modo que m\u225?s que asambleas de verdad
parec\u237?an m\u237?tines pol\u237?ticos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ese sentido, una de las causas por las que el sistema romano distaba mucho de
ser una democracia era que la c\u225?mara donde se discut\u237?a con argumentos
, el senado, no representaba a los ciudadanos en su conjunto, sino \u250?nicamen
te a una peque\u241?a oligarqu\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, Tiberio se neg\u243? a cualquier componenda con el resto de l
os senadores. En lugar de moderar su ley, la endureci\u243? con una enmienda por
la que las personas que pose\u237?an terrenos p\u250?blicos de m\u225?s tendr\u

237?an que desprenderse de ellos sin recibir indemnizaci\u243?n alguna.\par\pard

\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s convoc\u243? una nueva asamblea para votar, pero Octavio volvi\u243
? a levantarse y a exclamar: \u171?\u161?Veto!\u187?. Aquello se repiti\u243? un
a y otra vez. Delante de todos los asistentes Graco intentaba convencer a su ami
go de que dejara de obstruir la aprobaci\u243?n de la ley; pero Octavio, con l\u
225?grimas en los ojos, le dec\u237?a que no pod\u237?a (la efusi\u243?n sentime
ntal era un recurso ret\u243?rico m\u225?s).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como Tiberio no consegu\u237?a que Octavio se apeara de su veto, \u233?l mismo d
ecidi\u243? boicotear todas las actividades p\u250?blicas de Roma. Para ello int
erpuso el {\i
iustitium}, un edicto por el que prohibi\u243? que los magistrados llevaran a ca
bo actuaci\u243?n ninguna hasta que se votara la reforma agraria. No contento co
n eso, Tiberio sell\u243? con su propio anillo las puertas del templo de Saturno
, sede del tesoro p\u250?blico, de modo que los cuestores no pod\u237?an entrar
para sacar fondos ni ingresarlos. Por supuesto, quedaba prohibido celebrar juici
os, pero es que ni siquiera se pod\u237?a vender ni comprar en el mercado.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que estaban haciendo Tiberio y sus adversarios no era tanto recurrir a triqui
\u241?uelas legales como al poder casi m\u225?gico del {\i
iustitium} y del veto, en una especie de duelo de hechizos y contrahechizos. Per
o la tensi\u243?n creciente hac\u237?a que la violencia empezara a palparse en e
l aire. Los enemigos de Graco se dedicaron a conspirar para atentar contra su vi
da; \u233?l, por su parte, procur\u243? rodearse de partidarios armados que lo d
efendieran, y todo el mundo sab\u237?a que bajo la ropa llevaba escondida una es
pada corta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? el d\u237?a de una nueva votaci\u243?n, los \u171?ricos\u187?
\u8212?en palabras de Plutarco\u8212? se llevaron las urnas para impedirlo, mien
tras que Octavio volvi\u243? a interponer su veto. La asamblea se disolvi\u243?
una vez m\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?C\u243?mo salir de este callej\u243?n sin salida? A Tiberio se le ocurri\u
243? una soluci\u243?n inusitada y dr\u225?stica que pod\u237?a salirle bien o c
ostarle la cabeza. Al d\u237?a siguiente, de nuevo en asamblea, subi\u243? a la
Rostra y propuso al pueblo un decreto para despojar a Octavio del cargo de tribu
no.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De nuevo se desat\u243? una algarab\u237?a may\u250?scula. Octavio intent\u243?
impedirlo, como era de esperar, pero a los ciudadanos ya no les impresionaba su
veto y empezaron a desfilar ante las urnas. Tribu tras tribu fueron aprobando la
propuesta de Tiberio. Ni siquiera hizo falta llegar hasta el final: hab\u237?a
treinta y cinco tribus en total, con lo que la mayor\u237?a se alcanzaba con die
ciocho. Cuando termin\u243? de votar la tribu decimoctava, Tiberio anunci\u243?
que desde ese momento Octavio dejaba de ser tribuno de la plebe, y orden\u243? a
sus libertos que se lo llevaran de all\u237?, a rastras si hac\u237?a falta. En
ese instante, se produjeron varios conatos de violencia, porque Octavio y el ba
ndo senatorial ten\u237?an sus propios seguidores, pero por el momento la sangre
no lleg\u243? al r\u237?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que hab\u237?a hecho Tiberio era una maniobra sin precedentes que escandaliz\
u243? a mucha gente. Sus enemigos empezaron a acusarlo de manipular a la plebe e
n aras de su ambici\u243?n personal para convertirse en amo de la Rep\u250?blica
. En una reuni\u243?n del senado, el consular Tito Anio lo acus\u243? de haber v
iolado lo inviolable, la sacrosanta dignidad de un colega tribuno al que no se p
od\u237?a quitar el cargo hiciera lo que hiciera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiberio, en un tono quiz\u225? excesivamente enardecido que no ayud\u243? a su c
ausa, respondi\u243? que un tribuno de la plebe pod\u237?a destruir el templo de
J\u250?piter o quemar los astilleros de la ciudad si as\u237? le parec\u237?a;
lo que no pod\u237?a hacer en ning\u250?n caso era ir contra la soberan\u237?a d
e la asamblea del pueblo, porque si lo hac\u237?a dejaba de ser digno del nombre
de tribuno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eliminado el obst\u225?culo de Octavio y sustituido este por otro tribuno, la as
amblea aprob\u243? por fin la reforma agraria. Para llevarla a cabo, Tiberio pro

puso que se formara una comisi\u243?n de triunviros, esto es, tres varones que o
rganizaran el reparto de tierras. Uno de ellos ser\u237?a \u233?l mismo; el otro
su hermano Cayo, que tan solo ten\u237?a veinte a\u241?os, y el tercero su sueg
ro Apio Claudio, el gran rival pol\u237?tico de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero la historia no hab\u237?a terminado ah\u237?. Aunque el proyecto y la comis
i\u243?n estuvieran aprobados, exist\u237?an otras formas de boicotearlos. B\u22
5?sicamente, cortar el grifo del dinero: una ley sin recursos asignados suele se
r papel mojado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los comisionados ten\u237?an que recorrer las tierras de Italia para inspecciona
r y medir las parcelas. El senado ofreci\u243? a esta comisi\u243?n una dieta de
seis sestercios diarios (la propuesta la hizo Escipi\u243?n N\u225?sica, uno de
los terratenientes que acaparaba m\u225?s terreno p\u250?blico de forma ilegal)
. Con esa miseria hab\u237?a que pagar agrimensores, animales de carga y entrega
r una peque\u241?a suma a los nuevos propietarios para que compraran un m\u237?n
imo de herramientas. Por no dar, el senado ni siquiera le dio a Tiberio una tien
da de campa\u241?a para que se alojara durante los viajes por el campo.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue en ese momento cuando muri\u243? \u193?talo III y en su testamento leg\u243?
el reino de P\u233?rgamo al pueblo romano (aunque fuera un poco exc\u233?ntrico
, era una manera de resignarse a lo inevitable y ahorrarles a sus s\u250?bditos
costosas guerras). Am\u233?n de las pr\u243?speras ciudades de las que se pod\u2
37?an recaudar tributos, hab\u237?a una importante cantidad de dinero pagadera i
nmediatamente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto Tiberio se enter\u243?, demostrando unos reflejos excelentes, propuso
a la asamblea del pueblo repartir esos fondos entre los beneficiarios de la ley
agraria para que pudieran comprar aperos de labranza y animales. De nuevo, se ac
ababa de saltar todas las normas y costumbres que dec\u237?an que el senado era
quien controlaba la pol\u237?tica exterior y financiera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Indignados, varios adversarios, como Metelo Maced\u243?nico, Escipi\u243?n N\u22
5?sica o Quinto Pompeyo, trataron de culparlo de todo lo habido y por haber: des
de que se juntaba con la peor escoria de las calles de Roma hasta que el enviado
del difunto \u193?talo le hab\u237?a ofrecido la diadema real y el manto de p\u
250?rpura para que se convirtiera en rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta \u250?ltima era la peor acusaci\u243?n, la palabra maldita: \u171?rey\u187?
. Viniera o no viniera a cuento, a los romanos les rechinaba en los dientes y de
spertaba en ellos tales connotaciones irracionales como hoy d\u237?a \u171?fasci
sta\u187? o \u171?comunista\u187? seg\u250?n en qu\u233? sitios.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Se acercaba el final del mandato de Tiberio, y era bien consciente de que sus ad
versarios lo iban a denunciar por haber ejercido la coerci\u243?n contra Octavio
, un colega tribuno. La \u250?nica forma de salvarse de que los senadores que mo
nopolizaban los tribunales lo juzgaran y condenaran era presentarse otra vez a l
as elecciones de tribuno para mantener la inmunidad. No se trataba \u250?nicamen
te de salvar su persona, sino tambi\u233?n sus leyes, pues estaba convencido de
que sus enemigos las iban a abolir inmediatamente despu\u233?s de condenarlo a \
u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema resid\u237?a en que la reelecci\u243?n que pretend\u237?a Tiberio er
a ilegal, o al menos atentaba contra la costumbre. Uno de los principios b\u225?
sicos de las magistraturas era que al salir de ellas uno deb\u237?a convertirse
en un ciudadano privado al menos un a\u241?o para responder de los actos llevado
s a cabo durante su mandato: se trataba de una forma de evitar la impunidad tota
l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
UNA MATANZA Y UNA MUERTE MISTERIOSA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para sus enemigos, la pretensi\u243?n de Tiberio de ser tribuno dos a\u241?os se
guidos fue la gota que colm\u243? el vaso. Incluso muchos de sus partidarios m\u

225?s moderados en el senado empezaron a recular, asustados, y a retirarle su ap

oyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las elecciones se celebraron en junio de 133, en la \u233?poca de la cosecha, po
r lo que muchos de los partidarios de Tiberio no se encontraban en la ciudad. Ne
cesitaba el apoyo de la plebe urbana, que no sent\u237?a tantas simpat\u237?as p
or \u233?l. Al parecer, eso le hizo anticipar algunas propuestas que luego prese
ntar\u237?a su hermano, como la posibilidad de apelar las sentencias de los juec
es senatoriales ante la asamblea popular o la reducci\u243?n del servicio milita
r. Sin embargo, no est\u225? claro que ocurriera as\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
El d\u237?a de los comicios ya hab\u237?an votado dos tribus a favor de Tiberio
cuando sus opositores empezaron a protestar a gritos diciendo que aquello era il
egal. El tribuno que presid\u237?a el acto, Rubrio, no sab\u237?a qu\u233? hacer
; al verlo, otro tribuno llamado Mumio, m\u225?s decidido, se ofreci\u243? para
sustituirlo. Entre unas cosas y otras iban pasando las horas, de modo que Tiberi
o propuso que las elecciones se aplazaran hasta el d\u237?a siguiente.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Temi\u233?ndose lo peor, por la noche, Tiberio se puso un manto negro en se\u241
?al de luto y encomend\u243? la protecci\u243?n de su hijo a sus amigos. Al d\u2
37?a siguiente apareci\u243? ante su casa el {\i
pullarius}, el encargado de los pollos sagrados que en la Primera Guerra P\u250?
nica dieron lugar a la famosa an\u233?cdota de Claudio Pulcro arroj\u225?ndolos
al mar \u8212?\u171?Si no quieren comer, que se harten de beber\u187?\u8212?. En
este caso, las aves ni siquiera quer\u237?an salir de la jaula, salvo una que l
o hizo, pero se neg\u243? a alimentarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a tan siniestros augurios, Tiberio se dirigi\u243? al Foro, donde sus parti
darios ya se hab\u237?an congregado en tal n\u250?mero que muchos de ellos ocupa
ban la ladera del monte Capitolio. Cuando sus enemigos trataron de impedir que s
e procediera a la votaci\u243?n, los echaron con palos y porras.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Al mismo tiempo, los senadores estaban reunidos cerca de all\u237?, en el templo
de la diosa Fides (la Confianza), que se alzaba en la ladera sur del Capitolio.
Escipi\u243?n N\u225?sica se dirigi\u243? a los c\u243?nsules y les dijo que la
Rep\u250?blica misma se hallaba en peligro, y que para salvarla deb\u237?an eli
minar a Tiberio Graco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de los senadores llamado Fulvio Flaco, partidario de Tiberio, corri\u243? a
informar a este abri\u233?ndose paso entre la muchedumbre. Cuando a Tiberio le l
leg\u243? la noticia, se desat\u243? a su alrededor un gran griter\u237?o en el
que resultaba casi imposible entender nada de lo que se dec\u237?a. Como muchos
preguntaban a Tiberio qu\u233? estaba ocurriendo y no hab\u237?a forma de o\u237
?r nada, este se toc\u243? la cabeza varias veces indicando con ese gesto que su
vida corr\u237?a peligro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde la entrada del templo de Fides alguien vio el gesto de Tiberio e irrumpi\u
243? en la sesi\u243?n del senado gritando: \u171?\u161?Tiberio est\u225? exigie
ndo que le den la diadema real!\u187?. Una acusaci\u243?n manifiestamente absurd
a, pero que hab\u237?a calado: seg\u250?n sus adversarios, si Tiberio se sal\u23
7?a con la suya impunemente, conseguir\u237?a tal cantidad de poder y partidario
s que nada podr\u237?a impedir que se convirtiera en tirano o rey. A las mentes
de los senadores acudieron los ejemplos de Espurio Casio y Manlio Capitolino, qu
e hab\u237?an intentado alcanzar la tiran\u237?a en 485 y 384 y lo hab\u237?an p
agado con su vida, o el de Agatocles de Siracusa que hab\u237?a empezado como de
magogo para convertirse finalmente en tirano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
N\u225?sica se dirigi\u243? al c\u243?nsul Mucio Esc\u233?vola y le exigi\u243?
que hiciera algo para pararle los pies a Tiberio Graco. Esc\u233?vola respondi\u
243? que no autorizar\u237?a la ejecuci\u243?n de un ciudadano romano sin juicio
previo. En ese momento, N\u225?sica exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Puesto que el c\u
243?nsul traiciona a la Rep\u250?blica, quien quiera protegerla que me siga!\u18
7?. Despu\u233?s se ech\u243? la toga sobre la cabeza y se la ci\u241?\u243? a l
a cintura a la manera gabina, tal como hac\u237?an los sacerdotes en los sacrifi
cios, sugiriendo as\u237? que lo que estaba dispuesto a hacer era un sacrificio

humano en nombre del bien com\u250?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Muchos senadores se remangaron las togas y, armados con porras y palos, corriero
n tras N\u225?sica por la falda del Capitolio hasta el lugar donde se encontraba
Tiberio. Los seguidores de este tambi\u233?n hab\u237?an venido con armas, pero
los senadores cargaron con tal \u237?mpetu que se abrieron paso entre ellos com
o un ariete y los dispersaron. Eran menos, ciertamente, pero una minor\u237?a ar
ticulada y decidida a menudo puede amedrentar a una mayor\u237?a desorganizada.
Adem\u225?s, eran nobles criados en la \u233?tica de la competencia violenta y d
e la guerra, y seguramente hab\u237?an tra\u237?do con ellos a muchos de sus cli
entes para hacer de matones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tiberio trat\u243? de huir. Alguien agarr\u243? su toga; \u233?l se desprendi\u2
43? de ella y escap\u243? tan solo con la t\u250?nica. Pero el p\u225?nico desat
ado entre la multitud hab\u237?a provocado muchas ca\u237?das, y Tiberio tropez\
u243? de bruces sobre varios cuerpos que yac\u237?an en el suelo. Uno de sus col
egas como tribuno, Publio Satureyo, aprovech\u243? para golpearlo en la cabeza c
on un palo, probablemente una pata arrancada de un banco. Despu\u233?s, como una
bandada de buitres, lo rodearon m\u225?s atacantes, y Tiberio ya no se levant\u
243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese d\u237?a perecieron con \u233?l m\u225?s de trescientas personas por golpes
de palos y de piedras, ninguno por herida de espada, seg\u250?n Plutarco. Quiz\u
225? parezcan demasiadas v\u237?ctimas para no haberse utilizado armas blancas,
pero es posible que muchos sucumbieran aplastados o asfixiados en las estampidas
provocadas por el p\u225?nico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se podr\u237?a alegar que la muerte de Tiberio hab\u237?a sido un accidente debi
do a una escalada espont\u225?nea de violencia. Sin embargo, el hecho de que tan
tos senadores hubieran acudido armados a la sesi\u243?n indica que se trat\u243?
de una acci\u243?n premeditada. Tambi\u233?n lo que hicieron con su cad\u225?ve
r y los de sus partidarios, que arrojaron al T\u237?ber en lugar de enterrarlos.
Adem\u225?s, los c\u243?nsules elegidos para el a\u241?o siguiente no recibiero
n instrucciones de investigar el asesinato del tribuno, sino de detener y ejecut
ar a quienes hab\u237?an compartido con Tiberio Graco la supuesta conspiraci\u24
3?n para alzarse con la tiran\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso no significa que los enemigos de Tiberio se hubieran convertido en los amos
de la ciudad sin m\u225?s. Las tensiones segu\u237?an existiendo, y la facci\u24
3?n favorable a Graco convirti\u243? en blanco de su ira a Escipi\u243?n N\u225?
sica, que con su soflama en el templo de Fides hab\u237?a provocado aquel estall
ido de violencia. Para evitar problemas, el senado lo envi\u243? como embajador
a Asia, a pesar de que siendo el {\i
pontifex maximus} no ten\u237?a permitido salir de Italia. N\u225?sica nunca reg
res\u243? de esa especie de exilio dorado y muri\u243? en P\u233?rgamo poco tiem
po despu\u233?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a lo que se podr\u237?a haber esperado, la muerte de Tiberio Graco no signi
fic\u243? que sus leyes fueran anuladas. Su baja en la comisi\u243?n de triunvir
os la cubri\u243? el suegro de su hermano Cayo, Licinio Craso, que tambi\u233?n
fue elegido como nuevo {\i
pontifex maximus} cuando se supo que el anterior, Escipi\u243?n N\u225?sica, hab
\u237?a fallecido. El hecho de que Craso recibiese un nombramiento tan important
e demuestra que la facci\u243?n de Graco manten\u237?a influencia tambi\u233?n e
n la \u233?lite senatorial, con dos importantes adalides: el propio Licinio Cras
o, que fue elegido c\u243?nsul en 131, y Apio Claudio, cabeza del poderoso clan
de los Claudios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No se sabe exactamente qu\u233? resultado dio el reparto de tierras que hab\u237
?a iniciado Tiberio Graco. Aunque es un asunto que los historiadores siguen deba
tiendo, lo cierto es que en el censo del a\u241?o 125 se registraron setenta y c
inco mil personas m\u225?s que en el 131, algo que habr\u237?a hecho sonre\u237?
r de satisfacci\u243?n a Tiberio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hubo problemas, sin duda, para repartir las tierras, sobre todo porque no era f\
u225?cil demostrar cu\u225?les eran p\u250?blicas o privadas. Adem\u225?s, los p
ropietarios it\u225?licos que no eran ciudadanos romanos crearon su propio grupo
de presi\u243?n para evitar que les confiscaran sus terrenos, y encontraron un

valedor en Escipi\u243?n Emiliano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Para este era una buena forma de recuperar con los aliados la popularidad que ha
b\u237?a perdido entre el pueblo romano por oponerse a Tiberio. Todo hab\u237?a
empezado en Numancia, cuando le lleg\u243? la noticia de la muerte de su cu\u241
?ado y respondi\u243? con un verso de Homero en el que la diosa Atenea dec\u237?
a de Egisto, el asesino de Agamen\u243?n: \u171?\u161?Que as\u237? perezca todo
aquel que cometa acciones semejantes!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya de regreso en Roma, el tribuno Papirio Carb\u243?n le pregunt\u243? qu\u233?
opinaba de lo que le hab\u237?a ocurrido a su cu\u241?ado. Escipi\u243?n contest
\u243? que, a su parecer, Tiberio Graco hab\u237?a muerto justamente. Cuando el
pueblo reunido en la asamblea empez\u243? a abuchearlo, \u233?l respondi\u243? e
n tono altivo: {\i
Taceant quibus Italia noverca est!}, \u171?Que callen todos aquellos para los qu
e Italia no es m\u225?s que una madrastra\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde ese momento, Escipi\u243?n perdi\u243? mucho apoyo entre el pueblo. As\u23
7? lo prueba lo ocurrido cuando se decidi\u243? el mando para una guerra en Asia
contra Arist\u243?nico: \u250?nicamente dos de las treinta y cinco tribus votar
on a Escipi\u243?n, pese a que todos sab\u237?an que no hab\u237?a en Roma ning\
u250?n general m\u225?s prestigioso y capacitado que \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
En el a\u241?o 129, los aliados que tem\u237?an perder sus tierras presionaron a
nte Escipi\u243?n para que les echara una mano. \u201?l present\u243? ante el se
nado una ley para que los litigios sobre tierras p\u250?blicas que afectaran a l
os {\i
socii} no se resolvieran en la comisi\u243?n de triunviros, sino en otro tribuna
l. En la pr\u225?ctica, eso habr\u237?a supuesto el final de la ley agraria, pue
s habr\u237?a dejado sin competencias a los triunviros, que se opusieron furibun
damente a la propuesta de Escipi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n, Escipi\u243?n tuvo que o\u237?r en el Foro los gritos que
hab\u237?a escuchado su cu\u241?ado en el senado: \u171?\u161?Abajo con el tiran
o!\u187?. Despu\u233?s regres\u243? a su casa para componer el discurso con el q
ue defender\u237?a su propuesta al d\u237?a siguiente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Nunca lleg\u243? a pronunciarlo. Por la ma\u241?ana apareci\u243? muerto en su c
ama. A su lado estaban las tablillas en las que iba a anotar las ideas para el d
iscurso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a que Escipi\u243?n ya no era tan querido como anta\u241?o, su fallecimient
o caus\u243? una gran consternaci\u243?n en Roma y pronto empezaron a propalarse
extra\u241?os rumores. Para algunos se hab\u237?a suicidado porque era incapaz
de soportar que se opusieran a su ley y lo llamaran tirano. Pero muchos otros as
eguraban que su cuerpo presentaba marcas de violencia, indicio de que lo hab\u23
7?an asesinado, tal vez estrangul\u225?ndolo. Se sospech\u243? de su esposa Semp
ronia, con la que no se llevaba bien \u8212?seg\u250?n Apiano, porque era fea y
no le hab\u237?a dado hijos\u8212?, y que adem\u225?s era la hermana de Tiberio
Graco. Tambi\u233?n de la madre de este y suegra del finado, Cornelia. Hubo asim
ismo quienes se\u241?alaron a los triunviros, y en particular a Papirio Carb\u24
3?n, de quien todav\u237?a en tiempos de Cicer\u243?n se dec\u237?a que hab\u237
?a sido el asesino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, el asunto ni siquiera se investig\u243?. La muerte del mayor
general de su \u233?poca es uno de esos misterios hist\u243?ricos que, probablem
ente, nunca se resolver\u225?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
CAYO GRACO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
La carrera pol\u237?tica del menor de los Graco empez\u243? a una edad muy tempr
ana, cuando su hermano lo nombr\u243? uno de los triunviros encargados de llevar
a cabo la reforma agraria. Estaba considerado un gran orador, y la primera ocas
i\u243?n en que pronunci\u243? un discurso importante fue en el a\u241?o 131, cu
ando Papirio Carb\u243?n, amigo de la familia, present\u243? una propuesta para
que la reelecci\u243?n de un tribuno de la plebe dos a\u241?os seguidos se convi

rtiese en legal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La intenci\u243?n de esta medida era obvia: evitar que en el futuro se repitiese
lo que le hab\u237?a ocurrido a su hermano Tiberio. Cayo defendi\u243? la causa
con gran elocuencia, pero por aquel entonces Escipi\u243?n todav\u237?a estaba
vivo y pose\u237?a influencia suficiente como para impedir que se aprobara la me
dida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 126, Cayo fue elegido cuestor y se le destin\u243? a Cerde\u241?a
bajo el mando del c\u243?nsul Aurelio Orestes. All\u237? permaneci\u243? dos a\
u241?os, uno m\u225?s de lo debido, porque la facci\u243?n predominante en el se
nado prefer\u237?a mantenerlo fuera de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En 124, dispuesto a presentarse a las elecciones a tribuno, Cayo regres\u243? a
Roma sin haber recibido autorizaci\u243?n para abandonar su puesto en Cerde\u241
?a. Sus enemigos lo denunciaron ante los censores, y tambi\u233?n intentaron inv
olucrarlo en la revuelta de la ciudad aliada de Fregelas, que se hab\u237?a prod
ucido poco antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de todo, ambas maniobras resultaron in\u250?tiles. Cayo fue absuelto de
las acusaciones y consigui\u243? ser elegido como el cuarto tribuno m\u225?s vot
ado para el a\u241?o 123. Durante su mandato llev\u243? ante la asamblea muchas
m\u225?s propuestas que su hermano, pero aun as\u237? una legislatura no le pare
ci\u243? suficiente. A esas alturas, no queda muy claro en qu\u233? momento se h
ab\u237?a aprobado por fin el plebiscito que permit\u237?a reelegir a los tribun
os. Cayo aprovech\u243? para presentarse por segunda vez y gan\u243?.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a sus dos a\u241?os de tribunado, Cayo pudo introducir una serie de medi
das que ten\u237?an mucho m\u225?s alcance que las de su hermano Tiberio. Si est
e se hab\u237?a planteado solucionar un problema determinado \u8212?el descenso
del n\u250?mero de ciudadanos que pod\u237?an ser reclutados en las legiones\u82
12?, Cayo ten\u237?a una visi\u243?n m\u225?s general de lo que quer\u237?a para
Roma. Sus leyes tambi\u233?n iban encaminadas a cuestiones concretas, como el h
ambre, la corrupci\u243?n judicial o la indefensi\u243?n del pueblo llano; pero
todas apuntaban en la misma direcci\u243?n: restringir el poder del senado y aum
entar el de la asamblea popular. Esto, en t\u233?rminos griegos, se habr\u237?a
llamado \u171?m\u225?s democracia\u187?, aunque en Roma nadie se habr\u237?a atr
evido a mencionar esa palabra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No es f\u225?cil saber en qu\u233? orden present\u243? Cayo sus medidas, pues la
s fuentes que nos han llegado tienden a ser algo descuidadas en la cronolog\u237
?a. Parece que una de las primeras fue prohibir que cualquier persona que hubier
a sido expulsada de una magistratura pudiera desempe\u241?ar otra en el futuro.
Aquel proyectil iba apuntado directamente a la frente de Octavio, el tribuno que
hab\u237?a intentado boicotear con su veto la ley agraria de su hermano. Pero n
o solo a \u233?l: cualquier senador que se opusiera frontalmente a la asamblea d
el pueblo se arriesgaba a que un tribuno lo depusiera del cargo y arruinara as\u
237? su carrera pol\u237?tica. Aquella medida era un boquete abierto directament
e bajo la l\u237?nea de flotaci\u243?n del senado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No fue la \u250?nica en ese sentido. Hasta entonces, los tribunales que juzgaban
por corrupci\u243?n y extorsi\u243?n a los magistrados que gobernaban las provi
ncias estaban compuestos exclusivamente por senadores. Siguiendo la m\u225?xima
de \u171?perro no come perro\u187?, esos tribunales sol\u237?an absolver a los e
ncausados, ya que todos pertenec\u237?an al mismo orden.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Aunque los detalles no est\u225?n del todo claros, la reforma que introdujo Cayo
exclu\u237?a a los senadores de esos tribunales. \u191?Con qu\u233? jueces los
sustituy\u243?? No con miembros de las clases m\u225?s humildes, que carec\u237?
an de formaci\u243?n y tiempo para dedicarse a una actividad que no estaba remun
erada. Los nuevos jueces eran \u233?quites o caballeros, personas acomodadas que
pertenec\u237?an al llamado orden ecuestre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
LOS \u201?QUITES Y LOS NEGOCIOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
El origen de la clase social de los \u233?quites se remonta a los tiempos casi l

egendarios de la monarqu\u237?a. Dentro de las ciento noventa y tres centurias q

ue se reun\u237?an en los comicios centuriados, las primeras dieciocho recib\u23
7?an de la ciudad el llamado \u171?caballo p\u250?blico\u187?, que en realidad n
o era un caballo, sino el dinero necesario para comprar y mantener un corcel de
guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con el tiempo, el ej\u233?rcito romano confi\u243? cada vez m\u225?s en la cabal
ler\u237?a de los aliados, de modo que los \u233?quites se separaron de su estri
cto origen militar y se convirtieron en una clase social formada por la \u233?li
te de la que sal\u237?an los gobernantes y mandos militares.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
En el a\u241?o 218, por la {\i
lex Claudia} \u8212?llamada as\u237? por el tribuno que la present\u243?, Quinto
Claudio\u8212? se estableci\u243? que ni los senadores ni sus hijos deb\u237?an
enriquecerse en actividades comerciales. Para evitar que lo hicieran, se les pr
ohib\u237?a poseer barcos con capacidad para m\u225?s de trescientas \u225?nfora
s, el equivalente a unas ocho toneladas de carga. Se supon\u237?a que una nave d
e ese tama\u241?o le bastar\u237?a a un senador para transportar los productos d
e sus fincas, pero no para dedicarse al comercio a gran escala.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
El esp\u237?ritu de esta ley era sencillo. Los pol\u237?ticos que decid\u237?an
sobre guerras en escenarios cada vez m\u225?s alejados no deb\u237?an beneficiar
se econ\u243?micamente de ellas. Los romanos ya eran bastante belicistas de por
s\u237? como para a\u241?adir el se\u241?uelo de la riqueza de ultramar.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde entonces, a los senadores \u250?nicamente se les permiti\u243? invertir su
s riquezas en tierras y bienes inmuebles. En cambio, el resto de los miembros de
las centurias de caballeros pod\u237?an dedicarse a todo tipo de actividades co
merciales y empresariales, y aprovecharon esa oportunidad para enriquecerse.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para ello, los \u233?quites crearon compa\u241?\u237?as que, entre otras activid
ades, explotaban minas, realizaban obras p\u250?blicas y se encargaban de fabric
ar y vender material para las legiones. El negocio m\u225?s rentable \u8212?aunq
ue tambi\u233?n arriesgado\u8212? era cobrar los impuestos en las provincias con
quistadas para despu\u233?s entreg\u225?rselos al Estado. Por eso los {\i
publicani} o publicanos que los recaudaban se convirtieron en los miembros m\u22
5?s influyentes del orden ecuestre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La separaci\u243?n entre ambas clases se acentu\u243? a partir del a\u241?o 129,
cuando los senadores dejaron de pertenecer al orden ecuestre: por la {\i
lex reddendorum equorum}, todo aquel que quisiera ejercer una magistratura deb\u
237?a renunciar a su caballo p\u250?blico. El caballo constitu\u237?a tan solo u
n s\u237?mbolo. La verdadera elecci\u243?n consist\u237?a en decidir entre el ho
nor y el poder pol\u237?tico de los senadores y la riqueza y la influencia econ\
u243?mica de los \u233?quites.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A finales de la Rep\u250?blica, el orden ecuestre se hab\u237?a convertido en un
a aristocracia de segundo nivel que exhib\u237?a sus propios signos externos de
honor, como el anillo de oro y la tr\u225?bea, una toga blanca con una banda p\u
250?rpura, m\u225?s estrecha que la de los senadores. Dentro de la \u233?lite ro
mana, los \u233?quites formaban la parte mayoritaria que prefer\u237?a no aparec
er en el primer frente de la pol\u237?tica, pero eran tan numerosos y manejaban
tantos recursos econ\u243?micos que constitu\u237?an un grupo de presi\u243?n al
que hab\u237?a que tener en cuenta. Adem\u225?s, \u233?quites y senadores se re
lacionaban por amistades y v\u237?nculos familiares, y los nuevos senadores sal\
u237?an de las filas del orden ecuestre. Aunque hab\u237?a roces entre ambos est
amentos, si era necesario, se un\u237?an contra las clases inferiores, que const
itu\u237?an la gran mayor\u237?a de la sociedad romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Esta reforma de Cayo Graco pretend\u237?a acabar con la impunidad de los goberna
dores provinciales, y en buena medida lo consigui\u243?. Pero el hecho de que lo
s \u233?quites formaran los tribunales no tard\u243? en dar lugar a su propia co
rrupci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Pese a que cada vez dominaba un imperio m\u225?s extenso, la Rep\u250?blica roma
na no ten\u237?a funcionarios que recaudaran impuestos en las provincias, por lo
que esta misi\u243?n la llevaban a cabo sociedades de publicanos que en su mayo
r\u237?a pertenec\u237?an al orden ecuestre. Dichas sociedades pujaban entre s\u
237? y pagaban un dinero por adelantado para que se les otorgara la concesi\u243
?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para recuperar la inversi\u243?n inicial y obtener ganancias, los publicanos apr
etaban las clavijas a los habitantes de las provincias, a menudo hasta llegar a
la extorsi\u243?n pura y dura. En ese sentido, la provincia de Asia era paradigm
\u225?tica, y lleg\u243? a convertirse en una gallina de los huevos de oro a la
que los publicanos ten\u237?an agarrada por el cuello hasta casi asfixiarla. Cua
ndo un gobernador intentaba evitar estos abusos (algo que tampoco ocurr\u237?a t
an a menudo), ya sab\u237?a lo que le esperaba a su regreso a Roma: acusaci\u243
?n por corrupci\u243?n y juicio ante un tribunal formado por \u233?quites. El ve
redicto sol\u237?a ser de culpabilidad, y la pena el destierro m\u225?s una mult
a por el doble de lo supuestamente robado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Probablemente Cayo Graco no hab\u237?a previsto esta consecuencia negativa de su
reforma, pero s\u237? sab\u237?a que estaba atentando contra el poder del senad
o y que eso le iba a granjear muchos enemigos, como a su hermano.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Otra medida que pretend\u237?a controlar el poder omn\u237?modo del senado era l
a {\i
lex de provinciis consularibus}. Hasta entonces, las provincias las asignaba el
senado cuando los c\u243?nsules ya hab\u237?an sido elegidos, lo que daba lugar
a todo tipo de manipulaciones y corruptelas. Algunos c\u243?nsules intrigaban pa
ra conseguir las provincias que quer\u237?an gobernar, a menudo por motivos espu
rios \u8212?b\u225?sicamente, llenarse los bolsillos\u8212?. En otras ocasiones
el senado se libraba de un c\u243?nsul molesto envi\u225?ndolo lejos de Roma; as
\u237? hab\u237?a hecho por ejemplo mandando a la Galia a Fulvio Flaco, miembro
de la facci\u243?n de los Graco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la ley {\i
de provinciis}, a partir de entonces, el senado tendr\u237?a que asignar las pro
vincias antes de las elecciones. La norma no era inflexible: si surg\u237?a una
emergencia militar, pod\u237?a cambiarse la provincia para asign\u225?rsela a un
general mejor. La ley no debi\u243? de funcionar mal, porque se mantuvo hasta e
l consulado de Pompeyo en el a\u241?o 52.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las medidas de Cayo tambi\u233?n procuraron mejorar el destino de los j\u243?ven
es soldados. Por un lado, se prohibi\u243? reclutar a ciudadanos menores de diec
isiete a\u241?os, y por otro, el Estado se compromet\u237?a a proporcionar a los
legionarios ropa y equipo sin descont\u225?rselo de la paga; algo que les ven\u
237?a muy bien teniendo en cuenta que cada vez se alistaba a gente m\u225?s pobr
e.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La reforma agraria de su hermano hab\u237?a beneficiado sobre todo al proletaria
do del campo, no al de la ciudad. Por eso Tiberio no hab\u237?a contado con dema
siadas simpat\u237?as entre la llamada plebe urbana. Pero Cayo no estaba dispues
to a que le ocurriera lo mismo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El principal problema de la gente que viv\u237?a en la ciudad de Roma era asegur
arse la comida diaria. Peri\u243?dicamente se produc\u237?an carest\u237?as de t
rigo que, por un motivo o por otro, hac\u237?an subir de forma desmesurada el pr
ecio del grano. A veces se deb\u237?a a los piratas que robaban cargamentos de c
ereal, y otras a los esclavos que se sublevaban en Sicilia, uno de los principal
es graneros que suministraba a la urbe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La crisis m\u225?s reciente se hab\u237?a producido poco antes del tribunado de
Cayo. En el a\u241?o 124, una terrible plaga de langosta se abati\u243? sobre el
norte de \u193?frica, provocando doscientas mil muertes en la zona de Cartago y
\u218?tica.{\super
[9]} Esa nueva carest\u237?a decidi\u243? a Cayo a presentar una {\i
lex frumentaria}, t\u233?rmino que proviene de la palabra latina {\i
frumentum}, \u171?trigo\u187?. Por dicha ley, el Estado se obligaba a adquirir t
rigo y vend\u233?rselo a los ciudadanos a un precio fijo y bastante asequible. C

on el fin de que siempre hubiera excedentes de trigo, este se almacenar\u237?a e

n graneros p\u250?blicos. Al parecer, no se llegaron a construir, lo que hace pe
nsar que el Estado alquil\u243? silos privados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La {\i
lex frumentaria} hizo que la popularidad de Cayo entre la plebe urbana subiera c
omo la espuma. A cambio, sus adversarios le atacaron con el argumento de que sol
o pretend\u237?a sobornar al pueblo romano e iba a malcriarlo.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Durante el segundo tribunado de Cayo, sus adversarios recurrieron a una nueva es
trategia y consiguieron que saliera elegido como tribuno de la plebe uno de los
suyos, Livio Druso. Este, actuando como pe\u243?n del senado, se propuso superar
a Cayo en popularidad y present\u243? propuestas tan demag\u243?gicas que mucha
s no se pod\u237?an cumplir. De entrada, propuso abolir el canon casi simb\u243?
lico que pagaban quienes hab\u237?an recibido parcelas por la reforma agraria de
Tiberio. Despu\u233?s, cuando Cayo plante\u243? establecer tres colonias, dos e
n Italia y una en \u193?frica, Druso propuso fundar doce, todas ellas en suelo i
taliano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Que no hubiera tierras disponibles en la pen\u237?nsula para tantas colonias a \
u233?l le daba igual. Lo importante era que as\u237? se ganaba el fervor del pue
blo. Adem\u225?s, Druso ten\u237?a mucho cuidado de declarar en todo momento que
no actuaba as\u237? en su propio nombre para ganarse el favor de la gente, sino
en nombre del senado. En otras palabras, que no pretend\u237?a convertirse en e
l amo de Roma como los hermanos Graco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Casi todo esto ocurri\u243? mientras Cayo se hallaba fuera de la ciudad supervis
ando la creaci\u243?n de la colonia de Junonia, en \u193?frica. Se supone que co
mo tribuno de la plebe no pod\u237?a ausentarse de Roma, pero al parecer el sena
do le otorg\u243? una dispensa que no ven\u237?a nada mal para los planes de sus
opositores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando regres\u243? a la urbe, no tard\u243? en comprobar que la situaci\u243?n
hab\u237?a cambiado. Al ver que su popularidad estaba en declive, Cayo se mud\u2
43? de su mansi\u243?n del Palatino a una casa en la zona baja de la ciudad, no
muy lejos del Foro, un barrio mucho m\u225?s popular. Poco despu\u233?s, present
\u243? una propuesta para otorgar la plena ciudadan\u237?a romana a los habitant
es del Lacio y derecho de voto al resto de los aliados que residieran o estuvier
an de paso en la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No se trataba una medida tan revolucionaria, sobre todo en el caso de los latino
s, que compart\u237?an desde hac\u237?a siglos idioma, religi\u243?n y muchos v\
u237?nculos culturales con los romanos. Pero en esta ocasi\u243?n a Cayo le trai
cion\u243? el c\u243?nsul Fanio, que hasta entonces hab\u237?a sido amigo y part
idario suyo. Fanio habl\u243? contra la propuesta de Cayo utilizando argumentos
xen\u243?fobos que convencieron a muchos votantes. \u171?\u191?Quer\u233?is ver
la ciudad llena de extranjeros que os quiten el asiento en el teatro y el circo?
\u187?, vino a decirles. Al poco tiempo, \u233?l mismo proclam\u243? un edicto p
ara expulsar de la ciudad a todo aquel que no fuera ciudadano romano.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Cuando llegaron los comicios para elegir los tribunos de 121, Cayo intent\u243?
presentarse de nuevo, pero no consigui\u243? que lo votaran por tercera vez. Par
a empeorar las cosas, los nuevos c\u243?nsules eran ambos enemigos suyos: Fabio
M\u225?ximo y, sobre todo, Lucio Opimio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el a\u241?o 121, sus adversarios intentaron derogar parte de su legislac
i\u243?n. La \u250?nica influencia que le quedaba a Cayo era la que le otorgaba
su puesto de triunviro en la comisi\u243?n para la ley agraria. Pero incluso aqu
\u237? empez\u243? a verse en apuros, porque el senado se las arregl\u243? para
atraerse a su bando tambi\u233?n a Papirio Carb\u243?n, uno de los miembros de l
a comisi\u243?n que hasta entonces hab\u237?a sido partidario ferviente de los G
raco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
ESTADO DE EXCEPCI\u211?N\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {

La crisis final estall\u243? por culpa de Junonia, la colonia que se hab\u237?a

fundado en tierras de Cartago por iniciativa de Cayo. El tribuno de la plebe Min
ucio present\u243? una propuesta para desmantelarla, alegando auspicios desfavor
ables para demostrar que los dioses se opon\u237?an a la existencia de esta fund
aci\u243?n colonial. Se supon\u237?a que el sitio era de mal ag\u252?ero de por
s\u237?, pues cuando Escipi\u243?n arras\u243? Cartago hab\u237?a arrojado una m
aldici\u243?n sobre el lugar para que sirviera tan solo como tierra de pasto. (Y
a hemos visto que lo de sembrarlo con sal era una exageraci\u243?n ret\u243?rica
).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cayo Graco comprendi\u243? que se jugaba su supervivencia pol\u237?tica en esta
cuesti\u243?n. El d\u237?a en que se deb\u237?a votar si la colonia segu\u237?a
adelante o no, decidi\u243? tomar un papel activo en la asamblea, aunque ya no f
uese tribuno de la plebe. Como no ten\u237?a intenciones de acabar como su herma
no, se rode\u243? de amigos armados e hizo venir como refuerzo a muchos partidar
ios suyos del campo. Despu\u233?s, se situ\u243? hombro con hombro con su aliado
Fulvio Flaco en una posici\u243?n estrat\u233?gica que dominaba el Foro, junto
a un p\u243?rtico reci\u233?n construido en la ladera del Capitolio.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Entonces se produjo un extra\u241?o incidente. Un hombre llamado Antilio que car
gaba con v\u237?sceras para un sacrificio se acerc\u243? al grupo que rodeaba a
Cayo Graco y empez\u243? a exclamar: \u171?\u161?Abrid paso, escoria! \u161?Abri
d paso!\u187?. Los \u225?nimos estaban ya caldeados, y los partidarios de Cayo m
ataron a Antilio con los mismos punzones que se utilizaban para escribir en las
tablillas de voto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De momento no hubo m\u225?s violencia, porque un aguacero interrumpi\u243? la as
amblea. Pero al d\u237?a siguiente, el senado se reuni\u243? despu\u233?s de div
ersos disturbios en el Foro. Opimio pronunci\u243? un encendido discurso contra
Cayo Graco, acus\u225?ndolo de la muerte de Antilio, que \u8212?\u161?oh, casual
idad!\u8212? era amigo suyo. Como respuesta, los senadores votaron una medida ex
cepcional, el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}: un estado de emergencia por el que se conced\u237?a
a los c\u243?nsules plenos poderes para restaurar el orden dentro de la ciudad,
incluida la potestad de matar a ciudadanos sin juicio previo.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
En la pr\u225?ctica, era Opimio quien deb\u237?a actuar, ya que su colega se enc
ontraba en la Galia. Sin vacilar, orden\u243? que al d\u237?a siguiente todos lo
s senadores se presentaran armados y acompa\u241?ados por sirvientes, y dio la m
isma instrucci\u243?n a los \u233?quites. Como ulterior refuerzo, seg\u250?n Plu
tarco, contrat\u243? a una unidad de arqueros cretenses que deb\u237?an de encon
trarse en las afueras para alguna campa\u241?a b\u233?lica.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Al enterarse de lo que se les ven\u237?a encima, Cayo Graco y Fulvio Flaco se re
tiraron con los suyos a pasar la noche al Aventino, la colina donde, seg\u250?n
la tradici\u243?n, se hab\u237?an instalado los primeros plebeyos que llegaron a
Roma. Sus seguidores tambi\u233?n llevaban armas, pues se las hab\u237?a distri
buido Fulvio tom\u225?ndolas del bot\u237?n que hab\u237?a tra\u237?do de su cam
pa\u241?a del a\u241?o 125 contra los galos que atacaban Marsella.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Al amanecer, Fulvio envi\u243? a su hijo Quinto al senado para que ejerciera de
mediador. Opimio se limit\u243? a exigir que depusieran las armas y se presentar
an ante el senado para ser juzgados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Quinto acudi\u243? por segunda vez con un mensaje de su padre, Opimio lo
hizo encerrar. Despu\u233?s anunci\u243? que quien le trajera la cabeza de Cayo
Graco recibir\u237?a su peso en oro, y orden\u243? a los senadores y a los \u233
?quites que lo siguieran hacia el Aventino. Mientras avanzaban, los heraldos pre
gonaban a grandes voces que todos aquellos seguidores de Cayo Graco que entregar
an las armas y se dispersaran ser\u237?an perdonados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella \u250?ltima proclama hizo que muchos abandonaran a Graco, de modo que la
batalla no tuvo historia, sobre todo cuando los arqueros cretenses empezaron a
descargar andanadas de flechas sobre la multitud. Fulvio y su hijo mayor se esco

ndieron en unos ba\u241?os p\u250?blicos, pero los encontraron y les dieron muer
te. Esta es la versi\u243?n de Plutarco; seg\u250?n Apiano, se refugiaron en cas
a de un amigo, pero acabaron igualmente mal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Cayo, que en todo momento se hab\u237?a opuesto a utilizar la violen
cia, huy\u243? con un esclavo llamado Fil\u243?crates hacia el viejo puente Subl
icio y cruz\u243? al otro lado del T\u237?ber. All\u237? se refugi\u243? en un b
osquecillo consagrado a las Furias. Al ver que ten\u237?a a sus perseguidores ca
si encima, Cayo orden\u243? a Fil\u243?crates que lo matara. El esclavo as\u237?
lo hizo y luego se suicid\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez muerto Cayo Graco, alguien se apresur\u243? a cortarle la cabeza. Pero n
o pudo cobrar la recompensa, ya que un tal Septimuleyo se la quit\u243?, la clav
\u243? en una lanza y se la llev\u243? al c\u243?nsul Opimio, que era amigo suyo
. Al ponerla en la balanza descubrieron que pesaba bastante m\u225?s de la cuent
a, porque Septimuleyo la hab\u237?a rellenado de plomo para llevarse m\u225?s or
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con la excusa del {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}, Opimio no detuvo su sangrienta represi\u243?n hasta
que hubo matado sin juicio a tres mil seguidores de Graco. Todos sus cad\u225?ve
res fueron arrojados al r\u237?o y sus propiedades confiscadas. El destino de Qu
into, el hijo de Fulvio, fue particularmente injusto, porque tras haber actuado
de mediador, lo que deber\u237?a haberle concedido inmunidad, el c\u243?nsul tam
bi\u233?n lo mand\u243? matar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como suprema iron\u237?a, tras este ba\u241?o de sangre, Opimio consagr\u243? un
templo a la diosa Concordia, lo que desat\u243? la indignaci\u243?n entre el pu
eblo. Un a\u241?o despu\u233?s, cuando dej\u243? de ser c\u243?nsul, el tribuno
Decio Subul\u243?n lo llev\u243? a juicio por haber ejecutado a ciudadanos roman
os sin haberlos procesado legalmente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Opimio aleg\u243? que no hab\u237?a hecho m\u225?s que aplicar el decreto de eme
rgencia del senado para salvar a la Rep\u250?blica, y sali\u243? absuelto. Sin e
mbargo, su argumento no ten\u237?a base legal, como demostr\u243? Julio C\u233?s
ar sesenta a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde: el senado pod\u237?a decretar lo que le die
ra la gana, pero no ten\u237?a autoridad para privar a ning\u250?n ciudadano de
su derecho a apelar al pueblo en casos que implicaban la pena capital.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? acab\u243?, pues, el segundo de los hermanos Graco. Su muerte fue muy d
istinta de la Tiberio y llev\u243? un paso m\u225?s lejos la violencia intestina
en Roma. Si Tiberio hab\u237?a ca\u237?do bajo los garrotes en una reyerta que
se pod\u237?a calificar como disturbio callejero \u8212?pese a que en ella hab\u
237?a participado un c\u243?nsul\u8212?, Cayo hab\u237?a muerto por la acci\u243
?n premeditada de un magistrado actuando como tal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante un tiempo, pareci\u243? que la causa popular estaba perdida y que el sen
ado hab\u237?a recuperado el poder de sus mejores \u233?pocas. A\u241?os despu\u
233?s, en un discurso que le atribuye Salustio, el tribuno de la plebe Cayo Memi
o dir\u237?a que en los \u250?ltimos tiempos unos pocos, los oligarcas del senad
o, se estaban riendo a costa del pueblo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero no era as\u237?. Como se\u241?ala Andrew Lintott en el cap\u237?tulo corres
pondiente de {\i
The Cambridge Ancient History}, \u171?la lecci\u243?n que los futuros {\i
populares} pod\u237?an extraer del destino de los Graco no era que el respeto po
r la ley y el orden fuesen esenciales, sino que necesitaban tener m\u225?s fuerz
a y, sobre todo, el apoyo de magistrados con {\i
imperium}\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, el legado de los Graco no se borr\u243? de la noche a la ma\u
241?ana. Algunas de sus leyes, como la que establec\u237?a la colonia Junonia, f
ueron derogadas, pero otras se mantuvieron durante mucho tiempo. Adem\u225?s, su
muerte los hab\u237?a convertido en \u237?dolos del pueblo. As\u237? se demostr
\u243? cuando, veinte a\u241?os despu\u233?s, uno de sus herederos ideol\u243?gi
cos m\u225?s extremistas, el tribuno Apuleyo Saturnino, intent\u243? atraerse a
las masas presentando ante el pueblo a un presunto hijo natural de Tiberio Graco
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Hablando de familia, la historia de los Graco no quedar\u237?a completa sin una

referencia a su madre. Cornelia los sobrevivi\u243? a ambos y se retir\u243? a l
a ciudad de Miseno, rodeada del respeto de la gente. Cuando muri\u243?, el puebl
o le erigi\u243? una estatua de bronce. Pese a que era la hija del gran Escipi\u
243?n Africano, vencedor de An\u237?bal, la inscripci\u243?n de la estatua no me
ncionaba eso, sino que simplemente dec\u237?a con un orgullo que sigue resonando
a trav\u233?s de los siglos:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
CORNELIA, MADRE DE LOS GRACO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La lucha fratricida entre romanos no hab\u237?a hecho m\u225?s que empezar. La v
iolencia que se hab\u237?a iniciado con palos y porras se intensificar\u237?a ha
sta tal punto que las calles de Roma acabar\u237?an ensangrent\u225?ndose a toqu
e de corneta y se\u241?al de estandarte. Pero antes, la Rep\u250?blica tendr\u23
7?a que superar graves amenazas externas. Una de ellas proven\u237?a del brumoso
norte y la otra de las c\u225?lidas tierras de \u193?frica. En las guerras que
se libraron contra ambas se distinguieron dos personajes que se convertir\u237?a
n en el paradigma del odio mutuo y la discordia civil: Cayo Mario y Lucio Cornel
io Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
LIBRO II\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\b
{
{\qc
MARIO Y SILA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} \par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
IV\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LA GUERRA DE YUGURTA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
ROMA AMENAZADA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Tras la muerte de Cayo Graco, Roma no solo no conoci\u243? la paz, sino que apen
as unos a\u241?os despu\u233?s se encontr\u243? sumida en una de las peores cris
is de su historia. Las tensiones internas que Opimio hab\u237?a intentado reprim
ir de manera tan salvaje segu\u237?an all\u237?, pero la amenaza que se cern\u23
7?a ahora sobre ella era externa. Los habitantes de Italia y de la propia ciudad
de Roma llegaron a sentir muy cerca la amenaza de los enemigos, y el fantasma d
e los galos, que saquearon la ciudad en 387, hizo estremecerse de nuevo a todos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, Roma era ahora much\u237?simo m\u225?s poderosa que cuando Breno y
sus celtas la atacaron a principios del siglo IV. Pero a cambio, en esta ocasi\
u243?n, se encontr\u243? combatiendo en tres e incluso cuatro frentes de forma s
imult\u225?nea, y sufri\u243? reveses militares tan graves como no se recordaban
desde los tiempos de An\u237?bal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las obras escritas de la Antig\u252?edad se han transmitido de una forma alguna
veces aleatoria y otras sometidas a una especie de darwinismo literario: las que
ten\u237?an m\u225?s \u233?xito en su momento o resultaban m\u225?s breves y se
ncillas de entender eran copiadas m\u225?s veces y, por tanto, gozaban de m\u225
?s posibilidades de sobrevivir a la putrefacci\u243?n, las ratas o los incendios
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Debido a esa transmisi\u243?n azarosa y fragmentada, conocemos mucho mejor unas
\u233?pocas que otras. Incluso al estudiar periodos supuestamente bien atestigua
dos nos damos cuenta de que, aunque existen bastantes datos sobre ciertos a\u241
?os y lugares determinados, otros puntos que nos gustar\u237?a conocer se hallan

hundidos en sombras casi impenetrables. Por eso, el relato hist\u243?rico que e

ncontramos en los libros suele estar limitado a lo posible: el foco de la linter
na del cronista alumbra un a\u241?o la ciudad de Roma, otro a\u241?o una regi\u2
43?n de Numidia y un tiempo despu\u233?s los alrededores de Aquae Sextiae, como
si en el resto de los lugares del mundo no hubiese pasado nada en el \u237?nteri
n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por ejemplo, las luchas que libraron los romanos contra los escordiscos y otros
pueblos de Iliria y Panonia debieron de ser \u233?picas, y en ellas algunos gene
rales ganaron gloria y otros perecieron. Pero, como no sabemos gran cosa de esas
guerras, apenas ocupan unas l\u237?neas en los manuales de historia.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
En cambio, est\u225? mucho mejor documentada la \u250?nica amenaza de aquellos a
\u241?os que provino del sur, de un reino que durante d\u233?cadas hab\u237?a si
do un fiel y \u250?til aliado de Roma: Numidia. Dicha amenaza no pareci\u243? la
m\u225?s grave en su momento, puesto que no lleg\u243? a suponer para Italia ni
para la urbe un peligro tan directo como el de los invasores del norte. Sin emb
argo, provoc\u243? muchos problemas en Roma y agrav\u243? la brecha que se hab\u
237?a abierto entre los llamados optimates y los populares.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL AUGE DE NUMIDIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Como se explic\u243? al hablar de la Tercera Guerra P\u250?nica, Numidia hab\u23
7?a resultado muy beneficiada por la derrota de An\u237?bal. Hasta entonces, el
pa\u237?s se hallaba dividido entre las dos tribus principales, los masilios y l
os masesulios, y el joven pr\u237?ncipe Masinisa se ve\u237?a emparedado entre e
l poder hegem\u243?nico de Cartago al este y el de su rival S\u237?fax, caudillo
de los masesulios, al oeste. Pero al final de la guerra, gracias a que supo ele
gir el bando ganador, Masinisa consigui\u243? librarse de S\u237?fax y se convir
ti\u243? en soberano de un gran reino que abarcaba parte del actual T\u250?nez y
toda la zona norte de Argelia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Bajo el largo mandato de Masinisa, el reino de Numidia creci\u243? tanto que, co
mo dir\u237?amos ahora, \u171?entr\u243? en la escena internacional\u187?. Masin
isa lleg\u243? a intercambiar embajadores con estados orientales tan lejanos com
o Rodas, Bitinia o Egipto. Su hijo Mastan\u225?bal incluso particip\u243? en los
Juegos Panatenaicos, un gran festival religioso y deportivo que se celebraba en
la ciudad de Atenas. Aquello supon\u237?a una muestra de prestigio: aunque la g
randeza de Grecia fuese \u250?nicamente un recuerdo del pasado, su cultura todav
\u237?a se revest\u237?a de un barniz de cierto renombre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Como ya vimos tambi\u233?n, Masinisa falleci\u243? en el a\u241?o 148, poco ante
s de la destrucci\u243?n de Cartago. Antes de morir, hab\u237?a nombrado albacea
a Escipi\u243?n Emiliano. Siguiendo las instrucciones del difunto, Escipi\u243?
n reparti\u243? el poder entre tres de sus hijos. A Gulusa, que destacaba por su
s dotes militares, le confi\u243? el mando supremo del ej\u233?rcito, y despu\u2
33?s se lo llev\u243? consigo a Cartago. A Mastan\u225?bal, que hab\u237?a recib
ido una esmerada educaci\u243?n (\u171?Era un erudito en las letras griegas\u187
?, cuenta de \u233?l Tito Livio), le entreg\u243? la autoridad judicial. En cuan
to a Micipsa, el hijo mayor, le correspondi\u243? el tesoro y tambi\u233?n el tr
ono de Cirta, la ciudad m\u225?s pr\u243?spera del reino, que albergaba una pobl
aci\u243?n mixta de bereberes, p\u250?nicos, griegos y hombres de negocios it\u2
25?licos y romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este arreglo a lo Montesquieu resulta un tanto extra\u241?o, y tal vez demasiado
perfecto, con esa tendencia que ten\u237?an tantos autores cl\u225?sicos a simp
lificar las cosas y delimitarlas con l\u237?neas tan rectas como la frontera que
separa hoy d\u237?a Argelia de Libia. \u191?No ser\u225? que los tres hermanos
hab\u237?an acordado tambi\u233?n un reparto territorial como el que el propio M
icipsa llev\u243? a cabo a su muerte, a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde? Se trata de una
hip\u243?tesis veros\u237?mil, pero imposible de comprobar por ahora.\par\pard\p

lain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, Gulusa y Mastan\u225?bal no tardaron demasiado en morir por c
ausas naturales ahorrando posibles problemas a Micipsa, quien, de este modo, se
convirti\u243? en soberano \u250?nico de un vasto territorio. Por el oeste, la g
ran Numidia llegaba hasta el r\u237?o Muluya, que la separaba de Mauritania (rei
no que se correspond\u237?a con el territorio de Marruecos, no con la Mauritania
actual). Por el este, se extend\u237?a hasta la {\i
fossa regia} que marcaba su frontera con la provincia romana de \u193?frica, cre
ada tras la destrucci\u243?n de Cartago. Los dominios de Micipsa alcanzaban incl
uso regiones m\u225?s orientales, pues tanto Leptis Magna como otras ciudades de
la Tripolitania se hallaban sometidas al poder de Numidia desde que Masinisa la
s conquistara en 162.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los habitantes de este gran reino, los n\u250?midas, eran un pueblo de lengua be
reber. As\u237? lo atestigua, por ejemplo, el t\u233?rmino {\i
gld} que aplicaban a sus monarcas, relacionado con la actual palabra bereber {\i
aguellid}, \u171?rey\u187?. Por otra parte, se hallaban tan influidos por la cul
tura cartaginesa que sus soberanos tambi\u233?n utilizaban el t\u237?tulo fenici
o de {\i
melek}. El p\u250?nico era una de las lenguas oficiales del reino, y muchos nomb
res n\u250?midas, como Ad\u233?rbal o Mastan\u225?bal, conten\u237?an el nombre
del dios fenicio Baal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al sur de Numidia, m\u225?s all\u225? de las monta\u241?as del Atlas y la l\u237
?nea de los cuatrocientos mil\u237?metros de lluvia, empezaba la regi\u243?n pre
sahariana. En ella habitaban pueblos n\u243?madas conocidos colectivamente como
\u171?g\u233?tulos\u187?, a ratos aliados y a ratos vasallos de los n\u250?midas
. M\u225?s al sur todav\u237?a, tras la isoyeta de los cien mil\u237?metros, se
extend\u237?a la vasta desolaci\u243?n del Sahara. Pero incluso all\u237? moraba
n pueblos bereberes, como los fabulosos garamantas, cuya capital Garama se halla
ba a setecientos kil\u243?metros del mar, en pleno desierto.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Volviendo a la regi\u243?n de Numidia, los historiadores antiguos cuentan que ta
nto Masinisa como Micipsa promovieron la urbanizaci\u243?n y, sobre todo, el des
arrollo de la agricultura. Sin embargo, la ganader\u237?a segu\u237?a siendo una
de las actividades principales de sus habitantes, por lo que muchos de ellos \u
8212?sobre todo en la parte occidental del pa\u237?s\u8212? se desplazaban a lo
largo del a\u241?o por rutas de trashumancia, buscando las tierras altas en vera
no y los valles en invierno. Es posible que el mismo nombre con que los conoc\u2
37?an los romanos, {\i
Numidae}, est\u233? relacionado con el t\u233?rmino griego {\i
Nom\u225?des}, \u171?n\u243?madas\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hay que a\u241?adir que griegos y romanos compart\u237?an una visi\u243?n despec
tiva de los n\u243?madas, a los que consideraban semisalvajes piojosos que robab
an el ganado de otras tribus, saqueaban sus comarcas y por pura desidia dejaban
que el suelo se convirtiera en un yermo est\u233?ril. Por eso conviente relativi
zar la identificaci\u243?n entre n\u243?madas y n\u250?midas, un estereotipo que
hoy d\u237?a suscita bastantes cr\u237?ticas de historiadores magreb\u237?es.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, Numidia contaba con un territorio f\u233?rtil m\u225?s extenso y pr
oductivo de lo que se suele creer, como se demuestra en el hecho de que a menudo
exportaba grano a Roma. El rey Masinisa incluso contribuy\u243? con donaciones
de cereal a la isla griega de Delos, donde se erigieron estatuas en su honor.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los arque\u243?logos han encontrado en muchos lugares de Numidia restos de canal
es subterr\u225?neos o {\i
foggaras}, similares a los {\i
qanats} persas, que conduc\u237?an el agua de pozos y fuentes a las zonas de cul
tivo. Tambi\u233?n se han hallado terrazas excavadas en las laderas de los monte
s para retener el agua de la lluvia y prevenir la erosi\u243?n. Siguiendo el pre
juicio que podr\u237?amos llamar \u171?antin\u243?mada\u187?, antes se considera
ba que todas esas obras databan de \u233?poca romana. Ahora, no obstante, hay ex

pertos que piensan que esos sistemas hidr\u225?ulicos forman parte de una evoluc
i\u243?n tecnol\u243?gica que se desarroll\u243? con independencia de la presenc
ia romana en el Magreb. Desmintiendo los estereotipos, Numidia no era, por tanto
, un erial pedregoso habitado por n\u243?madas que esperaban a ser civilizados p
or los romanos, sino un pa\u237?s con un grado considerable de prosperidad y des
arrollo. Es algo que hay que tener en cuenta para entender la guerra contra Yugu
rta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL ASCENSO DE YUGURTA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Ya qued\u243? dicho que Mastan\u225?bal, hermano de Micipsa, fue aceptado como p
articipante en los Juegos Panatenaicos. All\u237?, en el a\u241?o 158, obtuvo la
victoria con un carro tirado por sus caballos. El auriga debi\u243? de ser otra
persona, no el propio Mastan\u225?bal: quien obten\u237?a el m\u233?rito en las
pruebas h\u237?picas era el propietario de la cuadra, no el conductor del carro
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Probablemente su hijo Yugurta naci\u243? ese mismo a\u241?o. Esto recuerda a la
historia de Filipo de Macedonia, que se enter\u243? de que sus caballos hab\u237
?an ganado en las Olimpiadas el mismo d\u237?a en que naci\u243? su hijo Alejand
ro. \u191?Ser\u237?a consciente Yugurta de ese paralelismo? Ambici\u243?n al est
ilo de Alejandro no le faltaba, sin duda.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n los historiadores, Yugurta era hijo ileg\u237?timo de Mastan\u225?bal
con una concubina. En teor\u237?a, siendo bastardo de alguien que era a su vez
el tercer hijo del gran Masinisa, no habr\u237?a tenido ninguna posibilidad de r
einar. Pero cabe preguntarse si los romanos no identificaban de manera incorrect
a el estatus de hijo leg\u237?timo o ileg\u237?timo en culturas como la n\u250?m
ida, donde se practicaba la poligamia. En cualquier caso, los indicios se\u241?a
lan que Yugurta naci\u243? lo bastante pronto como para ser el mayor de los niet
os de Masinisa, lo cual seguramente se convirti\u243? en un punto a su favor.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta es un personaje c\u233?lebre gracias a la monograf\u237?a que le dedic\u
243? Salustio, {\i
La guerra de Yugurta}. El historiador romano lo describe as\u237?:\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
En cuanto Yugurta creci\u243?, plet\u243?rico de fuerzas, de rostro atractivo, y
sobre todo dotado de una inteligencia poderosa, no se dej\u243? corromper por e
l lujo ni la pereza. Al contrario, como es costumbre entre su pueblo, se dedic\u
243? a montar a caballo, a disparar la jabalina y a competir en carreras con sus
iguales. Aunque aventajaba en gloria a los dem\u225?s, sin embargo, todos lo ap
reciaban. Adem\u225?s, pasaba buena parte del tiempo cazando, y cuando hab\u237?
a que herir al le\u243?n o a otras fieras era el primero o estaba entre los prim
eros. ({\i
Yug}., 6).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conviene poner este retrato un poco en cuarentena. Los antiguos eran tan incapac
es de resistirse a los t\u243?picos literarios como muchos periodistas pol\u237?
ticos o deportivos de hoy d\u237?a. A pesar de todo, hay algunas cosas claras so
bre este personaje. Como estratega se hallaba muy por encima de sus primos, los
hijos de Micipsa, y de la mayor\u237?a de los generales romanos de la \u233?poca
. Tambi\u233?n resulta indudable que pose\u237?a un gran carisma. As\u237? lo de
mostr\u243? poniendo en apuros a la maquinaria militar de la Rep\u250?blica, alg
o que solo consiguieron caudillos como el lusitano Viriato, el germano Arminio o
el celta Vercinget\u243?rix, personajes capaces de convocar y aglutinar en torn
o a ellos a ej\u233?rcitos mucho menos organizados que el romano precisamente gr
acias a que eran l\u237?deres carism\u225?ticos capaces de inspirar a sus hombre
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 134, cuando ya hab\u237?an muerto los hermanos de Micipsa y este
gobernaba solo, Escipi\u243?n Emiliano le pidi\u243? que, como cliente y amigo,
le enviara refuerzos para asediar Numancia. Micipsa accedi\u243?, y nombr\u243?
jefe del contingente n\u250?mida a Yugurta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

En opini\u243?n de Salustio, el rey actu\u243? as\u237? por celos. Yugurta estab

a empezando a descollar tanto que su t\u237?o tem\u237?a que su popularidad entr
e los n\u250?midas acabara convirti\u233?ndolo en un posible rival no solo para
sus hijos, sino incluso para \u233?l mismo. Enviarlo a Numancia era una forma de
alejarlo de la corte. Por otra parte, cab\u237?a la posibilidad de que muriese
en combate y dejase de ser una amenaza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como suele ocurrir, es muy posible que nos encontremos ante una explicaci\u243?n
de los hechos {\i
post eventum}. A decir verdad, mandar a Yugurta en aquella misi\u243?n supon\u23
7?a una muestra de respeto y honor. Hab\u237?a suficientes miembros de la amplia
familia real entre los que elegir un jefe para aquellas tropas. Si Micipsa esco
gi\u243? a Yugurta, deb\u237?a de estar muy convencido de que su sobrino lo deja
r\u237?a en buen lugar ante Escipi\u243?n. Quedar bien con los romanos no era \u
250?nicamente una cuesti\u243?n de prestigio, sino tambi\u233?n de supervivencia
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el asedio, Yugurta se empap\u243? de las t\u233?cnicas militares romanas
, que a\u241?os despu\u233?s aplicar\u237?a para cercar la ciudad de Cirta. Tamb
i\u233?n, aprovechando que entre las \u233?lites de pueblos distintos se estable
c\u237?an v\u237?nculos de hospitalidad y clientela que podr\u237?amos llamar \u
171?transversales\u187?, adquiri\u243? muchas amistades que con el tiempo le res
ultaron muy \u250?tiles. En ello debi\u243? influir su car\u225?cter: todo hace
sospechar que se trataba de un aut\u233?ntico encantador de serpientes.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre los romanos que rodeaban a Escipi\u243?n hab\u237?a muchos que, seg\u250?n
Salustio, alentaron al joven n\u250?mida a volar alto convenci\u233?ndolo de qu
e, cuando Micipsa muriera, \u233?l podr\u237?a convertirse en \u250?nico soberan
o. Puede haber buena parte de verdad en ello, pero la conducta de Yugurta a lo l
argo de su vida indica que pose\u237?a bastante ambici\u243?n de por s\u237? sin
necesidad de que nadie la avivara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esta campa\u241?a, Yugurta conoci\u243? tambi\u233?n a un tribuno militar de
su misma edad. Al igual que \u233?l, se trataba de un joven muy dotado para el a
rte de la guerra. Su nombre era breve y m\u225?s bien corriente, Cayo Mario, y n
i siquiera ten\u237?a {\i
cognomen} como los miembros de otras familias egregias. Pero era un hombre que n
i por su conducta ni su f\u237?sico pasaba inadvertido. Es casi seguro que cuand
o d\u233?cadas despu\u233?s sus destinos se cruzaron de nuevo Yugurta no se hab\
u237?a olvidado de \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El asedio termin\u243? en el a\u241?o 133 con la rendici\u243?n de Numancia. Yug
urta regres\u243? a Numidia con dos grandes ventajas sobre los dem\u225?s pr\u23
7?ncipes de la familia real n\u250?mida: experiencia de combate con el mejor ej\
u233?rcito del mundo y contactos entre la \u233?lite romana. Para demostrarlo, l
e ense\u241?\u243? al rey Micipsa una carta de recomendaci\u243?n escrita de pu\
u241?o y letra por Escipi\u243?n Emiliano:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El valor de tu Yugurta en la guerra de Numancia ha sido enorme, cosa que estoy s
eguro que te alegrar\u225? saber. Gracias a sus m\u233?ritos se ha hecho muy que
rido para nosotros, y vamos a procurar con todas nuestras fuerzas que sea igualm
ente apreciado por el senado y el pueblo de Roma. En nombre de nuestra amistad,
te felicito, pues en \u233?l tienes a un hombre digno de ti y de su abuelo Masin
isa. ({\i
Yug}., 9).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En opini\u243?n de algunos autores, fue esta recomendaci\u243?n la que hizo que
Micipsa superara sus suspicacias respecto a Yugurta y le otorgara rango de pr\u2
37?ncipe real. Desde aquel momento, sus probabilidades de ascender al trono o co
nseguir al menos una parcela de poder se multiplicaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Transcurrieron unos a\u241?os en los que Yugurta continu\u243? tejiendo su red d
e influencias, que se extend\u237?an sobre todo por la parte occidental del rein
o. A ello contribuy\u243? el hecho de que el rey hab\u237?a empezado a dar muest
ras de debilidad f\u237?sica y mental. En 121, con sus facultades ya bastante me
rmadas, Micipsa decidi\u243? dar un paso m\u225?s, adoptando a Yugurta y nombr\u

225?ndolo heredero junto con sus dos hijos varones leg\u237?timos, Ad\u233?rbal
y Hi\u233?mpsal. \u191?Obr\u243? as\u237? por voluntad propia, presionado por lo
s amigos romanos de Yugurta o por el propio Yugurta? Lo ignoramos.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Micipsa falleci\u243? en el a\u241?o 118. Como hab\u237?a ocurrido tras la muert
e de Masinisa, el reino qued\u243? dividido entre tres herederos. Pero esta vez
la transici\u243?n no result\u243? tan pac\u237?fica; quiz\u225? porque faltaba
alguien con la personalidad de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano para verificar que se cump
l\u237?a el testamento, o porque la relaci\u243?n personal entre los nuevos sobe
ranos era peor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los problemas empezaron casi al instante. Tras los funerales regios se celebr\u2
43? la primera reuni\u243?n entre los herederos. Hi\u233?mpsal desair\u243? a su
primo al ocupar el sitio de honor sent\u225?ndose en el centro, pese a que era
el m\u225?s joven de los tres. Por el momento, Yugurta se trag\u243? la ofensa.
A continuaci\u243?n, el propio Yugurta propuso que se anularan las leyes decreta
das por Micipsa durante los cinco \u250?ltimos a\u241?os debido a que se encontr
aba ya senil. Hi\u233?mpsal demostr\u243? al mismo tiempo sus buenos reflejos y
su hostilidad contestando que le parec\u237?a perfecto, pues una de esas decisio
nes hab\u237?a sido la de adoptar como heredero a Yugurta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Con comentarios de este tipo, no es sorprendente que no consiguieran llegar a un
acuerdo similar al de sus antecesores. En lugar de dividirse el poder por parce
las, decidieron partir directamente el reino en tres y hacer lo mismo con los te
soros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los tres reyes se dirigieron al lugar donde deb\u237?an llevar a cabo la distrib
uci\u243?n del dinero, viajando por caminos separados y cada uno con su propio s
\u233?quito. El joven Hi\u233?mpsal se instal\u243? en una ciudad llamada Tirmid
a cuya localizaci\u243?n se desconoce. El gobernador del lugar lo aloj\u243? en
una mansi\u243?n, como correspond\u237?a a su rango. Pero en secreto le hizo lle
gar a Yugurta una copia de las llaves de esa casa \u8212?llaves {\i
adulterinas} las llama Salustio\u8212?. Por la noche, un grupo de guerreros de Y
ugurta entr\u243? en Tirmida y asalt\u243? la mansi\u243?n. Aunque Hi\u233?mpsal
intent\u243? esconderse en el dormitorio de una sirvienta \u8212?qui\u233?n sab
e si no andar\u237?a all\u237? por otros motivos\u8212?, los soldados lo encontr
aron y lo mataron. Despu\u233?s le llevaron su cabeza a Yugurta, que acababa de
demostrar que era tan r\u225?pido de actos como su joven primo lo hab\u237?a sid
o de lengua, y mucho m\u225?s implacable a la hora de tomar decisiones.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
No se sabe si Yugurta se hab\u237?a limitado a planear el asesinato de Hi\u233?m
psal por el odio que exist\u237?a entre ambos, o si tambi\u233?n trat\u243? de a
cabar con Ad\u233?rbal y este consigui\u243? escapar. En cualquier caso, aquel c
rimen hizo estallar entre Yugurta y Ad\u233?rbal un conflicto que no tard\u243?
en convertirse en guerra civil, con las tribus n\u250?midas divididas en dos fac
ciones opuestas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ad\u233?rbal consigui\u243? atraer a m\u225?s hombres a su causa, pues uni\u243?
los seguidores de su hermano asesinado a los suyos propios. Pero los partidario
s de Yugurta pose\u237?an m\u225?s experiencia en la guerra, al igual que su gen
eral. Cuando ambos primos se enfrentaron en el campo de batalla, Ad\u233?rbal re
sult\u243? derrotado, tal como cab\u237?a esperar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ad\u233?rbal huy\u243? al este y se refugi\u243? en la provincia romana de \u193
?frica. Desde all\u237? se encamin\u243? a Roma, como aliada y amiga de Numidia
que era. Una vez en la ciudad, expuso su caso ante el senado, ya que era este qu
ien tomaba las decisiones de pol\u237?tica exterior seg\u250?n la tradici\u243?n
; una tradici\u243?n que, por cierto, no tardar\u237?a mucho en romperse.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, Yugurta no se qued\u243? mano sobre mano, sino que despach\u243? a
Roma sus propios enviados. Despu\u233?s de que ambos bandos presentaran sus ale
gaciones ante los senadores, estos decidieron repartir el reino entre ambos pret
endientes. Se trataba de la medida que m\u225?s conven\u237?a a Roma: un vecino
dividido, y no una gran Numidia a la que se le pudieran subir los humos en cualq

uier momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para concretar los detalles del reparto, el senado envi\u243? una comisi\u243?n.
La presid\u237?a Lucio Opimio, el mismo que como c\u243?nsul en 121 hab\u237?a
ofrecido el peso en oro de la cabeza de Cayo Graco a quien se la trajera, y que
tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a ordenado ejecutar a tres mil de sus partidarios.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Tal como explica Salustio, \u171?cuando se efectu\u243? la divisi\u243?n, la par
te de Numidia vecina a Mauritania, que era la m\u225?s f\u233?rtil y poblada, le
correspondi\u243? a Yugurta. En cambio la otra, mejor por su aspecto que por su
utilidad, ya que pose\u237?a m\u225?s puertos y edificios, le cay\u243? en suer
te a Ad\u233?rbal\u187? ({\i
Yug}., 16).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El motivo que se suele alegar para este reparto desigual es que Yugurta hab\u237
?a sobornado a muchos senadores, entre ellos a Opimio. Como ya hemos visto, hab\
u237?a trabado amistad con bastantes miembros de la \u233?lite romana durante el
asedio de Numancia. Es evidente que ahora no iba a perder la ocasi\u243?n de ut
ilizar esas influencias para presionar y conseguir una decisi\u243?n favorable.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, sin entrar en la cuesti\u243?n de los sobornos, que seguramente exi
stieron, la interpretaci\u243?n que hace Salustio sobre el reparto es discutible
. Resulta dudoso que la peor parte del reino fuese la que se hallaba m\u225?s ce
rca de Cartago, una regi\u243?n famosa por su desarrollo agr\u237?cola. Ahora bi
en, s\u237? que es probable que las tribus m\u225?s aguerridas del pa\u237?s se
encontrasen en la parte que le correspondi\u243? a Yugurta.{\super
[10]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No es la primera vez que critico los puntos de vista de Salustio, ni ser\u225? l
a \u250?ltima. Poner en duda a la principal fuente de la que disponemos para est
e conflicto no deja de ser delicado, pues la verdad de los hechos se nos puede a
cabar escurriendo como arena entre los dedos hasta que nos quedemos sin nada. Pe
ro tambi\u233?n conviene conocer los prejuicios de cada autor para leer entre l\
u237?neas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el caso de Salustio, hay que tener en cuenta que en el a\u241?o 50 el censor
Apio Claudio Pulcro tach\u243? su nombre de la lista de senadores, acus\u225?ndo
lo de corrupto e inmoral. En realidad, si lo expuls\u243? de forma tan ignominio
sa fue porque era partidario de C\u233?sar en un momento en que este se hallaba
enfrentado a la mayor\u237?a del senado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Salustio no tard\u243? en recuperar su puesto, gracias precisamente a C\u233?sar
. Pero si hasta entonces se hab\u237?a opuesto al grupo m\u225?s conservador del
senado, los llamados optimates, su inquina contra ellos se multiplic\u243? a pa
rtir de ese momento. Una forma de reivindicar su propio honor era demostrar que
la corrupci\u243?n del bando que lo hab\u237?a acusado a \u233?l de inmoral ya v
en\u237?a de antiguo. Por otra parte, criticar sus propios tiempos por decadente
s, relajados e inmorales y compararlos con un supuesto pasado de virtud, sobried
ad y honradez era una tradici\u243?n muy propia de los romanos; y hay que recono
cer que, en este sentido, las cr\u237?ticas de Salustio apuntaban no solo al ban
do senatorial, sino a toda la sociedad romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Volvamos con Yugurta y su primo. La decisi\u243?n que hab\u237?a tomado el senad
o de repartir el reino entre ambos devolv\u237?a a Numidia al {\i
statu quo} que ten\u237?a antes de que Masinisa la unificara, cuando se hallaba
dividida entre masilios y masesulios. Un arreglo as\u237? no pod\u237?a satisfac
er al ambicioso Yugurta. Despu\u233?s de haber crecido en un reino poderoso y ex
tenso, \u191?c\u243?mo iba a conformarse con gobernar sobre migajas del esplendo
r pasado?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquel momento, Yugurta debi\u243? de pensar que los romanos no interferir\u23
7?an. Como mucho, si atacaba a su primo se limitar\u237?an a protestar. \u201?l,
por su parte, se ver\u237?a obligado a gastar parte del tesoro real para tapar
algunas bocas; una inversi\u243?n que estaba m\u225?s que dispuesto a hacer.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La intenci\u243?n de Yugurta era enfrentarse a Ad\u233?rbal en una segunda batal
la decisiva y aplastarlo definitivamente. Con el fin de conseguir que saliera a

campo abierto con sus tropas, se dedic\u243? durante varios a\u241?os a provocar
lo, ordenando incursiones contra sus fronteras. Mas, pese a que las bandas de sa
queadores de Yugurta incendiaban sus poblados y robaban su ganado, Ad\u233?rbal
no acababa de morder el anzuelo. En parte se deb\u237?a a que pose\u237?a un tal
ante m\u225?s pac\u237?fico que el de su difunto hermano Hi\u233?mpsal, pero sob
re todo a que sab\u237?a que Yugurta era mejor general y dispon\u237?a de tropas
de m\u225?s calidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, las provocaciones llegaron a tal punto que en la primavera del a\u2
41?o 112 Ad\u233?rbal no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que aceptar la batalla por cuesti
\u243?n de prestigio. Ser rey o, en el caso de Roma, patrono no consist\u237?a \
u250?nicamente en recibir honores y presentes: el superior se compromet\u237?a a
proteger a sus vasallos o clientes de los ataques de terceras partes. Un sobera
no incapaz de proteger a los suyos de las depredaciones del vecino no habr\u237?
a tardado en ser depuesto por sus propios s\u250?bditos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
El campo elegido para el combate se hallaba cerca de Cirta, la ciudad m\u225?s i
mportante de Numidia. Ambos ej\u233?rcitos se avistaron de lejos (normalmente, l
os exploradores reconoc\u237?an a las tropas enemigas y calculaban su composici\
u243?n por la forma y el tama\u241?o de la nube de polvo que levantaban), pero y
a estaba a punto de oscurecer, de modo que acamparon. Mientras tanto, Ad\u233?rb
al envi\u243? emisarios a Roma para pedir ayuda ante las tropel\u237?as de su pr
imo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante la noche, Yugurta atac\u243? mientras la mayor\u237?a de los hombres de
Ad\u233?rbal dorm\u237?an. Aunque en los campamentos n\u250?midas no reinaba tan
ta disciplina como en los romanos, una operaci\u243?n nocturna siempre era muy a
rriesgada. Por eso, el hecho de que Yugurta fuese capaz de lanzar con \u233?xito
una ofensiva de este tipo demuestra que ejerc\u237?a un control de hierro sobre
sus hombres y que pose\u237?a un talento militar nada desde\u241?able.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Ad\u233?rbal consigui\u243? huir con unos cuantos jinetes y se refugi\u243? tras
las murallas de Cirta. Esta ciudad era un emporio comercial donde se vend\u237?
a y compraba grano sobre todo. Micipsa la hab\u237?a fortificado y embellecido c
on edificios y lujosos monumentos, y seg\u250?n el ge\u243?grafo Estrab\u243?n,
albergaba tantos habitantes que pod\u237?a movilizar diez mil jinetes y veinte m
il soldados de infanter\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando entr\u243? en Cirta, \u171?una multitud de togados\u187? acogi\u243? a Ad
\u233?rbal. Con estas palabras, Salustio se refiere a la numerosa colonia de mer
caderes romanos e it\u225?licos instalados en la ciudad. Aquellos hombres trepar
on a las murallas y lanzaron una lluvia de proyectiles sobre los perseguidores d
e Ad\u233?rbal. De ese modo, seg\u250?n nuestro historiador, evitaron que lo atr
aparan y acabaran con aquella guerra civil. Sin embargo, considerando que Cirta
era una ciudad populosa, muchos de sus habitantes debieron de acudir tambi\u233?
n al adarve para rechazar el ataque. El exagerado protagonismo que da Salustio a
los it\u225?licos no deja de ser una muestra de etnocentrismo.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Decidido a capturar a su primo, Yugurta trat\u243? de asaltar la ciudad con arie
tes, torres de asedio y manteletes. Pero los bastiones resistieron todos los emb
ates. La ciudad estaba rodeada de barrancos que la hac\u237?an muy dif\u237?cil
de expugnar, salvo por la zona suroeste. La \u250?nica posibilidad, pues, era re
ndirla por hambre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
D\u237?as despu\u233?s, llegaron a Roma los enviados que Ad\u233?rbal hab\u237?a
despachado antes de la batalla. Para investigar el asunto, el senado envi\u243?
a Numidia una comisi\u243?n formada por tres miembros que Salustio describe com
o {\i
adulescentes}. Este adjetivo indica que se trataba de senadores de escasa entida
d, seguramente {\i
pedarii}. Tambi\u233?n implica una cr\u237?tica, pues para cometidos de este tip
o se sol\u237?a recurrir a personajes de rango consular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Yugurta se las arregl\u243? para torear a los enviados, o directamente los sobor

n\u243?; en cualquier caso, no permiti\u243? que entraran en la ciudad para reun

irse con Ad\u233?rbal. Seg\u250?n les explic\u243?, \u233?l era la aut\u233?ntic
a v\u237?ctima de las conjuras de su primo y hermano adoptivo, que hab\u237?a co
nspirado para asesinarlo. Por eso no le hab\u237?a quedado otro remedio que defe
nderse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta a\u241?adi\u243? que no tardar\u237?a en enviar a Roma sus propios embaj
adores para que expusieran la verdadera situaci\u243?n. Convencidos, los comisio
nados se marcharon. Apenas desaparecieron de la vista, Yugurta apret\u243? todav
\u237?a m\u225?s el asedio, excavando una zanja y levantando alrededor de la ciu
dad una empalizada provista de torres defensivas, tal como hab\u237?a visto hace
r a Escipi\u243?n Emiliano en Numancia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a lo estrecho del cerco, Ad\u233?rbal consigui\u243? que dos de sus mejores
hombres lo burlaran amparados en la oscuridad de la noche. Aquellos dos enviado
s cabalgaron hasta el mar y embarcaron hacia Roma con una carta escrita por Ad\u
233?rbal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La misiva estaba redactada en t\u233?rminos tan desesperados que el senado decid
i\u243? enviar una segunda comisi\u243?n, constituida en esta ocasi\u243?n por s
enadores de mayor rango. La presid\u237?a Marco Emilio Escauro, un patricio que
hab\u237?a sido c\u243?nsul en 115 y por aquel entonces ten\u237?a unos cincuent
a a\u241?os. A la saz\u243?n era el {\i
princeps senatus} o \u171?pr\u237?ncipe del senado\u187?; es decir, el senador c
uyo nombre se hab\u237?a inscrito el primero en la lista que los censores confec
cionaban cada cinco a\u241?os. Se trataba de un gran honor que se otorgaba exclu
sivamente a patricios de los linajes m\u225?s importantes, las {\i
gentes maiores}, y que sol\u237?a mantenerse de por vida. As\u237? sucedi\u243?
en el caso de Escauro hasta su muerte en el a\u241?o 89. Sin tratarse de un carg
o oficial, el {\i
princeps} pose\u237?a una gran dignidad y ten\u237?a derecho a hablar el primero
en las reuniones del senado: era una especie de presidente honorario del Congre
so.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Enviar a un hombre de tal categor\u237?a indicaba que la Rep\u250?blica por fin
se tomaba un poco en serio la guerra din\u225?stica que se libraba en Numidia. N
o obstante, Roma segu\u237?a sin enviar tropas. \u191?Por qu\u233? no se embarc\
u243? en una guerra abierta para ayudar a Ad\u233?rbal, cuyo destino estaba unid
o adem\u225?s a los ciudadanos romanos e it\u225?licos sitiados con \u233?l en C
irta?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A estas alturas, los romanos todav\u237?a pod\u237?an confiar en que bastar\u237
?a con chasquear los dedos para que Yugurta obedeciera como un perrillo amaestra
do. \u191?No hab\u237?a hecho lo mismo un rey mucho m\u225?s poderoso como Ant\u
237?oco IV cuando Popilio Lenas lo rode\u243? dibujando aquel c\u237?rculo en el
suelo?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo cierto es que, en aquel momento, Roma se ve\u237?a con problemas en varios fr
entes. La tribu de los escordiscos hab\u237?a invadido Macedonia y Grecia, mient
ras que por el nordeste se cern\u237?a una amenaza pr\u225?cticamente desconocid
a, pero formidable: los cimbrios. Para los romanos las fronteras septentrionales
eran, como se dir\u237?a ahora, \u171?un asunto sensible\u187?. Una amenaza all
\u237? supon\u237?a un peligro mucho mayor para su seguridad que cualquier cosa
que pudiera ocurrir en territorio africano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La segunda comisi\u243?n senatorial parti\u243? en tan solo tres d\u237?as. Una
vez llegados a \u218?tica, la ciudad m\u225?s importante de la provincia romana
de \u193?frica, Escauro orden\u243? a Yugurta que se presentara ante ellos.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El n\u250?mida, sabiendo lo que le conven\u237?a, acudi\u243? a la citaci\u243?n
escoltado por una peque\u241?a tropa de caballer\u237?a. Ya en \u218?tica, el {
\i
princeps senatus} lo amenaz\u243? con terribles represalias si no interrump\u237
?a el asedio de inmediato y regresaba a su parte del reino.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Yugurta fingi\u243? acceder. Despu\u233?s, cuando los senadores se marcharon de
regreso a Roma, se encontr\u243? ante un dilema. \u191?Qu\u233? deb\u237?a hacer

? \u191?Doblegarse a las presiones de Escauro y sus compa\u241?eros ahora que te

n\u237?a a su primo donde quer\u237?a, confinado en una ciudad que, seg\u250?n s
us c\u225?lculos, no tardar\u237?a en caer? Si eliminaba a Ad\u233?rbal, lo m\u2
25?s f\u225?cil era que los romanos acabaran desentendi\u233?ndose del asunto. \
u191?Qu\u233? m\u225?s les daba a ellos qui\u233?n gobernara en Numidia mientras
esta siguiera siendo un reino aliado y amigo?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al quinto mes de asedio las condiciones dentro de la ciudad se hab\u237?an deter
iorado tanto que la comunidad de comerciantes it\u225?licos convenci\u243? a Ad\
u233?rbal de que lo mejor era rendir Cirta y entregarse. \u171?Yugurta no se atr
ever\u225? a hacerte ning\u250?n da\u241?o \u8212?adujeron\u8212?. Eso significa
r\u237?a provocar las iras de Roma\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se equivocaron. Cuando Ad\u233?rbal les hizo caso y se entreg\u243? a su primo,
este lo mat\u243? despu\u233?s de torturarlo. El t\u233?rmino que utiliza Salust
io es {\i
excruciatum}, que deriva de {\i
crux}, pues la cruz era el tormento m\u225?s usual en las ejecuciones romanas. E
sto no tiene por qu\u233? significar que Yugurta crucificara literalmente al des
dichado Ad\u233?rbal, ya que el verbo {\i
excrucio} se utilizaba en sentido general. Sin embargo, tampoco es descartable q
ue lo hiciese: la crucifixi\u243?n era un m\u233?todo que los cartagineses usaba
n de forma habitual para castigar a los generales incompetentes, y los n\u250?mi
das podr\u237?an haberlo copiado de ellos. En su forma m\u225?s primitiva, consi
st\u237?a en atar al condenado a una viga vertical y dejarlo all\u237? colgado p
ara que muriera; el travesa\u241?o perpendicular que daba a la cruz su forma de
T fue un a\u241?adido posterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta no se limit\u243? a matar a Ad\u233?rbal. Seg\u250?n se puede encontrar
en bastantes textos que tratan sobre este conflicto, tambi\u233?n llev\u243? a c
abo una masacre entre todos los habitantes varones, particularmente entre los me
rcaderes it\u225?licos y romanos. Esta \u171?atrocidad\u187?, en palabras de Sal
ustio, habr\u237?a sido la gota que colm\u243? el vaso y no dej\u243? a la Rep\u
250?blica otro remedio que declararle la guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una matanza de este tipo habr\u237?a supuesto un acto especialmente irracional e
insensato en alguien como Yugurta, cuya conducta habitual demuestra que era un
individuo calculador (aunque una vez sopesada una decisi\u243?n, la realizaba co
n asombrosa celeridad). En lugar de intentar explicar por qu\u233? cruz\u243? es
a raya roja, conviene revisar lo que dice exactamente Salustio:\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
{\i
[Iugurtha] omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armat
us obvius fuerat, interficit}. ({\i
Yug}., 26).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esto es: \u171?Yugurta mat\u243? a todos los adultos, n\u250?midas y hombres de
negocios por igual, que le salieron al paso armados\u187?. La frase sugiere que,
cuando sus tropas entraron en Cirta, se encontraron con bolsas de resistencia a
rmada, algo que parece l\u243?gico en una ciudad tan grande, y que fue a esa gen
te a la que sus soldados eliminaron.{\super
[11]} Una actuaci\u243?n que dif\u237?cilmente podr\u237?a denominarse masacre,
y muy distinta de la que llev\u243? a cabo Mitr\u237?dates en las \u171?V\u237?s
peras asi\u225?ticas\u187? de las que hablaremos cuando llegue el momento.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Salustio habla aqu\u237? de una \u171?atrocidad\u187? no tiene por qu\u23
3? referirse a esa pretendida matanza de ciudadanos it\u225?licos y romanos, sin
o a la cruel muerte de Ad\u233?rbal. Este se hab\u237?a rendido con la condici\u
243?n de que se respetara su vida, y Yugurta no lo hab\u237?a hecho, violando as
\u237? el derecho de gentes (el derecho internacional, para entendernos). Se tra
taba de un crimen de por s\u237? condenable. Adem\u225?s, Ad\u233?rbal hab\u237?
a confiado su vida al pueblo romano. Si este, como patrono, no era capaz de defe
nderlo, \u191?qu\u233? opinar\u237?an el resto de los aliados y clientes de la R
ep\u250?blica?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n parec\u237?a insostenible. Pese a ello, hab\u237?a senadores q

ue segu\u237?an intentando templar los \u225?nimos. Seguramente habr\u237?a entr

e ellos partidarios sobornados por Yugurta; pero la renuencia del senado como cu
erpo a embarcarse en una guerra era razonable, pues las nubes de tormenta que se
cern\u237?an sobre Italia eran cada vez m\u225?s oscuras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
De todas formas, tras las turbulencias del periodo de los Gracos el senado ya no
controlaba la pol\u237?tica con tanta facilidad como en otras \u233?pocas. De n
uevo fue un tribuno de la plebe, Cayo Memio, quien puso a los {\i
patres conscripti} en jaque con una virulenta campa\u241?a antisenatorial. Memio
exigi\u243? venganza por los cr\u237?menes de Yugurta y asegur\u243? en p\u250?
blico que la codiciosa aristocracia romana estaba comprada por el rey n\u250?mid
a. A los senadores no les qued\u243? m\u225?s remedio que declarar la guerra, y
se decidi\u243? que las provincias asignadas a los c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o 11
1 fueran Italia y \u193?frica. Los c\u243?nsules elegidos fueron Publio Escipi\u
243?n N\u225?sica y Lucio Calpurnio Bestia, y fue a este \u250?ltimo a quien se
le encomend\u243? dirigir las operaciones contra Yugurta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA GUERRA CONTRA YUGURTA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a del a\u241?o 111 empez\u243? con objetivos limitados. Ahora que
los dos hijos de Micipsa hab\u237?an muerto, su heredero m\u225?s directo era el
propio Yugurta, de modo que ya no exist\u237?a conflicto din\u225?stico alguno
en el que terciar. Lo que pretend\u237?a Bestia no era derrocarlo, sino darle un
escarmiento y cobrar una indemnizaci\u243?n. Una vez que Yugurta entrara de nue
vo al redil, volver\u237?a a ser un fiel aliado de Roma. En aquella fase del con
flicto, los senadores todav\u237?a pensaban de \u233?l algo parecido a lo que F.
D. Roosevelt dijo del dictador nicarag\u252?ense Anastasio Somoza: \u171?Puede
que sea un hijo de perra, pero es {\i
nuestro} hijo de perra\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por desgracia, Salustio no incluye las cifras del ej\u233?rcito de Bestia, ni de
casi ning\u250?n otro. Lo m\u225?s probable es que el c\u243?nsul llevara consi
go dos legiones romanas m\u225?s otras dos de tropas auxiliares, lo que sumar\u2
37?a entre dieciocho y veinte mil hombres. Con este contingente, Bestia desembar
c\u243? en la provincia de \u193?frica, invadi\u243? las fronteras de Numidia, e
xpugn\u243? unas cuantas ciudades y tom\u243? muchos prisioneros.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Aunque Yugurta hab\u237?a derrotado a su primo Ad\u233?rbal en campo abierto y d
ispon\u237?a de un ej\u233?rcito bien entrenado, no era tan temerario como para
enfrentarse abiertamente contra las legiones romanas; al menos, no en aquella fa
se de la guerra. Por tanto, no tard\u243? en negociar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El c\u243?nsul Bestia y Escauro, el {\i
princeps senatus}, al que hab\u237?a llevado como legado, aceptaron los t\u233?r
minos de rendici\u243?n de Yugurta. Las condiciones que propuso el n\u250?mida n
o eran tan malas. Para empezar, surti\u243? de grano al ej\u233?rcito romano mie
ntras duraron el armisticio y las negociaciones, lo que supuso un ahorro para el
erario de la Rep\u250?blica. Por otra parte, se someti\u243? oficialmente a Rom
a, algo que no dejaba de resultar humillante para un rey y que, por tanto, serv\
u237?a para reparar el honor del pueblo romano. Adem\u225?s, pag\u243? como inde
mnizaci\u243?n treinta elefantes de guerra, muchos caballos y cabezas de ganado
y una cantidad de dinero que, seg\u250?n Salustio, era escasa ({\i
parvo argenti} dice, sin concretar m\u225?s).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los que se opon\u237?an al poder senatorial, encabezados de nuevo por el tr
ibuno Memio, consideraron que este acuerdo era demasiado blando. Seg\u250?n ello
s, Bestia y Escauro hab\u237?an aceptado la paz porque Yugurta los hab\u237?a co
rrompido con sobornos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En condiciones normales, el senado dirig\u237?a la pol\u237?tica exterior romana
. Pero lo hac\u237?a por tradici\u243?n, no porque se tratase de una prerrogativ
a exclusiva y garantizada por una constituci\u243?n que no exist\u237?a realment

e. Como comentamos a colaci\u243?n de las elecciones consulares que gan\u243? Es

cipi\u243?n, las asambleas del pueblo ten\u237?an, en principio, soberan\u237?a
para legislar sobre cualquier cosa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n, Memio decidi\u243? llevar la pol\u237?tica exterior al com
icio, y logr\u243? que se aprobara un plebiscito por el que se ordenaba al preto
r Lucio Casio que viajara a Numidia. Una vez all\u237?, Casio deb\u237?a ordenar
a Yugurta que se presentara de inmediato en Roma y denunciara p\u250?blicamente
a quienes hab\u237?an aceptado sobornos de sus manos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El pretor Casio lleg\u243? a Numidia y comunic\u243? a Yugurta sus instrucciones
. Para el rey, viajar a Roma significaba meterse en la boca del lobo. Pero Casio
le jur\u243?, en nombre de la Rep\u250?blica, que se respetar\u237?an su integr
idad f\u237?sica y la de su s\u233?quito. Para terminar de convencerlo, a\u241?a
di\u243? a esta garant\u237?a una promesa privada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta acept\u243? finalmente y se present\u243? en Roma. Una vez all\u237?, el
tribuno Memio lo llev\u243? ante la asamblea del pueblo y lo conmin\u243? a que
revelara los nombres de sus c\u243?mplices en el senado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Aunque gracias a los juramentos la vida de Yugurta no corr\u237?a peligro, se en
contraba en una situaci\u243?n muy delicada. \u191?C\u243?mo iba a denunciar a l
os mismos amigos a quienes deb\u237?a su influencia en Roma? Delatarlos supon\u2
37?a arrojar no ya piedras, sino cascotes sobre su propio tejado.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Lo salv\u243? el hecho de que cualquier tribuno pod\u237?a interponer su veto pa
ra bloquear las decisiones de otro magistrado, incluso aunque se tratara de un c
olega tribuno. En esta ocasi\u243?n, fue un tal Cayo Bebio quien se levant\u243?
y orden\u243? callar a Yugurta. Este, ni que decir tiene, obedeci\u243? gustoso
la orden. Aquello provoc\u243? el esc\u225?ndalo que era de esperar, pero todo
qued\u243? en un monumental griter\u237?o y la asamblea se disolvi\u243?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? actu\u243? Bebio as\u237?? La respuesta parece obvia: hab\u23
7?a recibido un soborno. O quiz\u225? dos, uno de Yugurta y otro del {\i
lobby} de senadores que pod\u237?an verse imputados si el rey tiraba de la manta
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello no fue lo \u250?nico que sucedi\u243? durante la estancia de Yugurta en
Roma. Por aquel entonces resid\u237?a en la ciudad otro miembro de la familia re
al n\u250?mida. Se llamaba Masiva y era nieto de Masinisa y primo, por tanto, de
Yugurta. Espurio Postumio Albino, que acababa de suceder a Bestia como c\u243?n
sul y hab\u237?a conseguido que le asignaran el mando militar de la provincia de
\u193?frica, anim\u243? a Masiva a que reclamara el reino de Numidia.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Eso habr\u237?a supuesto para Yugurta retornar a la situaci\u243?n anterior a la
muerte de Ad\u233?rbal o algo incluso peor: perder el trono. Pero el n\u250?mid
a pose\u237?a una mente endiabladamente r\u225?pida. Sin vacilar, aun hall\u225?
ndose en el coraz\u243?n del territorio enemigo, encarg\u243? a su hombre de con
fianza, Bom\u237?lcar, que contratara asesinos para que siguieran los pasos del
pr\u237?ncipe Masiva y lo mataran en las calles de Roma. La conspiraci\u243?n sa
li\u243? bien tan solo a medias: los sicarios liquidaron a Masiva, pero uno de e
llos se dej\u243? atrapar y acab\u243? confesando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Merced al juramento que el pretor Casio hab\u237?a prestado en nombre de la Rep\
u250?blica, Bom\u237?lcar gozaba de inmunidad diplom\u225?tica, ya que pertenec\
u237?a al s\u233?quito del rey. Pese a ello, el c\u243?nsul Albino decidi\u243?
llevarlo a juicio. Dispuesto a evitarlo, Yugurta volvi\u243? a aflojar los cordo
nes de su bolsa, unt\u243? unas cuantas manos y consigui\u243? sacar a Bom\u237?
lcar de Roma a escondidas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Incluso a los amigos que Yugurta ten\u237?a en el senado les pareci\u243? que es
ta vez se hab\u237?a pasado de la raya. Temiendo que cometiera nuevas e imprevis
ibles fechor\u237?as, las autoridades ordenaron al rey que abandonara Italia cua
nto antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Salustio cuenta que Yugurta, cuando acababa de cruzar las puertas de Roma, se vo
lvi\u243? para contemplarla (el mejor lugar ser\u237?a el monte Jan\u237?culo, q

ue ofrec\u237?a un magn\u237?fico panorama de la urbe). Abarc\u225?ndola con un

gesto de los brazos, exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Toda una ciudad en venta! Como en
cuentre un comprador, no tardar\u225? en perecer ({\i
Yug}., 35)\u187?. Desde entonces, estas palabras han sido muy citadas para demos
trar hasta qu\u233? punto la Rep\u250?blica se estaba corrompiendo y alejando de
las antiguas esencias. Sin embargo, la frase no parece tanto una transcripci\u2
43?n literal de lo que pudo decir Yugurta como una opini\u243?n del propio Salus
tio sobre sus enemigos pol\u237?ticos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Casi pis\u225?ndole los talones a Yugurta, el c\u243?nsul Postumio Albino se pla
nt\u243? en \u193?frica y se hizo cargo de las legiones acantonadas en la provin
cia. Este personaje pertenec\u237?a a la principal familia de la {\i
gens} patricia de los Postumios, tan antigua que hab\u237?a conseguido su primer
consulado seis a\u241?os despu\u233?s de la expulsi\u243?n de Tarquinio el Sobe
rbio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de todo lo que hab\u237?a ocurrido, con esc\u225?ndalos p\u250?blic
os, sobornos y un asesinato en las mismas calles de Roma, ya no pod\u237?a basta
r un acuerdo de paz limitado a una indemnizaci\u243?n. Yugurta hab\u237?a llegad
o demasiado lejos, y ahora la intenci\u243?n de Postumio era arrebatarle el tron
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero el rey n\u250?mida demostr\u243? ser un enemigo muy escurridizo y evit\u243
? en todo momento enfrentarse en campo abierto contra las fuerzas consulares. Se
trataba de una estrategia sensata. En una batalla a gran escala se arriesgaba a
ser aplastado. Si en el mejor de los casos venc\u237?a a los romanos, con eso \
u250?nicamente los incitar\u237?a a emplearse a fondo en Numidia y acabar con \u
233?l de una vez por todas. Mientras la situaci\u243?n no llegase a tal extremo,
Yugurta calculaba que siempre quedaba la posibilidad de alcanzar un arreglo pac
\u237?fico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante meses, Postumio se dedic\u243? a saquear villas y ciudades. Leptis Magna
se entreg\u243? voluntariamente, mientras que, m\u225?s al oeste, el rey Boco d
e Mauritania, pese a que era suegro de Yugurta, ofreci\u243? a Roma su alianza.
El monarca n\u250?mida, por su parte, no tard\u243? en intentar nuevas negociaci
ones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los meses fueron transcurriendo. Sin que se hubieran producido operaciones decis
ivas, Albino Postumio volvi\u243? a Roma para presidir las elecciones al consula
do del a\u241?o 109. El hecho de que el encargado fuese \u233?l y no su colega M
inucio Rufo, que andaba por Macedonia combatiendo contra los escordiscos, demues
tra que el senado consideraba menos importante la campa\u241?a de Numidia.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Albino ten\u237?a pensado regresar a \u193?frica cuanto antes, pero las cosas se
complicaron. Dos tribunos de la plebe se hab\u237?an empe\u241?ado en que sus m
andatos se prorrogaran, y a fuerza de vetos consiguieron retrasar las elecciones
de todas las magistraturas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, el ej\u233?rcito consular se qued\u243? en la provincia de \u193
?frica. Seg\u250?n los comentarios que corrieron luego por la urbe, la corrupci\
u243?n se hab\u237?a extendido tambi\u233?n por sus filas. Se dec\u237?a que muc
hos soldados y oficiales hab\u237?an entrado en tratos con el enemigo, y que inc
luso los treinta elefantes que Yugurta hab\u237?a entregado por el anterior trat
ado de paz le hab\u237?an sido revendidos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al mando de este desastrado ej\u233?rcito hab\u237?a quedado Aulo Postumio, herm
ano de Albino. Al comprobar que el c\u243?nsul tardaba en regresar, Aulo decidi\
u243? aprovechar la ocasi\u243?n para ganar una reputaci\u243?n y un bot\u237?n
que en realidad no le correspond\u237?an. En el mes de enero, cuando ya deber\u2
37?an haber recibido su nombramiento los nuevos c\u243?nsules, Aulo convoc\u243?
a sus tropas desde sus cuarteles de invierno y se encamin\u243? a la ciudad de
Sutul, donde se encontraba el tesoro real.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No fue una decisi\u243?n acertada. Las murallas de Sutul eran muy s\u243?lidas y
la lluvia convert\u237?a la llanura donde acampaban los romanos en un cenagal.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aulo era mucho peor general que Albino, y Yugurta lo sab\u237?a, bien porque lo
conoc\u237?a personalmente o porque le hab\u237?a llegado su fama. Por eso decid

i\u243? tenderle una trampa. Envi\u225?ndole emisarios, lo convenci\u243? para q

ue renunciara al asedio, tomara sus legiones y lo siguiera a \u233?l, que a su v
ez hab\u237?a levantado el campamento con su propio ej\u233?rcito para internars
e en el pa\u237?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La explicaci\u243?n que aporta Salustio para lo que ocurri\u243? a continuaci\u2
43?n resulta un tanto retorcida, lo cual no quiere decir que no sea cierta. Seg\
u250?n el historiador, Aulo se fue tras Yugurta para alejarse lo m\u225?s posibl
e de los ojos y los o\u237?dos del senado y el pueblo romano por si llegaba a un
acuerdo con \u233?l que implicara un soborno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es posible que Aulo pensara en alcanzar un pacto que lo enriqueciera personalmen
te, o puede que marchara detr\u225?s de Yugurta con la intenci\u243?n de enfrent
arse a \u233?l en la batalla decisiva que su hermano no hab\u237?a conseguido li
brar. En cualquier caso, la jugada no le sali\u243? bien. A las pocas jornadas d
e marcha, el rey n\u250?mida lo atac\u243? de noche, demostrando de nuevo el con
trol que sab\u237?a ejercer sobre sus tropas en plena oscuridad.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Los romanos hab\u237?an construido un campamento fortificado, como llevaban haci
endo desde sus mismos or\u237?genes. Tras la fosa y la empalizada, y protegidos
por los pelotones que montaban guardia, el resto de los soldados pod\u237?an des
cansar tranquilos. Era una buena inversi\u243?n a cambio de las tres horas que,
como promedio, costaba levantar el campamento despu\u233?s de una jornada entera
de marcha.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se conocen muy pocos ejemplos de campamentos romanos tomados por el enemigo, a n
o ser que las legiones alojadas en ellos hubiesen sido derrotadas previamente en
campo abierto. El de Aulo Postumio fue uno de esos raros casos. Ello se debi\u2
43? no solo al caos que desat\u243? el inesperado ataque de Yugurta, sino a pura
y simple traici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante los meses previos, los agentes n\u250?midas hab\u237?an tanteado y sobor
nado a ciertos elementos de las tropas auxiliares y tambi\u233?n a algunos roman
os. Una cohorte de ligures y dos escuadrones de caballer\u237?a tracia se pasaro
n al enemigo en plena noche. Pero lo m\u225?s grave fue que un centuri\u243?n, n
ada menos que el primipilo de la Tercera legi\u243?n, abri\u243? las puertas de
la empalizada que le tocaba vigilar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando el enemigo penetr\u243? en el campamento, se desat\u243? el p\u225?nico e
ntre los soldados romanos, que emprendieron la desbandada, muchos de ellos sin a
rmas, y se refugiaron en un monte cercano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, Yugurta negoci\u243? la rendici\u243?n con ellos. La situ
aci\u243?n era tan desesperada que Aulo Postumio tuvo que aceptar unas condicion
es ignominiosas. No solo los romanos se comprometieron a salir de las fronteras
de Numidia en diez d\u237?as, sino que los supervivientes de aquella derrota tuv
ieron que pasar antes bajo el yugo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No sabemos si los n\u250?midas compart\u237?an con los romanos la costumbre de v
ejar as\u237? a sus enemigos o si Yugurta los imit\u243? a prop\u243?sito para r
ecordarles la afrentosa derrota que hab\u237?an sufrido dos siglos antes, a mano
s de los samnitas, en la jornada negra de las Horcas Caudinas. El caso es que Yu
gurta hab\u237?a derrotado a un ej\u233?rcito consular completo, demostrando, co
mo afirma el historiador Gareth Sampson,{\super
[12]} que el problema para la Rep\u250?blica era que el mejor general romano no
mandaba al ej\u233?rcito romano, sino al n\u250?mida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando la noticia de esta humillaci\u243?n lleg\u243? a Roma, la rabia y la cons
ternaci\u243?n cundieron en proporciones dif\u237?ciles de precisar. El senado s
e neg\u243? a ratificar el tratado firmado por Aulo Postumio, como hab\u237?a he
cho con el de Mancino y Graco en Numancia. Adem\u225?s, el tribuno Cayo Mamilio
propuso nombrar una comisi\u243?n especial para juzgar por traici\u243?n a todos
aquellos que hubieran ayudado a Yugurta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ese tribunal fueron condenados, entre otros, Lucio Opimio, Calpurnio Bestia y
Albino Postumio. Se ignora cu\u225?l fue la pena, pero debi\u243? de consistir
en una cuantiosa multa y posiblemente el destierro. Escauro, el {\i
princeps senatus}, se salv\u243?; entre otros motivos porque manejaba tantos res
ortes que consigui\u243? que lo designaran para presidir la comisi\u243?n.\par\p

ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hasta ahora, se hab\u237?an enfrentado contra Yugurta dos c\u243?nsules, y el \u
250?nico resultado espectacular hab\u237?a sido la derrota del hermano de uno de
ellos. Por fin, con bastante retraso, se eligi\u243? a los c\u243?nsules del a\
u241?o 109: Quinto Cecilio Metelo y Marco Junio Silano. El primero pertenec\u237
?a a una rama plebeya, pero muy destacada, de la {\i
gens} Cecilia. En esta \u233?poca, los Cecilios Metelos llegaron a sumar en doce
a\u241?os otros tantos c\u243?nsules, censores y generales celebrando triunfos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Metelo, que se alineaba con la facci\u243?n m\u225?s aristocr\u225?tica del sena
do, era un militar mucho m\u225?s capacitado que sus dos predecesores. Hab\u237?
a servido en Numancia con Escipi\u243?n Emiliano y era partidario de imponer su
misma disciplina a rajatabla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras reclutar soldados en Italia, Metelo cruz\u243? el mar hasta \u193?frica, do
nde recibi\u243? de Albino Postumio los restos desmoralizados de su ej\u233?rcit
o. El anterior c\u243?nsul hab\u237?a tenido a sus hombres acantonados en campam
entos sin fortificar en los que no se organizaban guardias y cada soldado se aus
entaba cuando le ven\u237?a en gana. Ni siquiera la higiene funcionaba como deb\
u237?a, con la consecuencia de que de vez en cuando ten\u237?an que mudarse de c
ampamento porque las letrinas sin limpiar desped\u237?an un olor insoportable.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un s\u237?ntoma significativo de la situaci\u243?n era que muchos soldados estab
an vendiendo el grano que les daba el Estado. Normalmente, los soldados recib\u2
37?an trigo para todo el mes, que se les descontaba del sueldo. Ellos mismos lo
mol\u237?an y coc\u237?an en forma de pan o bizcocho. Ahora, por el contrario, e
staban vendiendo ese cereal y a cambio compraban pan fresco todos los d\u237?as.
Seguramente la operaci\u243?n les costaba dinero: que estuvieran dispuestos a g
ast\u225?rselo con tal de trabajar menos y comer pan m\u225?s crujiente era una
muestra de molicie y de pereza intolerable para alguien como Metelo.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
LA COMIDA DE LOS LEGIONARIOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En circunstancias normales, un legionario deb\u237?a consumir una media de tres
mil calor\u237?as al d\u237?a, repartidas en dos comidas: el almuerzo y la cena.
El Estado repart\u237?a a los soldados raciones con los alimentos que se consid
eraban b\u225?sicos, aunque luego se los descontaba del sueldo.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
La base principal de su nutrici\u243?n era el cereal, en concreto, el trigo. Si
no quedaba otro remedio, se distribu\u237?a cebada a los soldados, pero eso prov
ocaba sus protestas. Como dice un refr\u225?n: \u171?Pan de cebada, comida de bu
rro disimulada\u187?. A veces, una unidad a la que se quer\u237?a castigar por c
obard\u237?a o indisciplina recib\u237?a cebada durante una temporada, lo que su
pon\u237?a una humillaci\u243?n ante sus compa\u241?eros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Lo normal era que la raci\u243?n de grano, como de otros alimentos, se repartier
a cada cierto n\u250?mero de d\u237?as. En cualquier caso, se calcula que pod\u2
37?a andar entre tres cuartos de kilo y un kilo diarios. Se les entregaba en for
ma de trigo entero. Los soldados deb\u237?an triturarlo con una {\i
mola} que compart\u237?an los soldados que dorm\u237?an en la misma tienda (los
contubernales). En esencia, la {\i
mola} consist\u237?a en un molino en miniatura formado por un juego de dos disco
s de basalto, tan pesados que los transportaban a lomos de una mula.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Se ha calculado que moler trigo para todos los contubernales requer\u237?a m\u22
5?s de hora y media, una tarea que realizaban por turnos o encomendaban a sirvie
ntes, si es que dispon\u237?an de ellos. Una vez obtenida la harina, todav\u237?
a les quedaba amasar el pan, esperar a que subiera la levadura y cocerlo sobre b
rasas o piedras calientes, tareas que llevaban entre una y dos horas. As\u237? s
e entiende mejor por qu\u233? los soldados de \u193?frica vend\u237?an su raci\u
243?n de trigo para comprar pan hecho todos los d\u237?as, y tambi\u233?n por qu

\u233? Metelo lo consideraba una muestra de haraganer\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyp

hpar} {
A veces, cuando no se encontraba le\u241?a, o porque llov\u237?a, hab\u237?a que
hacer una marcha o se acercaba la batalla, resultaba imposible hacer pan. Para
esas contingencias, los soldados llevaban siempre encima {\i
buccellatum}, cereal preparado en forma de galleta, pero no la que conocemos hoy
d\u237?a, que es dulce, sino la llamada \u171?galleta n\u225?utica\u187?, m\u22
5?s parecida a la rega\u241?\u225? andaluza. Como se coc\u237?a dos veces quedab
a seca y dura. A cambio, al no tener agua, aportaba m\u225?s calor\u237?as con e
l mismo peso y aguantaba mucho tiempo. Aunque a los legionarios no les entusiasm
aba, deb\u237?an de pensar en un equivalente en lat\u237?n de nuestro refr\u225?
n \u171?A falta de pan, buenas son tortas\u187?. El {\i
buccellatum} se convirti\u243? en una comida tan caracter\u237?stica del ej\u233
?rcito que los miembros de los ej\u233?rcitos privados romanos y bizantinos a pa
rtir del siglo IV d.C. se llamaron {\i
buccellarii}; literalmente \u171?los bizcocheros\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
El trigo supon\u237?a unas tres cuartas partes de la ingesta total de calor\u237
?as. Para complementarlo, el Estado repart\u237?a legumbres \u8212?las m\u225?s
habituales eran las lentejas y las habas\u8212?, queso y aceite de oliva. La car
ne no faltaba. Por los huesos que se han encontrado en restos de campamentos, la
m\u225?s consumida era la de vaca o buey. Com\u237?an adem\u225?s mucha carne d
e cerdo, sobre todo en forma de salchichas o {\i
lardum} (panceta salada).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n se les repart\u237?a sal. Se valoraba tanto que el sustantivo \u171
?salario\u187? deriva de ella. La sal ayuda a retener el agua en el organismo, u
na propiedad que en nuestros tiempos de abundancia puede ser un inconveniente (p
ensemos en las bolsas bajo los ojos al levantarnos despu\u233?s de tomar una cen
a demasiado rica en sal), pero que resultaba vital para no deshidratarse en las
largas marchas bajo el sol de Numidia. Obviamente, los romanos desconoc\u237?an
el proceso por el que el cuerpo humano precisa sal, pero algo intu\u237?an. Habl
ando de esa necesidad, Frontino cuenta: \u171?Cuando los habitantes de Mutina es
taban sitiados por Antonio y sumamente necesitados de sal, Hirtio se la hizo lle
gar escondida en barriles a trav\u233?s del r\u237?o Escultena\u187?. ({\i
Estr}., 3.14.4).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s importante que el suministro de alimentos, o al menos m\u225?s urgente,
era el de agua, como m\u237?nimo dos litros diarios. Los antiguos sol\u237?an t
omarla mezclada con vino en proporciones variables. Am\u233?n de alegrarles el e
sp\u237?ritu, ayudaba a prevenir ciertas infecciones. No obstante, los mandos pr
ocuraban racionarlo por ahorrar dinero y evitar borracheras. En el siglo IV d.C.
, una \u233?poca ya tard\u237?a, sabemos que se entregaba a cada soldado medio s
extario, poco m\u225?s de un cuarto de litro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hab\u237?a un suced\u225?neo m\u225?s barato, la {\i
posca}. Era vinagre diluido en agua y mezclado con hierbas: el vino de los pobre
s y, a menudo, de los soldados. Cuando Jesucristo estaba en la cruz y se quej\u2
43? de que ten\u237?a sed, un legionario le acerc\u243? a la cara un palo con un
a esponja empapada en agua con vinagre. En realidad era {\i
posca}, y no lo hizo por aumentar sus sufrimientos, sino para que se refrescara
con lo mismo que beb\u237?a \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Normalmente, los soldados hac\u237?an dos comidas, almuerzo y cena. El primero s
ol\u237?an tomarlo de pie, fuera de la tienda, mientras que la cena la hac\u237?
an dentro, con los compa\u241?eros. Lo habitual y lo que se consideraba marcial
era cenar sentados, no reclinados como los civiles. El historiador Veleyo Pat\u2
33?rculo alab\u243? al c\u233?sar Tiberio por comer sentado como un soldado y no
tumbado como los invitados que lo rodeaban en campa\u241?a. (2.114).\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Se esperaba del c\u243?nsul Metelo una victoria r\u225?pida y tan espectacular c
omo lo hab\u237?a sido la derrota de Aulo. Sin embargo, lo primero que tuvo que
hacer fue endurecer a sus novatos y restaurar la disciplina de los veteranos. Pa
ra ello, oblig\u243? a los soldados a levantar cada ma\u241?ana las tiendas, cam

inar durante todo el d\u237?a y montar un campamento nuevo al atardecer, como si

se encontraran ya en territorio enemigo. En esas marchas no pod\u237?an llevar
esclavos ni bestias de carga, sino que deb\u237?an cargar ellos mismos con la im
pedimenta y las provisiones. Prohibi\u243? tambi\u233?n que los vendedores ambul
antes siguieran al ej\u233?rcito y que los soldados compraran pan o cualquier ot
ro alimento cocinado. Curiosamente, muchos de estos cambios se atribuyen a Mario
, pero ya trataremos sobre ello m\u225?s adelante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sabiendo que se enfrentaba a un general de m\u225?s entidad que los anteriores,
Yugurta intent\u243? entablar de nuevo conversaciones de paz. Tan solo ped\u237?
a que se respetara su vida y la de sus hijos; el resto del pa\u237?s, aseguraba
\u233?l, se lo pod\u237?a quedar Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El c\u243?nsul desconfi\u243? de estas ofertas. Seg\u250?n Salustio, su recelo s
e deb\u237?a a que sab\u237?a que los n\u250?midas eran por naturaleza volubles
y traidores: de nuevo, estereotipos raciales. Pero el propio historiador nos cue
nta a continuaci\u243?n que Metelo tante\u243? a los emisarios de Yugurta para q
ue le entregaran al rey vivo o muerto, una t\u225?ctica eficaz, pero que dif\u23
7?cilmente podr\u237?a calificarse de honrosa o leal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por el momento, no consigui\u243? nada, de modo que decidi\u243? entrar en Numid
ia. Aunque acababan de atravesar la frontera de un pa\u237?s enemigo, al princip
io no notaron que se encontraran en un pa\u237?s en guerra: hab\u237?a ganado y
agricultores en los campos, y gente en las aldeas. Lejos de quemar sus caba\u241
?as y destruir sus provisiones, ofrec\u237?an alimento al c\u243?nsul en nombre
del rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Metelo aceptaba los v\u237?veres, pero no se confiaba. El ej\u233?rcito iba en o
rden de campa\u241?a en todo momento. La infanter\u237?a pesada, m\u225?s suscep
tible a un ataque por sorpresa, marchaba en cuadro en el centro, rodeada por tod
os sus flancos por caballer\u237?a, honderos, arqueros y otras tropas ligeras. E
l mismo Metelo iba en vanguardia, mientras que cerraban la formaci\u243?n escuad
rones de caballer\u237?a mandados por uno de sus legados, Cayo Mario, de quien h
ablaremos con mayor extensi\u243?n en su momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, el ej\u233?rcito del c\u243?nsul lleg\u243? a Vaga, un import
ante emporio comercial. All\u237? hab\u237?a una numerosa colonia de comerciante
s it\u225?licos, lo que demuestra que Yugurta no ten\u237?a ninguna intenci\u243
?n de exterminarlos ni expulsarlos de su reino, a diferencia de lo que har\u237?
a Mitr\u237?dates en Asia veinte a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Metelo dej\u243? en Vaga una guarnici\u243?n para proteger el almac\u233?n de pr
ovisiones y tambi\u233?n a los {\i
negotiatores} it\u225?licos, y sigui\u243? intern\u225?ndose en territorio enemi
go. Aunque no dejaban de intercambiar emisarios con palabras de paz, Yugurta com
prendi\u243? que se hallaba ante una invasi\u243?n en toda regla. Segu\u237?a si
n plantearse una batalla frente a frente, en la que las tropas pesadas romanas s
iempre tendr\u237?an las de ganar, as\u237? que se dedic\u243? a seguir con su p
ropio ej\u233?rcito y a distancia el avance de las legiones para averiguar sus i
ntenciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que supo el camino que iban a tomar los romanos, Yugurta se adelant\u243
? a ellos para tenderles una emboscada. El lugar que eligi\u243? era casi perfec
to y recuerda a escenarios de pel\u237?culas del Oeste o de la India colonial in
glesa como {\i
Gunga Din}. Por la riqueza de detalles con los que describe el lugar, se deduce
que Salustio lo visit\u243? en persona cuando acompa\u241?\u243? a C\u233?sar en
el a\u241?o 46 durante su campa\u241?a africana o despu\u233?s, cuando se convi
rti\u243? en gobernador de la provincia de \u193?frica Nova.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Se hallaban todav\u237?a en la parte oriental de Numidia, la regi\u243?n que le
hab\u237?a correspondido a Ad\u233?rbal en el reparto. Por all\u237? pasaba el r
\u237?o Mutul, que se suele identificar con el actual oued Mellag, un afluente d
el Bagradas. En cierto paraje, el Mutul corr\u237?a en paralelo a unos montes pe
lados, y entre ambos se extend\u237?a una llanura pr\u225?cticamente desprovista
de vegetaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Yugurta, que se hab\u237?a adelantado al ej\u233?rcito de Metelo, sab\u237?a que

este ten\u237?a que descrestar aquellos montes y atravesar la llanura para lleg
ar hasta el r\u237?o, el \u250?nico sitio de los alrededores donde pod\u237?a co
nseguir agua potable en esa \u233?poca del a\u241?o, las postrimer\u237?as del v
erano. Pero desde la l\u237?nea monta\u241?osa se proyectaba en perpendicular un
a especie de espol\u243?n, una colina muy alargada y poblada de olivos silvestre
s y arbustos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Observando la ruta que segu\u237?an los romanos, Yugurta calcul\u243? que tendr\
u237?an que pasar al pie de ese espol\u243?n, por lo que dispuso a sus hombres a
gazapados entre la vegetaci\u243?n, con los estandartes abatidos para que no lla
maran la atenci\u243?n. Su plan era esperar a que la larga columna de marcha ene
miga desfilara entera para atacarla a la vez por la vanguardia, el centro y la r
etaguardia, en una maniobra similar a la que hab\u237?a llevado a cabo An\u237?b
al en la batalla del lago Trasimeno, una de las victorias m\u225?s espectaculare
s del estratega cartagin\u233?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con el fin de abarcar toda la longitud de la columna romana, Yugurta estir\u243?
mucho sus filas. En la parte oriental del espol\u243?n se apost\u243? \u233?l m
ismo con toda la caballer\u237?a y un grupo de infanter\u237?a selecta. M\u225?s
al oeste, para atacar a la vanguardia enemiga, coloc\u243? a su lugarteniente B
om\u237?lcar con cuarenta y cuatro elefantes y el resto de la infanter\u237?a. E
n aquel momento, el ej\u233?rcito n\u250?mida cubr\u237?a una extensi\u243?n de
al menos cinco kil\u243?metros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, la columna romana asom\u243? por la ladera de la l\u237?nea d
e montes y los jinetes de la vanguardia empezaron a atravesar aquella \u225?rida
llanura. Al levantar la mirada a la derecha, Metelo repar\u243? en la estribaci
\u243?n que dominaba su ruta. L\u243?gicamente, se dio cuenta de que se trataba
de una posici\u243?n muy adecuada para tender una emboscada, por lo que tanto \u
233?l como sus exploradores aguzaron la vista todo lo que pudieron. La vegetaci\
u243?n del monte no era tan alta como para ocultar por completo a los hombres de
Yugurta, pero s\u237? lo bastante espesa para disimular su n\u250?mero y su dis
posici\u243?n. La impresi\u243?n era que all\u237? no hab\u237?a nada m\u225?s q
ue un destacamento, como tantos otros que llevaban d\u237?as siguiendo la marcha
de los romanos para observarlos y hostigarlos. Pero Metelo, zorro viejo, no se
confi\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de que el resto de sus legiones bajaran a la llanura, el c\u243?nsul dio o
rden de detenerse y reorganizarse. Puesto que la elevaci\u243?n donde se ocultab
an los enemigos se hallaba a su derecha, la primera fila de combate se situ\u243
? a ese lado, mientras que las dem\u225?s se dispusieron a la izquierda, en la h
abitual formaci\u243?n triple de batalla. Metelo tambi\u233?n coloc\u243? caball
er\u237?a en la vanguardia y en la retaguardia: lo que hizo, en suma, fue conver
tir una columna de marcha en una formaci\u243?n de combate. Con aquel despliegue
bastaba un toque de trompeta para que los soldados se detuvieran, soltaran su i
mpedimenta, giraran noventa grados a su derecha y se quedaran mirando de frente
al previsible ataque enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de decidirse a atravesar el llano, Metelo envi\u243? por delante a uno de
sus legados, Publio Rutilio Rufo. Era este un hombre de larga experiencia milita
r que hab\u237?a servido como tribuno en el asedio de Numancia. Dotado de gran t
alento literario y ret\u243?rico, a\u241?os m\u225?s adelante escribir\u237?a un
as memorias, hoy perdidas, que sirvieron como fuente a Salustio.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Las instrucciones de Rutilio eran llegar hasta el r\u237?o y empezar la construc
ci\u243?n de un campamento que les garantizase el acceso al agua potable. Mientr
as el legado se adelantaba con parte de la caballer\u237?a y tropas ligeras, Met
elo aguard\u243? con el grueso del ej\u233?rcito. Su intenci\u243?n al esperar e
ra fijar en su posici\u243?n a las tropas enemigas emboscadas en lo alto de la e
stribaci\u243?n y evitar que persiguiesen a Rutilio. Lo que el c\u243?nsul ignor
aba era que m\u225?s adelante estaba apostado Bom\u237?lcar, con instrucciones d
e atacar a las tropas romanas de vanguardia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pasado un rato, Metelo dio la orden de avanzar, y toda la columna se puso en mar
cha lentamente. Por lo que pod\u237?a ver en las alturas, el c\u243?nsul esperab

a sufrir una serie de escaramuzas que dificultar\u237?an su avance, no un ataque

a gran escala.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, los \u250?ltimos hombres de la retaguardia, protegidos por escuadrones
de jinetes bajo el mando de Cayo Mario, abandonaron la ladera.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Todo el ej\u233?rcito romano, salvo la avanzadilla que deb\u237?a construir el c
ampamento junto al r\u237?o, se encontraba en aquel extenso y \u225?rido llano.
En aquel momento, Yugurta envi\u243? por las alturas a dos mil guerreros de infa
nter\u237?a con el fin de que ocuparan la ruta por la que hab\u237?an descendido
los hombres del c\u243?nsul. De este modo, les cortaba la retirada y cerraba la
trampa. Solo entonces dio la se\u241?al para una ofensiva general.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De repente, toda la ladera de aquella estribaci\u243?n se convirti\u243? en una
marabunta de enemigos que bajaban gritando y disparando proyectiles y levantando
nubes de polvo. Hab\u237?a entre ellos infantes acostumbrados a correr largas d
istancias, protegidos con escudos ligeros y armados con jabalinas, y algunos de
ellos con cuchillos y espadas. Pero los m\u225?s temibles eran sus jinetes. Caba
lgaban a pelo y manejaban a sus monturas con las rodillas y desplazando el peso
del cuerpo de uno a otro lado, pues ten\u237?an ambos brazos ocupados. En el izq
uierdo sosten\u237?an su \u250?nica protecci\u243?n, un escudo, junto con un pu\
u241?ado de venablos, y con la mano derecha iban cogiendo y lanzando los proyect
iles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se trataba de una caballer\u237?a que no serv\u237?a como fuerza de choque, pero
resultaba muy valiosa para acosar a los enemigos y, si estos romp\u237?an sus f
ilas, perseguirlos. Los animales que montaban eran de peque\u241?a alzada, pero
muy resistentes. As\u237? los describe Claudio Eliano:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Son los caballos m\u225?s veloces, y la fatiga o la acusan muy poco o nada en ab
soluto. Son enjutos y no de muchas carnes, y dispuestos a aguantar hasta las des
atenciones del amo. Y es que los amos no les prestan atenci\u243?n, porque ni lo

s restriegan ni se preocupan de que se revuelquen ni les peinan el pelo ni les t

renzan las crines ni los ba\u241?an cuando est\u225?n cansados, sino que, nada m
\u225?s acabar el viaje proyectado, descabalgan y los echan a pastar. Los libios
son enjutos de carnes y escu\u225?lidos, y montan caballos de iguales caracter\
u237?sticas. ({\i
Historia de los animales}, 5.2, traducci\u243?n de Jos\u233? Vara Donado).\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los caballos n\u250?midas eran animales de mantenimiento muy barato, pues resist
\u237?an bien a los malos forrajes sin sufrir problemas intestinales. En cambio,
los corceles de la caballer\u237?a romana requer\u237?an m\u225?s cuidados y no
les bastaba con pastar, sino que ten\u237?an que suplementar su alimentaci\u243
?n con cebada, lo que obligaba a mantener al ej\u233?rcito romano unas l\u237?ne
as de suministro que los n\u250?midas no necesitaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A diferencia de los caballos romanos, los n\u250?midas se mov\u237?an bien por a
quellas laderas pedregosas. Cuando los escuadrones de jinetes del c\u243?nsul y
de Mario sal\u237?an en su persecuci\u243?n, se limitaban a volver grupas y huir
. Yugurta, que conoc\u237?a bien las t\u225?cticas de su enemigo, les hab\u237?a
dado instrucciones para que, al retirarse, lo hicieran abri\u233?ndose en abani
co y dispers\u225?ndose. De ese modo, las cargas en cu\u241?a de las {\i
turmae} romanas no ten\u237?an una masa s\u243?lida contra la que topar. Adem\u2
25?s, los caballos de los n\u250?midas trepaban sin dificultad por las laderas s
embradas de piedras y maleza, all\u237? donde no pod\u237?an alcanzarlos los cor
celes de los romanos, de m\u225?s tama\u241?o y cargados con m\u225?s peso.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquellos ataques incesantes, pertinaces y molestos como enjambres de avispas, no
debieron de causar demasiadas bajas al principio, pues los romanos estaban prot
egidos con sus grandes escudos y sus cotas de malla. A pesar de todo, la combina
ci\u243?n de cargas, andanadas de venablos y retiradas sumadas a la irregularida
d del terreno consigui\u243? desorganizar poco a poco la formaci\u243?n romana.
Con t\u225?cticas similares, en el a\u241?o 211, los hombres de Masinisa hab\u23
7?an logrado desordenar y desesperar a las tropas de Cneo Cornelio Escipi\u243?n
, que al final hab\u237?an terminado aniquiladas en una colina de Hispania.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla se prolong\u243? durante horas. El sol sub\u237?a, y el calor y la se
d agobiaban m\u225?s a los romanos, cargados de metal, que a los n\u250?midas. E
l ej\u233?rcito romano estaba rodeado, pues incluso por su flanco izquierdo lo a
tacaban enemigos. Puede que Yugurta los hubiera apostado all\u237? desde el prin
cipio, pero parece m\u225?s probable que fuesen jinetes que hab\u237?an bajado d
esde el espol\u243?n situado a la derecha de los romanos y que, en lugar de reti
rarse ladera arriba de nuevo tras la primera arremetida, hab\u237?an optado por
alejarse hacia el llano antes de lanzarse de nuevo a la carga.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Sin embargo, Metelo, que no era un Aulo Postumio, supo mantener el control de su
s tropas y reorganiz\u243? las l\u237?neas, desplegando cuatro cohortes de legio
narios contra el grupo m\u225?s numeroso de la infanter\u237?a n\u250?mida. Adem
\u225?s, dej\u243? bien claro a sus soldados que la retirada no era una opci\u24
3?n: a esas alturas todav\u237?a no ten\u237?an un campamento ni ninguna otra fo
rtificaci\u243?n a la que retirarse. Deb\u237?an vencer con las armas o perecer
en el sitio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que recuperaron cierto orden, las cuatro cohortes de Metelo avanzaron la
dera arriba para desalojar a los n\u250?midas de aquella posici\u243?n ventajosa
. Los enemigos, que no estaban dispuestos a luchar cuerpo a cuerpo contra los le
gionarios, se dispersaron. A esas alturas, ya estaba cayendo la tarde.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, la avanzadilla mandada por Rutilio hab\u237?a encontrado un luga
r adecuado para montar un campamento junto al r\u237?o. Estaban excavando el fos
o que deb\u237?a rodearlo cuando repararon en una gran nube de polvo. Al princip
io pensaron que era un fen\u243?meno natural, tierra seca levantada por el vient
o. Pero la tolvanera no solo no se dispersaba en el aire, sino que cada vez se e
spesaba m\u225?s y se acercaba a su posici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

La raz\u243?n era que aquella polvareda la levantaban los pies de los guerreros
n\u250?midas de Bom\u237?lcar y, sobre todo, las pesadas patas de sus cuarenta y
cuatro elefantes. Al comprenderlo, los hombres de Rutilio abandonaron su tarea
y cargaron contra el enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella zona hab\u237?a \u225?rboles y arbustos de cierta altura, lo que expl
ica que los romanos que constru\u237?an el campamento no hubieran advertido ante
s el avance de Bom\u237?lcar. Pero esa misma vegetaci\u243?n oblig\u243? a los p
aquidermos a dispersarse, y algunos de ellos se quedaron enganchados entre las r
amas. Aprovechando la situaci\u243?n, los romanos los rodearon de uno en uno y l
os fueron matando a todos, salvo a cuatro que capturaron. En cuanto a los guerre
ros de Bom\u237?lcar, al ver que su principal arma, los elefantes, no les serv\u
237?a de nada, emprendieron la huida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Preocupado por la tardanza de Metelo, Rutilio envi\u243? un destacamento de caba
ller\u237?a a buscarlo. Ya hab\u237?a ca\u237?do la noche, y sus jinetes se topa
ron con los de la avanzadilla de Metelo. En la oscuridad, estuvieron a punto de
confundirlos con enemigos, lo que habr\u237?a provocado una matanza mutua. Por s
uerte, se reconocieron, y como cuenta Salustio, \u171?la alegr\u237?a sustituy\u
243? de repente al miedo\u187? ({\i
Yug}., 53).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No sabemos cu\u225?ntas bajas se produjeron en ninguno de los dos bandos. N\u250
?midas no debieron caer demasiados, pues ya hemos visto que en cuanto la refrieg
a amenazaba con convertirse en un combate cuerpo a cuerpo emprend\u237?an la hui
da y se dispersaban por un territorio que conoc\u237?an con los ojos vendados.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a los romanos, de haber perdido el orden tal como ocurri\u243? en la b
atalla del lago Trasimeno o en la malhadada retirada de Cneo Cornelio Escipi\u24
3?n en Hispania, habr\u237?an podido acabar pr\u225?cticamente aniquilados. Pero
hab\u237?an logrado sobrevivir a la primera fase del combate, que era cuando se
produc\u237?an menos bajas. Entre cincuenta y doscientos muertos parece una cif
ra veros\u237?mil, aunque no hay forma de saberlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, ten\u237?an bastantes heridos, por lo que el ej\u233?rcito permanec
i\u243? cuatro d\u237?as para que se curaran en el campamento construido a orill
as del Mutul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Fue una gran victoria para los romanos? Hab\u237?an sobrevivido a una embo
scada en territorio hostil y puesto en fuga a Yugurta. Despu\u233?s de la humill
aci\u243?n que Roma hab\u237?a tenido que soportar cuando sus soldados pasaron b
ajo el yugo, aquello parec\u237?a suficiente como para justificar que en la ciud
ad se decretaran varios d\u237?as de sacrificios a los dioses en agradecimiento
por lo ocurrido. Debemos tomar en cuenta que en aquel momento sus legiones estab
an sufriendo reveses en otros escenarios, por lo que los romanos se sent\u237?an
necesitados de buenas noticias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la batalla, Metelo trat\u243? de librar una guerra de desgaste,
ya que era evidente que Yugurta no iba a desplegar un ej\u233?rcito de forma con
vencional para una batalla decisiva. Por eso el c\u243?nsul se dirigi\u243? a la
s regiones m\u225?s f\u233?rtiles de Numidia con el fin de saquearlas, quem\u243
? fortalezas y ciudades y extermin\u243? a los varones adultos que las habitaban
. La idea era causar el terror para que poco a poco los n\u250?midas fueran dese
rtando de su propio rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de los problemas de esta estrategia era que Metelo se ve\u237?a obligado a d
ividir sus fuerzas. Yugurta segu\u237?a el rastro de sus destacamentos, envenena
ba los pozos y las fuentes y hostigaba a su retaguardia. En alguna ocasi\u243?n
sorprendi\u243? a una patrulla y mat\u243? o aprision\u243? pr\u225?cticamente a
todos sus miembros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La moral de los legionarios se resent\u237?a, pues no estaban acostumbrados a aq
uel tipo de lucha. Metelo decidi\u243?, por tanto, dar un golpe de efecto y atac
ar Zama, una de las ciudades m\u225?s importantes del reino. Con suerte, esperab
a, Yugurta acudir\u237?a en auxilio de la ciudad y podr\u237?a derrotarlo all\u2
37?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero el rey se enter\u243? a tiempo de los planes gracias a unos desertores (as\
u237? los llama Salustio, pero es posible que fuesen m\u225?s bien agentes infil

trados). Adelant\u225?ndose a los romanos, reforz\u243? la guarnici\u243?n de Za

ma, y despu\u233?s se march\u243? para preparar nuevas emboscadas.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
La ocasi\u243?n se le present\u243? enseguida. Cayo Mario se hallaba con unas cu
antas cohortes en la cercana ciudad de Sica, adonde hab\u237?a ido para adquirir
grano. Cuando sus tropas sal\u237?an de all\u237?, Yugurta los atac\u243? con l
a caballer\u237?a aprovechando que estaban desprevenidos, al mismo tiempo que an
imaba a los habitantes de Sica a atacar por la espalda a los legionarios de las
\u250?ltimas cohortes, que todav\u237?a no hab\u237?an salido de la ciudad. Pero
Mario demostr\u243? su pericia militar y su sangre fr\u237?a, consigui\u243? sa
car a todos sus hombres r\u225?pidamente y ponerlos en formaci\u243?n ofensiva,
con lo cual Yugurta se retir\u243? frustrado en su intento.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Pero a quien correspond\u237?a frustrarse ahora era a los romanos. Las tropas de
Mario se reunieron con las de Metelo, y todo el ej\u233?rcito se lanz\u243? a a
saltar las murallas de Zama. En este punto, la narraci\u243?n de Salustio es tan
detallada que el lector puede ver c\u243?mo el combate se desarrolla ante sus o
jos: los romanos lanzando bolas de plomo con sus hondas y piedras con sus m\u225
?quinas de guerra, corriendo al pie de la muralla para socavar sus cimientos y t
endiendo escalas para trepar al adarve. Mientras tanto, los n\u250?midas hac\u23
7?an rodar grandes piedras sobre las cabezas de los atacantes, y tambi\u233?n le
s tiraban estacas aguzadas, venablos y una mezcla ardiente de pez y azufre.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras se luchaba en torno a la ciudad, Yugurta lanz\u243? un ataque contra el
campamento romano. La guarnici\u243?n que proteg\u237?a este huy\u243? en desba
ndada, salvo cuarenta soldados m\u225?s valientes que los dem\u225?s, que se hic
ieron fuertes en un lugar elevado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al ver c\u243?mo muchos de sus hombres hu\u237?an desde su propia empalizada, Me
telo comprendi\u243? lo que pasaba. Si el campamento ca\u237?a en manos de los e
nemigos, los romanos no tendr\u237?an un lugar donde refugiarse cuando se hicier
a de noche y se encontrar\u237?an al descubierto, en territorio enemigo y enfren
tados al mismo tiempo a los enemigos de dentro de Zama y a las tropas del rey.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso significar\u237?a, m\u225?s que probablemente, la destrucci\u243?n de su ej\
u233?rcito; por m\u225?s que insistamos en lo importantes que eran para los roma
nos sus campamentos, siempre nos quedaremos cortos. La gravedad de la situaci\u2
43?n qued\u243? clara por la actitud de Metelo: tras mandar a la caballer\u237?a
, envi\u243? tambi\u233?n a Cayo Mario con las cohortes de tropas aliadas y, \u1
71?con l\u225?grimas en los ojos, le conjur\u243? a que en nombre de su amistad
y de la Rep\u250?blica\u187? salvara el campamento y castigara los enemigos ({\i
Yug}., 58).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario cumpli\u243? las \u243?rdenes con prontitud y eficacia, y Yugurta abandon\
u243? el asalto al campamento, del mismo modo que Metelo hizo con el ataque cont
ra Zama.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n hab\u237?a quedado en tablas por aquella noche, y as\u237? se
mantuvo. Durante los asaltos siguientes, hubo un momento en que varios soldados
romanos casi lograron poner el pie en el adarve de la muralla en un sector poco
vigilado, aprovechando que lo m\u225?s violento de la refriega se libraba en otr
a parte. Pero los defensores se dieron cuenta a tiempo y acudieron con piedras y
proyectiles. Los impactos rompieron las escalas, y los romanos se precipitaron
desde las alturas. (Trepar por una escala de asalto sin poder defenderse hasta l
legar arriba, a sabiendas de que sobre la cabeza de uno pod\u237?an caer desde p
iedras de cien kilos hasta aceite hirviendo o pez ardiente, exig\u237?a un valor
que rayaba en la locura. Los romanos eran bien conscientes de ello. Por eso una
de sus condecoraciones m\u225?s distinguidas era la {\i
corona muralis}, una corona de oro con forma almenada que se otorgaba al primer
soldado que pusiera el pie encima de una muralla enemiga).\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Finalmente, Metelo renunci\u243? a tomar Zama y se retir\u243? con sus tropas pa
ra pasar el invierno en Numidia, cerca de la {\i

fossa regia} que delimitaba la provincia romana. Aunque su mandato de c\u243?nsu

l expiraba, el senado le prorrog\u243? un a\u241?o m\u225?s de {\i
imperium} como proc\u243?nsul; lo que demuestra que en Roma comprend\u237?an que
Metelo iba por buen camino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el invierno se reanudaron las conversaciones con Yugurta. Para firmar la
paz, Metelo le exigi\u243? que le entregara doscientas mil libras de plata \u82
12?casi setenta toneladas\u8212?, buena parte de sus armas y caballos y todos su
s elefantes de guerra. Tambi\u233?n deb\u237?a devolverle a todos aquellos que h
ab\u237?an desertado de sus filas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta accedi\u243?, pues su situaci\u243?n era m\u225?s que precaria. Sobre to
do, influy\u243? en \u233?l uno de los hombres en quienes m\u225?s confiaba, Bom
\u237?lcar, que se hab\u237?a entrevistado en secreto con Metelo. Este hab\u237?
a comprendido que la clave de aquella guerra que parec\u237?a imposible liquidar
radicaba en la persona carism\u225?tica de Yugurta, y hab\u237?a decidido que h
ab\u237?a que librarse de \u233?l como fuera, incluso recurriendo a la traici\u2
43?n, como se hab\u237?a hecho en el caso de Viriato. Bom\u237?lcar parec\u237?a
el hombre indicado: recordemos que \u233?l hab\u237?a organizado el asesinato d
e Masiva en las calles de Roma. Pod\u237?a temer, con raz\u243?n, que, si se lle
gaba a un acuerdo de paz, Yugurta lo entregar\u237?a a los romanos como parte de
l trato.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Metelo prometi\u243? a Bom\u237?lcar impunidad si le entregaba a Yugurta vivo o
muerto. Bom\u237?lcar acept\u243? y, para empezar, se dedic\u243? a ejercer de {
\i
lobby} unipersonal para convencer al rey de que aceptase las condiciones de Mete
lo. Hasta all\u237?, su gesti\u243?n funcion\u243?. Pero cuando el c\u243?nsul o
rden\u243? a Yugurta que se presentara ante \u233?l en la ciudad de Tisidio, el
rey n\u250?mida debi\u243? comprender que, si lo hac\u237?a, solo saldr\u237?a d
e all\u237? muerto o prisionero, y decidi\u243? reanudar la guerra.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Unos meses despu\u233?s, Yugurta descubri\u243? la traici\u243?n de Bom\u237?lca
r. Este cometi\u243? el error de poner la trama por escrito en una carta que le
envi\u243? a otro importante mandatario n\u250?mida, un tal Nabdalsa. La carta f
ue interceptada por un subordinado y, para salvar su propio pellejo, Nabdalsa se
apresur\u243? a acudir a Yugurta y delatar a su c\u243?mplice.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
El rey hizo ejecutar a Bom\u237?lcar y a otros conjurados. Desde ese momento se
hizo a\u250?n m\u225?s desconfiado, y cambiaba constantemente de residencia para
que los posibles asesinos enviados por Metelo no lo localizaran.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, eso no le hizo pensar en rendirse, pues comprend\u237?a que, si lo
hac\u237?a, a esas alturas ya no podr\u237?a conservar el trono ni, probablement
e, la vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante la campa\u241?a de aquel segundo a\u241?o de Metelo no se libraron grand
es batallas. Yugurta perdi\u243? una plaza importante, Sica, pero consigui\u243?
mantener Zama e incluso recuper\u243? la ciudad de Vaga. En esta, Metelo hab\u2
37?a puesto una guarnici\u243?n formada por tropas it\u225?licas y mandada por u
n tal Turpilio Silano. Antes de este cargo, Turpilio, que era cliente y amigo pe
rsonal de Metelo hab\u237?a ocupado el puesto de prefecto de los herreros y carp
interos del ej\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se celebraban las fiestas de las Cereres, unas diosas de la fertilidad, l
os notables n\u250?midas de la ciudad de Vaga invitaron a cenar a sus casas a to
dos los centuriones y tribunos de la guarnici\u243?n. A la hora convenida, aprov
echando que el vino y la comida hab\u237?an aletargado a sus invitados, los ases
inaron. Simult\u225?neamente, los habitantes de Vaga atacaron en masa a los sold
ados de la guarnici\u243?n; incluso las mujeres y los ni\u241?os les arrojaban t
ejas y piedras desde las ventanas y las azoteas. Al final, no qued\u243? vivo na
die m\u225?s que el propio Turpilio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este \u233?xito de Yugurta fue ef\u237?mero. Al d\u237?a siguiente de recibir la
noticia, Metelo volvi\u243? a tomar la ciudad. Para ello se vali\u243? de una t
reta, pues llev\u243? en vanguardia jinetes africanos aliados a los que hizo pas

ar por hombres de Yugurta. Cuando los que vigilaban las puertas quisieron darse
cuenta del enga\u241?o, ya era demasiado tarde. Las tropas de Metelo irrumpieron
en la poblaci\u243?n y masacraron o esclavizaron a sus habitantes.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Tras recuperar la ciudad, quedaba el problema de qu\u233? hacer con Turpilio. Al
parecer, era un hombre de buen talante que hab\u237?a tratado muy bien a los ci
udadanos de Vaga, lo que, seg\u250?n sus defensores \u8212?entre ellos, el propi
o Metelo\u8212?, explicaba que le hubieran perdonado la vida. Pero Cayo Mario in
sisti\u243? en que Turpilio hab\u237?a cometido traici\u243?n y no cedi\u243? ha
sta que lo juzgaron y ejecutaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel hecho deterior\u243? todav\u237?a m\u225?s las relaciones entre Metelo y s
u lugarteniente, que hab\u237?an atravesado muchos altibajos a lo largo de los a
\u241?os. Ahora, la raz\u243?n principal era que Metelo se hab\u237?a enterado d
e que Mario hab\u237?a decidido presentarse al consulado para el a\u241?o siguie
nte, el 107, algo que consideraba una traici\u243?n personal.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
CAYO MARIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Ya hemos mencionado a Cayo Mario en varias ocasiones. Pero, dado el papel crucia
l que representar\u237?a en la historia de Roma durante los a\u241?os siguientes
, parece un buen momento para hablar de \u233?l con mayor detalle.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Cayo Mario hab\u237?a nacido hacia el a\u241?o 157 en Cereatas, una aldea situad
a en el territorio de Arpino, a unos cien kil\u243?metros de Roma. Los habitante
s de esa regi\u243?n pose\u237?an la ciudadan\u237?a romana desde hac\u237?a alg
unas d\u233?cadas. El bi\u243?grafo Plutarco cuenta que Mario proven\u237?a de u
na familia desconocida y pobre. Lo primero parece cierto, pero lo segundo result
a dif\u237?cil de creer, ya que alguien sin recursos no podr\u237?a haber seguid
o el {\i
cursus honorum} como hizo \u233?l. M\u225?s bien se cree que pertenec\u237?a a u
na familia de la \u233?lite rural, subordinada en una relaci\u243?n de clientela
a los Metelos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, la educaci\u243?n que recibi\u243? en Arpino no fue tan refin
ada como la que habr\u237?a estado a su alcance en Roma. Ni siquiera aprendi\u24
3? griego, que pasaba por ser la segunda lengua de los arist\u243?cratas. Cuando
m\u225?s adelante lo criticaban por ello, Mario contestaba que no le hac\u237?a
falta, pues no estaba demostrado que el griego volviera m\u225?s valientes ni v
irtuosos a quienes lo dominaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los retratos lo representan como un hombre de rasgos duros y acusados y cejas po
bladas, un rostro que se correspond\u237?a a su fuerte personalidad; en ocasione
s, sobre todo al final de su vida, excesivamente fuerte. Era un hombre que sopor
taba bien las privaciones de la vida militar, donde se encontraba en su salsa. P
recisamente, su facilidad para compartir el mismo rancho y jerg\u243?n que los s
oldados lo hac\u237?an muy popular entre la tropa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para ilustrar hasta qu\u233? punto aguantaba el dolor, Plutarco narra c\u243?mo
Mario deb\u237?a someterse a una operaci\u243?n de varices en ambas piernas. El
procedimiento antiguo, tal como lo describe Celso en su obra {\i
Sobre la medicina}, pone los pelos de punta, m\u225?xime porque se llevaba a cab
o sin anestesia. Mario dej\u243? que el cirujano cortara y cauterizara sin emiti
r ni un gemido. Pero cuando termin\u243? con una pierna, le dijo que dejara la o
tra, pues hab\u237?a comprendido que no merec\u237?a la pena sufrir un dolor tan
inhumano a cambio de la cura.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El primer cargo militar que desempe\u241?\u243? Mario fue el de tribuno durante
el asedio de Numancia, donde coincidi\u243? con Metelo y con Rutilio Rufo. All\u
237? empez\u243? a destacar donde deb\u237?a; es decir, delante de su general, E
scipi\u243?n Emiliano, ante cuyos ojos se enfrent\u243? con un enemigo en combat
e singular y le dio muerte. En Numancia no solo gan\u243? condecoraciones, sino,
sobre todo, el respeto de Escipi\u243?n. Cuando le preguntaron a este durante u
na cena d\u243?nde podr\u237?an encontrar los romanos otro estratega como \u233?
l en el futuro, se cuenta que Escipi\u243?n palme\u243? el hombro de Mario y dij
o: \u171?Puede que aqu\u237? mismo\u187?. Seguramente, los ojos de todos los pre
sentes en la tienda de mando se clavaron en \u233?l, y entre esos ojos estar\u23
7?an los de Yugurta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La siguiente noticia que tenemos de Mario es que fue elegido tribuno de la plebe
en 119, cuando ya ten\u237?a treinta y ocho a\u241?os, una edad bastante tard\u
237?a. Pertenecer a una familia de oscuro linaje no le favoreci\u243? precisamen
te para ascender r\u225?pido por el {\i
cursus honorum}. En esta ocasi\u243?n le ayud\u243? Cecilio Metelo, debido a la
relaci\u243?n de patronos y clientes que exist\u237?a entre ambas familias. Plut
arco no especifica demasiado, pero es muy posible que no se tratara de Quinto, e
l mismo Metelo que dirig\u237?a las operaciones contra Yugurta, sino de su herma
no Lucio, que fue elegido c\u243?nsul en 119 y que se gan\u243? el {\i
cognomen} de Dalm\u225?tico por sus triunfos contra la tribu de los d\u225?lmata
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como tribuno, Mario demostr\u243? su car\u225?cter combativo, y tambi\u233?n por
d\u243?nde iban sus simpat\u237?as pol\u237?ticas, al presentar una propuesta p
ara modificar el modo en que se votaba en los comicios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
{\qc
LA HISTORIA DEL VOTO SECRETO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los comicios centuriados eran la asamblea m\u225?s importante del pueblo romano,
ya que eleg\u237?an a todos los magistrados con {\i
imperium}, incluidos los c\u243?nsules. Se reun\u237?an extramuros, en la gran e
xplanada del Campo de Marte. All\u237? hab\u237?a un gran recinto conocido como
los Saepta, \u171?el cercado\u187?, dividido por vallados de madera que formaban
calles estrechas para evitar que los miembros de las centurias o de las tribus
se mezclaran.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dentro de cada calle, los votantes iban caminando hasta llegar a los {\i
pontes}, unas pasarelas que daban acceso a una tribuna elevada. All\u237? arriba

, un {\i
rogator} preguntaba a cada ciudadano su voto y lo iba anotando en una tablilla.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es obvio que este procedimiento permit\u237?a grandes presiones sobre los electo
res. Por eso, en el a\u241?o 131, el tribuno Lucio Papirio Carb\u243?n introdujo
el voto secreto. Desde entonces, el votante sub\u237?a por la pasarela, cog\u23
7?a una tablilla de cera que le entregaba un asistente y escrib\u237?a en ella.
Si se trataba de refrendar alg\u250?n decreto, marcaba una V ({\i
Vti rogas}, \u171?como propones\u187?) para aprobarlo o una A ({\i
Antiquo}, \u171?me opongo\u187?) para rechazarlo. En los juicios las letras eran
L ({\i
Libero}) para absolver y D ({\i
Damno}) para condenar. Y en los comicios m\u225?s importantes, en los que se ele
g\u237?a a los c\u243?nsules y otros magistrados, el votante escrib\u237?a el no
mbre del candidato escogido. Es f\u225?cil darse cuenta de que esto presupon\u23
7?a un alto nivel de alfabetizaci\u243?n en la sociedad romana\u8230?, o bien si
gnificaba que las clases m\u225?s bajas quedaban pr\u225?cticamente descartadas
de las votaciones. En realidad, las limitaciones de espacio y tiempo sugieren qu
e tan solo un porcentaje reducido de los ciudadanos inscritos en el censo partic
ipaba en las votaciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El voto secreto supuso un gran avance para evitar que los m\u225?s poderosos adu
lteraran las elecciones. Sin embargo, todav\u237?a cab\u237?a la posibilidad de
presionar a los electores, pues los asistentes que entregaban las tablillas pod\
u237?an ver lo que escrib\u237?a cada uno y amenazar, adular o chantajear para c
ambiar su voto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por eso, en el a\u241?o 119, Mario propuso una ley para reducir el ancho de los
{\i
pontes}. Desde ese momento, solo cab\u237?a una persona sobre la pasarela. Los a
sistentes se encontraban m\u225?s abajo, en unos pasillos abiertos entre los {\i
pontes}, y le tend\u237?an la tablilla al votante de tal manera que este se ten\
u237?a que agachar para cogerla, como puede verse en una moneda acu\u241?ada en
el a\u241?o 113.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que llegaban al final de la pasarela, los electores depositaban su voto
en una gran cesta y bajaban por una escalera. La cesta en cuesti\u243?n estaba v
igilada, pues hab\u237?a p\u237?caros que trataban de colar varias tablillas a l
a vez. Cuando una centuria hab\u237?a terminado de votar, se recontaban sus sufr
agios. Por muchos ciudadanos que estuvieran inscritos en una centuria, el voto f
inal, que era el de la mayor\u237?a, contaba como uno solo, que se proclamaba en
cuanto se conoc\u237?a y que pod\u237?a influir en el resto de las centurias.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se alcanzaba una mayor\u237?a suficiente para elegir a un candidato o apr
obar una ley, se interrump\u237?a el procedimiento. A menudo, las centurias de l
as clases m\u225?s humildes no llegaban tan siquiera a votar.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
A pesar de todo, el voto secreto hizo mucho para debilitar la influencia de la p
oderosa clase senatorial y aumentar el papel que desempe\u241?aban otras clases
inferiores. As\u237?, mucho tiempo m\u225?s tarde, Cicer\u243?n se lamentar\u237
?a en su obra {\i
Las leyes} (3.34): \u171?\u191?Qui\u233?n no se da cuenta de que la ley de los v
otos escritos ha arrebatado toda su autoridad a los optimates?\u187?.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Cuando consigui\u243? que la asamblea aprobara su ley, Mario se encontr\u243? co
n la oposici\u243?n del c\u243?nsul Aurelio Cota, que convenci\u243? a los senad
ores para que votaran un decreto en contra. Despu\u233?s, Cota convoc\u243? a Ma
rio ante el senado con el fin de que explicara por qu\u233? hab\u237?a intentado
reducir el ancho de las pasarelas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La intenci\u243?n del c\u243?nsul era intimidar a Mario; todav\u237?a estaba fre
sca en el recuerdo la sangre de Cayo Graco. Pero el tribuno, lejos de amilanarse
, amenaz\u243? a Cota con encerrarlo en prisi\u243?n si no retiraba el decreto.
Mario pregunt\u243? al otro c\u243?nsul, el mismo Metelo que lo hab\u237?a apoya

do, si estaba de acuerdo con su colega. Cuando Metelo se levant\u243? y dijo que
s\u237?, Mario, ni corto ni perezoso, avis\u243? a su ayudante, que estaba fuer
a de la Curia donde se reun\u237?a el senado, y le orden\u243? que entrara y det
uviera a Metelo. Cuando este apel\u243? a los dem\u225?s tribunos para que inter
pusieran su veto contra Mario, no consigui\u243? ning\u250?n apoyo. Ante una sit
uaci\u243?n tan tensa, tanto los dos c\u243?nsules como el resto de los senadore
s recularon y retiraron el decreto, que tan solo era orientativo: los senadores
no pod\u237?an vetar las leyes aprobadas por las asambleas del pueblo. En cualqu
ier caso, desde entonces las pasarelas se montaron con el ancho que hab\u237?a d
ecidido Mario. Fue una primera lecci\u243?n para aquellos que se opusieran a aqu
el testarudo tribuno de la plebe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De todas formas, despu\u233?s de este \u233?xito su carrera pol\u237?tica se est
anc\u243?. Cuando se present\u243? al puesto de edil, Mario fue derrotado. En el
a\u241?o 116 consigui\u243? el cargo de pretor, pero fue el que menos votos obt
uvo de los seis elegidos. Para colmo, lo acusaron de {\i
ambitus} o corrupci\u243?n electoral porque el esclavo de un amigo suyo fue vist
o dentro de las vallas que delimitaban los Saepta, all\u237? donde solo pod\u237
?an entrar ciudadanos libres inscritos en el censo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No est\u225? muy claro si hab\u237?a algo de cierto en la acusaci\u243?n o se tr
ataba de un infundio de sus enemigos pol\u237?ticos, pero Mario sali\u243? absue
lto y pudo ejercer como pretor. Al t\u233?rmino de su mandato, fue enviado como
gobernador a Hispania Ulterior. All\u237?, pese a sus dotes militares, tuvo que
contentarse con combatir contra bandas de forajidos, algo que no contribuy\u243?
a acrecentar su gloria y que seguramente tampoco le report\u243? un gran bot\u2
37?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La pol\u237?tica romana era un embudo: empezaban muchos, pues hab\u237?a decenas
de cargos disponibles, pero a la cima del consulado \u250?nicamente llegaban do
s personas por a\u241?o. Habiendo sido el \u250?ltimo entre seis pretores y sin
haber obtenido un triunfo militar, Mario ten\u237?a muy dif\u237?cil alcanzar el
cargo de c\u243?nsul. Tal vez por eso, intent\u243? ampliar su c\u237?rculo de
influencias cas\u225?ndose con Julia, una joven que pertenec\u237?a a una {\i
gens} muy antigua, la Julia, y a la rama de los C\u233?sares. Pero esa familia p
ose\u237?a m\u225?s prestigio que poder real, pues el \u250?ltimo c\u243?nsul sa
lido de ella hab\u237?a sido Sexto Julio C\u233?sar en 156.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
A punto de cumplir cincuenta a\u241?os, Mario pod\u237?a empezar a pensar en que
no le quedaba otro remedio que resignarse a asistir a las sesiones del senado y
ver c\u243?mo otros m\u225?s j\u243?venes se llevaban la gloria. Con suerte, el
hijo que acababa de tener con Julia podr\u237?a beneficiarse de que su padre ha
b\u237?a llegado a pretor para convertirse en el primer Mario c\u243?nsul.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, le lleg\u243? una oportunidad tard\u237?a cuando Quinto Cecilio Met
elo obtuvo el mando de la campa\u241?a contra Yugurta. \u191?Por qu\u233? Metelo
escogi\u243? como legado a Mario despu\u233?s del enfrentamiento que hab\u237?a
tenido con su hermano Dalm\u225?tico? Puede que las relaciones entre Mario y lo
s Metelos se hubieran arreglado un poco durante aquellos a\u241?os, o puede que
Quinto se llevara mal con Dalm\u225?tico y quisiera contrariarlo de aquella mane
ra. Las relaciones entre hermanos a veces son complicadas, por lo que la hip\u24
3?tesis no resulta en absoluto inveros\u237?mil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, si Metelo y Mario empezaron la campa\u241?a llev\u225?ndose b
ien, durante el invierno de 109-108 su amistad se estaba deteriorando r\u225?pid
amente. Aparte del asunto de Turpilio, a Metelo le sent\u243? muy mal que Mario
le pidiera permiso para abandonar el puesto de legado, viajar a Roma y presentar
se a las elecciones consulares para el a\u241?o siguiente. No tanto porque su su
bordinado se convirtiera en c\u243?nsul, sino porque todo le hac\u237?a sospecha
r que iba a intentar que le asignaran el mando de la guerra en \u193?frica a cos
ta de \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si Mario no era un ejemplo de diplomacia, la respuesta de Metelo tampoco fue com
o para hacer amigos. \u171?\u191?Por qu\u233? no te esperas un poco m\u225?s y t
e presentas al consulado con mi hijo, aqu\u237? presente?\u187?. Considerando qu

e al joven Metelo todav\u237?a le quedaban veinte a\u241?os para poder presentar

se al cargo y que para entonces Mario habr\u237?a cumplido ya los setenta, la in
tenci\u243?n de ofender era palmaria.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario no se resign\u243?. Ya que no se le permit\u237?a viajar a Roma para su ca
mpa\u241?a electoral, empez\u243? a hacerla desde \u193?frica. Aunque ten\u237?a
fama de hombre directo, tambi\u233?n sab\u237?a actuar a las espaldas de otros.
Durante meses, se dedic\u243? a hablar con muchos soldados a los que convenci\u
243? de que escribieran a sus familiares en Roma para contarles que aquella guer
ra que parec\u237?a no tener fin \u250?nicamente acabar\u237?a cuando le entrega
ran el mando a Cayo Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s se trabaj\u243? tambi\u233?n a los hombres de negocios it\u225?lico
s y romanos asentados en \u193?frica y, en general, a los miembros del orden ecu
estre. Un aut\u233?ntico diluvio de cartas lleg\u243? a Roma, en una agresiva ca
mpa\u241?a de {\i
marketing} electoral que nos resulta curiosamente moderna y que hab\u237?a apren
dido de su antiguo general Escipi\u243?n Emiliano, quien hab\u237?a hecho lo mis
mo para conseguir el mando durante la Tercera Guerra P\u250?nica.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Con estas cosas, se pas\u243? el invierno y empez\u243? el momento de librar una
nueva campa\u241?a, ya con Metelo como proc\u243?nsul con mando prorrogado. Los
romanos atravesaron de nuevo la frontera e invadieron Numidia. Esta vez, Yugurt
a parece que plante\u243? batalla, aunque el texto de Salustio no es demasiado e
xpl\u237?cito. Los romanos vencieron, como era de esperar, pero se apoderaron so
bre todo de armas y estandartes. Entre los enemigos hubo pocos muertos o prision
eros, pues \u171?en todas las batallas a los n\u250?midas los salvan m\u225?s su
s pies que sus armas\u187? ({\i
Yug}., 74).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta decidi\u243? poner tierra y arena de por medio y se refugi\u243? en Tala
, situada al sur. Era una ciudad grande, rica y bien fortificada, y all\u237? gu
ardaba buena parte de sus tesoros y se criaban sus hijos peque\u241?os.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se enter\u243?, Metelo decidi\u243? perseguirlo. Para ello, \u233?l y sus
hombres tuvieron que atravesar ochenta kil\u243?metros de terreno \u225?rido do
nde no hab\u237?a r\u237?os, fuentes ni pozos. Cuando llegaron all\u237?, constr
uyeron un campamento y cercaron la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tala cay\u243? despu\u233?s de cuarenta d\u237?as, pero su toma no report\u243?
grandes frutos. Mucho antes Yugurta hab\u237?a huido en secreto con sus hijos y
buena parte de sus tesoros. Por otra parte, cuando los jefes de la guarnici\u243
?n se dieron cuenta de que Tala estaba condenada, se retiraron a la ciudadela in
terior y, tras un banquete en el que bebieron hasta emborracharse, prendieron fu
ego al palacio y murieron con todas sus riquezas dentro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Sin duda, aquel asedio bald\u237?o no contribuy\u243? a la popularidad de Metelo
entre los soldados, que despu\u233?s de atravesar regiones semidesiertas y comb
atir y trabajar durante m\u225?s de un mes se encontraban con las manos vac\u237
?as. El bot\u237?n, no lo olvidemos, era el principal se\u241?uelo que atra\u237
?a a los j\u243?venes romanos a alistarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, Metelo hab\u237?a obtenido dos victorias m\u225?s en esta campa\u
241?a, pero hab\u237?an resultado tan poco productivas que no hac\u237?an m\u225
?s que apoyar la maniobra de descr\u233?dito que libraba Mario contra \u233?l.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Harto precisamente de esas presiones, Metelo cedi\u243? por fin y licenci\u243?
a Mario para que viajara a Roma. Quedaban tan solo doce d\u237?as para que se ce
lebraran las elecciones, y Mario se encontraba a m\u225?s de setecientos kil\u24
3?metros a vuelo de p\u225?jaro de Roma. Pero en dos d\u237?as y una noche lleg\
u243? al puerto de \u218?tica. All\u237?, antes de embarcar, hizo un sacrificio
a los dioses. El ar\u250?spice que examin\u243? las entra\u241?as de la v\u237?c
tima le dijo que conseguir\u237?a logros incre\u237?bles, mucho m\u225?s all\u22
5? de lo esperado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Animado por tales vaticinios y por el viento propicio que impuls\u243? su barco,

Mario lleg\u243? a Roma en tres d\u237?as. All\u237? desat\u243? tal entusiasmo

entre los votantes que tanto los artesanos como los campesinos abandonaron sus
trabajos perdiendo dinero para acudir a votarlo a los comicios (en Roma no hab\u
237?a horas libres pagadas para votar). De todos modos, no debemos imaginarnos a
una multitud de {\i
sans-culottes} sacando a Mario a hombros. Cuando los romanos de finales de la Re
p\u250?blica hablaban de la plebe no se refer\u237?an a los estratos m\u225?s ba
jos de la sociedad, que pr\u225?cticamente no participaban en la pol\u237?tica,
sino a todos aquellos que estaban por debajo del orden senatorial: la clase medi
a baja, media media e incluso media alta formar\u237?an, pues, parte de esta {\i
plebs}.{\super
[13]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, Mario fue elegido c\u243?nsul junto con Lucio Casio Longino. Ten\u23
7?a ya cincuenta a\u241?os, una edad algo tard\u237?a para el cargo. En aquel mo
mento, nadie pod\u237?a vaticinar que ese {\i
homo novus} que no contaba con ning\u250?n c\u243?nsul entre sus antepasados obt
endr\u237?a aquel honor seis veces m\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, Yugurta, que cada vez ten\u237?a menos partidarios entre los suy
os, decidi\u243? internacionalizar el conflicto ali\u225?ndose con g\u233?tulos
y moros (este es el t\u233?rmino m\u225?s correcto para referirse a los {\i
Mauri}, los habitantes de Mauritania). Los g\u233?tulos, como ya comentamos, viv
\u237?an en la zona subsahariana, al sur de las monta\u241?as. Seg\u250?n Salust
io, todav\u237?a no conoc\u237?an a los romanos y eran un pueblo salvaje, aunque
Livio asegura que ya hab\u237?an servido como mercenarios con An\u237?bal.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a los moros, Yugurta ten\u237?a una alianza con su rey Boco, ya que es
taba casado con una hija suya. No obstante, el v\u237?nculo no era demasiado est
recho, puesto que Yugurta deb\u237?a de tener varias esposas m\u225?s. Salustio
explica que tanto n\u250?midas como moros eran pol\u237?gamos si se lo permit\u2
37?an sus recursos, que en el caso de los reyes eran, obviamente, muy abundantes
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando consigui\u243? reunir una fuerza considerable de n\u250?midas, g\u233?tul
os y moros, Yugurta se puso en marcha hacia Cirta, donde se hallaba el cuartel d
e Metelo. Este trat\u243? de desarticular la alianza entre n\u250?midas y moros
recurriendo a la diplomacia, pues sab\u237?a que Boco, un paradigma de la {\i
Realpolitik} en la Antig\u252?edad, no era un aliado de fiar.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
A esas alturas, probablemente en enero del a\u241?o 107, a Metelo le lleg\u243?
una carta de Roma. Metelo ya sab\u237?a que Mario hab\u237?a sido elegido c\u243
?nsul, lo cual no le agrad\u243?. Pero la noticia que conoci\u243? ahora era muc
ho peor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En circunstancias normales, todos los a\u241?os el senado asignaba con antelaci\
u243?n las provincias para cada c\u243?nsul. Para el 107, a Casio Longino le toc
\u243? en suerte la Galia, y todos los indicios se\u241?alan que a Mario le corr
espondi\u243? Italia. En cuanto al mando de Numidia, se le hab\u237?a vuelto a p
rorrogar a Metelo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para Mario, las cosas no pod\u237?an quedar as\u237?. Su campa\u241?a se hab\u23
7?a basado en que \u233?l era la \u250?nica persona capaz de acabar r\u225?pidam
ente con aquella guerra que estaba consumiendo los recursos de los romanos y les
imped\u237?a concentrarse por completo en la amenaza del norte. Si quer\u237?a
cumplir su promesa, necesitaba obtener el mando de las tropas como fuese.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Y ese \u171?como fuese\u187? consisti\u243? en recurrir a la soberan\u237?a del
pueblo romano. El tribuno Tito Manlio Mancino se present\u243? ante la asamblea
de la plebe y propuso una ley para otorgar el mando de la campa\u241?a de Numidi
a a Cayo Mario. La gente, ni que decir tiene, vot\u243? a favor.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Acababa de ocurrir algo inusitado que, sin embargo, no era ilegal. Uno de los fu
ndamentos del complejo sistema de leyes romanas era que las asambleas populares
pod\u237?an votar sobre cualquier asunto. De hecho, en las \u250?ltimas d\u233?c

adas lo estaban haciendo cada vez m\u225?s a menudo contra la opini\u243?n del s
enado, como se hab\u237?a demostrado con las leyes de los Gracos o con la aproba
ci\u243?n del voto secreto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La pol\u237?tica exterior era otra cosa, el cortijo particular del senado, cuyos
miembros se beneficiaban de la gloria y los frutos materiales de conquistas y g
uerras. Sin embargo, el conflicto en Numidia lo estaba revolviendo y trastocando
todo. Recordemos que unos a\u241?os antes la asamblea del pueblo hab\u237?a ord
enado a Yugurta que se presentara en Roma a rendir cuentas, tambi\u233?n a propu
esta de un tribuno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora se hab\u237?a llegado un paso m\u225?s lejos. Pero los cambios no se detuv
ieron aqu\u237?. Al igual que hab\u237?a ocurrido con Metelo, el senado no autor
iz\u243? a Mario a reclutar un ej\u233?rcito nuevo, pero s\u237? a alistar solda
dos para completar las legiones estacionadas en \u193?frica y compensar las baja
s por muerte, enfermedad o deserci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario no se conform\u243? con eso. Si quer\u237?a terminar la guerra, necesitaba
m\u225?s tropas de las que hab\u237?a usado Metelo. No por gozar de superiorida
d num\u233?rica en una batalla campal contra Yugurta, ya que hemos visto que est
e se negaba a aceptarla, sino porque el territorio que ten\u237?a que cubrir era
muy extenso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El nuevo c\u243?nsul reclut\u243? tropas italianas y de reinos aliados al otro l
ado del Mediterr\u225?neo. Tambi\u233?n recurri\u243? a {\i
evocati}, veteranos de otras campa\u241?as a los que ya conoc\u237?a de su \u233
?poca en Hispania o de los cuales ten\u237?a buenas referencias.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
No sabemos cu\u225?ntos hombres consigui\u243? de esta forma. En cualquier caso,
no tantos como quer\u237?a. En parte se explica porque la Rep\u250?blica andaba
envuelta en otros conflictos. La guerra contra los escordiscos segu\u237?a en l
as fronteras de Macedonia, y en Galia su colega consular Casio Longino ten\u237?
a que hacer frente a una incursi\u243?n de los tigurinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Mario decidi\u243? dar otro paso m\u225?s all\u225?. No hizo nada que fuera estr
ictamente ilegal, pero s\u237? algo que llam\u243? mucho la atenci\u243?n de sus
conciudadanos y de los historiadores posteriores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Reclut\u243? a los proletarios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este t\u233?rmino se aplicaba a los ciudadanos que se agrupaban en la \u250?ltim
a centuria, los desclasados cuyo patrimonio era tan bajo que se los consideraba
\u250?nicamente due\u241?os de su prole. Tambi\u233?n eran conocidos como {\i
capite censi}, o censados por cabezas, pues no se los contaba por sus ingresos s
ino por su n\u250?mero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando participaban en la guerra, los proletarios sol\u237?an hacerlo como remer
os en la flota. Tan solo se los alistaba para la infanter\u237?a en caso de {\i
tumultus}, una emergencia como la que se hab\u237?a producido durante la guerra
contra An\u237?bal. Exist\u237?an varias razones para ello. Seg\u250?n la opini\
u243?n m\u225?s tradicional entre los romanos, que compart\u237?an con los grieg
os, defend\u237?an mejor su ciudad quienes pose\u237?an haciendas que proteger,
y tambi\u233?n era m\u225?s dif\u237?cil que abandonaran lo que ten\u237?an para
desertar al enemigo. Adem\u225?s, durante siglos cada soldado se hab\u237?a pag
ado su propio equipo, y el armamento de la infanter\u237?a de l\u237?nea, pesada
, de choque o como queramos llamarla era demasiado caro para los {\i
capite censi}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esto cambi\u243? ahora, o quiz\u225? llevaba cambiando un tiempo con reformas co
mo la {\i
lex militaris} de Cayo Graco del a\u241?o 123, que prohib\u237?a al Estado desco
ntar dinero de la paga de los soldados para costearse su ropa y su equipo. Pero
muchos autores, con af\u225?n de simplificar las cosas, atribuyeron luego a Mari
o todas las reformas que el ej\u233?rcito sufri\u243? en esta \u233?poca. Hay qu
e a\u241?adir que dicha simplificaci\u243?n se debe tambi\u233?n a que buena par
te del material literario que nos ha llegado consiste en res\u250?menes y ep\u23
7?tomes de otras obras m\u225?s extensas que se han perdido. En cualquier caso,
trataremos con m\u225?s detalle sobre estas reformas cuando narremos las campa\u

241?as contra las tribus del norte y hablemos de las llamadas \u171?mulas de Mar
io\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella ocasi\u243?n, Mario no estaba llevando a cabo un {\i
dilectus}, el tradicional reclutamiento forzoso, puesto que el senado no se lo h
ab\u237?a autorizado, sino un alistamiento de voluntarios. Con el fin de convenc
er a los nuevos reclutas, Mario pronunci\u243? ante la asamblea del pueblo un di
scurso que Salustio transcribe con cierta extensi\u243?n. Hemos de recordar que
los historiadores antiguos, en una tradici\u243?n que se remonta a Her\u243?doto
y Tuc\u237?dides, creaban discursos que pon\u237?an en boca de sus personajes p
ara retratarlos moral y psicol\u243?gicamente, y tambi\u233?n para exponer argum
entos que consideraban veros\u237?miles. Por tanto, no podemos considerar que la
arenga que aparece en {\i
La guerra de Yugurta} plasme las palabras literales de Mario ante la asamblea, p
ero s\u237? el esp\u237?ritu de lo que dijo, por lo que resulta interesante dete
nerse en \u233?l un poco y estudiar las tensiones sociales que refleja.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel discurso supuso una aut\u233?ntica reivindicaci\u243?n de un {\i
homo novus}, alguien a quien no le era posible ufanarse de los consulados de sus
antepasados ni sacar en procesi\u243?n sus im\u225?genes de cera como hac\u237?
an los optimates. A cambio, Mario pod\u237?a exhibir lanzas capturadas al enemig
o, un estandarte, {\i
phalerae} y otras condecoraciones que le hab\u237?a concedido la Rep\u250?blica,
y tambi\u233?n las cicatrices sufridas en combate. En este punto, podemos estar
casi seguros de que se apart\u243? la toga para ense\u241?ar sus heridas cuando
exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Estas son mis im\u225?genes, esta mi nobleza! No las
he recibido en herencia como ellos, sino que me las he ganado yo mismo con much\
u237?simos esfuerzos y peligros\u187? ({\i
Yug}., 85).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para granjearse a la plebe se jact\u243? de que no sab\u237?a griego, una carenc
ia en su educaci\u243?n de la que se burlaban los nobles. En lugar de avergonzar
se por ello, Mario contraatac\u243?, hurgando en un prejuicio antigriego y antii
ntelectual arraigado en el temperamento romano. \u171?Yo conozco a algunos que d
espu\u233?s de ser elegidos c\u243?nsules empiezan a leer las haza\u241?as de lo
s antepasados y los manuales militares de los griegos. Pero las cosas que ellos
han le\u237?do o saben de o\u237?das, yo las he visto y las he hecho. \u161?Y lo
que ellos han aprendido en los libros, yo lo he aprendido en la guerra!\u187?.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque nos han llegado muy pocos manuales militares de los antiguos, estas palab
ras revelan que deb\u237?an de ser numerosos, y atestiguan una cultura libresca
muy desarrollada. Cultura que Cayo Mario despreciaba tanto como otros refinamien
tos del momento: \u171?Dicen que soy zafio y de costumbres toscas porque no s\u2
33? preparar un banquete, no tengo histriones y no pago m\u225?s dinero por un c
ocinero que por un encargado que me administre las fincas\u187?. Aqu\u237? parec
e que por boca de Mario hablara Cat\u243?n el Viejo, adalid de las costumbres tr
adicionales romanas. Tambi\u233?n resulta curiosa la referencia a los histriones
, como si Salustio adelantara en el tiempo una cr\u237?tica de Mario a alguien q
ue andaba con actores, que en los a\u241?os de la campa\u241?a africana fue uno
de los lugartenientes en quienes m\u225?s confiaba y que despu\u233?s se convirt
i\u243? en su enemigo m\u225?s odiado: Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al final, Mario apel\u243? a esa mezcla de \u233?pica y codicia que tanto ha mot
ivado a los guerreros de todas las \u233?pocas: \u171?Con la ayuda de los dioses
todo est\u225? a nuestro alcance: la victoria, el bot\u237?n y la gloria\u187?.
Y para terminar, los motiv\u243? con un gui\u241?o a la muerte: \u171?Nadie se
ha hecho inmortal por cobard\u237?a, y ning\u250?n padre ha deseado que sus hijo
s sean eternos, sino que vivan su vida con honradez y virtud\u187?. Esta \u250?l
tima frase, sin duda, la podr\u237?a haber pronunciado tambi\u233?n una madre es
partana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CAMPA\u209?A DE MARIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par

d\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre voluntarios y proletarios, Mario consigui\u243? hacerse a la mar con unos
cinco mil soldados, tres mil m\u225?s de los que el senado le hab\u237?a asignad
o por decreto. Cuando lleg\u243? a \u193?frica, fue Rutilio Rufo quien le dio el
relevo de las tropas. Metelo, que no quer\u237?a ni ver a su antiguo subordinad
o, hab\u237?a vuelto antes a Roma. All\u237?, pese a la campa\u241?a en contra d
e Mario, tuvo un recibimiento mucho mejor que sus predecesores Bestia y Postumio
: en lugar de criticarle, le concedieron un triunfo en 106 y permitieron que a\u
241?adiera a su nombre el {\i
cognomen} de Num\u237?dico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Mario, ahora que por fin era c\u243?nsul y ten\u237?a el mando que t
anto ansiaba, necesitaba solucionar el conflicto por la v\u237?a r\u225?pida. De
lo contrario, podr\u237?an acusarlo de prolongarlo artificialmente, tal como ha
b\u237?a hecho \u233?l con Metelo. Sin embargo, no tard\u243? en descubrir que l
as cosas no eran tan f\u225?ciles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Yugurta, pese a sus derrotas, se las hab\u237?a arreglado para sobrevivir a tres
generales. Pero su situaci\u243?n no hab\u237?a hecho m\u225?s que empeorar. A
estas alturas, deb\u237?a de comprender que llegar a un acuerdo de paz era impen
sable. Como la conspiraci\u243?n de Bom\u237?lcar le hab\u237?a demostrado, los
romanos estaban dispuestos a acabar con \u233?l a cualquier precio. Su \u250?nic
a esperanza era mantener viva la lucha. Seguramente sab\u237?a que las cosas al
norte de Italia se estaban poniendo cada vez m\u225?s feas para sus enemigos. Co
n un poco de suerte, los romanos tendr\u237?an que concentrar all\u237? todos su
s esfuerzos y se olvidar\u237?an de \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Yugurta le quedaban cada vez menos recursos para continuar la guerra. Por eso,
estaba intentando involucrar a su suegro y hacer que el conflicto se extendiera
fuera de sus fronteras. Pero ten\u237?a un problema: el rey Boco no era nada de
fiar. Como experto en doble juego aventajaba al propio Yugurta, y as\u237? lo d
emostr\u243? en esta \u250?ltima fase de la guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, Mario comprendi\u243? que era imposible atraer a Yugurta a una b
atalla definitiva donde pudiera caer prisionero o morir, de modo que se dedic\u2
43? a socavar sus bases de poder, tomando y destruyendo ciudades, lo cual era ad
em\u225?s una forma de que perdiera el apoyo de su propia poblaci\u243?n.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras adue\u241?arse as\u237? de algunas plazas menores, Mario decidi\u243? que s
us tropas biso\u241?as ya se hallaban a un nivel parejo con las que llevaban tie
mpo en \u193?frica. Hab\u237?a llegado la hora de dar un golpe de efecto parecid
o al de Metelo al tomar Tala. El objetivo elegido fue la ciudad de Capsa (la act
ual Gafsa, en T\u250?nez). Esta se hallaba m\u225?s al sur y en una zona incluso
m\u225?s \u225?rida que Tala, por lo que si Mario lograba conquistarla podr\u23
7?a presumir de que hab\u237?a superado a su antiguo general.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
El ej\u233?rcito de Mario cubri\u243? una distancia de unos doscientos treinta k
il\u243?metros en nueve jornadas. Durante las seis primeras viajaron de d\u237?a
, y fueron aliment\u225?ndose de ganado con cuyos pellejos confeccionaban odres.
Al terminar el sexto d\u237?a acamparon a orillas del \u250?ltimo r\u237?o de l
a zona. Desde all\u237?, tras rellenar de agua todos los odres y cargarlos a sus
espaldas y a lomos de las ac\u233?milas, emprendieron una aut\u233?ntica traves
\u237?a del desierto. Las tres \u250?ltimas etapas las cubrieron de noche, en pa
rte por el calor \u8212?estaban a finales del verano de 107\u8212? y en parte pa
ra no ser vistos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la tercera jornada llegaron a unos tres kil\u243?metros de Capsa. All\u237? s
e detuvieron siendo todav\u237?a de noche cerrada, camuflados por unas elevacion
es situadas al noroeste de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando amaneci\u243?, las puertas de la ciudad se abrieron. Sus habitantes, que
se cre\u237?an seguros a tanta distancia de la zona de guerra, salieron como tod
as las ma\u241?anas a atender sus reba\u241?os y sus cultivos (hab\u237?a un oas
is en las inmediaciones). Mario mand\u243? por delante a sus jinetes junto con t
ropas de infanter\u237?a ligera que pod\u237?an mantener el paso de los caballos
. Esta avanzadilla logr\u243? entrar en Capsa y evitar que sus moradores cerrara

n las puertas, mientras el resto de los legionarios se lanzaba al asalto.\par\pa

rd\plain\hyphpar} {
La ciudad se rindi\u243? casi en el acto. Pese a ello, Mario hizo matar a todos
los varones adultos, vendi\u243? a los dem\u225?s como esclavos, reparti\u243? e
l bot\u237?n entre sus soldados e incendi\u243? la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Conforme a las convenciones b\u233?licas, si los habitantes de una ciudad se ren
d\u237?an antes de que el ariete enemigo tocara su muro, sus vidas eran respetad
as. Aunque en este caso, Salustio afirma de forma expl\u237?cita que Mario se sa
lt\u243? el {\i
ius belli} o derecho de guerra. Se trataba de una forma de sembrar el terror en
pleno coraz\u243?n de Numidia, all\u237? donde sus habitantes se cre\u237?an a s
alvo de los romanos, y de dar un aviso a los pobladores de las dem\u225?s ciudad
es: si quer\u237?an conservar sus vidas, lo mejor era rendirse y abandonar a Yug
urta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco antes o poco despu\u233?s de esto \u8212?la cronolog\u237?a de Salustio no
queda muy clara\u8212?, Mario se enfrent\u243? cerca de Cirta con tropas mandada
s por el propio Yugurta y las puso en fuga. Pero no debi\u243? de tratarse de un
a batalla muy importante, dado que el historiador la despacha con un par de fras
es.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Nuestro autor es igualmente parco en palabras al resumir el resto del invierno d
e 107-106: \u171?El c\u243?nsul se dirigi\u243? a otras ciudades. Conquist\u243?
al asalto unas pocas en las que los n\u250?midas se le resistieron, e incendi\u
243? muchas m\u225?s que sus habitantes hab\u237?an abandonado al enterarse del
destino de Capsa. La muerte y el luto reinaban por doquier\u187? ({\i
Yug}., 92).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A esas alturas, el consulado de Mario se hab\u237?a cumplido, pero se le prorrog
\u243? el mandato como proc\u243?nsul hasta que terminara la guerra. Mario atrav
es\u243? el pa\u237?s arrasando todo lo que pillaba, hasta llegar al r\u237?o Mu
luya, en el otro extremo de Numidia, a m\u225?s de mil kil\u243?metros de Capsa.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237?, no muy lejos de Melilla, en la frontera entre Numidia y Mauritania, s
e alzaba un castillo sobre un monte muy escarpado. En aquella fortaleza se halla
ban los tesoros de Yugurta, o al menos parte de ellos, por lo que Mario se empe\
u241?\u243? en tomarla como fuera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La empresa se revel\u243? casi irrealizable. El lugar ten\u237?a una guarnici\u2
43?n numerosa, grano almacenado y una fuente de agua potable en su interior. Por
otra parte, las laderas eran pr\u225?cticamente verticales y tan solo hab\u237?
a un camino de acceso, tan estrecho que resultaba imposible usarlo para acercar
las m\u225?quinas de asedio o construir un terrapl\u233?n. Cuando los legionario
s trataban de acercarse a las murallas protegidos por manteletes, los defensores
los destrozaban con grandes piedras arrojadas desde las alturas o les prend\u23
7?an fuego.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pasaron varios d\u237?as sin hacer progresos. Pero entonces intervino el azar de
una forma casi novelesca. Un soldado ligur que pertenec\u237?a a las tropas aux
iliares andaba buscando agua por la ladera te\u243?ricamente m\u225?s escarpada
del monte, al otro lado de donde se libraban los combates. Al ver unos caracoles
reptando sobre las piedras, se dedic\u243? a atraparlos. Conforme fue encontran
do m\u225?s y m\u225?s, el rastro de los caracoles lo fue llevando ladera arriba
. Como los ligures eran un pueblo acostumbrado a moverse entre pe\u241?ascos, cu
ando el soldado quiso darse cuenta se encontraba a bastante altura. All\u237?, e
ntre los riscos, crec\u237?a una encina que se proyectaba primero en \u225?ngulo
recto y despu\u233?s sub\u237?a en vertical. El soldado se encaram\u243? a ella
y, pisando entre ramas y piedras, apareci\u243? en la cima plana del monte, al
pie de la muralla. Las almenas se hallaban vac\u237?as de defensores, pues todos
los n\u250?midas se encontraban al otro lado del castillo, luchando contra las
tropas de Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El ligur regres\u243? por donde hab\u237?a venido y se present\u243? ante Mario
para informar de que hab\u237?a un punto por donde se pod\u237?a escalar el mont
e. No era una v\u237?a apropiada para lanzar un ataque total, pero s\u237? pod\u

237?a servir para crear una maniobra de distracci\u243?n. Mario escogi\u243? par
a la empresa a hombres \u225?giles: cuatro centuriones y cinco m\u250?sicos prov
istos de trompetas y cornetas. Estas \u250?ltimas eran la clave de la estratagem
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras el grueso de las tropas segu\u237?a lanzando ataques contra la muralla
por el mismo camino que intentaban tomar todos los d\u237?as, el ligur gui\u243?
a los otros nueve hombres. Iban todos descalzos y sin cascos, y con las espadas
atadas a la espalda al igual que los escudos, que eran de cuero y sin piezas me
t\u225?licas para hacer el menor ruido posible. En la ascensi\u243?n, el ligur d
emostr\u243? que trepaba como las cabras, pues fue \u233?l quien abri\u243? el c
amino atando cuerdas a piedras y \u225?rboles para que los dem\u225?s escalaran
m\u225?s seguros. Al alcanzar los tramos m\u225?s complicados carg\u243? incluso
con las armas de sus compa\u241?eros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que llegaron al pie de la muralla, los escaladores hicieron una se\u241?
al desde arriba, probablemente con banderas o reflejos, pues en aquel momento el
silencio todav\u237?a era primordial. Al recibir la noticia, Mario lanz\u243? u
na ofensiva total por el camino que conduc\u237?a a las puertas del fuerte. Dela
nte de ellas estaban los defensores, fuera de la protecci\u243?n del muro. Sol\u
237?a actuar as\u237? todos los d\u237?as para burlarse de los romanos, tan segu
ros estaban de que no conseguir\u237?an trepar la ladera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Pero esta vez los legionarios formaron la temida tortuga con sus escudos, mientr
as de lejos la artiller\u237?a, los arqueros y los honderos disparaban contra lo
s n\u250?midas. Fue en ese momento cuando los cinco m\u250?sicos que hab\u237?an
trepado por el otro lado del monte hicieron sonar con potencia sus trompetas y
sus cuernos. Creyendo que los atacaba por la retaguardia un segundo contingente
enemigo, los defensores fueron presa del p\u225?nico y unos huyeron y otros se e
ntregaron all\u237? mismo. En cuesti\u243?n de minutos, la fortaleza hab\u237?a
ca\u237?do en manos de sus atacantes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La toma de aquel castillo sumi\u243? a Yugurta en la desesperaci\u243?n. Hab\u23
7?a perdido sus fortalezas m\u225?s importantes y mucho dinero, y cada vez le qu
edaban menos n\u250?midas fieles. Aunque no est\u225? demasiado claro, es inclus
o posible que en Cirta se hubiese instalado como rey Gauda, su pariente retardad

o. Sin apenas recursos, Yugurta prometi\u243? a su suegro entregarle la tercera

parte de sus territorios si le ayudaba a vencer a los romanos o, al menos, a con
seguir un tratado de paz en el que no perdiera el reino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
En cuanto a Mario, despu\u233?s de conquistar la fortaleza de Muluya, se retir\u
243? a pasar el invierno de 106-105 en las ciudades costeras de Numidia, donde e
l clima era m\u225?s benigno y le resultar\u237?a m\u225?s f\u225?cil recibir pr
ovisiones por mar. Se hallaba de camino, en las inmediaciones de Cirta, cuando Y
ugurta y Boco lo asaltaron con un ej\u233?rcito en el que hab\u237?a n\u250?mida
s, g\u233?tulos y moros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel fue un ataque ca\u243?tico. Esta vez, Yugurta no se confi\u243? a la t\u22
5?ctica ni al terreno, sino a la sorpresa y a la pura fuerza de los n\u250?meros
. El relato que ofrece Salustio es m\u225?s impresionista que detallado, pero se
deduce de \u233?l que en esta ocasi\u243?n el ej\u233?rcito viajaba en orden de
marcha, sin tomar tantas precauciones como hab\u237?a hecho Metelo en el r\u237
?o Mutul. Quedaban apenas unas horas de luz cuando los enemigos se lanzaron sobr
e ellos por todas partes a la vez, en enjambres que atacaban y se retiraban para
volver a atacar, conforme a su t\u225?ctica habitual. Yugurta, reforzado por lo
s contingentes de caballer\u237?a del rey Boco, contaba con una gran superiorida
d num\u233?rica: seg\u250?n Orosio, un historiador hispano tard\u237?o, ten\u237
?a sesenta mil jinetes. La mayor\u237?a eran moros y g\u233?tulos, pues a Yugurt
a le quedaban pocos partidarios entre sus s\u250?bditos n\u250?midas.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n hab\u237?a logrado pillar desprevenidos a los romanos. Con
las filas desorganizadas y sin estandartes, cada legionario luch\u243? donde le
cay\u243? en suerte. Algunos de ellos formaron c\u237?rculos defensivos; un desp
liegue o, hablando con m\u225?s propiedad, un repliegue que adoptaban en situaci
ones desesperadas. As\u237? ocurri\u243? en el a\u241?o 54 con la Octava legi\u2
43?n de C\u233?sar, mandada por los legados Aurelio y Cota, que result\u243? pr\
u225?cticamente aniquilada por los galos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario se hab\u237?a dejado sorprender en un paraje que no describen ni Salustio
ni Orosio, pero que deb\u237?a de ofrecer un relieve adecuado para una emboscada
. Hab\u237?a cometido un error atraves\u225?ndolo sin tomar suficientes precauci
ones, pero ahora demostr\u243? que sab\u237?a sacar lo mejor de s\u237? mismo cu
ando empezaba la acci\u243?n. En el caos del combate, Mario se mov\u237?a como p
ez en el agua, actuando con una sangre fr\u237?a que hace pensar que en plena ba
talla entraba en ese estado de concentraci\u243?n y energ\u237?a completamente f
ocalizada que el psic\u243?logo Mih\u225?ly Csikszentmih\u225?lyi populariz\u243
? como \u171?el flujo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla se prolong\u243? hasta que cay\u243? la noche, pues los jinetes enemi
gos eran tantos que se turnaban sin cesar. Recuperando poco a poco el orden, Mar
io hizo retirarse a sus hombres hasta dos colinas contiguas. En una de ellas, do
nde hab\u237?a un manantial, se apost\u243? la caballer\u237?a, mandada por Luci
o Cornelio Sila, cuestor y en aquel momento hombre de confianza de Mario. Su mis
i\u243?n era proteger el acceso al agua mientras el resto del ej\u233?rcito se i
nstalaba en el otro monte, que por lo escarpado de sus laderas apenas necesitaba
empalizadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, Boco y Yugurta acamparon alrededor de ambos montes. Sus hombres pr
endieron miles de hogueras y pasaron la noche gritando y cantando para impresion
ar y desmoralizar todav\u237?a m\u225?s al enemigo. Por su parte, Mario orden\u2
43? guardar una disciplina de silencio estricta, sin tan siquiera los toques de
trompeta habituales en los relevos de la guardia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Horas despu\u233?s, cuando el cielo se agrisaba con la primera luz del alba, Mar
io lanz\u243? una ofensiva general por todas las puertas del campamento, acompa\
u241?ada de una gran batahola de trompetas. A los enemigos, que hab\u237?an pasa
do la noche en vela, los sorprendi\u243? adormilados, y se dispersaron y huyeron
sin apenas plantear batalla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El relato de Orosio, que muestra ciertas diferencias, ofrece algunas pinceladas
interesantes. Seg\u250?n el historiador hispano, la batalla se hab\u237?a prolon
gado por tres d\u237?as, y fue en el tercero cuando Mario lanz\u243? su ofensiva

total contra los enemigos que cabalgaban en c\u237?rculo alrededor de sus legio
nes dispar\u225?ndoles flechas y venablos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En una primera fase del combate estos proyectiles no pod\u237?an causar demasiad
os da\u241?os a los romanos, bien protegidos por sus escudos y blindados por sus
cotas de malla. Pero, a la larga, desgastaban su moral y desorganizaban sus fil
as, con resultados que pod\u237?an ser letales: con una estrategia similar, el g
eneral parto Surena acab\u243? matando a veinte mil soldados romanos en la batal
la de Carras en el a\u241?o 53.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si en el relato de Salustio los g\u233?tulos y moros se retiraron al sufrir la p
rimera acometida desde el campamento, en el de Orosio la lucha se prolong\u243?
todav\u237?a unas horas, mientras sub\u237?a el sol y la sed hac\u237?a mella en
las energ\u237?as de los hombres de Mario. Pero entonces cay\u243? un aguacero
repentino. La lluvia result\u243? providencial para los romanos. No solo calm\u2
43? su sed y mitig\u243? su calor, sino que empap\u243? el armamento de los guer
reros de Yugurta. Para lanzar la jabalina con m\u225?s fuerza, enrollaban en el
astil una tira de cuero que alargaba la palanca ejercida por el brazo y de paso
imprim\u237?a al proyectil un giro similar al de las balas que salen de un rifle
. Ahora, con el agua, aquellos propulsores resbalaban tanto que eran in\u250?til
es. Para colmo, sus escudos, hechos de piel de elefante curtida y estirada, abso
rb\u237?an la lluvia como esponjas, por lo que se volv\u237?an tan pesados que t
en\u237?an que tirarlos al suelo. Frustrados, los hombres de Yugurta y Boco renu
nciaron al combate y se retiraron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Es fidedigna la cr\u243?nica de Orosio en este punto? No podemos saber si
realmente la batalla que tambi\u233?n narra Salustio se desarroll\u243? as\u237?
. Pero los detalles ambientales y concretos que nos brinda Orosio son muy intere
santes y, si no se dieron en este combate, sin duda lo hicieron en otros.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, ambos relatos coinciden en que los romanos sufrieron mucho po
r el acoso enemigo, y que, al final, Boco y Yugurta se retiraron. Salustio a\u24
1?ade que los romanos se apoderaron de muchas armas y estandartes y mataron a m\
u225?s hombres que en todas las batallas precedentes. Tal vez fuera as\u237? por
el puro n\u250?mero de sus adversarios, pero lo cierto es que el resultado de l
a batalla no fue una derrota clara para Yugurta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? lo demuestra el hecho de que \u233?l y Boco consiguieron reorganizar a
sus hombres para seguir acosando a los romanos, y que estos, en lugar de persegu
irlos, continuaron su marcha hacia Cirta para instalar all\u237? su campamento d
e invierno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escarmentado tras la emboscada, Mario avanzaba ahora en formaci\u243?n de combat
e. La caballer\u237?a, mandada por Sila, proteg\u237?a el flanco derecho, mientr
as que a la izquierda marchaban honderos y arqueros y varias cohortes de ligures
. Tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a infanter\u237?a ligera en vanguardia y en retaguardia,
de tal manera que los legionarios, m\u225?s lentos a la hora de reaccionar, est
aban protegidos por los cuatro costados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero todav\u237?a no hab\u237?an terminado los apuros de Mario y sus hombres. Cu
atro d\u237?as despu\u233?s de la primera batalla, Yugurta y Boco volvieron a la
ofensiva. Esta vez no buscaron la sorpresa, sino que lo fiaron todo a la pura s
uperioridad num\u233?rica, atacando al mismo tiempo por los cuatro flancos.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s prevenidos que en la anterior ocasi\u243?n, los romanos se defendieron
bien, e incluso Sila lanz\u243? una ofensiva contra la caballer\u237?a mora. En
las filas de vanguardia, el propio Mario se bat\u237?a con los suyos contra el g
rueso de las fuerzas n\u250?midas. Seg\u250?n cuenta Salustio, Yugurta intent\u2
43? una a\u241?agaza: empu\u241?ando una espada empapada en sangre, cabalg\u243?
delante de las l\u237?neas de la infanter\u237?a romana gritando en lat\u237?n
que era in\u250?til que siguieran luchando, pues \u233?l mismo acababa de matar
a Mario con su propia mano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque los soldados situados en el centro de la formaci\u243?n no acababan de cr
eerse aquello, el ataque de Yugurta los puso en apuros durante un rato. Por suer
te para ellos, Sila, que hab\u237?a puesto en fuga a la caballer\u237?a mora, ap
areci\u243? con sus propios jinetes y atac\u243? a los n\u250?midas por un flanc

o. Mario, por su parte, que hab\u237?a desbaratado a sus oponentes en la vanguar

dia (pr\u225?cticamente se estaban librando cuatro combates simult\u225?neos), a
cudi\u243? asimismo en ayuda de su infanter\u237?a, y aquello termin\u243? de de
cidir la batalla. Los enemigos huyeron en desbandada, dejando muchos cad\u225?ve
res en el campo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel hab\u237?a sido un esfuerzo supremo para Yugurta y Boco, el \u250?ltimo qu
e llevaron a cabo. El rey n\u250?mida volvi\u243? a demostrar su talento como ge
neral; el problema era que a sus tropas, magn\u237?ficas para hostigar y tender
emboscadas, les faltaba calidad y fuerza para derrotar a los romanos en combate
cerrado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez m\u225?s, Mario hab\u237?a conseguido salvar una situaci\u243?n apurada.
Pero seguramente no se sent\u237?a demasiado contento consigo mismo. Hab\u237?a
dejado a su rival escoger el campo de batalla por dos veces. Era un error que e
n futuras campa\u241?as procurar\u237?a no repetir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, los romanos llegaron a Cirta, la meta de su viaje. Cinco d\u237?as desp
u\u233?s, se presentaron unos enviados de Boco con la misi\u243?n de negociar: e
l rey de Mauritania no hab\u237?a esperado demasiado para abandonar el barco de
su yerno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras unas conversaciones en las que Sila ejerci\u243? de intermediario, Mario pe
rmiti\u243? que tres embajadores mauritanos fueran a Roma, junto con el cuestor
Octavio Rus\u243?n que hab\u237?a viajado a \u193?frica para traer la paga del e
j\u233?rcito. El senado escuch\u243? el mensaje de Boco y contest\u243?: \u171?E
l senado y el pueblo romanos suelen acordarse bien de los favores y las ofensas
que reciben. Aun as\u237?, ya que Boco se ha arrepentido, se le perdonar\u225?n
sus afrentas. Pero \u250?nicamente tendr\u225? la alianza y la amistad de Roma c
uando se las merezca\u187? ({\i
Yug}., 104).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s claro, el agua. Pese a sus victorias, los romanos sab\u237?an que la gu
erra solo terminar\u237?a cuando Yugurta muriese o cayese en su poder. Y eso era
lo que le exig\u237?an ahora a Boco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El rey de Mauritania pidi\u243? a Mario que volviese a enviarle como mediador a
su cuestor Sila, con quien hab\u237?a trabado amistad. No resulta extra\u241?o,
puesto que Sila demostr\u243? durante toda su vida un gran encanto personal. Es
un personaje apasionante y contradictorio en el que merece la pena detenerse, y
lo haremos cuando llegue el momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila se dirigi\u243? hacia el oeste con una escolta apropiada para viajar con ra
pidez, pero bien protegido. Lo acompa\u241?aban jinetes, arqueros, infanter\u237
?a ligera y honderos baleares. Estos \u250?ltimos eran tan apreciados como los r
odios o m\u225?s. Diodoro de Sicilia explica la raz\u243?n:\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Dirigen con tanto tino sus disparos que la mayor\u237?a de ellos no fallan el bl
anco. Eso se debe a que practican desde ni\u241?os: cuando son peque\u241?os sus
madres los obligan a ejercitarse continuamente con la honda. Como blanco les po
nen un trozo de pan sobre un palo, y no dejan que se lo coman hasta que lo alcan
zan con sus tiros. (5.17.1).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por el camino se le presento V\u243?lux, hijo de Boco, para avisarle de que Yugu
rta y los restos de su ej\u233?rcito se encontraban en la ruta que deb\u237?an s
eguir los romanos para llegar a Mauritania. Con gran audacia, Sila atraves\u243?
el campamento de Yugurta, que no deb\u237?a de ser un recinto vallado como los
{\i
castra} romanos, sino una extensi\u243?n de tiendas dispersas, y prosigui\u243?
su viaje con V\u243?lux.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya en la corte de Boco, apareci\u243? tambi\u233?n Yugurta. El rey hab\u237?a of
recido a Sila entregarle a Yugurta, y a este a su vez entregarle a Sila. Es posi
ble que Boco vacilara al principio de su maquiav\u233?lica jugada, pero no parec
e demasiado probable: aunque Yugurta hubiese capturado a Sila no le habr\u237?a
servido de nada. Los mismos senadores que hab\u237?an presentado a un c\u243?nsu
l de la Rep\u250?blica atado y desnudo ante las murallas de Numancia no se habr\
u237?an molestado en negociar con el enemigo por la vida de un simple cuestor. Y
esa dureza de trato que los romanos se aplicaban a s\u237? mismos era conocida

de sobra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por unos motivos o por otros, Boco se decidi\u243? por traicionar a su yerno:\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s, cuando se hizo de d\u237?a y [Boco] recibi\u243? la noticia de que
Yugurta se encontraba cerca, acudi\u243? a su encuentro con unos cuantos amigos
y nuestro cuestor como si fuera a rendirle honores, y subi\u243? a una colina q
ue era f\u225?cil de divisar para los emboscados. All\u237? lleg\u243? tambi\u23
3?n el n\u250?mida con muchos de sus amigos, que iban desarmados tal como se hab
\u237?a acordado. Enseguida, a una se\u241?al dada, los hombres que estaban embo
scados se abalanzaron sobre \u233?l por todas partes a la vez. Los dem\u225?s fu
eron degollados, y Yugurta fue entregado a Sila, quien lo llev\u243? a su vez an
te la presencia de Mario. ({\i
Yug}., 113).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila insistir\u237?a m\u225?s tarde en que el verdadero m\u233?rito de esta guer
ra le correspond\u237?a a \u233?l, pues era quien hab\u237?a capturado a Yugurta
. Adem\u225?s, los numerosos enemigos que ten\u237?a Mario en el senado halagaba
n los o\u237?dos de Sila dici\u233?ndole que Metelo era quien hab\u237?a empezad
o a derrotar al rey n\u250?mida y \u233?l quien hab\u237?a rematado la operaci\u
243?n, y que Mario pr\u225?cticamente no hab\u237?a hecho nada.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Tan orgulloso se sent\u237?a Sila que se grab\u243? un sello en el que aparec\u2
37?a junto a Boco mientras este le entregaba a Yugurta. Lo exhib\u237?a y lo usa
ba constantemente, hasta que el asunto lleg\u243? a o\u237?dos de Mario. Hasta e
ntonces ambos se hab\u237?an llevado bien, pero desde ese momento creci\u243? en
tre ellos un recelo que se convertir\u237?a en rencor y traer\u237?a muchos male
s a Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos hab\u237?an aprendido la lecci\u243?n, y no estaban dispuestos a con
sentir que la gran Numidia siguiera existiendo, de modo que la fragmentaron. Las
ciudades de Tripolitania, como Leptis Magna, que hab\u237?an ayudado a Roma dur
ante la guerra, recuperaron su independencia, as\u237? como las tribus g\u233?tu
las. El rey Boco obtuvo la recompensa esperada a cambio de su traici\u243?n: Rom
a lo declar\u243? amigo y aliado, y adem\u225?s le entreg\u243? la parte occiden
tal del reino que Yugurta le hab\u237?a prometido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el centro, Roma cre\u243? dos reinos: uno al este y con capital en Zama, que
le entreg\u243? a Gauda, y otro al oeste que inclu\u237?a Cirta. Se sabe muy poc
o de estos reinos, que participaron en las guerras civiles romanas del siglo I.
Entre el a\u241?o 40 y el 33, tanto Numidia como Mauritania acabar\u237?an siend
o anexionadas por Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Terminada la guerra, Mario se qued\u243? durante un tiempo organizando asuntos e
n \u193?frica. Por el momento, Yugurta era su prisionero, aguardando el momento
en que su vencedor pudiera celebrar su triunfo en Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Se hab\u237?a resuelto una crisis larga y costosa. Pero el verdadero peligro par
a la Rep\u250?blica se hallaba ahora en el norte. Como cuenta Salustio en las \u
250?ltimas l\u237?neas de su obra, los ojos de todos los romanos se volvieron ha
cia Mario: \u171?Y en aquel tiempo, las esperanzas y las fuerzas de la ciudad es
taban puestas en \u233?l\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\pa
ge } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
V\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LA AMENAZA QUE BAJ\u211? DEL NORTE\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA ZONA EN CONFLICTO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
El sur de Galia empez\u243? a ser una zona de inter\u233?s para los romanos desd

e el momento en que sus tropas plantaron por primera vez los pies en Hispania. E
n el a\u241?o 197 ya controlaban toda la zona costera del este y del este de la
Pen\u237?nsula Ib\u233?rica. A partir de ese momento, necesitaban una v\u237?a t
errestre para viajar de Italia a Hispania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso significaba dominar una extensa franja costera entre los Alpes y los Pirineo
s de m\u225?s de quinientos kil\u243?metros de longitud. Durante siglos, la pote
ncia dominante de aquella zona hab\u237?a sido la pr\u243?spera ciudad griega de
Masalia, la actual Marsella, con la que Roma siempre hab\u237?a mantenido buena
s relaciones. Pero el control que ejerc\u237?a Masalia en sus inmediaciones no e
ra suficiente, pues la ruta que a Roma le interesaba se extend\u237?a m\u225?s d
e quinientos kil\u243?metros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La zona m\u225?s peligrosa era la de los llamados Alpes Mar\u237?timos, donde la
s estribaciones alpinas se acercaban a la costa cerca de Nicea (Niza). All\u237?
, las columnas de suministro romanos eran asaltadas a menudo por los ligures, un
pueblo de las monta\u241?as dividido en aldeas y tribus. Su falta de unidad pol
\u237?tica hac\u237?a que, al igual que ocurr\u237?a en Hispania, derrotar a un
cabecilla y su horda de guerreros/saqueadores no resolviese el problema, pues al
resto de las tribus les resultaba indiferente y segu\u237?an atacando con gran
entusiasmo los convoyes romanos. Por ello, conquistar a los ligures se convirti\
u243? en una tarea muy lenta, y para consolidarla Roma tuvo que asentar a muchos
de ellos en tierras del sur de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En los a\u241?os 189 y 173 los ligures tendieron emboscadas a sendos gobernadore
s enviados a Hispania, y ambos perecieron junto con muchos de sus hombres. Duran
te las siguientes d\u233?cadas la situaci\u243?n en la zona no hizo sino complic
arse. La presi\u243?n de las tribus celtas hacia el sur no dejaba de aumentar, c
omo se demuestra en el hecho de que los masaliotas tuvieran que reforzar las mur
allas de su ciudad. Masalia, que era una potencia econ\u243?mica y no militar, s
e vio obligada en varias ocasiones a pedir ayuda ante aquellos ataques, y Roma h
ubo de intervenir en el a\u241?o 154 en una campa\u241?a victoriosa contra los o
xibios y los deciates.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al principio, esa intervenci\u243?n no significaba que los romanos quisieran ase
ntarse de forma permanente en aquella zona, que para ellos segu\u237?a siendo un
a ruta de paso. Pero en 125 Masalia volvi\u243? a pedir ayuda, y entre ese a\u24
1?o y el 121, Roma organiz\u243? una campa\u241?a a mayor escala que las precede
ntes. En el a\u241?o 123, Sextio Calvino decidi\u243? instalar una guarnici\u243
?n a unos treinta kil\u243?metros al norte de Masalia, y llam\u243? a la nueva c
olonia Aquae Sextiae (Aix-en-Provence).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se trata de un nombre que conviene retener, pues apenas veinte a\u241?os despu\u
233?s quedar\u237?a grabado en los anales militares de Roma. La primera parte de
l top\u243?nimo, Aquae, se deb\u237?a a las aguas termales de la zona, y la segu
nda al propio Sextio. All\u237? los romanos levantaron una fortaleza que control
aba el punto donde se cruzaban dos v\u237?as importantes: la que conduc\u237?a d
e Masalia al r\u237?o Druencia y la que llevaba del R\u243?dano a Italia.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
La fundaci\u243?n de Aquae Sextiae signific\u243? un punto sin retorno. Desde en
tonces, Roma se instal\u243? en el sur de Galia y se anexion\u243? toda la costa
y una amplia franja hacia el interior para crear la provincia de Galia Transalp
ina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algunos {\i
negotiatores} romanos e it\u225?licos ya llevaban tiempo actuando en aquella reg
i\u243?n. Ahora, con la ventaja de verse protegidos por guarniciones militares,
multiplicaron su actividad y empezaron a viajar con sus mercanc\u237?as por las
dos grandes rutas que se abr\u237?an hacia el interior de Galia: la del R\u243?d
ano, que discurr\u237?a hacia el norte entre los Alpes y el Macizo Central, y la
del corredor de los r\u237?os Aude y Garona, que conduc\u237?a hasta el Atl\u22
5?ntico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El producto m\u225?s apreciado por los pueblos del norte era el vino it\u225?lic
o, que se fabricaba cada vez en mayores cantidades en las fincas de r\u233?gimen
esclavista, tal como aconsejaba Cat\u243?n. Adem\u225?s, gracias a que se trans
portaba en \u225?nforas de barro cocido que una vez enterradas pod\u237?an durar

casi intactas por los siglos de los siglos, el vino ha sido una de las mercanc\
u237?as que ha dejado una huella m\u225?s visible en el registro arqueol\u243?gi
co.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A los galos, que en aquella \u233?poca apenas cultivaban la uva, les gustaba tan
to el vino que se calcula que importaban diez millones de litros al a\u241?o. Co
mo dice el historiador Diodoro:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los galos son excesivamente adictos al vino, y se atiborran bebiendo sin mezclar
el que llevan a su pa\u237?s los mercaderes. [\u8230?] Por eso, muchos comercia
ntes it\u225?licos, impulsados por su caracter\u237?stico amor al dinero, consid
eran que la afici\u243?n al vino de los galos es para ellos un regalo de Hermes
[patr\u243?n del comercio]. Estos mercaderes transportan el vino por barco a lo
largo de los r\u237?os navegables y en carromatos por la llanura, y lo venden a
un precio incre\u237?blemente alto. Por un \u225?nfora de vino reciben un esclav
o. \u161?Un sirviente a cambio de un trago! (5.26.3).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la segunda ruta comercial mencionada, la del Aude y el Garona, se fund\u243?
en 118 otra importante colonia: la ciudad de Narbona, germen de la provincia de
Galia Narbonense. M\u225?s tarde, todo el sureste de Galia se conocer\u237?a com
o \u171?la provincia\u187? por excelencia, nombre que se acab\u243? convirtiendo
en Provenza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante todo ese tiempo, la intervenci\u243?n de Roma se limit\u243? al sur de G
alia. Lo m\u225?s al norte que lleg\u243? su influencia fue cuando pact\u243? un
a alianza con la poderosa tribu de los eduos, que habitaba en el curso alto del
R\u243?dano, en torno a la ciudad de Bibracte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En \u233?poca imperial, los romanos fijar\u237?an unas fronteras septentrionales
bastante r\u237?gidas en el Rin y el Danubio, pero de momento sus l\u237?mites
eran mucho m\u225?s difusos y permeables.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para nosotros, acostumbrados a manejar desde ni\u241?os mapamundis y globos terr
\u225?queos \u8212?y ahora el Google Earth\u8212?, resulta dif\u237?cil comprend
er la visi\u243?n geogr\u225?fica de los romanos. M\u225?s que pensar en el mund
o como bloques bidimensionales de territorios en una visi\u243?n cartogr\u225?fi
ca, ellos lo ve\u237?an como una red de l\u237?neas: r\u237?os, litorales, cordi
lleras. Se trata de una visi\u243?n que se ha denominado \u171?odol\u243?gica\u1
87? por el t\u233?rmino griego {\i
od\u243?s}, que significa \u171?camino\u187?. Solo hay que echar un vistazo a lo
s mapas romanos, como la famosa {\i
Tabula Peutingeriana}, para darse cuenta de que representaban con precisi\u243?n
las distancias y las v\u237?as de comunicaci\u243?n, pero no plasmaban las form
as reales del terreno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para la \u233?lite cultural romana, que pose\u237?a una mentalidad lineal y cada
vez m\u225?s urbana, resultaba mucho m\u225?s f\u225?cil comprender, abarcar y
cartografiar el mundo oriental, que estaba sembrado de ciudades importantes unid
as por l\u237?neas de comunicaci\u243?n y v\u237?as fluviales claras. En cambio,
les era mucho m\u225?s complicado visualizar el norte, donde no exist\u237?a un
a infraestructura clara de ciudades y caminos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por eso, para los romanos todo lo que hab\u237?a al norte de Italia e Hispania,
y tambi\u233?n de Macedonia e Iliria m\u225?s al este, era pr\u225?cticamente {\
i
terra ignota}. Una vasta extensi\u243?n de bosques y llanuras sumidos en brumas,
a veces metaf\u243?ricas y a veces literales, de la que parec\u237?an brotar co
mo de la nada pueblos y tribus de los cuales a menudo tan solo conocemos el nomb
re.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y fue de esa bruma de donde surgi\u243? la mayor amenaza que Roma hab\u237?a con
ocido desde An\u237?bal: los cimbrios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL \u201?XODO DE UN PUEBLO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al nordeste de Italia, en las tierras de Austria y Eslovenia, hab\u237?a un rein
o llamado N\u243?rico habitado por tribus ilirias, pero dominado por un pueblo d
e origen c\u233?ltico, los tauriscos, que manten\u237?an un pacto de alianza con

la Rep\u250?blica. Fueron ellos quienes, en el a\u241?o 113, avisaron a los rom

anos de lo que se avecinaba. Seg\u250?n los primeros informes, hab\u237?a aparec
ido en sus fronteras una horda de tribus del norte, decenas o cientos de miles d
e guerreros acompa\u241?ados por sus mujeres y sus hijos, todo un pueblo en marc
ha buscando tierras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eran los cimbrios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conviene no imaginarlos avanzando todos juntos y apelotonados como en una manife
staci\u243?n por las calles de Madrid o Barcelona. De haberse desplazado as\u237
?, les habr\u237?a resultado imposible encontrar comida y pienso para sus bestia
s, e incluso habr\u237?an tenido dificultades para atravesar parajes estrechos.
No obstante, aunque los cimbrios viajaban por tribus dejando un amplio espacio e
ntre ellas, cuando llegaba el momento sab\u237?an ponerse de acuerdo y combatir
conjuntados. Las legiones no iban a tardar en comprobarlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Roma ten\u237?a varios motivos para intervenir en la regi\u243?n de N\u243?rico.
El primero, su alianza con los tauriscos, que deb\u237?an honrar para mantener
su prestigio. Adem\u225?s, en N\u243?rico hab\u237?a unos yacimientos de oro tan
productivos que a\u241?os antes hab\u237?an desatado una especie de fiebre entr
e los {\i
negotiatores} romanos y provocado que el precio del oro en Italia bajara un 33 p
or ciento. Pero el motivo m\u225?s importante era que las tierras monta\u241?osa
s de N\u243?rico lindaban pr\u225?cticamente con el nordeste de Italia y las inm
ediaciones de Aquilea, poblada por colonos romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El c\u243?nsul Cneo Papirio Carb\u243?n acudi\u243? con un ej\u233?rcito a inves
tigar y, si era preciso, actuar. Al principio acamp\u243? con su ej\u233?rcito e
n los Alpes, en un paso estrecho. Pero en cuanto supo que los cimbrios ya hab\u2
37?an entrado en N\u243?rico, \u233?l tambi\u233?n avanz\u243? m\u225?s al norte
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cimbrios no tardaron en enviar embajadores a Papirio, y le pidieron disculpa
s por haber entrado en el territorio de una tribu aliada como la de los taurisco
s, algo que hab\u237?an hecho por ignorancia. En lo sucesivo, le dijeron, se abs
tendr\u237?an de actuar as\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Papirio o bien no se fiaba de las verdaderas intenciones de los cimbrios o bien
decidi\u243? que se le presentaba una magn\u237?fica ocasi\u243?n para obtener l
a gloria como militar, aunque fuera recurriendo a la traici\u243?n. Despu\u233?s
de despedirse en buenos t\u233?rminos de los embajadores cimbrios, los envi\u24
3? de vuelta con el grueso de su tribu. Como muestra adicional de buena voluntad
, Papirio hizo que los acompa\u241?aran unos gu\u237?as locales que deb\u237?an
orientarlos para salir del pa\u237?s de N\u243?rico. Pero antes de que la comiti
va partiera, el c\u243?nsul habl\u243? en privado con los gu\u237?as y les pag\u
243? para que llevaran a los cimbrios por los desv\u237?os m\u225?s largos que c
onocieran.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u201?l, por su parte, condujo a sus hombres por una ruta m\u225?s corta y se ap
ost\u243? en el camino que deb\u237?an tomar los cimbrios, en una zona boscosa.
Lo m\u225?s probable es que llevara consigo dos legiones con otras dos unidades
de aliados, el t\u237?pico ej\u233?rcito consular. Aun sin gozar de superioridad
num\u233?rica \u8212?tal vez ignoraba la verdadera magnitud del enemigo\u8212?,
confiaba en que las condiciones del terreno, elegido por \u233?l, le favorecer\
u237?an lo bastante como para causar una masacre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y se produjo una masacre, en efecto. Pero de romanos. Los cimbrios, aparte de se
r muchos m\u225?s, demostraron tambi\u233?n que estaban acostumbrados a pelear e
n aquel tipo de paraje y que eran unos magn\u237?ficos guerreros, y aplastaron a
las tropas de Papirio Carb\u243?n. Si no perecieron todos los romanos fue porqu
e cay\u243? la noche, acompa\u241?ada por un repentino aguacero que interrumpi\u
243? la batalla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los supervivientes del ej\u233?rcito consular tardaron en reagruparse tres d\u23
7?as y volvieron a Roma con Papirio. En lugar de la gloria, el c\u243?nsul hab\u
237?a cosechado una vergonzosa derrota por subestimar tanto el valor como, sobre
todo, el n\u250?mero de sus adversarios, que seg\u250?n las fuentes eran doscie
ntos o trescientos mil. Aunque no todos fuesen guerreros, una alta proporci\u243

?n de sus varones adultos deb\u237?a de estar preparada y armada para combatir.\

par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta fue, pues, la toma de contacto de los romanos con los cimbrios. Tras su pri
mera derrota, sin duda intentaron averiguar m\u225?s sobre ellos. Pero \u191?qui
\u233?nes eran en realidad aquellos misteriosos b\u225?rbaros del norte?\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Se trata de un enigma que ya intrig\u243? a los autores antiguos y que no est\u2
25? todav\u237?a resuelto. Todos los indicios apuntan a que hasta poco tiempo an
tes el grueso de las tribus cimbrias habitaba en la pen\u237?nsula de Jutlandia,
la actual Dinamarca.{\super
[14]} Aquellas tierras hab\u237?an conocido una \u233?poca de esplendor durante
la Edad de Bronce, que dur\u243? hasta el a\u241?o 500. Despu\u233?s, cuando ent
raron en su propia Edad de Hierro, sus condiciones de vida se deterioraron. Por
una parte, las tribus celtas se extendieron r\u225?pidamente por Europa central
e interceptaron las rutas comerciales que un\u237?an desde hac\u237?a miles de a
\u241?os Escandinavia con el Mediterr\u225?neo. A partir de ese momento, la ruta
del preciado \u225?mbar ya no part\u237?a desde Dinamarca, sino desde el B\u225
?ltico, y bajaba por el Dni\u233?per y el V\u237?stula hasta llegar al Egeo. Aqu
ello empobreci\u243? sobre todo a las \u233?lites n\u243?rdicas, las m\u225?s be
neficiadas hasta entonces del comercio. En el registro arqueol\u243?gico, eso se
revela en que a partir del a\u241?o 500 los enterramientos son m\u225?s modesto
s y, sobre todo, m\u225?s igualitarios, lo que demuestra que los ricos eran much
o menos ricos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, el clima de aquella zona, que hasta entonces hab\u237?a sido bas
tante suave, se enfri\u243?, acaso por cambios en las corrientes marinas. Aunque
los datos no son del todo seguros, existen ciertas pistas de este cambio. Lo re
velan, por ejemplo, las capas de esfagno, un musgo esponjoso que absorbe el agua
de los pantanos y al que los daneses llaman \u171?carne de perro\u187? por su t
extura y su color entre pardo y rojizo. Adem\u225?s, se sabe que por esta \u233?
poca los n\u243?rdicos, que hasta entonces dejaban que sus reba\u241?os pastaran
a la intemperie, empezaron a cobijarlos en establos para protegerlos del fr\u23
7?o de la noche y de las peores nevadas invernales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El empeoramiento del clima podr\u237?a explicar muchos desplazamientos de tribus
hacia el sur a partir del siglo V a.C. El modelo recuerda un poco al domin\u243
?, y podr\u237?a explicar por qu\u233? los galos se instalaron en el valle del P
o despu\u233?s del a\u241?o 400, se internaron en Italia y llegaron a saquear Ro
ma en 387. (Algo similar ocurrir\u237?a siglos m\u225?s tarde, cuando el movimie
nto de los hunos hacia el oeste desencaden\u243? una oleada de migraciones en ma
sa entre los pueblos germanos).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero en el caso concreto de los cimbrios se hab\u237?a producido una cat\u225?st
rofe m\u225?s grave y, sobre todo, m\u225?s acelerada. El ge\u243?grafo Estrab\u
243?n la llama {\i
plemmyr\u237?s}, un aumento brutal del nivel del mar en torno al a\u241?o 120. E
n el mismo texto, Estrab\u243?n comenta que le parece un argumento inveros\u237?
mil, pues la marea sube y baja todos los d\u237?as sin causar esos cataclismos.
Adem\u225?s, a\u241?ade que los cimbrios segu\u237?an viviendo en la pen\u237?ns
ula de Jutlandia en su propia \u233?poca, en tiempos de Augusto (7.2).\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Estrab\u243?n, sin conocer el t\u233?rmino, era un \u171?gradualista\u187?, part
idario de los cambios geol\u243?gicos muy lentos. Lo cierto es que a veces una t
ormenta o una serie de tormentas muy intensas pueden provocar subidas locales y
violentas del nivel del mar, sobre todo en zonas de costa baja: los vientos, com
o no dejan de soplar, \u171?apilan\u187? el agua contra el litoral. Si esto coin
cide con la marea alta, el agua sube mucho m\u225?s. As\u237? sucedi\u243?, por
ejemplo, entre el 31 de enero y el 1 de febrero de 1953 en el mar del Norte, don
de se produjo un tremendo temporal que provoc\u243? una gran inundaci\u243?n. El
pa\u237?s m\u225?s afectado fue Holanda, con casi dos mil muertos, debido a que
buena parte de su territorio se halla bajo el nivel del mar. Pero incluso en In
glaterra perecieron m\u225?s de trescientas personas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el caso de los cimbrios, aquella catastr\u243?fica tormenta o serie de tormen

tas debi\u243? de cambiar la forma del litoral e inundar buena parte de sus tier
ras de labor. La comarca donde habitaban ya no pod\u237?a sustentar tanta poblac
i\u243?n. Algunas tribus se quedaron en su territorio original, lo que explica e
l comentario esc\u233?ptico de Estrab\u243?n; de hecho, Jutlandia sigui\u243? ll
am\u225?ndose \u171?Pen\u237?nsula Cimbria\u187?. Pero muchas otras se pusieron
en marcha en una \u233?pica peregrinaci\u243?n de miles de kil\u243?metros que l
os llevar\u237?a a penetrar en territorio romano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a queda una \u250?ltima cuesti\u243?n que dilucidar sobre los cimbrio
s. \u191?Eran celtas o germanos? En la mayor\u237?a de los textos actuales se lo
s considera germanos, una etnia con la que hasta ese momento Roma no hab\u237?a
tenido contacto. Eso explicar\u237?a que al principio los romanos los creyeran c
eltas, pues celtas eran las tribus b\u225?rbaras del norte con las que llevaban
enfrent\u225?ndose desde hac\u237?a m\u225?s de dos siglos y medio. Sin embargo,
hay estudiosos, como el canadiense David K. Faux, que, bas\u225?ndose en datos
arqueol\u243?gicos y de gen\u233?tica de poblaciones, sostienen que los cimbrios
eran celtas pr\u225?cticamente incrustados entre pueblos germ\u225?nicos. Perso
nalmente, me inclino a creer que eran germanos, y as\u237? los denominar\u233? e
n ocasiones. De todos modos, no es una cuesti\u243?n vital, ya que entre celtas
y germanos no exist\u237?a una divisi\u243?n tan n\u237?tida como se puede creer
. A veces sus territorios se solapaban, y hab\u237?a grupos que adoptaban costum
bres, armamento e incluso usos idiom\u225?ticos de los vecinos. La equivalencia
raza=lengua=cultura=territorio es una invenci\u243?n fantasiosa \u8212?y peligro
sa\u8212? de la historiograf\u237?a posterior, sobre todo de la rom\u225?ntica y
nacionalista del siglo XIX.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras derrotar a Papirio y sus legiones, los cimbrios prosiguieron con su viaje.
Podr\u237?an haberse dirigido al sur y asentarse en la llanura del Po, o al meno
s saquearla, porque ten\u237?an expedito el camino. Sin embargo, por razones que
se desconocen prosiguieron en direcci\u243?n noroeste, hacia el curso superior
del Rin. Quiz\u225? estaban lo bastante informados como para saber que a los rom
anos no bastaba con vencerlos una sola vez, y prefirieron presas m\u225?s f\u225
?ciles y menos organizadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante cuatro a\u241?os, los cimbrios desaparecieron una vez m\u225?s de los re
gistros, como si se los hubiera tragado la tierra. No resulta extra\u241?o: a es
tas alturas el norte de la Galia era para los romanos como esos territorios de l
os juegos de estrategia del tipo {\i
Age of Empires} que se encuentran sumidos en la oscuridad de la {\i
fog of war}, la niebla de guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? hicieron los cimbrios en ese intervalo? Quiz\u225? continuaron va
gando entre la Galia y Germania, o se establecieron un tiempo en alguna comarca.
Lo ignoramos. Pero en el a\u241?o 109 volvieron a aparecer en el campo de acci\
u243?n de los romanos, bajando por el curso del R\u243?dano.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Cuando el c\u243?nsul Junio Silano les sali\u243? al paso, los cimbrios enviaron
embajadores para explicar al senado que ven\u237?an en son de paz y que tan sol
o deseaban tierras donde asentarse. A cambio, dijeron, ofrecer\u237?an a la Rep\
u250?blica sus servicios como guerreros. De haberse producido un acuerdo, habr\u
237?a anticipado el arreglo que existi\u243? varios siglos despu\u233?s entre el
Imperio y otras tribus germanas como los visigodos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero la solicitud fue denegada, y aquella negativa provoc\u243? una nueva batall
a. D\u243?nde se libr\u243?, tampoco se sabe; tal vez al noroeste de los Alpes,
cerca del lago Lem\u225?n. De lo que no cabe duda es del resultado: los romanos
volvieron a ser derrotados. Silano regres\u243? a Roma y cinco a\u241?os despu\u
233?s se ver\u237?a imputado en un juicio por aquel fracaso, aunque result\u243?
absuelto. Por su parte, los cimbrios se alejaron de nuevo, en esta ocasi\u243?n
hacia el oeste, y durante un tiempo permanecieron en el valle del r\u237?o Sena
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras perder dos batallas, el prestigio de Roma en el sur de Galia empezaba a tam
balearse. En el a\u241?o 107, los tigurinos, una tribu que pertenec\u237?a al gr
an grupo de los helvecios, aprovecharon para pescar en r\u237?o revuelto. Abando
nando su territorio en la actual Suiza invadieron el suroeste de Aquitania y ata

caron a los niti\u243?broges, aliados de Roma; no se trataba precisamente de una

excursi\u243?n campestre, sino un viaje de cientos de kil\u243?metros que reali
zaron con toda impunidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese mismo a\u241?o, Mario fue elegido c\u243?nsul y se las arregl\u243? para que
la asamblea del pueblo le asignara el mando de la guerra contra Yugurta. A camb
io, su colega Casio Longino, recibi\u243? el encargo de meter en cintura a los t
igurinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Casio los persigui\u243? hasta el Atl\u225?ntico. Pero cuando estaba de regreso,
los tigurinos, mandados por su caudillo Divic\u243?n, le tendieron una emboscad
a en Burdigala en la que perecieron el propio c\u243?nsul y su legado, el exc\u2
43?nsul Lucio Pis\u243?n. Miles de soldados volvieron a quedar rodeados, como ha
b\u237?a ocurrido en las Horcas Caudinas y en la batalla de Sutul. Para que los
tigurinos les perdonaran la vida, tuvieron que entregar rehenes, la mitad de sus
v\u237?veres y equipo y, para colmo, pasar bajo el humillante yugo. Al volver a
Roma, el legado que hab\u237?a negociado la rendici\u243?n fue condenado al des
tierro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como se ve, la situaci\u243?n era mucho m\u225?s preocupante en el norte que en
Numidia, lo que explica que hasta entonces el senado se hubiese mostrado tan rea
cio a involucrarse a fondo en la guerra contra Yugurta. Las legiones hab\u237?an
sufrido ya tres humillantes derrotas ante cimbrios y tigurinos, y decenas de mi
les de bajas. Para colmo, en el este se segu\u237?a combatiendo contra los escor
discos. All\u237? las cosas iban mejor, pero las incursiones constantes del enem
igo obligaban a mantener en la regi\u243?n un ej\u233?rcito entero bajo el mando
prorrogado de Minucio Rufo, que hab\u237?a sido c\u243?nsul en 110.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
En Galia, la p\u233?rdida de prestigio y autoridad de Roma hab\u237?a llegado a
tal punto que la tribu de los volcas tect\u243?sages, que ten\u237?a un tratado
de alianza con la Rep\u250?blica, lo rompi\u243?, tom\u243? la ciudad de Tolosa
y atrap\u243? all\u237? a la guarnici\u243?n romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El encargado de suprimir aquella revuelta fue uno de los c\u243?nsules del a\u24
1?o 106, Quinto Servilio Cepi\u243?n. Partidario del bando de los optimates, pre
sent\u243? una ley por la que los jurados volvieron a ser elegidos de entre los
senadores y no de entre los caballeros. Despu\u233?s de hacer que se aprobara, s
e puso en marcha y reconquist\u243? Tolosa, asalt\u225?ndola por sorpresa en la
oscuridad de la noche.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella ciudad se guardaba un enorme tesoro cuya historia resulta un tanto ro
cambolesca, y que probablemente est\u233? adornada con algunas pizcas de ficci\u
243?n y folklore. En el a\u241?o 279, una coalici\u243?n de tribus celtas mandad
as por un tal Breno, tocayo del caudillo que hab\u237?a tomado Roma un siglo ant
es, invadi\u243? Grecia y, entre otros lugares, saque\u243? Delfos. All\u237?, e
n el or\u225?culo, se acumulaban ingentes riquezas, pues pueblos de todo el Medi
terr\u225?neo llevaban siglos enviando valiosas ofrendas al or\u225?culo del dio
s Apolo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella coalici\u243?n de asaltantes hab\u237?an participado los tect\u243?sa
ges, que despu\u233?s se dirigieron a Galia con lo que les toc\u243? del bot\u23
7?n y se instalaron en Tolosa. All\u237? consagraron parte del tesoro y otra la
arrojaron a los lagos de la regi\u243?n; en teor\u237?a, porque ese oro y esa pl
ata robados de forma sacr\u237?lega estaban malditos y quer\u237?an congraciarse
as\u237? a los dioses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Servilio Cepi\u243?n se apoder\u243? del tesoro sac\u225?ndolo de los templos y
del fondo de las lagunas sagradas, e inform\u243? al senado de que hab\u237?a re
unido quince mil talentos entre oro y plata. Una cantidad respetable, pero m\u22
5?s veros\u237?mil que los cientos de miles de talentos que mencionan las fuente
s m\u225?s exageradas y que suponen un orden de magnitud m\u225?s.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Aquel dinero nunca lleg\u243? a Roma, ni tan siquiera a Masalia, pues el convoy
que lo transportaba fue atacado por salteadores que lo robaron todo. Las sospech
as recayeron sobre el propio c\u243?nsul, que habr\u237?a organizado todo aquell
o para apoderarse del oro. Por el momento qued\u243? impune, pero en 104 fue juz
gado en la {\i

quaestio auri Tolosani} y se le conden\u243? al destierro, que pas\u243? en Esmi

rna. Mientras tanto, la leyenda del oro de Tolosa no dej\u243? de crecer.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA BATALLA DE ARAUSIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de derrotar al c\u243?nsul Silano, los cimbrios hab\u237?an hecho d
e nuevo mutis tras el tel\u243?n. Pero a finales del a\u241?o 106 volvieron a po
nerse en marcha hacia el sur e invadieron terreno romano por tercera vez.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
A estas alturas, ya llevaban quince a\u241?os fuera de su patria de origen, lo q
ue significa que para los m\u225?s j\u243?venes de aquel pueblo errante la pen\u
237?nsula de Jutlandia y la cat\u225?strofe que los hab\u237?a expulsado de sus
hogares deb\u237?an de ser poco m\u225?s que un recuerdo nebuloso.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Por dos veces hab\u237?an derrotado a los romanos, y por dos veces hab\u237?an t
enido la posibilidad de invadir Italia, una de ellas por el este y la otra por e
l oeste. \u191?Qu\u233? har\u237?an esta vez? Aunque nadie lo sab\u237?a, en Rom
a la situaci\u243?n pareci\u243? lo bastante preocupante como para prorrogar el
mandato de Servilio Cepi\u243?n como proc\u243?nsul y al mismo tiempo enviar al
norte a uno de los c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o 105, Cneo Malio M\u225?ximo, con u
n segundo ej\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para evitar conflictos entre ambos, se estipul\u243? que el R\u243?dano delimita
r\u237?a sus respectivas provincias: al oeste Cepi\u243?n y al este Malio. Este
\u250?ltimo envi\u243? r\u237?o arriba a su legado Marco Aurelio Escauro en una
misi\u243?n de avanzadilla con el fin de que le avisara con tiempo del avance y
las intenciones de los cimbrios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escauro y sus hombres se toparon con los cimbrios y fueron derrotados. El propio
legado cay\u243? derribado del caballo, y lo llevaron ante el consejo de jefes
de las tribus. All\u237?, el caudillo principal, Boy\u243?rix, lo presion\u243?
para que ejerciera de mediador, pero Escauro se neg\u243? y fue ejecutado.{\supe
r
[15]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al tener noticia de la muerte de su legado y la p\u233?rdida de los hombres que
iban con \u233?l, Malio comprendi\u243? que los cimbrios bajaban por su orilla d
el R\u243?dano y que se hallaba en grave peligro ante una marea humana como aque
lla, de modo que envi\u243? mensajeros al otro lado del r\u237?o y reclam\u243?
la ayuda de Cepi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aqu\u237? entr\u243? en juego la famosa competitividad de la \u233?lite romana.
En tanto que c\u243?nsul en ejercicio, Malio superaba en rango a Cepi\u243?n, cu
yo mando hab\u237?a sido prorrogado. Sin embargo, Cepi\u243?n se resist\u237?a a
subordinarse a un vulgar {\i
homo novus} sin c\u243?nsules entre sus antepasados, y durante varios d\u237?as
se neg\u243? a cruzar el R\u243?dano alegando que el mando de la Galia le perten
ec\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando por fin lo hizo, en lugar de reunirse con Malio, plant\u243? su campament
o unos kil\u243?metros al norte, m\u225?s cerca del frente de avance del enemigo
. No tardaron en llegar ante \u233?l enviados de rango senatorial para rogarle q
ue colaborara con el c\u243?nsul, pero se neg\u243? a hacerles caso. Su intenci\
u243?n era combatir \u233?l solo con su ej\u233?rcito para no compartir la glori
a con ning\u250?n otro general.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algo parecido hab\u237?a ocurrido en el a\u241?o 225, en la batalla de Telam\u24
3?n. En aquella ocasi\u243?n un ej\u233?rcito galo invadi\u243? Italia y se enfr
ent\u243? con dos ej\u233?rcitos consulares, el de Emilio Papo y el de Atilio R\
u233?gulo. Este se empe\u241?\u243? en plantar batalla antes que su colega; una
tozudez que le cost\u243? la vida y, literalmente, la cabeza, que fue exhibida c
omo trofeo en el campo de batalla. A cambio, en aquella ocasi\u243?n los romanos
consiguieron encerrar a sus enemigos entre dos frentes y acabaron aplast\u225?n
dolos y obteniendo una de las victorias m\u225?s resonantes de su historia.\par\

pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cepi\u243?n planeaba actuar como R\u233?gulo. A ser posible, sin perder la cabez
a. Su conducta permite deducir que se sent\u237?a optimista: sus tropas ya hab\u
237?an adquirido experiencia y ten\u237?an la moral alta tras sus victorias cont
ra los tect\u243?sages y la toma de Tolosa. Derrotando a aquel enemigo que hab\u
237?a humillado por dos veces a Roma, el proc\u243?nsul conseguir\u237?a pasar a
los anales y desfilar en triunfo por las calles de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
De haberse reunido, los ej\u233?rcitos de ambos generales habr\u237?an sumado en
tre sesenta y ochenta mil hombres, una fuerza formidable trat\u225?ndose de un e
j\u233?rcito romano. Frente a ellos, llegaba ya r\u237?o abajo una nube de invas
ores, trescientos mil seg\u250?n Plutarco. No todos pod\u237?an ser combatientes
, pero est\u225? claro que superaban a los romanos en n\u250?mero. Y no eran sal
vajes ni b\u225?rbaros que atacaran a lo loco para cansarse y retirarse enseguid
a, tal como aseguraba el t\u243?pico sobre los guerreros del norte. Ya hab\u237?
an demostrado en ocasiones anteriores que, si los romanos quer\u237?an derrotarl
os, ten\u237?an que exigirse a s\u237? mismos sus mejores prestaciones militares
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cimbrios volvieron a mandar embajadores a los romanos y les solicitaron tier
ras, y tambi\u233?n grano para alimentarse y poder sembrar. Aunque aqu\u237? nos
faltan detalles, por lo que cuentan los textos de C\u233?sar sabemos que este t
ipo de entrevistas sol\u237?a celebrarse en terreno neutral. En este caso, es po
sible que se tratara de una reuni\u243?n a tres bandas: los emisarios cimbrios,
el s\u233?quito de Malio y el de Cepi\u243?n, que m\u225?s que compatriotas pare
c\u237?an enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Malio escuch\u243? con cortes\u237?a a los enviados, pero Cepi\u243?n mont\u243?
en c\u243?lera y no solo los despidi\u243? con cajas destempladas sino que estu
vo a punto de matarlos. Convencidos de que \u250?nicamente por la fuerza obtendr
\u237?an lo que hab\u237?an pedido, los cimbrios atacar\u225?n al d\u237?a sigui
ente, 6 de octubre del a\u241?o 105.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los relatos sobre la batalla que sigui\u243? son confusos, algo que no solo se d
ebe a la p\u233?rdida de fuentes, sino tambi\u233?n al propio resultado de la co
ntienda, de modo que lo que narro a continuaci\u243?n es una posible reconstrucc
i\u243?n de los hechos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cepi\u243?n, que era quien se encontraba m\u225?s cerca del frente enemigo, trat
\u243? de detener la primera acometida de los cimbrios, pero fracas\u243?. Mucho
s de sus hombres murieron all\u237? mismo, otros se refugiaron en el campamento
y muchos siguieron hacia el sur, en direcci\u243?n al ej\u233?rcito del c\u243?n
sul Malio. Los cimbrios, victoriosos, los persiguieron. Pero eran tantos que par
te de ellos se desgajaron del grueso principal y asaltaron el campamento de Cepi
\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el cap\u237?tulo sobre la guerra de Yugurta coment\u233? que era muy raro que
un {\i
castra} romano fuese tomado por el enemigo a no ser que las legiones instaladas
en \u233?l hubiesen sido previamente derrotadas. En el caso de Arausio, precisam
ente, se cumpli\u243? esa condici\u243?n. El campamento no tard\u243? en caer en
poder de los cimbrios, que lo saquearon y arrasaron, matando sin distinci\u243?
n a todos sus ocupantes, soldados y sirvientes civiles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Ese mismo d\u237?a se produjo una segunda batalla entre los cimbrios y los hombr
es de Malio. Estos deb\u237?an de haber recibido ya a los supervivientes de la p
rimera refriega; a esas alturas, m\u225?s que servir de refuerzo, lo \u250?nico
que hicieron los fugitivos fue desordenar las filas del c\u243?nsul y hundir su
moral. El frente de los cimbrios se abati\u243? como una plaga de gigantescas la
ngostas sobre las legiones de Malio, las flanque\u243? por su ala derecha y las
encerr\u243? contra el r\u237?o R\u243?dano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella fue la segunda masacre del d\u237?a. Arrinconados, los soldados del c\u2
43?nsul murieron por decenas de miles. El campamento de Malio fue saqueado y des
truido como el de Cepi\u243?n. De nuevo, los cimbrios no se molestaron en tomar
prisioneros, lo que explica el asombroso n\u250?mero de bajas.\par\pard\plain\hy

phpar} {
El 6 de octubre se convirti\u243? en un hito se\u241?alado en la historia romana
, pero no como lo habr\u237?an deseado Cepi\u243?n y Malio. Desde entonces fue s
e\u241?alado como d\u237?a {\i
nefastus}, una fecha de mal ag\u252?ero en la que no se pod\u237?a llevar a cabo
ninguna actividad p\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No uno, sino dos ej\u233?rcitos consulares hab\u237?an perecido aplastados por e
l rodillo germano. Las derrotas anteriores hab\u237?an sido humillantes, pero la
de Arausio cost\u243? adem\u225?s much\u237?simas vidas de romanos y de aliados
it\u225?licos. Ambos c\u243?nsules lograron sobrevivir (algo que demuestra, de
paso, que su conducta no fue un prodigio de hero\u237?smo), pero Malio perdi\u24
3? a dos hijos en la batalla. Otro personaje del que seguiremos oyendo hablar, Q
uinto Sertorio, que por aquel entonces era tribuno militar, se salv\u243? cruzan
do a nado el medio kil\u243?metro que lo separaba de la otra orilla, haza\u241?a
nada desde\u241?able si se tiene en cuenta que cargaba con coraza y escudo.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las cifras de muertos que ofrecen las diversas fuentes no coinciden, pero tampoc
o discrepan de forma exagerada. Seg\u250?n Livio y Orosio, perecieron ochenta mi
l soldados y cuarenta mil personas m\u225?s entre sirvientes, mercaderes, artesa
nos, seguidoras de campamento, etc. Si atendemos a Diodoro de Sicilia, cayeron s
esenta mil combatientes, un n\u250?mero que, dada la magnitud de la batalla, par
ece veros\u237?mil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No es de extra\u241?ar que los relatos sobre este desastre sean poco precisos, p
uesto que tanto los supervivientes del entorno de Cepi\u243?n como los del c\u23
7?rculo de Malio tratar\u237?an de contar versiones contradictorias. Unas versio
nes que seguramente cre\u237?an. Si en el caos de la batalla no resulta f\u225?c
il describir de forma razonada lo que est\u225? ocurriendo, lo es mucho menos cu
ando tus tropas est\u225?n siendo machacadas por un enemigo que parece salido de
una pesadilla y el p\u225?nico cunde por tus filas como un incendio entre las m
ieses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Arausio supuso para Roma un desastre solo comparable al de Cannas. Cuando las no
ticias llegaron a la ciudad, miles de personas lloraron a sus hijos, sus hermano
s, sus padres o sus esposos. Hubo un momento en que el senado tuvo que decretar
que se reprimieran las muestras de dolor para evitar que la moral p\u250?blica s
e colapsara del todo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las puertas de Italia se hallaban abiertas de nuevo. Y esta vez de par en par, p
orque los romanos, despu\u233?s de perder dos ej\u233?rcitos consulares, no ten\
u237?an apenas efectivos que oponer a los cimbrios. En la ciudad se preguntaban
qu\u233? har\u237?an los germanos a continuaci\u243?n. Si decid\u237?an bajar ha
cia el sur, \u191?con qu\u233? tropas podr\u237?an detenerlos?\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Al final de {\i
La guerra de Yugurta}, Salustio describe el sombr\u237?o estado de \u225?nimo qu
e reinaba entonces. Toda Italia temblaba literalmente de p\u225?nico. Desde el p
unto de vista romano, galos, cimbrios y germanos eran una misma cosa: b\u225?rba
ros del norte. Los viejos terrores provocados por Breno y sus saqueadores renaci
eron aumentados, y se quedaron tan grabados en la mente colectiva que desde ento
nces los romanos no dejaron de pensar que, mientras que a los dem\u225?s pueblos
pod\u237?an someterlos gracias a su valor, cuando se trataba de combatir contra
los guerreros norte\u241?os lo que se hallaba en juego no era la gloria, sino s
u propia existencia. Una creencia tan arraigada que llegaba todav\u237?a hasta l
os propios d\u237?as de Salustio, contempor\u225?neo de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
El otro c\u243?nsul del a\u241?o 105 era Rutilio Rufo, a quien ya hemos visto co
mo legado de Metelo y colega de Mario en la campa\u241?a de Numidia. Ante el p\u
225?nico general, decret\u243? que todos los varones j\u243?venes juraran que no
abandonar\u237?an territorio italiano. Por si aquel voto solemne no bastaba, de
spach\u243? mensajeros a todos los puertos de la costa para ordenar que no se pe
rmitiese subir a bordo de ninguna embarcaci\u243?n a nadie menor de veinticinco
a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Rutilio alist\u243? todos los hombres que pudo y decidi\u243? entrenarlos a conc
iencia. Incluso recurri\u243? a lanistas, maestros de gladiadores del {\i
ludus} de Cayo Aurelio Escauro, para que ense\u241?aran a los reclutas a lanzar
y parar estocadas de forma m\u225?s eficaz.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue uno de los momentos m\u225?s oscuros de la Rep\u250?blica. Por primera vez d
esde la guerra contra An\u237?bal, los habitantes de Roma ve\u237?an en peligro
no ya su dominio sobre otros pueblos, sino sus propias vidas.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
En tiempos desesperados suelen tomarse medidas extraordinarias, a veces para bie
n y otras para mal. Las miradas de todos los romanos se volvieron al sur y se en
focaron sobre el general que hab\u237?a logrado terminar aquella inacabable guer
ra contra Yugurta. Si \u233?l hab\u237?a triunfado finalmente donde otros incomp
etentes y corruptos hab\u237?an fracasado, \u191?por qu\u233? no pod\u237?a volv
er a ocurrir un milagro?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA HORA DE MARIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Para los romanos resultaba mucho m\u225?s tranquilizador convencerse de que si l
os cimbrios los hab\u237?an derrotado tres veces, hab\u237?a sido por culpa de g
enerales ineptos. De lo contrario, no les quedar\u237?a otro remedio que pensar
que aquellos hombres eran muy superiores a ellos uno por uno, unos guerreros inv
encibles. En tal caso no tendr\u237?an m\u225?s alternativa que renunciar a toda
esperanza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, a los cincuenta y dos a\u241?os, a Cayo Mario le llegaba el segun
do gran momento, a\u250?n m\u225?s trascendental que el primero. El hombre nuevo
de Arpino fue proclamado candidato {\i
in absentia} \u8212?una clamorosa ilegalidad\u8212? y elegido c\u243?nsul en oct
ubre o noviembre. Cuando le lleg\u243? la noticia se encontraba todav\u237?a en
\u193?frica, solucionando detalles militares y administrativos y organizando su
victoria.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s se embarc\u243? para Roma. El d\u237?a primero del a\u241?o 10
4, en las calendas de enero, celebr\u243? el triunfo por la guerra de Yugurta. E
n aquellos d\u237?as de zozobra, el magn\u237?fico espect\u225?culo elev\u243? l
a moral de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de que entre el bot\u237?n que Mario mostr\u243? ante el pueblo de Roma
hab\u237?a tres mil setecientas libras de oro, casi cinco mil ochocientas de pla
ta sin acu\u241?ar y doscientas ochenta y siete mil dracmas, la pieza m\u225?s p
reciada de aquel tesoro era el propio Yugurta. El n\u250?mida desfilaba junto a
sus dos hijos delante del carro del c\u243?nsul, vestido con galas reales y carg
ado de cadenas mientras la gente disfrutaba de lo lindo abuche\u225?ndole.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando termin\u243? la procesi\u243?n, Yugurta fue conducido al Tuliano, la pris
i\u243?n situada junto a las Gemonias, unas escaleras que sub\u237?an del Foro a
l Capitolio y por cuyos pelda\u241?os rodaban los cuerpos de los malhechores eje
cutados por los verdugos p\u250?blicos. El Tuliano, en su origen una cisterna, e
ra un lugar l\u243?brego y h\u250?medo. Los carceleros le quitaron a Yugurta los
ropajes de seda y le arrancaron los pendientes de oro, con tal codicia que uno
de ellos le desgarr\u243? el l\u243?bulo de la oreja. Despu\u233?s lo bajaron a
la celda, una especie de pozo de cuatro metros de profundidad y paredes circular
es. Es posible que hubiera agua en el fondo, porque se cuenta que al entrar Yugu
rta exclam\u243? con iron\u237?a: \u171?\u161?Por H\u233?rcules, qu\u233? fr\u23
7?a est\u225? vuestra ba\u241?era!\u187?. All\u237? lo abandonaron a su suerte,
y muri\u243? seis d\u237?as despu\u233?s de inanici\u243?n. En cuanto a sus hijo
s, pasaron el resto de su vida como cautivos en Venusia, una ciudad situada en t
ierras samnitas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, Mario disfrut\u243? de su gran d\u237?a de gloria y subi\u243? las
escalinatas del templo de J\u250?piter Capitolino con el rostro pintado de rojo
imitando el color de la estatua del dios. A continuaci\u243?n, celebr\u243? all
\u237? mismo, en el Capitolio, una reuni\u243?n del senado y se present\u243? en

ella ataviado con el manto triunfal, te\u241?ido todo entero de p\u250?rpura y

recamado con estrellas de oro. Cuando vio que a los senadores parec\u237?a ofend
erles tal muestra de prepotencia, Mario pidi\u243? disculpas, se quit\u243? el m
anto y se puso la toga normal, que era blanca y \u250?nicamente ten\u237?a p\u25
0?rpura en los bordes. \u191?Hab\u237?a entrado vestido como triunfador por desc
uido? M\u225?s bien da la impresi\u243?n de que quer\u237?a demostrar a los sena
dores que aquel {\i
homo novus} que no hablaba griego hab\u237?a llegado a lo m\u225?s alto sin su a
yuda. De hecho, ahora eran ellos quienes, en unas circunstancias desesperadas, d
epend\u237?an de \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s del triunfo, el flamante c\u243?nsul se puso manos a la obra. De nu
evo, la informaci\u243?n que nos ha llegado no es tan clara como querr\u237?amos
. Seg\u250?n las {\i
Estratagemas} de Frontino, cuando Mario se vio en la tesitura de escoger entre d
os ej\u233?rcitos, el que hab\u237?a reclutado Rutilio Rufo, c\u243?nsul del a\u
241?o anterior, y el de Metelo que \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a mandado en Numidia,
prefiri\u243? el de Rutilio aunque fuese inferior en n\u250?mero, pues se fiaba
m\u225?s de su disciplina (4.2.2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esto parece muy improbable, ya que con esos hombres hab\u237?a ganado varias bat
allas y triunfado en dif\u237?ciles asedios. La explicaci\u243?n m\u225?s veros\
u237?mil es que Mario licenci\u243? a los soldados que llevaban luchando en \u19
3?frica desde las primeras campa\u241?as de la guerra, y se qued\u243? con los r
efuerzos que hab\u237?a alistado personalmente durante su primer consulado en el
a\u241?o 107, incluidos los famosos voluntarios de la clase proletaria. A estos
hombres les sum\u243? los reclutas de Rutilio, y de esa manera reuni\u243? un e
j\u233?rcito consular completo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Indudablemente, Mario se ten\u237?a que plantear por qu\u233? las legiones hab\u
237?an perdido tres batallas contra los cimbrios, la \u250?ltima con resultados
catastr\u243?ficos. Por m\u225?s que algunas fuentes hablen de cientos de miles
de guerreros y que aceptemos que los invasores germanos gozaban de superioridad
num\u233?rica, esta no pod\u237?a ser tan exagerada como para ser la \u250?nica
explicaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Examinemos m\u225?s de cerca a los guerreros cimbrios, aprovechando que Plutarco
los describe en alg\u250?n pasaje. Eran, nos explica el autor de Queronea, homb
res muy altos, y ten\u237?an los ojos de un color azul p\u225?lido. Precisamente
este rasgo era el que hac\u237?a conjeturar que se trataba de germanos de los p
ueblos que viv\u237?an junto al \u171?oc\u233?ano boreal\u187?, t\u233?rmino que
se refer\u237?a al mar del Norte y al B\u225?ltico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si consideramos que los cimbrios eran de origen escandinavo y extrapolamos usand
o datos del presente, podemos aventurar que, como promedio, sus guerreros les sa
caban seis o siete cent\u237?metros de estatura a los romanos; una ventaja que,
l\u243?gicamente, tambi\u233?n se traduc\u237?a en peso y masa muscular bruta. I
nsisto en que hablamos de promedios, lo que no significa que {\i
todos} los cimbrios fuesen m\u225?s altos que el m\u225?s alto de los romanos. P
ero esa diferencia influ\u237?a en el combate y, sobre todo, en la moral: las co
nstantes referencias en la literatura latina a la estatura de los germanos hacen
pensar que los romanos se sent\u237?an algo acomplejados ante ellos y los ve\u2
37?an incluso m\u225?s altos de lo que de por s\u237? eran.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Mario sab\u237?a que el estilo de lucha al que se iban a enfrentar sus legiones
no era el de los n\u250?midas. Estos atacaban a la carrera, disparaban flechas y
venablos desde lejos y se retiraban rehuyendo el choque directo. Los cimbrios,
en cambio, buscaban ese choque para aprovechar su estatura y corpulencia y aplas
tar las filas enemigas como un rodillo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El primer tipo de combate exig\u237?a resistencia, paciencia y sangre fr\u237?a.
Para prevalecer en el segundo, los hombres de Mario necesitaban no solo esa res
istencia, sino adem\u225?s una gran fuerza f\u237?sica y muchas agallas.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso requer\u237?a un adiestramiento diferente. As\u237? se comprende por qu\u233
? Rutilio Rufo decidi\u243? que sus reclutas practicaran con gladiadores. Lo m\u

225?s probable es que cuando Mario junt\u243? a sus soldados de \u193?frica con
los de Rutilio los sometiera a todos a la misma disciplina.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
La idea era que los legionarios mejoraran sus habilidades como luchadores indivi
duales. Cuando se enfrentaran con los gigantes del norte, no les bastar\u237?a c
on mantener la disciplina de filas como si fueran una falange de hoplitas. Llega
do el momento de la verdad, cada hombre tendr\u237?a que quedarse solo ante su e
nemigo, fi\u225?ndose \u250?nicamente de su escudo y de su espada, como un gladi
ador sin p\u250?blico en una arena reducida y repetida miles de veces por todo e
l campo de batalla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para adiestrarse, los gladiadores practicaban sus t\u233?cnicas con el {\i
palus}, un poste de madera contra el que dirig\u237?an sus golpes. Al principio
de su entrenamiento no utilizaban espadas de acero, sino la {\i
rudis}, un arma de madera, pero tambi\u233?n usaban hojas de metal m\u225?s pesa
das y escudos m\u225?s aparatosos para fortalecer los brazos, y ese fue el siste
ma que debieron de utilizar los soldados de Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aparte de adiestrarlos en esgrima individual, Mario someti\u243? a todos sus hom
bres a la disciplina que tan bien le hab\u237?a valido en Numidia, y que no era
otra que la que \u233?l, Rutilio y Metelo hab\u237?an aprendido en Numancia con
Escipi\u243?n Emiliano. Marchar, construir campamentos, montar guardias, levanta
r campamentos, marchar, cavar\u8230? El mejor manjar era el hambre y el lecho m\
u225?s mullido el cansancio y el sue\u241?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No cabe duda de que Mario someti\u243? a sus hombres a una preparaci\u243?n conc
ienzuda, consciente de que Roma se jugaba sus dominios en el norte y acaso su su
pervivencia. Ahora bien, \u191?es cierto que, como puede leerse en muchos sitios
, en el proceso transform\u243? de arriba abajo el ej\u233?rcito? Examinemos la
cuesti\u243?n con m\u225?s detalle.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LAS REFORMAS DE MARIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
La tradici\u243?n atribuye a Mario una serie de cambios que habr\u237?an convert
ido la milicia ciudadana de man\u237?pulos en un ej\u233?rcito profesional de co
hortes. Pero, en realidad, muchas de esas reformas eran tendencias que ven\u237?
an de antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una de esas tendencias afectaba al criterio de reclutamiento. Desde los or\u237?
genes de Roma, los ciudadanos eran censados y clasificados por sus riquezas cada
cinco a\u241?os. Despu\u233?s se los distribu\u237?a en cinco clases, cada una
de las cuales se divid\u237?a a su vez en varias centurias. En el fondo de la pi
r\u225?mide econ\u243?mica y social se hallaba la \u250?ltima centuria, una no-c
lase donde se apretujaban los proletarios o {\i
capite censi} que no ten\u237?an m\u225?s posesi\u243?n que sus hijos. Estaban e
xentos del servicio militar a no ser que se produjera un {\i
tumultus}, una situaci\u243?n de emergencia como la que se dio tras el desastre
de Cannas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conforme Roma ampliaba sus operaciones a m\u225?s escenarios b\u233?licos y hac\
u237?an falta m\u225?s legiones, los censores fueron rebajando sus exigencias pe
cuniarias. En los primeros tiempos, \u250?nicamente los ciudadanos con un patrim
onio superior a once mil ases serv\u237?an en el ej\u233?rcito. A mediados del s
iglo II, la cifra ya se hab\u237?a reducido a cuatro mil ases, y en el a\u241?o
129 cualquiera con un patrimonio por encima de mil quinientos ases pod\u237?a se
r llamado a filas. Aun as\u237?, segu\u237?a resultando complicado encontrar suf
icientes soldados; fue esa dificultad la que motiv\u243? a Tiberio Graco a repar
tir tierras para que aumentara el n\u250?mero de ciudadanos con patrimonio sufic
iente para ser reclutados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como ya vimos, durante la guerra de Yugurta, Mario fue un paso m\u225?s all\u225
? y acudi\u243? a la vasta reserva de los {\i
capite censi}. Todo el que quiso, sin importar su patrimonio, pudo alistarse en
su ej\u233?rcito. A partir de Mario, muchos otros generales imitaron su ejemplo.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

A menudo se dice que, al actuar as\u237?, Mario profesionaliz\u243? el ej\u233?r

cito y que, aunque su intenci\u243?n fuese salvar a Roma en una grave emergencia
, esa reforma socav\u243? las ra\u237?ces de la Rep\u250?blica. \u191?Por qu\u23
3?? Porque los proletarios que se presentaban voluntarios al ej\u233?rcito lo ha
c\u237?an no para defender su patria, sino por ganarse el sustento. Para ello de
pend\u237?an de su general. Mientras estaban en activo, necesitaban que este les
pagara la soldada y les diera permiso para saquear ciudades y expoliar tesoros.
Y cuando se licenciaban, les hac\u237?a falta que su general presentara leyes a
grarias para repartirles tierras, aunque eso significara oponerse al senado.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Debido a esa dependencia, los soldados eran m\u225?s fieles a sus generales que
a la Rep\u250?blica, hasta el punto de que estaban dispuestos a rebelarse contra
la propia Roma si lo ordenaba el l\u237?der que les garantizaba su sustento. As
\u237? actuaron, por ejemplo, los ej\u233?rcitos de Sila y C\u233?sar, y despu\u
233?s los de Octavio y Antonio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta exposici\u243?n es matizable en algunos detalles. Aparte de que Sila y C\u2
33?sar insist\u237?an en que ellos eran los verdaderos defensores de la Rep\u250
?blica, hay que a\u241?adir que sus legiones segu\u237?an sin ser del todo profe
sionales. Es cierto que muchas de ellas pasaron largo tiempo movilizadas y lucha
ron tantas batallas que sus prestaciones podr\u237?an calificarse como profesion
ales, pero lo mismo cabe decir de las unidades que combatieron en la Segunda Gue
rra P\u250?nica. Para ser exactos, no puede afirmarse que existi\u243? un ej\u23
3?rcito verdaderamente profesional hasta la \u233?poca de Augusto.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, el saqueo y el bot\u237?n siempre hab\u237?an sido un se\u241?ue
lo para alistarse: recordemos a los soldados de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano irrumpien
do en plena batalla en el templo de Reshef para arrancar a espadazos las placas
de oro. Adem\u225?s, que Mario y otros generales alistaran a proletarios no quie
re decir que {\i
todos} sus reclutas fuesen proletarios. Considerar que fueron los ej\u233?rcitos
formados por ciudadanos pobres los que hundieron la Rep\u250?blica no deja de s
er un tanto clasista, am\u233?n de simplista.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta fue la m\u225?s complicada y, podr\u237?amos decir, \u171?ideologizada\u187
? de las reformas de Mario, no tanto por \u233?l como por los r\u237?os de tinta
que han corrido desde entonces. Pero se supone que Mario introdujo bastantes ca
mbios m\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por ejemplo, en los s\u237?mbolos militares. Todo el mundo conoce las \u225?guil
as que representaban a las legiones, como la que aparece en la portada del prime
r volumen de {\i
Roma victoriosa}. Sin embargo, durante siglos los romanos utilizaron para sus es
tandartes otros animales reales, como el caballo, el lobo o el jabal\u237?, o in
cluso bestias imaginarias como el minotauro. Seg\u250?n un texto de Plinio el Vi
ejo, fue Mario quien unific\u243? criterios, de modo que a partir de \u233?l la
insignia de cada legi\u243?n fue un \u225?guila de plata o de oro (10.16).\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Estas \u225?guilas recib\u237?an culto religioso. Perder una de ellas se conside
raba una terrible deshonra no solo para el portaestandarte que la custodiaba, si
no tambi\u233?n para toda la unidad y para su general. Con tal de que el enemigo
no les arrebatara su \u225?guila, los soldados estaban dispuestos a todo. En el
a\u241?o 55, cuando los hombres de C\u233?sar no se decid\u237?an a desembarcar
en una playa plagada de britanos, el portaestandarte de la D\u233?cima legi\u24
3?n se arroj\u243? al agua y corri\u243? hacia la orilla exclamando: \u171?\u161
?Saltad, soldados, a no ser que quer\u225?is entregar vuestra \u225?guila a los
enemigos!\u187?. Espoleados por el ejemplo, los legionarios se decidieron a dese
mbarcar y pusieron en fuga a los britanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las reformas m\u225?s profundas afectaron a la propia estructura de la legi\u243
?n, pero todo sugiere que Mario ya se las encontr\u243? hechas. En las guerras c
ontra Pirro y los cartagineses, la unidad t\u225?ctica m\u237?nima era el man\u2
37?pulo, formado por unos ciento veinte hombres divididos en dos centurias. En l
a \u233?poca de Mario, en cambio, esa unidad t\u225?ctica era la cohorte, que co

nstaba de seis centurias. Al tener m\u225?s miembros que el man\u237?pulo, entre

cuatrocientos cincuenta y seiscientos, la cohorte pod\u237?a funcionar como un
ej\u233?rcito en miniatura, algo que ven\u237?a bien en misiones que no requer\u
237?an de una legi\u243?n entera pero s\u237? de una fuerza de choque considerab
le.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cada legi\u243?n constaba de diez cohortes. Eso significa que, dependiendo de la
s condiciones del reclutamiento, una legi\u243?n completa pod\u237?a tener entre
cuatro mil quinientos y seis mil soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al mando de cada centuria hab\u237?a un centuri\u243?n, cuyo rango depend\u237?a
de la numeraci\u243?n de su centuria y de su cohorte. As\u237?, el que dirig\u2
37?a la primera centuria, el {\i
pilus prior}, era el oficial de m\u225?s graduaci\u243?n de toda su cohorte. Si
adem\u225?s esa cohorte era la primera, el {\i
pilus prior} era conocido como {\i
primus pilus} o primipilo, y gozaba de gran autoridad y prestigio. En la legi\u2
43?n, solo lo superaban en jerarqu\u237?a el legado y los tribunos.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Con este sistema, las diferencias de rango y de sueldo entre los centuriones era
n muy amplias. A decir verdad, desde el modesto sexto centuri\u243?n de la d\u23
3?cima cohorte hasta un primipilo exist\u237?a una distancia comparable a la que
hoy separa a un capit\u225?n que manda una compa\u241?\u237?a de un teniente co
ronel que dirige un batall\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dentro de las cohortes, desaparecieron las diferencias antiguas entre {\i
hastati, principes} y {\i
triarii}. Se mantuvo la costumbre de combatir en tres escalones, pero no por man
\u237?pulos sino por cohortes: cuatro en la primera l\u237?nea, tres en la segun
da y otras tres en la tercera, formando un ajedrezado. Por desgracia, incluso au
tores de tanto talento militar como C\u233?sar dan por supuesto c\u243?mo se lle
vaba a la pr\u225?ctica este sistema, por lo que nosotros seguimos sin tener del
todo claro c\u243?mo funcionaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, los {\i
velites} de la infanter\u237?a ligera dejaron de formar parte de la legi\u243?n,
y las unidades de caballer\u237?a tambi\u233?n se independizaron. Otra novedad
de finales de la Rep\u250?blica era que el Estado entregaba el armamento y la ro
pa a los soldados (descont\u225?ndoselo del sueldo, dicho sea de paso). Eso quie
re decir que todos los soldados de la legi\u243?n ten\u237?an ahora un equipo si
milar. Por supuesto, no hay que pensar en una uniformidad absoluta como la de lo
s ej\u233?rcitos contempor\u225?neos, ya que no exist\u237?a nada parecido a la
producci\u243?n en cadena, sino que las armas se confeccionaban en talleres arte
sanales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL EQUIPO DEL LEGIONARIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
El arma m\u225?s caracter\u237?stica de los legionarios de esta \u233?poca segu\
u237?a siendo el {\i
pilum}. Consist\u237?a en una jabalina formada por un asta de madera de algo m\u
225?s de un metro unida a una vara de hierro de unos sesenta cent\u237?metros re
matada por una punta piramidal. La longitud de la pieza met\u225?lica significab
a que el peso del {\i
pilum} se concentraba m\u225?s en la parte delantera, lo que le otorgaba una gra
n capacidad de penetraci\u243?n. Un {\i
pilum} bien lanzado pod\u237?a atravesar incluso dos escudos si estaban solapado
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Plutarco cuenta que Mario introdujo una modificaci\u243?n en los {\i
pila} de sus soldados antes de batallas contra los invasores. Para evitar que lo
s enemigos pudieran recogerlos del suelo y dispararlos contra sus hombres, susti
tuy\u243? uno de los dos remaches met\u225?licos que un\u237?an la vara de hierr
o al asta por una espiga de madera. La idea era que esta espiga se rompiera con
el impacto. Al hacerlo, el astil quedaba colgando de un solo remache, con lo que

pivotaba con una especie de efecto \u171?codo fl\u225?cido\u187?, de tal modo q

ue el {\i
pilum} ya no serv\u237?a para nada. Terminado el combate, no hab\u237?a m\u225?s
que recoger los {\i
pila} tirados por el suelo y volver a insertarles el taco de madera en el taller
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Realmente no se sabe muy bien de d\u243?nde proviene esta historia, que sin emba
rgo es muy conocida. En primer lugar, no est\u225? tan claro que la espiga de ma
dera se rompiese con el golpe. En segundo lugar, aunque lo hiciera, se quedar\u2
37?a dentro de su orificio e impedir\u237?a que la vara de metal pivotara sobre
el asta. Hay m\u225?s objeciones \u8212?por ejemplo, no se ha encontrado ning\u2
50?n {\i
pilum} al que le falte \u250?nicamente uno de los dos remaches\u8212?, lo que ha
ce pensar que la historia que cuenta Plutarco le lleg\u243? deformada o directam
ente alguien se la invent\u243?. Si se me permite imitar a los {\i
Cazadores de mitos} de televisi\u243?n, yo estampar\u237?a un sello en la p\u225
?gina y dir\u237?a: \u171?\u161?Cazado!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aparte del {\i
pilum}, los legionarios dispon\u237?an de otra arma ofensiva: el {\i
gladius}, una espada recta y de doble filo que resultaba apropiada tanto para da
r tajos como para asestar estocadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El movimiento m\u225?s natural para sacar una espada de su funda es llevarse la
mano a la cadera izquierda y tirar de ella. El impulso que se gana hace que el p
ropio movimiento pueda aprovecharse como un tajo lateral de rev\u233?s contra un
enemigo, algo que los japoneses han convertido en un arte marcial por derecho p
ropio, el iaido. Pero en el caso de los legionarios, el gran tama\u241?o del esc
udo estorbaba esta maniobra, por lo que llevaban la espada colgada a la derecha.
(Los centuriones, que no sol\u237?an llevar escudo, se la ce\u241?\u237?an a la
izquierda).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por mi propia experiencia con la {\i
Legio VIIII}, el grupo de recreaci\u243?n hist\u243?rica de Hispania Romana, he
comprobado que desenfundar el {\i
gladius} por el lado derecho no resulta tan dif\u237?cil. Lo \u250?nico que hay
que hacer es girar la mano con el pulgar hacia abajo y el interior de la mu\u241
?eca hacia fuera, agarrar la empu\u241?adura y tirar de ella en vertical.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Un inconveniente de este sistema es que se pierde ese impulso ofensivo del que h
ablaba antes. Pero los legionarios no desenvainaban la espada cuando estaban enc
ima del enemigo, sino unos metros antes. La secuencia consist\u237?a en arrojar
el {\i
pilum}, desenvainar el {\i
gladius} y cargar contra el adversario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchos soldados llevaban tambi\u233?n un {\i
pugio}, un pu\u241?al que en cierto modo era hermano peque\u241?o del {\i
gladius}. Por su forma no pod\u237?a resultar muy \u250?til como herramienta, lo
que hace pensar que se usaba como arma secundaria y, adicionalmente, como eleme
nto ornamental de prestigio. Soldados de todas las \u233?pocas han intentado dis
tinguirse de sus compa\u241?eros utilizando alg\u250?n elemento en su equipo que
los individualice. Ocurre incluso en ej\u233?rcitos tan uniformados como los ac
tuales: recuerdo de mi propia mili que muchos soldados y oficiales compraban bot
as o cinturones distintos de los que se les suministraban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
En cuanto a las armas defensivas, la principal era el {\i
scutum}, un escudo de m\u225?s de un metro de alto por unos setenta cent\u237?me
tros de ancho. Se confeccionaba con l\u225?minas de madera encoladas, y, dependi
endo del material, pod\u237?a pesar hasta diez kilos o m\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
{\qc

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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A diferencia del de los hoplitas griegos, el escudo romano era tambi\u233?n un a
rma ofensiva. Para poder moverlo en todas direcciones y alejarlo del cuerpo al g
olpear o empujar al enemigo, los legionarios lo sujetaban tan solo por una manil
la situada en el centro. Ese sistema le supone una gran carga a la mu\u241?eca i
zquierda; para ayudar a repartirla y evitar rozaduras, algunos soldados usaban b
razaletes de cuero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El escudo estaba rodeado por una orla met\u225?lica que lo reforzaba. Esa orla s
ol\u237?a tener unos anillos por los que se pod\u237?a pasar una cuerda. Cuando
los legionarios marchaban, se pasaban la cuerda por los hombros y se la ataban a
la cintura, de tal manera que cargaban con el escudo a los hombros como una moc
hila. Para proteger el escudo de la humedad y evitar que se abarquillara a\u250?
n m\u225?s y se desencolara, lo cubr\u237?an con una funda de cuero.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
El escudo ofrec\u237?a una buena defensa para el cuerpo, pero la cabeza quedaba
fuera de su protecci\u243?n, a no ser que uno la escondiera detr\u225?s o debajo
, algo que solo se hac\u237?a en formaciones ultradefensivas como la tortuga, de
modo que hab\u237?a que protegerla con un yelmo. En aquella \u233?poca, el m\u2
25?s t\u237?pico era el conocido como Montefortino, llamado as\u237? por la regi
\u243?n donde se encontr\u243? el primero. Era de bronce, parecido al casco de m
oto que se suele llamar \u171?calimero\u187? por el inolvidable pollito de los d
ibujos animados. Llevaba dos carrilleras que se ataban bajo la barbilla para aju
starlo y un guardanuca que consist\u237?a en un reborde posterior.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
El casco sol\u237?a incluir un par de soportes para adornarlo con plumas o crine
s; pero cuando el Estado empez\u243? a suministrar el equipo, la calidad de este
disminuy\u243?, por lo que a partir del a\u241?o 100 se empiezan a encontrar ca
scos sin esos soportes ornamentales, con el guardanuca m\u225?s estrecho e inclu
so sin carrilleras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En {\i
Roma victoriosa} ya coment\u233? que en el siglo III los soldados m\u225?s pudie
ntes llevaban cotas de malla fabricadas con miles de anillos de hierro trenzados
. Esta pieza de origen c\u233?ltico, conocida como {\i
lorica hamata}, se populariz\u243? tanto que en la \u233?poca de Mario era la ar
madura est\u225?ndar de los legionarios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En muchas pel\u237?culas ambientadas en la Antig\u252?edad, en la Edad Media o e
n reinos de fantas\u237?a no se acaba de entender por qu\u233? los guerreros se
molestan en cargar con pesadas cotas de malla, puesto que cualquier impacto, inc
luso el de una flecha lejana, las atraviesa con facilidad. La realidad era que,
al contrario de lo que reflejan estos filmes, las cotas fabricadas con anillos m
et\u225?licos ofrec\u237?an excelente protecci\u243?n contra golpes tajantes y m
\u225?s que aceptable contra golpes punzantes. Por otra parte, debido a su confe
cci\u243?n, la cota se ajustaba bien al cuerpo, adapt\u225?ndose al tama\u241?o
de su usuario, y le permit\u237?a bastante libertad de movimientos.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
El inconveniente era su peso, entre diez y quince kilos. Es cierto que al embuti
rse una cota de malla uno se siente poderoso, casi invulnerable. Pero al cabo de
un rato la espalda y el cuello empiezan a resentirse, por lo que podemos supone
r que muchos legionarios se ve\u237?an aquejados de pinzamientos cervicales e in

cluso hernias de disco. Con el fin de repartir el peso en dos partes y cargar un
a de ellas sobre las caderas, los soldados se ce\u241?\u237?an la loriga con un
cintur\u243?n bien apretado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Debajo de la cota lo normal era llevar un {\i
thoracomachus} o {\i
subarmalis}; esto es, una t\u250?nica acolchada con fieltro. As\u237? se evitaba
n rozaduras y tambi\u233?n que un golpe contundente clavara los propios anillos
de hierro en la carne. Adem\u225?s, era habitual llevar un pa\u241?uelo atado al
cuello por esa misma raz\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Debajo del {\i
subarmalis} los soldados todav\u237?a vest\u237?an una prenda m\u225?s: una senc
illa t\u250?nica de lana que los soldados sol\u237?an recogerse a medio muslo ci
\u241?\u233?ndola con el {\i
balteus} o cintur\u243?n. Este era uno de los signos que diferenciaban a un sold
ado de un civil: cuando a un soldado se le expulsaba del ej\u233?rcito con desho
nor, se le quitaba adem\u225?s el cintur\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El calzado de los legionarios tambi\u233?n los diferenciaba de los civiles. En e
sta \u233?poca, el m\u225?s habitual eran las {\i
caligae} de cuero, abiertas como unas sandalias y altas como unas botas. Lo norm
al era llevar las {\i
caligae} sin calcetines, a no ser que hiciera mucho fr\u237?o. Las aberturas ent
re las tiras de cuero proporcionaban una buena ventilaci\u243?n que evitaba roza
duras y ampollas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La suela de las {\i
caligae} estaba reforzada con decenas de clavos de hierro. Dichos clavos ven\u23
7?an muy bien para aferrarse al terreno natural, pero pod\u237?an provocar resba
lones al caminar sobre losas o pavimento, como yo mismo comprob\u233? en una oca
si\u243?n desfilando por las calles de M\u233?rida. El historiador Flavio Josefo
relata c\u243?mo un centuri\u243?n que estaba cargando contra un grupo de jud\u
237?os se escurri\u243? en el suelo embaldosado del templo de Jerusal\u233?n, y
sus enemigos aprovecharon su ca\u237?da para acribillarlo a lanzazos ({\i
Guerra de los jud\u237?os}, 6.1.8).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para abrigarse, los soldados se cubr\u237?an con un manto de lana, cuya grasa na
tural, la lanolina, lo impermealizaba en parte. Pod\u237?a ser largo, la llamada
{\i
paenula}, o m\u225?s corto, el {\i
sagum}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28

{\b
{\ql
LAS MULAS DE MARIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Todo este equipo sumaba bastantes kilos que el soldado llevaba consigo no solo e
n el campo de combate, sino tambi\u233?n en orden de marcha. Adem\u225?s, cuando
caminaba ten\u237?a que cargar con muchas m\u225?s cosas. Entre los objetos que
pod\u237?a incluir el {\i
\u171?kit\u187?} del perfecto legionario hab\u237?a provisiones para tres d\u237
?as, una escudilla de bronce, una cantimplora fabricada con una calabaza, una pe
que\u241?a hoz para segar mieses y yesca para encender fuego. Tambi\u233?n una m
uda de ropa y otros objetos personales o de limpieza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo ello se guardaba dentro de una bolsa de cuero que se colgaba de la {\i
furca}. Esta consist\u237?a en un palo largo al que se clavaba un travesa\u241?o
horizontal, formando una especie de cruz en cuya intersecci\u243?n se anudaba l
a bolsa. Despu\u233?s, se cargaba sobre el hombro derecho. En paralelo a la {\i
furca}, el legionario agarraba su {\i
pilum}. Este m\u233?todo no deb\u237?a resultar muy c\u243?modo para las clav\u2
37?culas, pero permit\u237?a soltar la carga de golpe dej\u225?ndola caer al sue
lo si la columna de marcha era atacada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ah\u237? no terminaba la cosa. Los soldados ten\u237?an que transportar herramie
ntas para excavar trincheras y levantar terraplenes: un pico o una pala, un cest
o de mimbre para acarrear la tierra, cuerdas\u8230? En total, un soldado en orde
n de marcha, con sus armas y herramientas, el escudo dentro de la funda y colgad
o a la espalda, y la {\i
furca} con el saco de piel, pod\u237?a cargar encima entre treinta y cuarenta ki
los.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era duro, pero no imposible. En 1985, el arque\u243?logo alem\u225?n Marcus Junk
elmann llev\u243? a cabo un experimento de recreaci\u243?n hist\u243?rica. Duran
te veinte d\u237?as, \u233?l y sus acompa\u241?antes, equipados como romanos y c
on cuarenta y cinco kilos de carga, recorrieron quinientos kil\u243?metros entre
Verona y Augsburgo atravesando los Alpes. Todos eran voluntarios, obviamente, p
ero no atletas profesionales, y lo consiguieron a costa de perder cuatro o cinco
kilos durante la marcha.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No todo el equipo pod\u237?a cargarse a hombros de los soldados. As\u237? ocurr\
u237?a con la tienda de campa\u241?a que compart\u237?an cada ocho legionarios (
puesto que en lat\u237?n \u171?tienda\u187? es {\i
taberna}, el grupo que dorm\u237?a en ella recib\u237?a el nombre de {\i
contubernium}, y sus miembros eran los contubernales). La tienda, fabricada en p
iel de cabra, pesaba cerca de cuarenta kilos, y la transportaban a lomos de una
mula.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La mula cargaba adem\u225?s con la {\i
mola}, el molino de mano del contubernio, y es posible que llevara tambi\u233?n
los {\i
pila muralia}, unas estacas afiladas por ambos extremos que serv\u237?an para le
vantar empalizadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los soldados de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano en Numancia o los de Metelo en Numidia ya
realizaban marchas agotadoras, y lo hac\u237?an con toda la impedimenta, a dife
rencia de lo que ocurr\u237?a con otros generales m\u225?s permisivos.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, o bien Mario generaliz\u243? esta costumbre o era tan buen propagan
dista de s\u237? mismo que su nombre qued\u243? unido a este tipo de equipaci\u2
43?n: sus soldados, que llevaban a cuestas dos tercios de su propio peso, eran c
onocidos como \u171?mulas de Mario\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las caminatas, ya fueran de entrenamiento o para desplazarse de un escenario b\u
233?lico a otro, serv\u237?an para incrementar la resistencia, una cualidad f\u2
37?sica imprescindible en los soldados. (Y, adem\u225?s, la \u250?nica que no di
sminuye con la edad, siempre que se entrene: por eso corredores que empiezan sie
ndo de medio fondo a veces terminan su carrera como maratonianos).\par\pard\plai

n\hyphpar} {
Am\u233?n de endurecer individualmente a los soldados, estas reformas log\u237?s
ticas persegu\u237?an otros fines. B\u225?sicamente, la rapidez y la autonom\u23
7?a. Gracias a las \u171?mulas\u187?, se reduc\u237?a el enorme volumen de la co
lumna de marcha de una legi\u243?n, y tambi\u233?n su longitud. Eso significaba
que si una unidad era atacada, las dem\u225?s pod\u237?an acudir en su auxilio c
on m\u225?s rapidez.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n permit\u237?an mucha m\u225?s flexibilidad en las operaciones. Pues
to que los soldados llevaban provisiones para tres d\u237?as, el general pod\u23
7?a enviar unidades en avanzadilla o en misiones especiales sabiendo que no les
faltar\u237?a alimento durante ese lapso de tiempo. Incluso pod\u237?a ordenar q
ue el grueso de las tropas se adelantara al convoy de suministros. As\u237? lo h
izo C\u233?sar en el a\u241?o 57 en su campa\u241?a contra los nervios, cuando d
ej\u243? atr\u225?s a dos legiones para que protegieran la larga y lenta columna
de avituallamiento, formada por m\u225?s de ocho mil ac\u233?milas, mientras \u
233?l caminaba a marchas forzadas con las otras dos legiones para llegar al r\u2
37?o Sabis, en territorio enemigo, y empezaba a levantar un campamento.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Se calcula que un ej\u233?rcito \u171?preMario\u187? (utilizando este t\u233?rmi
no por simplificar) avanzaba a una velocidad media de dos kil\u243?metros por ho
ra, obligado por sus elementos m\u225?s lentos. En cambio, uno \u171?postMario\u
187? lo hac\u237?a a cinco por hora. En circunstancias como la batalla de Aquae
Sextiae, esos tres kil\u243?metros por hora pod\u237?an marcar la diferencia ent
re el \u233?xito y el fracaso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con sus \u171?mulas\u187?, Mario march\u243? al norte de Italia, cruz\u243? entr
e los Alpes y el mar y se dirigi\u243? hacia el R\u243?dano. Su ej\u233?rcito, e
ntre legionarios y aliados, contaba con cerca de treinta y cinco mil hombres, a
los que continuaba entrenando y endureciendo por el camino con largas marchas. A
l igual que hab\u237?a hecho a lo largo de toda su carrera militar, segu\u237?a
la filosof\u237?a de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano predicando con el ejemplo. En palabr
as de Plutarco:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para un legionario romano no hay espect\u225?culo m\u225?s agradable que ver c\u
243?mo su general come pan corriente a la vista de todos, duerme en un simple je
rg\u243?n o incluso le echa una mano para excavar una zanja o levantar una empal
izada. Pues los soldados no admiran tanto a los jefes que les conceden honor y r
iquezas como a los que comparten sus mismas tareas y peligros, y prefieren a los
que est\u225?n dispuestos a esforzarse con ellos que a los que les dejan estar
a su aire. ({\i
Mario}, 7).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A finales de la primavera de 104, los hombres de Mario se establecieron a orilla
s del R\u243?dano, en las cercan\u237?as de Arelate (Arl\u233?s). Aquella era un
a buena posici\u243?n para cortar el paso a los invasores si decid\u237?an regre
sar al norte de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras aguardaban a los cimbrios con la misma mezcla de expectativa y temor co
n que el teniente Drogo esperaba al enemigo en {\i
El desierto de los t\u225?rtaros}, los hombres de Mario no permanecieron ociosos
. Por un lado, pacificaron y reorganizaron toda aquella zona, sometiendo a las t
ribus locales del sur de Galia. En esa tarea result\u243? muy \u250?til de nuevo
Sila, primero como legado y despu\u233?s como tribuno militar.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Por otra parte, Mario comprob\u243? que en la zona donde estaban acampados resul
taba dif\u237?cil recibir suministros desde el mar, ya que las desembocaduras de
l R\u243?dano se bloqueaban con tierra de aluvi\u243?n y las naves embarrancaban
cuando trataban de entrar r\u237?o arriba. Con el fin de evitar este contratiem
po y de paso tener ocupados y en forma a sus hombres, les hizo excavar un largo
canal desde Arelate hasta el mar. All\u237? desvi\u243? buena parte del r\u237?o
, creando un cauce por el que las aguas flu\u237?an hacia el Mediterr\u225?neo m
\u225?s mansas y sin levantar tantas olas en la embocadura. El canal, del que se
benefici\u243? sobre todo la ciudad de Masalia, que cobraba impuestos a los que
bajaban o remontaban el R\u243?dano, fue conocido durante siglos como las {\i

Fossae Marianae}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema era que los cimbrios, como los t\u225?rtaros de la novela de Dino Bu
zzati que he mencionado, no acababan de llegar. Mario hab\u237?a conseguido que
lo eligieran c\u243?nsul en 104 y 103. \u191?Lograr\u237?a lo mismo en 102? En l
as dos ocasiones anteriores no hab\u237?a tenido rivales. Pese a ello, ahora sab
\u237?a que se iban a presentar candidatos de talla que pod\u237?an derrotarlo.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, a Roma le crec\u237?an los enanos. En 104 Mario hab\u237?a solic
itado tropas al rey Nicomedes III de Bitinia, y este le respondi\u243? que no po
d\u237?a enviarle soldados. La raz\u243?n que aleg\u243? era que casi todos sus
s\u250?bditos en edad militar hab\u237?an ca\u237?do en la esclavitud por deudas
contra\u237?das con los insaciables {\i
publicani}, los recaudadores de deudas romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado, presionado por Mario, promulg\u243? un decreto que ordenaba la libera
ci\u243?n de todos aquellos ciudadanos de pueblos aliados de Roma que hubieran s
ido esclavizados de forma irregular. En Sicilia, el gobernador Nerva llev\u243?
a cabo la orden y en pocos d\u237?as liber\u243? a ochocientos siervos. Su actua
ci\u243?n supuso un golpe directo para los due\u241?os de las explotaciones agra
rias, que presionaron para que Nerva se echara atr\u225?s. Eso provoc\u243? una
gran frustraci\u243?n en los esclavos de la isla, incluidos los que no pertenec\
u237?an a pa\u237?ses aliados, que hab\u237?an concebido esperanzas de obtener l
a libertad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La revuelta empez\u243? en Heraclea Minoa, en la costa sur, y se extendi\u243? p
oco a poco. Los esclavos formaron un ej\u233?rcito y eligieron a su propio rey,
un tal Salvio, que se dio a s\u237? mismo el nombre de Trif\u243?n. Para colmo,
en el extremo oeste de la isla estall\u243? otra rebeli\u243?n acaudillada por u
n hombre llamado Ateni\u243?n, que no quiso ser menos y se proclam\u243? rey. Cu
riosamente, ambos personajes aseguraban tener poderes m\u237?sticos. Lleg\u243?
un momento en que ambos se juntaron, subordin\u225?ndose Ateni\u243?n a Salvio,
y establecieron una corte real en Triocala. Con decenas de miles de hombres a su
s \u243?rdenes, la revuelta se convirti\u243? en una guerra que se prolongar\u23
7?a hasta el a\u241?o 101.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el a\u241?o 103 falleci\u243? el colega de consulado de Mario, Aurelio O
restes. Al ser el \u250?nico c\u243?nsul que quedaba, a Mario no le qued\u243? m
\u225?s remedio que regresar a Roma para presidir las elecciones. La ocasi\u243?
n le vino de perlas para afianzar su posici\u243?n pol\u237?tica. Puesto que sus
relaciones con el senado segu\u237?an siendo malas, le interesaba tener un trib
uno de la plebe que manejara las asambleas populares a su favor tal como hab\u23
7?a ocurrido con Memio. En este caso encontr\u243? a Lucio Apuleyo Saturnino.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este personaje estaba resentido con el senado porque en 104, cuando desempe\u241
?aba el puesto de cuestor encargado del aprovisionamiento de trigo en el puerto
de Ostia, se produjo una escasez de grano. Los senadores le quitaron el cargo y
designaron al {\i
princeps senatus} Emilio Escauro para que se ocupara de solucionar aquella crisi
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ofendido, Saturnino se aproxim\u243? a Mario durante ese mismo a\u241?o 104 y am
bos plantearon su estrategia. Se trataba, como dir\u237?amos ahora, de una \u171
?sinergia\u187? (que no significa m\u225?s que \u171?colaboraci\u243?n\u187? sus
tituyendo las ra\u237?ces latinas por otras griegas). Mario puso su popularidad,
su influencia y su dinero. Saturnino, brillante, audaz y buen orador, se presen
t\u243? a tribuno de la plebe y se comprometi\u243? a manipular la asamblea de l
a plebe en beneficio de Mario y ayudarle a conseguir su cuarto consulado. Adicio
nalmente, cuando llegara el momento, Saturnino deber\u237?a proponer una ley par
a repartir tierras a los veteranos de Mario. Lo que ignoraba este es que las ten
dencias radicales de Saturnino lo convert\u237?an en una bomba de relojer\u237?a
que estallar\u237?a no muchos a\u241?os despu\u233?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a los manejos de Saturnino, Mario logr\u243? que lo votaran por cuarta v
ez para el a\u241?o 102. Su colega en esta ocasi\u243?n era Quinto Lutacio Catul
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Y fue en ese a\u241?o cuando por fin regresaron los b\u225?rbaros\u8230?\par\par

d\plain\hyphpar} {
Por suerte para Mario y sus hombres, los invasores les hab\u237?an dado mucho ti
empo para prepararse. Tras su aplastante victoria en Arausio, en lugar de invadi
r Italia como tem\u237?an los romanos, los cimbrios se dirigieron de nuevo al oe
ste y cruzaron los Pirineos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? fueron a Hispania? \u218?nicamente se pueden hacer conjeturas
. Hasta entonces los cimbrios hab\u237?an recorrido amplias zonas de la Galia, y
no parece que hubieran sido muy bien recibidos en ninguna. Es posible que a esa
s alturas se hubieran acostumbrado a aquella existencia de saqueadores n\u243?ma
das y que sus \u233?xitos militares los hubiesen convencido de que era m\u225?s
c\u243?modo vivir as\u237?, apoder\u225?ndose de lo ajeno, que doblando el espin
azo sobre la tierra para cultivar lo propio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por falta de datos, ignoramos hasta qu\u233? punto lleg\u243? la devastaci\u243?
n que los cimbrios sembraron a su paso. Es muy posible que saquearan Narbona y q
ue otras ciudades al sur de los Pirineos como Ilerda, Emporion o Tarraco sufrier
an sus ataques. No lo podemos saber: el haz de la linterna de la historia se hal
laba enfocado sobre otros lugares. Ciertas pistas sugieren que muchas tribus his
panas aprovecharon los problemas de los romanos para sublevarse de nuevo, mientr
as que otras se enfrentaron contra los cimbrios y, seg\u250?n Tito Livio, los de
rrotaron. Aunque, conociendo c\u243?mo se las gastaban los cimbrios, habr\u237?a
que saber en qu\u233? estado quedaron los vencedores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de dos a\u241?os en esas tierras, los cimbrios volvieron a cruzar l
os Pirineos y se dirigieron al norte. \u191?Cu\u225?ntos kil\u243?metros llevar\
u237?an para entonces en sus piernas?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras sus correr\u237?as por Hispania y Galia, los cimbrios estaban decididos a d
irigirse en esta ocasi\u243?n a Italia. Hab\u237?an derrotado tres veces a los r
omanos, cierto, pero eran conscientes de los recursos que pod\u237?a movilizar l
a Rep\u250?blica si ve\u237?a amenazada su propia existencia. Por eso tomaron la
resoluci\u243?n de aliarse con otras tribus e invadir Italia desde varios punto
s a la vez para dividir la atenci\u243?n de los romanos. Aquella gran coalici\u2
43?n se form\u243? en las tierras de los velocases, en el valle del Sena, y se u
nieron a ella ambrones, tigurinos y teutones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los ambrones eran un pueblo que habitaba en la regi\u243?n actual de Zuiderzee,
en Holanda, y cuyas tierras tambi\u233?n se hab\u237?an visto anegadas. En cuant
o a los tigurinos, que proven\u237?an de Helvecia, ya hab\u237?an aprovechado la
invasi\u243?n de los cimbrios para combatir contra los romanos y derrotar y mat
ar al c\u243?nsul Casio Longino, colega del primer consulado de Mario.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Los teutones constitu\u237?an por s\u237? solos un contingente comparable al de
los cimbrios. Las fuentes son tan imprecisas que no sabemos con claridad si los
teutones acababan de unirse a los cimbrios, o si llevaban con ellos pr\u225?ctic
amente desde el principio de la migraci\u243?n y en alg\u250?n momento se hab\u2
37?an desgajado para ahora volver a unirse. Aunque \u171?teut\u243?n\u187? se ut
iliza en espa\u241?ol como sin\u243?nimo coloquial de \u171?alem\u225?n\u187?, c
on esta etnia ocurre lo mismo que con los cimbrios: algunos estudiosos opinan qu
e eran de lengua germana y otros que hablaban un dialecto celta. Lo que parece c
laro era que proven\u237?an de las orillas del mar del Norte, donde el viajero P
iteas de Masalia se hab\u237?a encontrado con ellos hacia el a\u241?o 320.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez reunidos, los caudillos de las diversas tribus, encabezados por el cimbr
io Boy\u243?rix y el teut\u243?n Teutobudo, decidieron realizar un ataque en dos
frentes. Mientras los cimbrios y los tigurinos invadir\u237?an Italia desde el
nordeste, los teutones y los ambrones bajar\u237?an por el curso del R\u243?dano
para penetrar por el noroeste, entre los Alpes y el mar. Era una forma de divid
ir la atenci\u243?n de los romanos, pero se trataba tambi\u233?n de una exigenci
a log\u237?stica: todas las tribus juntas habr\u237?an formado una masa de cient
os de miles de personas, caballos y bestias de carga imposible de alimentar.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque aquellos planes se hubieran fraguado en secreto \u8212?y parece que no fu

e el caso\u8212?, un flujo humano masivo como aquel no habr\u237?a podido pasar

desapercibido. Adem\u225?s, Mario contaba con esp\u237?as. El m\u225?s destacado
de ellos fue Quinto Sertorio, el tribuno que hab\u237?a sobrevivido al desastre
de Arausio cruzando a nado el R\u243?dano. Sertorio, aprovechando su conocimien
to de las lenguas celtas, se infiltr\u243? entre los invasores y obtuvo informac
i\u243?n muy valiosa para Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conocidos los planes del enemigo, Mario se puso de acuerdo con su colega, el c\u
243?nsul Catulo. Este se dirigi\u243? a defender los pasos alpinos sobre el r\u2
37?o Po con un ej\u233?rcito de unos veinte mil hombres, mientras Mario acud\u23
7?a a la base donde sus legiones permanec\u237?an vigilantes, en la orilla orien
tal del R\u243?dano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por all\u237? bajaron los teutones y los ambrones. Cuando llegaron ante el campa
mento de Mario, se desparramaron por la llanura y desafiaron a los romanos a com
batir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA BATALLA DE AQUAE SEXTIAE\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Suele representarse a celtas y germanos como pueblos salvajes, mucho m\u225?s at
rasados que los romanos, fuertes y bravos en el combate individual, pero incapac
es de organizarse como un aut\u233?ntico ej\u233?rcito. Como si ellos mismos qui
sieran corroborar esta visi\u243?n, de vez en cuando alg\u250?n caudillo o campe
\u243?n se adelantaba de entre sus filas y retaba a duelo singular a los enemigo
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A decir verdad, estos duelos formaban parte del ritual anterior a la batalla, o
en ocasiones se produc\u237?an en las pausas en que los ej\u233?rcitos rivales s
e separaban para tomar aliento. Los mismos romanos eran muy aficionados a ellos,
y no solo en los tiempos de los reyes o los primeros siglos de la Rep\u250?blic
a. Marcelo, el conquistador de Siracusa en la Segunda Guerra P\u250?nica, hab\u2
37?a conseguido la m\u225?xima condecoraci\u243?n romana, los {\i
spolia opima}, gracias a que venci\u243? en duelo al caudillo Viridomaro. M\u225
?s pr\u243?ximo en el tiempo a Mario, Escipi\u243?n Emiliano hab\u237?a matado e
n combate singular a un cacique durante sus primeras campa\u241?as en Hispania.
Y eso no quiere decir que las legiones de cuyas filas sal\u237?an estos campeone
s romanos fueran hordas ca\u243?ticas y desordenadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Refiri\u233?ndose a este asunto, el experto en armas de la Antig\u252?edad Ferna
ndo Quesada afirma: \u171?Una lectura atenta de la informaci\u243?n prueba que l
os galos combat\u237?an en ej\u233?rcitos estructurados y organizados, con insig
nias militares, se\u241?ales y formaciones reconocibles\u187?.{\super
[16]} Aunque el texto se refiere en concreto a los galos, es perfectamente aplic
able a este caso, pues nos referimos a una especie de {\i
continuum} de tribus de costumbres y armamentos similares.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Por eso, lo que los romanos asomados a la empalizada de su campamento ve\u237?an
ahora ante sus ojos no era una horda abigarrada y ca\u243?tica de salvajes, sin
o interminables filas de infanter\u237?a cerrada apoyadas por escuadrones de cab
aller\u237?a en los flancos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario no estaba dispuesto a aceptar la batalla en las condiciones que le ofrec\u
237?a el caudillo enemigo, Teutobudo. Durante la guerra en \u193?frica ya hab\u2
37?a tenido que combatir demasiadas veces cuando y donde quer\u237?a Yugurta. Ah
ora era \u233?l quien conoc\u237?a bien el terreno, de modo que decidi\u243? agu
ardar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La espera consum\u237?a a sus soldados. Seg\u250?n Plutarco, durante aquellos d\
u237?as, Mario los hizo subir por turnos al parapeto para que vieran lo m\u225?s
de cerca posible a aquellos enemigos venidos del norte y se acostumbraran a su
aspecto. As\u237? vino a demostrarles que eran altos, s\u237?, pero no gigantes
sobrehumanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con el paso de los d\u237?as, el temor ante los enemigos dio paso a cierta famil
iaridad y, sobre todo, a rabia provocada por sus desaf\u237?os y por ver c\u243?
mo devastaban los alrededores. Despu\u233?s de tantos a\u241?os entren\u225?ndos

e duro, las mulas de Mario estaban deseando demostrar su val\u237?a, as\u237? qu

e le pidieron a su general que los sacara al campo de batalla.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Para contener su impaciencia, Mario les explic\u243? que no desconfiaba de su va
lor, pero que debido a cierta profec\u237?a sab\u237?a que vencer\u237?an al ene
migo en otro momento y lugar. Los soldados imaginaron que se refer\u237?a a Mart
a, una adivina siria a la que Mario ten\u237?a en gran consideraci\u243?n y llev
aba consigo a todas partes en una litera. Seg\u250?n se contaba, el \u233?xito d
e aquella mujer se deb\u237?a a que era capaz de acertar los resultados de los c
ombates de gladiadores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Frontino narra en sus {\i
Estratagemas} una an\u233?cdota que debi\u243? de ocurrir en aquellos d\u237?as.
Un guerrero sali\u243? de las filas teutonas y desafi\u243? a voces a Mario par
a que, como jefe de los romanos, combatiera con \u233?l. En Numancia, cuando era
un joven tribuno, Mario hab\u237?a aceptado un desaf\u237?o similar. Pero ahora
ten\u237?a cincuenta y cinco a\u241?os y, sobre todo, cargaba a sus espaldas co
n la responsabilidad de un ej\u233?rcito y de toda la Rep\u250?blica. Desde la e
mpalizada, contest\u243? a aquel hombre que, si tantas ganas ten\u237?a de morir
, se echara un nudo corredizo al cuello. Como el teut\u243?n se empe\u241?aba, M
ario le envi\u243? a un gladiador de poca estatura y bastantes a\u241?os, segura
mente un lanista de los que entrenaba a los reclutas. \u171?\u161?Cuando lo venz
as, me enfrentar\u233? contigo!\u187?, le grit\u243?. Por desgracia, no sabemos
c\u243?mo termin\u243? esta historia que admite varios desenlaces a cual m\u225?
s interesante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Frustrados, los teutones intentaron expugnar el campamento romano. Pero ahora no
estaban en Arausio, donde los cimbrios consiguieron destruir los dos fuertes en
los que se hab\u237?an refugiado los restos de sendos ej\u233?rcitos derrotados
. Las tropas de Mario, frescas e intactas, aguantaron perfectamente el chaparr\u
243?n de proyectiles que les lanzaron los enemigos y les infligieron bajas susta
nciales. Como era de esperar, por otra parte, ya que atacar una muralla o empali
zada bien defendida siempre supon\u237?a bastantes m\u225?s muertos para los asa
ltantes que para la guarnici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, los teutones decidieron proseguir su camino hacia el sur, convencidos d
e que ten\u237?an tan acobardados a los romanos que estos ni siquiera se atrever
\u237?an a salir del campamento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Plutarco cuenta que los teutones y ambrones tardaron seis d\u237?as en desfilar
por delante del campamento hasta perderse de vista. Hab\u237?a cientos de miles
de personas entre combatientes, mujeres, ancianos, esclavos y ni\u241?os, y marc
haban por contingentes tribales, con pesados carromatos en los que llevaban toda
s sus posesiones a cuestas. No es de extra\u241?ar que la caravana se extendiera
decenas de kil\u243?metros, con varias columnas avanzando en paralelo a paso de
caracol.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algunos de los invasores pasaban lo bastante cerca de la empalizada como para la
nzar puyas a los romanos. \u171?\u191?Quer\u233?is que les digamos algo a vuestr
as mujeres, ya que las vamos a ver antes que vosotros?\u187?, les dec\u237?an, y
es de suponer que a\u241?ad\u237?an obscenidades de tono m\u225?s subido que no
nos han transmitido nuestras fuentes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se despej\u243? la polvareda del \u250?ltimo carromato, Mario sac\u243? a
sus hombres del campamento y se dedic\u243? a seguir a los teutones en direcci\
u243?n este. Acostumbrados a marchar con su impedimenta a cuestas, las mulas de
Mario viajaban a buen paso, en paralelo a los cimbrios y a cierta distancia, la
suficiente para no perderlos de vista. Cada noche, Mario ordenaba levantar un ca
mpamento bien fortificado en un sitio elevado, procurando que hubiera obst\u225?
culos naturales entre su ej\u233?rcito y los teutones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dos o tres d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde y setenta kil\u243?metros m\u225?s al este,
despu\u233?s de adelantar a buena parte de la caravana enemiga, llegaron a las i
nmediaciones de Aquae Sextiae, la colonia fundada en 121 por Sextio Calvino, a u
nos treinta kil\u243?metros del mar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel era el sitio elegido por Mario, que durante los a\u241?os anteriores hab\u
237?a tenido tiempo de sobra para reconocer todos los alrededores. All\u237? se

abr\u237?a una amplia llanura entre el r\u237?o cercano y una ladera cubierta de
\u225?rboles. Fue en ella donde apost\u243? a sus hombres Mario, de tal manera
que si los teutones quer\u237?an combatir con \u233?l tuvieran el r\u237?o a sus
espaldas. El \u250?nico problema era que en esa ladera no hab\u237?a suficiente
agua, y pronto sus legionarios empezaron a quejarse de la sed.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Siguiendo las ordenanzas, los romanos empezaron a levantar un campamento con def
ensas lo bastante s\u243?lidas para resistir otro posible asalto. En cambio, los
b\u225?rbaros, que iban llegando por tribus y clanes, se hallaban mucho m\u225?
s dispersos por el llano y la orilla del r\u237?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aprovechando que hab\u237?a una zona que parec\u237?a m\u225?s despejada, un gru
po de sirvientes del campamento romano baj\u243? para coger agua a mediod\u237?a
. Pese a todo, los criados tomaron la precauci\u243?n de llevar armas encima. Al
acercarse al r\u237?o, se toparon casi de bruces con unos b\u225?rbaros que se
estaban ba\u241?ando en las fuentes termales, y se desat\u243? una pelea. Al o\u
237?r los gritos, acudieron m\u225?s ambrones, ya que era su tribu la que estaba
desplegada por esa zona. Aunque estaban reci\u233?n comidos y ah\u237?tos de vi
no, formaron filas y avanzaron aporreando los escudos mientras repet\u237?an a m
odo de grito de guerra su propio nombre: \u171?\u161?Ambrones, ambrones!\u187?.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los primeros que acudieron en ayuda de los sirvientes fueron unos auxiliares lig
ures, y despu\u233?s m\u225?s tropas romanas. Este tipo de escaramuzas que escal
aban hasta convertirse en refriegas generalizadas no eran raras: as\u237? hab\u2
37?a ocurrido, por ejemplo, en Pidna, donde una mula que se les escap\u243? a lo
s aguadores romanos desencaden\u243? la batalla en la que las legiones aplastaro
n a las falanges del rey Perseo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En este caso, los ambrones llevaron las de perder; lo cual no es de extra\u241?a
r, ya que no estaban en las mejores condiciones f\u237?sicas y adem\u225?s el en
emigo hab\u237?a cargado contra ellos cuesta abajo. Tras acabar con ellos, los r
omanos siguieron adelante en la ofensiva y atacaron su campamento, donde se enco
ntraron con la sorpresa de que las mujeres les plantearon batalla armadas con ha
chas y espadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando cay\u243? la noche, los romanos y sus aliados se retiraron al fuerte. Aqu
el primer encuentro apenas hab\u237?a afectado al grueso de las tropas enemigas,
pero sirvi\u243? para subir la moral de los hombres de Mario y para que control
aran un tramo del r\u237?o y dispusieran de agua potable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Durante esa noche y al d\u237?a siguiente, los romanos continuaron fortificando
su campamento sobre la ladera. Mientras tanto, no dejaban de llegar m\u225?s con
tingentes b\u225?rbaros a los que los romanos hab\u237?an ido adelantando durant
e aquellos d\u237?as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A la noche siguiente, siguiendo instrucciones de Mario, el oficial Claudio Marce
lo sali\u243? del campamento a hurtadillas del enemigo y se apost\u243? en una e
levaci\u243?n boscosa, a un lado del previsible campo de batalla. Llevaba consig
o tres mil efectivos entre infanter\u237?a y caballer\u237?a, adem\u225?s de sir
vientes con ac\u233?milas enjaezadas como corceles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando amaneci\u243?, Mario sac\u243? a sus tropas del campamento y las despleg\
u243? delante de la empalizada. Estaba convencido de que Teutobudo y sus guerrer
os aceptar\u237?an el reto, confiados en su superioridad num\u233?rica y en sus
propias virtudes guerreras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario hab\u237?a tenido buen cuidado de elegir el terreno. La clave era que sus
hombres no salieran al llano abierto, donde los enemigos podr\u237?an formar un
frente m\u225?s amplio y flanquearlos como hab\u237?an hecho en Arausio. En camb
io, si se manten\u237?an en la falda del monte, por muchos que fueran los teuton
es \u8212?acaso el doble que los romanos\u8212?, de poco les iba a servir en un
campo de batalla m\u225?s restringido donde \u250?nicamente sus primeras filas p
odr\u237?an entrar en la zona de matanza efectiva para chocar cuerpo a cuerpo co
n los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con el fin de contener a los legionarios y evitar que se dejaran llevar por el e
ntusiasmo y cargaran cuesta abajo, los oficiales pasaban constantemente por detr

\u225?s de sus filas repitiendo las instrucciones. En cuanto a Mario, a sus cinc
uenta y cinco a\u241?os, form\u243? al frente como uno m\u225?s, pues, como dice
Plutarco, \u171?ejercitaba su cuerpo mejor que cualquiera y en valent\u237?a lo
s superaba a todos\u187? ({\i
Mario}, 20).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ante una batalla como aquella a un general se le ofrec\u237?an dos posibilidades
: mantenerse atr\u225?s montado a caballo para tener mejor visi\u243?n de conjun
to y acudir donde fuese necesario, o pelear a pie en primera fila. Esta \u250?lt
ima opci\u243?n reduc\u237?a su control sobre el curso del combate, pero a cambi
o multiplicaba la moral de las tropas demostrando que el general compart\u237?a
sus peligros y, sobre todo, que confiaba en sus hombres lo bastante como para en
comendarles la vida a ellos y no a la velocidad de un corcel.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Mario se decidi\u243?, as\u237? pues, por la segunda alternativa: una vez que la
s piezas estaban en el tablero, aquella batalla hab\u237?a que ganarla con las p
iernas y con el coraz\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para conseguir que los teutones mordieran el cebo y tomaran la iniciativa, Mario
envi\u243? su caballer\u237?a a la llanura a hostigarlos. Los teutones, que est
aban deseando entrar en combate, persiguieron a los jinetes. Al ver que estos ha
c\u237?an volver grupas a sus monturas, los b\u225?rbaros aprovecharon el impuls
o que llevaban y siguieron adelante cargando cuesta arriba.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
En otras ocasiones, contemplar a aquellos guerreros altos, rubios y p\u225?lidos
enarbolando sus armas entre alaridos de guerra hab\u237?a bastado para romper l
as filas romanas. Pero los hombres que formaban en Aquae Sextiae no eran recluta
s biso\u241?os esperando su primer ba\u241?o de sangre, sino las mulas de Mario,
legionarios duros y escurridos como ra\u237?ces de olivo de tanto caminar y cav
ar bajo el sol. Aguantaron a pie firme hasta que tuvieron a los primeros enemigo
s a una distancia efectiva, poco m\u225?s de quince metros, y solo entonces lanz
aron la primera descarga de {\i
pila}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como ya hemos comentado, las puntas de aquellos venablos eran tan pesadas con el
fin de tener mayor poder de penetraci\u243?n. Ahora el gradiente de la cuesta l
es a\u241?ad\u237?a impulso adicional. Unos cuantos {\i
pila} hirieron o mataron a los objetivos elegidos (en cualquier caso, en un porc
entaje mucho menor de lo que se suele ver en las pel\u237?culas), y muchos otros
impactaron en los escudos. A decir verdad, el {\i
pilum} era sobre todo un arma antiescudo. Cuando la punta piramidal atravesaba l
a madera, esta, de natural esponjosa, tend\u237?a a cerrarse sobre el largo v\u2
25?stago de hierro, de tal manera que era muy dif\u237?cil arrancar el {\i
pilum} del escudo y muchos hombres, frustrados, acababan libr\u225?ndose de \u23
3?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s que diezmar las filas de los teutones, lo que pretend\u237?a aquella an
danada de venablos era frenar el \u237?mpetu de su carga. Fue entonces cuando lo
s romanos desenvainaron sus espadas y acometieron al enemigo. Si bien como prome
dio los teutones eran m\u225?s pesados que ellos, los hombres de Mario jugaban c
on la gravedad a su favor. Adem\u225?s, ahora, llegado el momento de empujar con
sus escudos a los b\u225?rbaros para hacerlos retroceder, debieron agradecerle
a su general que durante tanto tiempo les hubiera hecho cargar con m\u225?s de t
reinta kilos a la espalda en largu\u237?simas caminatas. Aquel ejercicio constan
te hab\u237?a fortalecido tanto el tren inferior de las mulas de Mario que ahora
sus cu\u225?driceps y gemelos lograron compensar el mayor volumen de los advers
arios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco a poco, los teutones retrocedieron hasta la llanura. Una vez all\u237?, los
guerreros que formaban en las filas posteriores podr\u237?an haber intentado de
splegarse para entrar en acci\u243?n rodeando a los romanos por ambos flancos.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero no se les dio ocasi\u243?n. Marcelo escogi\u243? ese momento para sacar a s
us tres mil hombres de entre la espesura. Acompa\u241?ados por los sirvientes co
n las mulas, parec\u237?an una tropa incluso m\u225?s numerosa, y sembraron el p

\u225?nico y el desorden en la retaguardia enemiga.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

A partir de ese momento, como ocurr\u237?a siempre que un ej\u233?rcito romp\u23
7?a filas y hu\u237?a, los teutones estaban perdidos. Los romanos los masacraron
y tomaron su campamento, donde a\u250?n debieron de causar m\u225?s mortandad e
ntre los no combatientes. El n\u250?mero de v\u237?ctimas fue tan alto que se co
ntaba que los habitantes de la regi\u243?n cercaron sus vi\u241?edos con los hue
sos de los ca\u237?dos, y que todos esos cad\u225?veres convertidos en abono hic
ieron que las cosechas de los a\u241?os siguientes fueran m\u225?s abundantes qu
e nunca. De su jefe Teutobudo no se sabe muy bien qu\u233? fue. Seg\u250?n unos
autores, muri\u243? en la batalla y, seg\u250?n otros, fue capturado en los Alpe
s por los secuanos, aliados de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la batalla, Mario hizo erigir una pira masiva con escudos y ropas de los en
emigos para ofrecer un sacrificio a los dioses. Cuando estaba a punto de encende
rla, llegaron unos mensajeros a caballo para anunciarle que acababa de ser elegi
do c\u243?nsul por quinta vez. \u191?Casualidad literaria inventada por Plutarco
o golpe de efecto preparado por el mismo Mario?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras aquella espl\u233?ndida victoria, Mario dej\u243? a su ej\u233?rcito acanto
nado en la zona y viaj\u243? a Roma para tomar posesi\u243?n de su cargo. Despu\
u233?s de acabar con los teutones y los ambrones, era evidente que merec\u237?a
un triunfo todav\u237?a m\u225?s sonado que el que hab\u237?a celebrado por su v
ictoria contra Yugurta. Pero no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que posponerlo, pues las n
oticias que llegaban del nordeste no eran tranquilizadoras. Por all\u237? llegab
an los cimbrios, el enemigo m\u225?s poderoso, y el ej\u233?rcito de Catulo era
incapaz de contenerlos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA BATALLA DE VERCELAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
La estrategia de Catulo, decidida de acuerdo con Mario, consist\u237?a en vigila
r los accesos alpinos del este para evitar que los invasores bajaran al valle de
l Po. Uno de sus legados era Sila. La relaci\u243?n entre este y Mario se hab\u2
37?a deteriorado despu\u233?s de la captura de Yugurta, pues cada uno de ellos s
e atribu\u237?a todo el m\u233?rito de aquel triunfo, de modo que no resulta ext
ra\u241?o que Sila prefiriera servir en el ej\u233?rcito consular de Catulo.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El c\u243?nsul ten\u237?a a sus \u243?rdenes un ej\u233?rcito de unos veinte mil
hombres, que apost\u243? en la zona del paso del Brennero al mismo tiempo que t
rataba de asegurarse la lealtad de las tribus locales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero Catulo y sus hombres no aguantaron apenas la posici\u243?n. A finales del o
to\u241?o, tal vez en noviembre, vieron c\u243?mo el ej\u233?rcito cimbrio se de
rramaba monta\u241?a abajo. Literalmente, pues muchos de los germanos, casi desn
udos, se arrojaban por las laderas usando sus escudos a modo de trineos. Aquel e
spect\u225?culo y el n\u250?mero de los enemigos sembraron el pavor en los coraz
ones de los romanos, que se retiraron hacia el sur.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Catulo tom\u243? una posici\u243?n defensiva en el r\u237?o Atiso (el actual Adi
ge, que corre casi paralelo al Po), y construy\u243? fortificaciones en ambos la
dos. Instal\u243? su campamento principal en la orilla izquierda del r\u237?o, p
ero con la precauci\u243?n de tender un puente por si ten\u237?a que retirarse a
la margen derecha.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s aparecieron los cimbrios, que represaron el curso superior del
r\u237?o para desviarlo de su cauce. No contentos con ello, actuando con la vio
lencia de los gigantes que quisieron asaltar el Olimpo, desgajaron \u225?rboles
y los arrojaron al Adiso con ra\u237?ces y grandes bloques de tierra y de roca.
Cuando la corriente arrastr\u243? los troncos y los hizo chocar contra los pilar
es del puente, este empez\u243? a tambalearse. Comprendiendo que su \u250?nica v
\u237?a de escape iba a venirse abajo, los soldados acampados en el fuerte princ
ipal lo abandonaron y se retiraron al otro lado del r\u237?o.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
La versi\u243?n de Plutarco sobre lo que ocurri\u243? a continuaci\u243?n es muy
llamativa:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Y aqu\u237? Catulo, como debe hacer un consumado general, demostr\u243? que le i

mportaba m\u225?s la reputaci\u243?n de sus hombres que la suya propia. Puesto q
ue no lograba convencer a sus soldados para que aguantaran la posici\u243?n, al
ver que estaban abandonando el campamento aterrorizados, orden\u243? a su portae
standarte alzar el \u225?guila, corri\u243? hacia la vanguardia de las tropas qu
e se retiraban y se puso a guiarlos el primero. Lo que pretend\u237?a era que aq
uella verg\u252?enza recayera sobre \u233?l y no sobre su patria, y que no parec
iera que los soldados hu\u237?an, sino que se retiraban siguiendo a su general.
({\i
Mario}, 23).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hay que tener en cuenta que Plutarco utiliz\u243? para su biograf\u237?a de Mari
o, entre otros materiales, las memorias de Catulo y de Sila. Parece bastante evi
dente que esta explicaci\u243?n un tanto alambicada proviene de la autobiograf\u
237?a de Catulo. En realidad, muchos indicios sugieren que no fue una retirada t
an ordenada y que Catulo no intentaba tanto salvar el honor de sus hombres como
su pellejo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para demostrar que aquello fue m\u225?s bien una desbandada, buena parte de la c
aballer\u237?a no se conform\u243? con cruzar el r\u237?o, sino que sigui\u243?
cabalgando sin detenerse hasta llegar a la mism\u237?sima Roma. El jefe de aquel
la tropa era el hijo del {\i
princeps senatus} Emilio Escauro. Este, avergonzado por aquella cobard\u237?a, l
e dijo a su hijo que habr\u237?a preferido recoger sus huesos del campo de batal
la antes que verlo vivo e infamado, y que no quer\u237?a volver a saber nada de
\u233?l. El joven no pudo soportar ni la ignominia ni el vac\u237?o que le hac\u
237?a su padre y se arroj\u243? sobre su propia espada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
No obstante, no todos los soldados que defend\u237?an el r\u237?o Atiso se compo
rtaron de aquella manera. Al otro lado del puente, en el fuerte, se hab\u237?a q
uedado aislada una unidad. El tribuno que la mandaba no se atrev\u237?a a salir,
ya que una masa de cimbrios los hab\u237?a rodeado. Pero si se quedaban dentro
del campamento era evidente que acabar\u237?an aniquilados como les hab\u237?a o
currido a las tropas de Cepi\u243?n y Malio en el desastre de Arausio. El centur
i\u243?n primipilo, Cneo Petreyo Atinas, mat\u243? al tribuno, tom\u243? el mand
o de las tropas y se abri\u243? paso combatiendo con ellas hasta el otro lado de
l r\u237?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue la \u250?nica acci\u243?n que salv\u243? el honor de los romanos aquel d\u23
7?a. Por ella, Petreyo Atinas recibi\u243? una de las condecoraciones m\u225?s v
aliosas del ej\u233?rcito, la corona de hierba, que otorgaban por aclamaci\u243?
n las mismas tropas al oficial que hubiese salvado a una unidad entera. Curiosam
ente, siendo una distinci\u243?n tan alta, estaba confeccionada con una humilde
guirnalda de flores, hierbas y espigas de trigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En su retirada, Catulo y sus legiones no se detuvieron en la margen derecha del
Atiso, sino que prosiguieron hacia el sur hasta cruzar a la orilla sur del Po. E
so significaba dejar toda la Galia Cisalpina en manos de los cimbrios. Por prime
ra vez desde An\u237?bal, un ej\u233?rcito enemigo se hallaba de nuevo en las pu
ertas de Italia. Y si bien los cimbrios no contaban con un genio de la estrategi
a como el p\u250?nico, a cambio gozaban de la ventaja de su enorme n\u250?mero y
de la moral que les otorgaba haber derrotado una y otra vez a los romanos.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por suerte para la Rep\u250?blica, los cimbrios se quedaron a pasar el invierno
en el valle del Po, disfrutando de sus recursos y de un clima m\u225?s suave que
el que hab\u237?an sufrido en los Alpes. \u191?Por qu\u233? no se decidieron a
continuar hacia el sur? Es una l\u225?stima que lo ignoremos casi todo sobre ell
os, incluidos los motivos que los impulsaban. Puede que estuvieran aguardando a
sus aliados teutones y ambrones para lanzar la invasi\u243?n final sobre Italia.
Pero tambi\u233?n hay que tener en cuenta que no se trataba de un ej\u233?rcito
, sino de un pueblo entero que llevaba casi veinte a\u241?os de peregrinaci\u243
?n: quiz\u225? las verdes llanuras transpandanas les parecieron un buen lugar pa
ra establecerse definitivamente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al final de la primavera de 101, Mario, que ven\u237?a de Roma, y sus tropas, qu

e hab\u237?an acudido desde el oeste, se reunieron con Catulo al sur del Po. Com
o hemos visto, Mario hab\u237?a sido nombrado c\u243?nsul por quinta vez. En cua
nto a Catulo, pese a que no hab\u237?a sido capaz de contener al enemigo ni en l
os Alpes ni en el Atiso, el senado hab\u237?a decidido prorrogarle el mandato co
mo proc\u243?nsul. La raz\u243?n era que Aquilio, el colega consular de Mario, e
staba en Sicilia luchando contra los esclavos. De todos modos, en descargo de Ca
tulo hay que decir que no contaba con demasiados hombres y que ej\u233?rcitos m\
u225?s numerosos que el suyo hab\u237?an sido aplastados por los cimbrios.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora las tropas de Mario y Catulo sumaban cincuenta y dos mil hombres, un ej\u2
33?rcito muy potente. Pero el n\u250?mero no era una garant\u237?a de \u233?xito
: los cimbrios segu\u237?an siendo m\u225?s, quiz\u225?s el doble, y en Arausio
hab\u237?an mordido el polvo m\u225?s soldados de los que ten\u237?a a su dispos
ici\u243?n Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En lugar de esperar como hab\u237?an hecho hasta entonces en sus batallas contra
los cimbrios, los romanos cruzaron el Po y marcharon al encuentro de su enemigo
. Para entonces, los invasores se encontraban en la parte occidental del valle d
el Po, muy alejados de la zona por la que hab\u237?an penetrado en Italia. De nu
evo, los historiadores han hecho todo tipo de especulaciones: que regresaban a G
alia, que hab\u237?an ido consumiendo todos los recursos a su paso como una plag
a de langostas, que aguardaban todav\u237?a la llegada de sus aliados teutones o
que no hab\u237?an entrado en Italia por el paso de Brennero sino por el de San
Bernardo, m\u225?s al oeste.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, all\u237? estaban los cimbrios, en las inmediaciones de Verce
las, una ciudad a media distancia entre las actuales Tur\u237?n y Mil\u225?n. Ro
manos y b\u225?rbaros intercambiaron emisarios. Los germanos pidieron de nuevo t
ierras para establecerse, probablemente las mismas del valle del Po que ocupaban
en aquel momento y en las que su invasi\u243?n deb\u237?a de haber producido un
\u233?xodo masivo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario les ofreci\u243? la misma tierra que les hab\u237?a dado a los teutones \u
8212?una tierra que ser\u237?a suya para toda la eternidad, a\u241?adi\u243? sar
c\u225?stico\u8212?. Para demostrar a los cimbrios que hab\u237?a derrotado a su
s aliados les mostr\u243? a varios de sus caciques, a los que sus hombres tra\u2
37?an encadenados. Pese a lo lento de las comunicaciones, resulta extra\u241?o q
ue los cimbrios no se hubieran enterado todav\u237?a de la derrota de sus aliado
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras estas breves y fallidas negociaciones, el caudillo Boy\u243?rix desafi\u243
? a Mario a escoger lugar y d\u237?a para la batalla, y el c\u243?nsul acept\u24
3?. La fecha acordada fue el 30 de julio del a\u241?o 101, tres d\u237?as despu\
u233?s de la entrevista, en una amplia llanura.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al alba del d\u237?a elegido, Mario hizo a Catulo desplegar a sus veinte mil hom
bres en el centro. \u201?l dividi\u243? a sus legiones y las reparti\u243? en la
s dos alas, con caballer\u237?a a ambos lados y tomando para s\u237? el mando de
l flanco derecho. En cuanto a Sila, formaba en el centro con las tropas de Catul
o. En sus memorias, Sila narr\u243? esta batalla a su manera; su af\u225?n de mi
nimizar el m\u233?rito de su enemigo Mario hizo que la versi\u243?n de los hecho
s que le lleg\u243? a Plutarco fuera bastante tendenciosa, por lo que para enten
der m\u237?nimamente lo que pas\u243? hay que complementar el relato de Plutarco
con otros autores como Orosio o Floro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era temprano y hab\u237?a bancos de niebla a ras del suelo, lo que no permit\u23
7?a contemplar el campo de batalla en toda su extensi\u243?n ni el ej\u233?rcito
enemigo en toda su magnitud. Aquello beneficiaba psicol\u243?gicamente a los ro
manos, que tan solo ve\u237?an a los b\u225?rbaros que ten\u237?an frente a s\u2
37?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como antes de cada batalla, se llevaron a cabo sacrificios. Mario prometi\u243?
una hecatombe a los dioses y, cuando le mostraron el h\u237?gado de las v\u237?c
timas sacrificadas en los auspicios, alz\u243? las manos al cielo y exclam\u243?
con voz potente: \u171?\u161?La victoria es m\u237?a!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Despu\u233?s de eso, la infanter\u237?a romana empez\u243? a avanzar. No se trat

aba de un ataque sorpresa, puesto que ambos ej\u233?rcitos hab\u237?an acordado

batallar. Pero la rapidez y disciplina de los legionarios, que en el caso de las
tropas de Mario se hab\u237?an convertido en rutinas casi mecanizadas, les perm
it\u237?an coordinarse y ponerse en acci\u243?n con mucha m\u225?s rapidez que s
us enemigos. Los cimbrios no deb\u237?an de haber tenido tiempo para disponer to
das sus unidades, de modo que el ataque romano los pill\u243? con sus filas toda
v\u237?a sin formar y probablemente con muchos guerreros todav\u237?a en sus car
romatos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para detener el avance de la infanter\u237?a romana, los cimbrios lanzaron a su
caballer\u237?a. Sus jinetes cabalgaban protegidos con escudos blancos y cotas d
e malla, y cada uno de ellos llevaba dos lanzas arrojadizas y ten\u237?a adem\u2
25?s una espada larga para el combate cuerpo a cuerpo. Tocados con yelmos que re
presentaban cabezas de bestias salvajes y coronados con crestas aladas que los h
ac\u237?an parecer incluso m\u225?s altos, ofrec\u237?an un espect\u225?culo mag
n\u237?fico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Buena parte del \u233?xito de una carga de caballer\u237?a contra una tropa de i
nfanter\u237?a depend\u237?a de la intimidaci\u243?n. Si los soldados de las pri
meras filas vacilaban y retroced\u237?an, se abr\u237?an huecos por los que los
caballos pod\u237?an penetrar, y a partir de ese momento los infantes estaban pe
rdidos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los legionarios aguantaron sin ceder, mientras lanzaban las primeras andana
das de {\i
pila} contra el enemigo. Por su naturaleza, los caballos no embisten contra un o
bjeto s\u243?lido, y la pared de escudos romanos lo era en aquel momento. Como s
ol\u237?a ocurrir en esas circunstancias, la carga perdi\u243? su impulso, los j
inetes refrenaron a sus monturas antes de chocar, las hicieron volver grupas y s
e retiraron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esa maniobra en s\u237? no significaba una huida, puesto que la caballer\u237?a
nunca ha sido un cuerpo est\u225?tico que aguante la posici\u243?n como la infan
ter\u237?a, y en una misma batalla los jinetes pod\u237?an reagruparse y cargar
varias veces. Sin embargo, aquella nube de jinetes cimbrios no encontr\u243? suf
iciente espacio para retirarse de forma organizada, sino que se top\u243? con su
s propias filas de infanter\u237?a, entre las cuales sembr\u243? el caos.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Era algo que ocurr\u237?a en muchas batallas donde la actuaci\u243?n de la cabal
ler\u237?a acababa siendo contraproducente. A los romanos les hab\u237?a sucedid
o en 295 en la batalla de Sentino, cuando su caballer\u237?a huy\u243? de la aco
metida de los carros galos y trat\u243? de refugiarse entre las legiones, lo que
estuvo a punto de provocar su derrota.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquel momento, las l\u237?neas cimbrias, que en otras ocasiones hab\u237?an a
guantado compactas, se rompieron y se convirtieron en una mezcla confusa de unid
ades de infanter\u237?a a medio formar y escuadrones de caballer\u237?a que cruz
aban por entre ellas apart\u225?ndose del inexorable avance de las legiones. Los
bancos de niebla empezaban a despejarse y sobre ellos sali\u243? el sol, lo bas
tante bajo para que sus rayos dieran directamente en los ojos de los cimbrios, c
uyo frente estaba orientado hacia el sureste, y los deslumbraran.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
La primera l\u237?nea romana cay\u243? sobre los germanos. Esta vez, despu\u233?
s de tantas humillaciones y masacres, las tornas cambiaron. La mayor parte de la
infanter\u237?a cimbria cay\u243? combatiendo all\u237? mismo. Un detalle llama
tivo que cuenta Plutarco es que, para evitar que la primera fila germana se desp
lomara, en ella formaban sus mejores guerreros unidos por largas cadenas que hab
\u237?an pasado a trav\u233?s de sus cinturones. La historia recuerda a la batal
la de las Navas de Tolosa y a la Guardia Negra del califa al-Nasir, que tambi\u2
33?n se hab\u237?a encadenado a estacas clavadas al suelo para formar una murall
a alrededor de su tienda. Del mismo modo que los miembros de esa guardia estaban
juramentados para proteger con sus vidas al califa, es posible que aqu\u237? no
s encontremos ante un ritual guerrero, un voto pronunciado ante sus dioses de ve
ncer o morir en el sitio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y en el sitio perecieron por millares, como suced\u237?a cuando uno de los bando

s contendientes perd\u237?a el orden y la moral en plena batalla. Muchos otros g

uerreros se retiraron hacia su campamento, pero los romanos, decididos a acabar
de una vez por todas con la amenaza que los hab\u237?a tenido en vilo m\u225?s d
e diez a\u241?os, los persiguieron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El campamento cimbrio no era un fuerte vallado ni amurallado, sino una enorme ci
udad errante formada por c\u237?rculos de carromatos. All\u237? muchas mujeres l
ucharon de pie sobre los carros con tanta fiereza como los varones. Algunas de e
llas, para evitar caer en la esclavitud, mataron a sus hijos peque\u241?os estra
ngul\u225?ndolos o arroj\u225?ndolos bajo las pezu\u241?as del ganado, y despu\u
233?s se cortaron el cuello.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que hab\u237?a empezado como batalla termin\u243? como masacre. Las fuentes o
scilan entre cien mil y ciento sesenta mil enemigos muertos; yo me quedar\u237?a
con la cifra m\u225?s baja e incluso la reducir\u237?a. Pero en lo que varios a
utores coinciden es en que los romanos tomaron sesenta mil prisioneros. De los c
audillos cimbrios, perecieron en combate Boy\u243?rix y Lugio, mientras que otro
s dos l\u237?deres llamados Cla\u243?dico y Ces\u243?rix fueron capturados.{\sup
er
[17]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n cayeron en poder de los romanos m\u225?s de treinta estandartes, s\
u237?mbolos que valoraban tanto o m\u225?s que los enemigos ca\u237?dos. Por ell
os y por otros despojos se produjeron roces entre las tropas de Mario y Catulo d
espu\u233?s de la batalla. Plutarco nos ofrece de nuevo un detalle muy curioso.
Puesto que ambos ej\u233?rcitos se disputaban el m\u233?rito de la victoria, uno
s embajadores de Parma que estaban presentes ejercieron de \u225?rbitros. Los so
ldados de Catulo los llevaron entre las montoneras de cad\u225?veres enemigos y
les ense\u241?aron que la mayor\u237?a de ellos hab\u237?an sido heridos por sus
{\i
pila}. Para que quedara claro, antes de la batalla su general les hab\u237?a ord
enado que grabaran el nombre {\i
Catulus} en las astas de madera. Seg\u250?n la cuenta, los muertos \u171?catulia
nos\u187? eran mucho m\u225?s que los \u171?marianos\u187?. Pero de nuevo hemos
de recordar que la informaci\u243?n de Plutarco proven\u237?a del propio Catulo
y de Sila. (Aqu\u237? podr\u237?amos darle un tir\u243?n de orejas p\u243?stumo
a Mario: si se hubiera molestado en adquirir una formaci\u243?n m\u225?s literar
ia y hubiese escrito sus propias memorias, tendr\u237?amos tambi\u233?n su propi
a visi\u243?n de su carrera y no solo la de sus enemigos).\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
En cualquier caso, cuando las noticias de esta victoria definitiva llegaron a la
urbe, el pueblo romano no tuvo dudas de qui\u233?n era la persona que hab\u237?
a acabado definitivamente con la amenaza del norte que durante tantos a\u241?os
hab\u237?a tenido en vilo a la Rep\u250?blica: Cayo Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Italia no volver\u237?a a sufrir una invasi\u243?n hasta las migraciones germana
s de finales del Imperio. Para comprender hasta qu\u233? punto hab\u237?an estad
o encogidos los corazones de los romanos, cuando Catulo y Mario desfilaban por l
as calles de Roma celebrando un triunfo conjunto, la gente aclam\u243? a Mario p
roclam\u225?ndolo \u171?el tercer fundador de Roma\u187?. Al hacerlo, lo estaban
elevando a las alturas donde \u250?nicamente se hallaban R\u243?mulo y Camilo.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Cu\u225?l era el verdadero m\u233?rito de Mario como general? En la mayor\
u237?a de sus batallas, salvo en Aquae Sextiae cuando hizo a Marcelo emboscarse
con tres mil hombres, no encontraremos tretas sorprendentes ni complicadas manio
bras t\u225?cticas. Su triunfo no fue el de la genialidad, sino el de la sensate
z y el trabajo: transpiraci\u243?n contra inspiraci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Mario comprend\u237?a que las batallas no eran partidas que se jugaban en un tab
lero con piezas de madera, sino que las ganaban y las perd\u237?an soldados de c
arne y hueso, hombres de verdad. Su misi\u243?n como general no se redujo a orga
nizar y arengar a sus tropas los d\u237?as de las batallas clave, sino que ven\u
237?a de mucho m\u225?s atr\u225?s, cuando empez\u243? a trabajar para convertir

a los hombres bajo su mando en combatientes individuales y al mismo tiempo conj

untarlos dentro de una m\u225?quina eficiente. Gracias a eso, sus legiones alcan
zaron el mismo nivel de aquellas que le hab\u237?an brindado a la Rep\u250?blica
sus grandes d\u237?as de gloria en las d\u233?cadas que transcurrieron entre la
s victorias de Zama y de Pidna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El prestigio ganado en Aquae Sextiae y Vercelas permiti\u243? a Mario obtener un
sexto consulado que resultaba innecesario, pues la emergencia hab\u237?a pasado
. Terminada la guerra de Yugurta, eliminada la amenaza germana y con Aquilio sof
ocando la revuelta servil en Sicilia, parec\u237?a que lo peor para Roma hab\u23
7?a pasado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero una vez conjurados los peligros exteriores, los demonios interiores volvier
on a salir a la luz. En ello tuvo mucho que ver Mario, que una vez situado en el
escenario del poder se resist\u237?a a abandonarlo, y su legado, una figura eme
rgente: Lucio Cornelio Sila, uno de los personajes m\u225?s fascinantes de la hi
storia de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
VI\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LA \u201?POCA DE SILA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LOS TRIBUNADOS DE SATURNINO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras Mario y sus legiones combat\u237?an en el norte, el tribuno que le hab\
u237?a ayudado a obtener su quinto consulado segu\u237?a en Roma dedicado a la p
ol\u237?tica. Antes lo definimos como una bomba de relojer\u237?a; la espoleta q
ue llevaba incorporada no tard\u243? en estallar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lucio Apuleyo Saturnino es uno de los personajes m\u225?s demonizados de la hist
oria de Roma. No se puede negar que recurr\u237?a a la violencia y la agitaci\u2
43?n sin el menor reparo. Pero si en lugar de hacerlo para oponerse a la oligarq
u\u237?a del senado lo hubiese hecho para apoyarla, tal vez los autores cl\u225?
sicos lo habr\u237?an considerado m\u225?s un patriota que una especie de terror
ista antisistema.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como todos los l\u237?deres pol\u237?ticos de la \u233?poca, Saturnino pertenec\
u237?a a la aristocracia. En su caso, a la pretoriana: uno de sus antepasados, p
robablemente su abuelo, hab\u237?a desempe\u241?ado el cargo de pretor. Aspiraba
, por tanto, a una carrera pol\u237?tica que emprendi\u243? en el a\u241?o 104 c
on el cargo de cuestor. Como ya comentamos, Saturnino estaba encargado del sumin
istro de trigo a trav\u233?s del puerto de Ostia. Durante su gesti\u243?n se pro
dujo una grave escasez de grano; para aliviarla, el senado lo apart\u243? de su
cargo y encarg\u243? la tarea a Emilio Escauro, el {\i
princeps senatus}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un fracaso como aquel no era una buena manera de empezar su ascenso en el {\i
cursus honorum}. Al parecer, aquella carest\u237?a no hab\u237?a tenido nada que
ver con la gesti\u243?n de Saturnino, lo que redobl\u243? su impresi\u243?n de
que el senado lo hab\u237?a usado como chivo expiatorio. Puede que ya antes hubi
ese decidido llevar a cabo una pol\u237?tica \u171?popular\u187?; en cualquier c
aso, desde el a\u241?o 104, se dedic\u243? a oponerse al senado con todas sus en
erg\u237?as, que eran muchas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para tal prop\u243?sito, su aliado natural era Cayo Mario. Como tribuno de la pl
ebe en 103, Saturnino present\u243? una ley destinada a repartir veinticinco hec
t\u225?reas a cada veterano licenciado del ej\u233?rcito de Mario. Puesto que en
Italia apenas quedaba tierra p\u250?blica disponible, las parcelas deb\u237?an
asignarse en \u193?frica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella propuesta, como sol\u237?a ocurrir con todas las leyes agrarias, suscit\
u243? mucha oposici\u243?n; en este caso, dicha oposici\u243?n se agudiz\u243? p
orque favorec\u237?a a Mario, que por su car\u225?cter y su condici\u243?n de ad

venedizo contaba con m\u225?s adversarios que amigos en el senado. El bando sena
torial recurri\u243? a otro tribuno de la plebe, Bebio, para vetar la ley de Sat
urnino. Pero este, demostrando c\u243?mo se las gastaba, exacerb\u243? los \u225
?nimos de sus partidarios en la asamblea popular, que echaron a Bebio con una ll
uvia de piedras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras aquel incidente la ley se aprob\u243?. En el registro arqueol\u243?gico han
quedado abundantes pruebas del reparto de tierras: hay en T\u250?nez numerosas
inscripciones antiguas que hablan de colonias \u171?marianas\u187?, y las ciudad
es de Tuburnica y Uchi Maius veneraban a Mario como su fundador. De modo que, au
nque se promulg\u243? con irregularidades y cierta dosis de violencia, la ley tr
ajo consecuencias positivas para muchas personas que, de no ser por ella, segura
mente habr\u237?an pasado a engrosar la masa del proletariado urbano.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Hay que a\u241?adir que la intimidaci\u243?n por la fuerza no era monopolio de l
os llamados pol\u237?ticos \u171?populares\u187?. As\u237? se demostr\u243? cuan
do Saturnino present\u243? una {\i
lex frumentaria} que reduc\u237?a el precio del trigo que el Estado distribu\u23
7?a al pueblo de Roma. La bajada era de casi un 90 por ciento: no faltaba mucho
para repartirlo gratis. El cuestor Quinto Servilio Cepi\u243?n trat\u243? de imp
edirlo, argumentando que el erario no pod\u237?a costear aquella medida. Al ver
que ni el veto de los tribunos partidarios del senado disuad\u237?a a Saturnino,
el joven Cepi\u243?n entr\u243? en la asamblea del pueblo con seguidores armado
s, derrib\u243? las pasarelas de madera por las que sub\u237?an los votantes y r
ompi\u243? las urnas.{\super
[18]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso le cost\u243? caro a Servilio Cepi\u243?n padre, que era el general derrotad
o por los cimbrios en Arausio. Un tribuno llamado Norbano lo llev\u243? a juicio
por alta traici\u243?n al mismo tiempo que Saturnino acusaba a Malio, el otro r
esponsable del desastre. El juicio fue muy turbulento. Cuando los tribunos prose
natoriales trataron de impedirlo, se desat\u243? una batalla a pedradas. Una v\u
237?ctima colateral fue el {\i
princeps senatus} Escauro, que acab\u243? con una herida en la cabeza.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
La sentencia final priv\u243? a Cepi\u243?n de su ciudadan\u237?a, lo mult\u243?
con una suma fabulosa y lo conden\u243? a destierro a m\u225?s de ochocientas m
illas de Roma, pena que cumpli\u243? en Esmirna. A Malio, siguiendo una arcaica
f\u243?rmula de exilio, tambi\u233?n se le negaron el agua y el fuego.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
En 102, un a\u241?o despu\u233?s del primer tribunado de Saturnino, fue elegido
censor Cecilio Metelo Num\u237?dico, cabeza visible del poderoso grupo de los op
timates. Los censores revisaban cada cinco a\u241?os la lista del senado y tacha
ban los nombres de aquellos a quienes se consideraba indignos del cargo. En este
caso, Metelo trat\u243? de expulsar a Saturnino y a su aliado pol\u237?tico Ser
vilio Glaucia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La raz\u243?n que aleg\u243? el censor fue que ambos personajes pretend\u237?an
inscribir ilegalmente en la tribu Sempronia a un supuesto hijo natural de Tiberi
o Graco. Al parecer, se trataba de un esclavo o liberto llamado Equicio que no t
en\u237?a nada que ver con su presunto padre. Pero quienes recordaban la \u233?p
oca de Tiberio Graco le encontraban cierta semejanza f\u237?sica, y entre el pue
blo todav\u237?a despertaba pasiones el recuerdo del difunto tribuno, al que se
consideraba una especie de m\u225?rtir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El intento de Metelo de expulsar a Saturnino y a Glaucia del senado no prosper\u
243?, porque el otro censor, su primo Metelo Caprario, se neg\u243? a ello. Adem
\u225?s, Saturnino y Glaucia organizaron una algarada popular contra Cecilio Met
elo. La situaci\u243?n se puso tan peliaguda para Metelo que tuvo que correr a r
efugiarse en el Capitolio para salvarse de que lo lincharan.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
La violencia de Saturnino no ces\u243? durante el a\u241?o siguiente, el 101. En
parte fue verbal, como cuando insult\u243? a los embajadores del rey Mitr\u237?
dates del Ponto acus\u225?ndolos de sobornar al senado. Pero esa violencia lleg\

u243? a su extremo cuando se celebraron las elecciones a tribuno de la plebe. Sa

turnino hab\u237?a decidido presentarse por segunda vez. Uno de los candidatos v
otados para el puesto fue Aulo Nonio, que ya antes se hab\u237?a opuesto con veh
emencia al t\u225?ndem Saturnino-Glaucia. Los matones de estos, veteranos de las
legiones de Mario, persiguieron a Nonio a la salida de la asamblea y, cuando el
tribuno reci\u233?n elegido se refugi\u243? en una taberna, entraron tras \u233
?l y lo cosieron a pu\u241?aladas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora que hab\u237?a terminado la guerra contra los cimbrios y teutones, Cayo Ma
rio ten\u237?a muchos m\u225?s soldados que licenciar. El general se hab\u237?a
comprometido a cuidar del bienestar de aquellos hombres y a reintegrarlos a la v
ida civil. Para eso necesitaba repartirles m\u225?s tierras. Sab\u237?a que los
senadores se opondr\u237?an, entre otros motivos porque no iban a permitir que m
iles de veteranos le debieran agradecimiento a \u233?l, se convirtieran en sus c
lientes y eso acrecentara su influencia. A Mario no le quedaba, pues, otro remed
io que seguir colaborando con Saturnino y su nuevo aliado, Glaucia.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, en el a\u241?o 100, se estableci\u243? una especie de triunvirato
extraoficial entre Mario, c\u243?nsul por sexta vez, Saturnino, tribuno de la p
lebe, y Glaucia, reci\u233?n elegido pretor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A decir verdad, se trataba de una alianza antinatural. Saturnino y Glaucia estab
an tan decididos a minar el poder del senado que, de haber existido explosivos c
omo en la \u233?poca de Guy Fawkes, probablemente habr\u237?an conspirado igual
que \u233?l para volar por los aires la Curia Hostilia donde se reun\u237?an los
padres conscriptos. Lo que anhelaba Mario, en cambio, era ser aceptado por los
nobles a los que consideraba sus iguales, pero que segu\u237?an mir\u225?ndolo p
or encima del hombro pese a sus \u233?xitos militares.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De momento, Mario se vio obligado a colaborar con los dos populares para consegu
ir su ley agraria. El proyecto que present\u243? Saturnino propon\u237?a reparti
r tierras a soldados licenciados en Sicilia, Grecia, Macedonia y \u193?frica. Lo
m\u225?s importante para Mario era que a los veteranos que hab\u237?an combatid
o contra los germanos se les entregar\u237?an parcelas al norte del Po, en los m
ismos territorios que hab\u237?an ocupado previamente los cimbrios.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Esta \u250?ltima parte de su ley agraria fue la que m\u225?s resistencia despert
\u243? en el senado.{\super
[19]} Para doblegarla, Saturnino propuso algo inusitado. Una vez que la ley fues
e aprobada por la asamblea del pueblo, todos los senadores tendr\u237?an que jur
ar ante los dioses que la respetar\u237?an y que no tratar\u237?an de boicotearl
a. Si alg\u250?n senador no lo hac\u237?a, antes de cinco d\u237?as ser\u237?a e
xpulsado de la c\u225?mara, desterrado de Roma y multado con veinte talentos.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello puso a Mario entre la espada y la pared. En una reuni\u243?n del senado,
declar\u243? que \u233?l no prestar\u237?a ese juramento. Pese a que la ley era
buena, a\u241?adi\u243?, supon\u237?a un insulto a la dignidad de los senadores
obligarlos de esa forma en vez de convencerlos recurriendo al noble arte de la
persuasi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, cuando se present\u243? en la Rostra del Foro actu\u243? de manera
muy distinta. All\u237?, ante la asamblea del pueblo, el seis veces c\u243?nsul
dijo que jurar\u237?a obedecer la ley siempre que fuera una ley v\u225?lida. A c
ontinuaci\u243?n, fue al templo de Saturno y prest\u243? el juramento.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella alegaci\u243?n de Mario ten\u237?a su sentido: si la ley quedaba anulada
por alg\u250?n defecto de forma o por haber roto alg\u250?n tab\u250? religioso
, el juramento perder\u237?a su validez. A pesar de todo, su bi\u243?grafo Pluta
rco opina que no se trataba m\u225?s que de un subterfugio para disimular su ver
g\u252?enza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, los dem\u225?s senadores se tragaron su indignaci\u243?n y pa
saron por el templo a jurar, no sin guard\u225?rsela a Mario por aquella jugada.
El \u250?nico que se neg\u243? a la componenda fue Cecilio Metelo, que se aplic
\u243? directamente la pena y se exili\u243? a Rodas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Aunque la ley agraria beneficiaba a los veteranos de Mario, este se distanci\u24

3? a partir de aquel momento de sus recientes aliados. Mientras tanto, la violen
cia callejera segu\u237?a aumentando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n la {\i
lex Villia Annalis}, cuando un magistrado cesaba, deb\u237?a dejar pasar dos a\u
241?os como m\u237?nimo antes de desempe\u241?ar otro cargo. En el \u237?nterin,
pod\u237?a ser juzgado por las faltas o delitos que hubiera cometido durante su
mandato. Saturnino y Glaucia sab\u237?an que en su caso esa posibilidad era una
certeza, ya que se hab\u237?an ganado una larga lista de enemigos que ansiaban
denunciarlos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dispuestos a evitarlo, decidieron saltarse a la torera la ley y presentarse a la
s elecciones. Saturnino pretend\u237?a repetir como tribuno y Glaucia pasar de p
retor a c\u243?nsul sin perder la inmunidad de magistrado ni un solo d\u237?a. A
l fin y al cabo, \u191?no llevaba Mario cinco consulados seguidos incumpliendo l
as normas?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para su sorpresa, Mario hizo bueno el refr\u225?n \u171?Consejos vendo que para
m\u237? no tengo\u187?. Aunque Saturnino consigui\u243? ser renovado como tribun
o, cuando Glaucia se present\u243? a las elecciones, Mario, que las presid\u237?
a como c\u243?nsul en ejercicio, lo rechaz\u243? diciendo que incumpl\u237?a la
ley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El t\u225?ndem no estaba dispuesto a rendirse. Ese mismo d\u237?a, sus seguidore
s mataron a golpes en plena calle a Memio, uno de los candidatos a c\u243?nsul.
Se da la circunstancia de que este Memio hab\u237?a empezado su carrera con pol\
u237?ticas populares cuando en 111, siendo tribuno de la plebe, presion\u243? ta
nto a la opini\u243?n p\u250?blica que el senado no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que de
clararle la guerra a Yugurta. Ahora, su asesinato hizo que se aplazaran indefini
damente las elecciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ante la situaci\u243?n, el senado recurri\u243? al mismo expediente que en la \u
233?poca de Cayo Graco: el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum} o estado de emergencia. Esa noche pocos debieron dorm
ir en Roma. Seg\u250?n Plutarco, Mario recibi\u243? en su casa a una comisi\u243
?n de senadores presidida por Escauro, quien le presion\u243? para que cortara a
marras con sus aliados e interviniera como c\u243?nsul aplicando el {\i
SCU}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto, en el ala opuesta de su mansi\u243?n ten\u237?a a otro visitante, qu
e no era otro que Saturnino. Para tratar con \u233?l y con los senadores al mism
o tiempo sin que unos ni otros se enteraran, Mario aleg\u243? que deb\u237?a aus
entarse cada pocos minutos por culpa de un ataque de diarrea. (A los romanos, qu
e depart\u237?an amigablemente mientras estaban sentados en asientos contiguos d
e las letrinas p\u250?blicas, no les incomodaba nada comentar la calidad de sus
deposiciones y tr\u225?nsitos intestinales).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fuera real esta historia o un infundio de sus enemigos, Mario se decidi\u243? al
final por el bando senatorial. \u191?Podr\u237?a haber actuado de otra forma? T
al vez s\u237?. Aquella crisis le ofrec\u237?a la posibilidad de convertirse en
amo de Roma y reformar el Estado, como har\u237?a otro personaje unos a\u241?os
despu\u233?s (aunque su reforma fuese dirigida en sentido opuesto).\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Si Mario no lo hizo, fue porque realmente no lo deseaba. \u201?l, como ya hemos
dicho, quer\u237?a que la \u233?lite romana dejara de considerarlo un {\i
outsider}. Con el tiempo, ser elegido censor y quiz\u225? {\i
princeps senatus}, envejecer convertido en una figura venerable y respetada y ve
r c\u243?mo los dem\u225?s padres de la patria asent\u237?an aprobando sus discu
rsos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para conseguir todo eso, Mario no ten\u237?a m\u225?s remedio que aplicar el {\i
SCU}. Al d\u237?a siguiente reparti\u243? armas entre los ciudadanos \u8212?prob
ablemente, muchos de ellos veteranos suyos\u8212? y organiz\u243? a toda prisa u
na milicia. Tras una breve batalla en el Foro, Saturnino y sus partidarios se re
tiraron al Capitolio, el mejor sitio para resistir un asedio. El \u250?nico magi
strado que se uni\u243? a ellos fue el cuestor Cayo Saufeyo. Todos los dem\u225?
s, incluidos los tribunos de la plebe, obedecieron el decreto de emergencia y se

unieron a Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El asedio del Capitolio no se prolong\u243? demasiado tiempo, pues los sitiadore
s cortaron el suministro del agua; esta llegaba por el {\i
aqua Marcia}, el acueducto m\u225?s largo de Roma, que se hab\u237?a construido
cuatro d\u233?cadas antes. Apremiados por la sed, los cercados se rindieron, con
fi\u225?ndose a la protecci\u243?n de Mario. Mientras se decid\u237?a qu\u233? h
acer con ellos, Mario los encerr\u243? bajo custodia en la Curia Hostilia.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero unos cuantos exaltados treparon al techo de la Curia, levantaron varias tej
as y empezaron a lanzarlas desde las alturas contra Saturnino y sus compa\u241?e
ros, hasta que los mataron a todos. En cuanto a Glaucia, se hab\u237?a refugiado
en casa de un amigo llamado Claudio. Sus perseguidores lo encontraron all\u237?
, lo sacaron a la calle y lo asesinaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Hasta qu\u233? punto Mario y otras autoridades intentaron impedir que aque
llos fan\u225?ticos mataran a Saturnino y las dem\u225?s personas encerradas en
la Curia? Se ignora. El asesinato era la salida m\u225?s r\u225?pida contra gent
e que tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a recurrido a la violencia, ciertamente. Pero no se
pod\u237?a ocultar que tres magistrados en ejercicio \u8212?un tribuno, un preto
r y un cuestor\u8212? hab\u237?an muerto sin juicio previo.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Aquel no dejaba de ser un peligroso precedente que arrastrar\u237?a consecuencia
s durante mucho tiempo. En el a\u241?o 63, Julio C\u233?sar llev\u243? a juicio
a un anciano senador, Cayo Rabirio, por su implicaci\u243?n en la muerte de Satu
rnino; seg\u250?n se contaba, este Rabirio hab\u237?a llegado al extremo de exhi
bir la cabeza de Saturnino en un banquete. Resulta curioso que un C\u233?sar tod
av\u237?a en su camino de ascenso al poder eligiera una causa como esta para gan
ar popularidad. Eso demuestra que, lejos de las versiones tenebrosas de Saturnin
o que nos han dejado los historiadores, a\u241?os despu\u233?s de su muerte el v
ehemente tribuno segu\u237?a siendo un s\u237?mbolo e incluso un m\u225?rtir par
a buena parte del pueblo romano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las consecuencias de la ca\u237?da de Saturnino no fueron tan dr\u225?sticas com
o las de la muerte de Cayo Graco. De entrada, no se produjo una represi\u243?n g
eneralizada ni se anularon todas las leyes propuestas el tribuno. Lo que intenta
ron los oligarcas del senado fue no ponerlas en pr\u225?ctica. Sin embargo, no d
ebieron de conseguirlo por completo, pues hay pruebas numism\u225?ticas que demu
estran que se asignaron parcelas en el valle del Po tal como hab\u237?a propuest
o Saturnino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ello debi\u243? de influir Mario, que aunque en el a\u241?o 99 dej\u243? por
fin de ser c\u243?nsul, manten\u237?a un gran poder. Poder he dicho, que no pres
tigio: pese a que hab\u237?a encabezado la represi\u243?n contra Saturnino, el s
enado no se lo agradeci\u243?. De hecho, el grupo de partidarios de Metelo Num\u
237?dico, encabezado por su hijo, empez\u243? a presionar enseguida para que el
m\u225?ximo rival de Mario regresara de su exilio en Esmirna.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Cuando los optimates se salieron con la suya y Metelo volvi\u243?, Mario decidi\
u243? abandonar la ciudad y se dirigi\u243? a Asia para visitar las regiones de
Capadocia y Galacia. Aleg\u243? como raz\u243?n que ten\u237?a que cumplir una p
romesa y rendir culto a Cibeles, diosa oriental a la que la mitolog\u237?a greco
rromana identificaba con Rea, la madre de Zeus/J\u250?piter.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Nunca hay que subestimar la piedad religiosa de los antiguos. Por otra parte, mu
chos miembros de la \u233?lite romana hac\u237?an viajes que, por su finalidad,
\u250?nicamente podr\u237?amos calificar como \u171?tur\u237?sticos\u187?. Sin e
mbargo, parece m\u225?s probable que Mario se fuera de Roma por huir de un ambie
nte pol\u237?tico cada vez m\u225?s adverso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Varios autores antiguos sospecharon que su verdadera raz\u243?n era incluso m\u2
25?s retorcida: puesto que Mario hab\u237?a descubierto que la pol\u237?tica en
tiempo de paz no se le daba demasiado bien, quer\u237?a buscar un nuevo escenari
o de guerra en Oriente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por eso, seg\u250?n narra Plutarco, Mario se reuni\u243? en privado con Mitr\u23

7?dates del Ponto, un rey cuyas tendencias expansivas y belicistas auguraban ya

el conflicto que no tardar\u237?a en producirse. En esa entrevista, Mario le esp
et\u243? con su habitual falta de diplomacia: \u171?O consigues hacerte m\u225?s
poderoso que los romanos, o haces lo que se te ordene sin rechistar\u187?.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La ausencia de Mario hizo que el p\u233?ndulo del poder oscilara de nuevo hacia
el senado. Algunos pol\u237?ticos populares sufrieron represi\u243?n, como el tr
ibuno Furio, que se hab\u237?a opuesto al regreso de Metelo y fue linchado por u
na multitud. (Saturnino y sus secuaces no eran los \u250?nicos que recurr\u237?a
n a la violencia, como se ve). Pero, en general, los m\u233?todos no fueron tan
dr\u225?sticos y se limitaron a llevar a juicio a personajes como el tribuno Tic
io, que hab\u237?a presentado en 99 otra ley agraria, o a otros cuyo delito cons
ist\u237?a en tener en su casa im\u225?genes de Saturnino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Para reforzar el poder del senado y debilitar el de las asambleas populares, los
c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o 98 presentaron la {\i
lex Caecilia Didia}. Esta norma prohib\u237?a presentar paquetes de leyes, con l
o que se pretend\u237?a evitar que los tribunos u otros magistrados mezclaran me
didas atractivas y dif\u237?ciles de rechazar con otras consideradas revoluciona
rias y peligrosas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La {\i
lex Caecilia Didia} tambi\u233?n establec\u237?a un plazo de tres {\i
nundinae} o d\u237?as de mercado entre la promulgaci\u243?n de una ley y su apro
baci\u243?n en asamblea, de modo que el senado pudiera preparar medios para cont
rarrestar las propuestas que no fueran de su agrado. Por si eso fuera poco, si s
e infring\u237?an los auspicios al preparar una ley, esta quedar\u237?a invalida
da. La decisi\u243?n de si se hab\u237?a pasado por alto alg\u250?n mal augurio
\u8212?un trueno, una estrella fugaz, incluso un estornudo inoportuno si llegaba
el caso\u8212? deb\u237?a tomarla, por supuesto, el senado.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
En esta \u233?poca en que el senado recuper\u243? buena parte de la influencia p
erdida tras la guerra de Yugurta, destac\u243? cada vez m\u225?s el antiguo luga
rteniente de Mario, Lucio Cornelio Sila, que acab\u243? convirti\u233?ndose en e
l aut\u233?ntico palad\u237?n de la causa de los optimates. Algo curioso, porque
a su manera tambi\u233?n era un {\i
outsider}. Aunque Sila ya ha aparecido en este relato varias veces, es hora de q
ue posemos nuestra lupa sobre \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LOS PRINCIPIOS DE SILA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Sila, que naci\u243? en 138, pertenec\u237?a a una de las siete ramas de la pres
tigiosa {\i
gens} patricia Cornelia. Para su desgracia, la suya era la m\u225?s oscura. De s
us antepasados directos, el \u250?nico que lleg\u243? a c\u243?nsul fue Publio C
ornelio Rufino, que alcanz\u243? esa magistratura y en 285 fue nombrado dictador
. Sin embargo, su prestigio se mancill\u243? cuando en 275 el censor Fabricio lo
expuls\u243? del senado por exhibir su riqueza y su amor al lujo usando una vaj
illa de plata de diez libras (algo m\u225?s de tres kilos).\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Esa expulsi\u243?n otorg\u243? a Rufino una fama duradera, aunque no deseable, p
ues los moralistas lo utilizar\u237?an a menudo como ejemplo negativo. Refiri\u2
33?ndose a \u233?l, Valerio M\u225?ximo escribi\u243? que le parec\u237?a incre\
u237?ble que en la misma ciudad en que diez libras de plata hab\u237?an parecido
una propiedad ahora se considerase una verg\u252?enza no ser rico (2.9.4).\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de Rufino, nadie de su rama familiar lleg\u243? a c\u243?nsul. El a
buelo de Sila, Publio, fue pretor en el a\u241?o 186 y tras su mandato gobern\u2
43? Sicilia. En cuanto a su padre, que se llamaba tambi\u233?n Lucio, es un pers
onaje gris del que no sabemos gran cosa. Al menos se sospecha que debi\u243? de

participar en alguna de las comisiones senatoriales que viajaban a Asia, porque

en una ocasi\u243?n el rey Mitr\u237?dates le record\u243? a Sila, para ganarse
su benevolencia, que \u233?l hab\u237?a sido amigo de su padre.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Este progenitor que apenas dej\u243? huella en la historia no leg\u243? nada a s
u hijo. O eso cuentan los historiadores antiguos, pero es una afirmaci\u243?n ex
agerada. Habr\u237?a que matizar la frase \u171?no leg\u243? nada\u187? o sustit
uirla por \u171?no le dej\u243? una gran fortuna\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Para empezar, Sila recibi\u243? la educaci\u243?n t\u237?pica de los nobles, de
modo que dominaba el griego y tambi\u233?n las letras latinas. Una formaci\u243?
n as\u237? no sal\u237?a barata: recordemos que el r\u233?cord de precio de vent
a de un esclavo lo hab\u237?a batido un gram\u225?tico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Como muestra de su pobreza, Plutarco explica que Sila viv\u237?a en una casa alq
uilada en la planta baja de una {\i
insula}, por la que pagaba tres mil sestercios al a\u241?o. Para que tengamos un
a referencia con la que comparar, un legionario ganaba cuatrocientos cincuenta s
estercios al a\u241?o, muy lejos de la renta que le cobraban a Sila. A\u241?adam
os a esto que se trataba de un jinete consumado, y que la equitaci\u243?n no era
una pr\u225?ctica que se pudieran permitir los pobres de solemnidad.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
A decir verdad, Sila era un hombre acomodado si se lo comparaba con la inmensa m
ayor\u237?a de la poblaci\u243?n de Roma. El problema para \u233?l era que no le
interesaba compararse con los de abajo, sino con los de arriba, y ah\u237? era
donde quedaba en rid\u237?culo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En los tiempos que corr\u237?an, las diez libras de plata de su antepasado Rufin
o eran cosa de risa. Si uno quer\u237?a ascender en el {\i
cursus honorum}, ten\u237?a que mantener un tren de vida muy elevado, dar suntuo
sos banquetes y mostrarse muy generoso con las personas que contaban en la alta
sociedad. El patrimonio de Sila no alcanzaba para eso, de modo que desde un punt
o de vista relativo s\u237? se puede considerar que era pobre. As\u237? lo consi
deraban tambi\u233?n los dem\u225?s arist\u243?cratas, que lo miraban con desd\u
233?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si su falta de dinero ya supon\u237?a un obst\u225?culo para su carrera pol\u237
?tica, peores eran sus costumbres. En lugar de juntarse con otros j\u243?venes p
atricios como \u233?l, Sila frecuentaba la compa\u241?\u237?a de actores, bailar
ines y dem\u225?s personas relacionadas con el teatro que entonces, como en tant
as otras \u233?pocas, eran consideradas \u171?gentes de mal vivir\u187?.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Lo hac\u237?a por gusto o porque se ve\u237?a rechazado por sus supuestos
iguales? En buena parte se deb\u237?a a lo primero, y as\u237? lo demuestra que
mantuviera estas amistades poco recomendables toda su vida, incluyendo una relac
i\u243?n amorosa con el actor Metrobio. Las combin\u243?, adem\u225?s, con su af
ici\u243?n a la literatura, escribiendo farsas atelanas que se segu\u237?an repr
esentando cincuenta a\u241?os despu\u233?s de su muerte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Viendo a aquel calavera que se pasaba el tiempo bebiendo, cantando y bailando ha
sta altas horas de la noche, \u191?qui\u233?n podr\u237?a imaginarse que llegar\
u237?a a ser el hombre m\u225?s poderoso de Roma y, por tanto, de todo el Medite
rr\u225?neo?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quiz\u225? cuando era joven ni siquiera ten\u237?a previsto emprender carrera po
l\u237?tica. En cualquier caso, pose\u237?a cualidades innatas para triunfar. To
dos coincid\u237?an en que irradiaba un encanto personal irresistible, mucho m\u
225?s que el tosco Mario. Siempre procuraba ganarse a los dem\u225?s haci\u233?n
doles favores, dentro de lo que le permit\u237?an sus recursos. Por otra parte,
ten\u237?a una memoria de elefante para recordar a qui\u233?n le deb\u237?a cada
favor y qui\u233?n se lo deb\u237?a a \u233?l y, como los Lannister de los famo
sos libros de George R. R. Martin, {\i
Juego de tronos}, siempre pagaba sus deudas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Su aspecto f\u237?sico tambi\u233?n le ayudaba a destacar, pues se sal\u237?a de

lo habitual entre los romanos. Era pelirrojo y ten\u237?a la piel tan blanca qu
e enseguida se le marcaban manchas encarnadas, sobre todo cuando montaba en c\u2
43?lera. Sus ojos eran claros, de un color azul puro e intenso que fascinaba e i
nquietaba al mismo tiempo a quienes quedaban prendidos en su mirada.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a su atractivo, Sila consigui\u243? que se fijara en \u233?l una mujer r
ica llamada Nic\u243?polis (un alias para una cortesana o actriz, o ambas cosas
a la vez). Constitu\u237?a un t\u243?pico que los hombres se encaprichaban de la
s cortesanas hasta el punto de perder la raz\u243?n y a menudo la fortuna. Pero
en el caso de Sila fue Nic\u243?polis quien se enamor\u243? de \u233?l y lo nomb
r\u243? su heredero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La madrastra de Sila, que pose\u237?a un patrimonio considerable, tambi\u233?n s
e acord\u243? de \u233?l en su testamento. Cuando ella y Nic\u243?polis murieron
m\u225?s o menos por la misma \u233?poca, la suma de ambas herencias permiti\u2
43? a Sila presentarse a cuestor, cargo que obtuvo en el a\u241?o 107.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Precisamente como cuestor se encarg\u243? de alistar caballer\u237?a para la pri
mera campa\u241?a de Mario contra Yugurta, y despu\u233?s llev\u243? a \u193?fri
ca las tropas que hab\u237?a reclutado. Es posible que le correspondiera el pues
to por sorteo. Sin embargo, los magistrados superiores tambi\u233?n pod\u237?an
seleccionar cuestores {\i
extra sortem}, fuera de sorteo, as\u237? que no se puede descartar que Mario y \
u233?l ya se conocieran de antes y que el general lo hubiera elegido personalmen
te por alg\u250?n v\u237?nculo que existiera entre ambos. En teor\u237?a, Sila c
arec\u237?a de experiencia militar y no hab\u237?a cumplido las diez campa\u241?
as obligatorias. Eso podr\u237?a explicar por qu\u233? sirvi\u243? tantos a\u241
?os con Mario en diversos puestos para compensar el retraso inicial.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Pese a dicho retraso, Sila era un l\u237?der nato que pronto destac\u243? en la
campa\u241?a de \u193?frica. Su estilo de mando resultaba muy cercano. Se portab
a de forma afable con sus subordinados, les ayudaba en los trabajos y en las gua
rdias, les hac\u237?a favores e incluso les prestaba dinero. En resumen, intenta
ba, como buen pol\u237?tico, que todos se hallaran en deuda con \u233?l.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso s\u237?, el juerguista empedernido segu\u237?a escondido debajo de la coraza
militar. Como se\u241?ala Salustio: \u171?Aunque deseaba los placeres, ansiaba
m\u225?s todav\u237?a la gloria. Si no ten\u237?a nada que hacer, era un disolut
o, pero nunca dej\u243? que el placer lo retrasara a la hora de actuar\u187?.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En poco tiempo, Sila consigui\u243? convertirse en hombre de confianza de Mario.
En calidad de tal, mand\u243? la caballer\u237?a en las dos batallas que Yugurt
a y los romanos libraron en las cercan\u237?as de Cirta. Mario y Sila parec\u237
?an llevarse bien, lo cual no deja de ser parad\u243?jico considerando que su ri
validad posterior fue una de las m\u225?s sonadas de la historia. Pero la parado
ja solo es aparente si tenemos en cuenta que los amigos que se creen traicionado
s, con raz\u243?n o sin ella, pueden convertirse en los enemigos m\u225?s encarn
izados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El magnetismo de Sila encandil\u243? tambi\u233?n al rey Boco, y gracias a eso f
ue \u233?l quien gestion\u243? personalmente la entrega de Yugurta. Un \u233?xit
o a corto plazo, y a la larga una semilla de rencor entre Mario y \u233?l.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, las relaciones entre ambos siguieron siendo lo bastante estrechas c
omo para que Sila sirviera con Mario en los a\u241?os 104 y 103 en su campa\u241
?a contra los germanos. En 102 la situaci\u243?n cambi\u243? cuando Sila se conv
irti\u243? en legado de Catulo. \u191?Se hab\u237?an alejado ya definitivamente,
o se deb\u237?a a que Mario quer\u237?a tener cerca de Catulo a un militar de p
robada val\u237?a para controlarlo? Es imposible saberlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Aunque se ignora qu\u233? papel desempe\u241?\u243? Sila en los turbulentos acon

tecimientos del a\u241?o 100, podemos estar seguros de que no se aline\u243? en

el bando de Saturnino. En el a\u241?o 99 se present\u243? a las elecciones de pr
etor. Por edad pod\u237?a hacerlo, pero se hab\u237?a saltado un pelda\u241?o in
ferior, el cargo de edil. En cualquier caso, no result\u243? elegido.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Con el tiempo, Sila escribi\u243? unas largas memorias en veintid\u243?s libros.
Por desgracia, se han perdido (\u191?cu\u225?ntas veces habr\u233? usado ya est
a frase?), pero nos quedan muchas referencias en las obras de otros autores. En
este caso, conocemos gracias a Plutarco qu\u233? explicaci\u243?n daba Sila a su
primer fracaso electoral.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n \u233?l, su amistad con Boco, que manten\u237?a desde los tiempos de
\u193?frica, se hab\u237?a convertido en un caramelo envenenado. Los votantes es
peraban que el rey de Mauritania le proporcionara elefantes, leones y todo tipo
de animales salvajes para celebrar juegos espectaculares durante su cargo de edi
l. Por eso, para obligar a Sila a pasar por el puesto inferior, se negaron a vot
arlo como pretor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta explicaci\u243?n se antoja algo pueril al contemplarla desde nuestra perspe
ctiva. Pero hay que tener en cuenta que, si el propio Sila consideraba que el mo
tivo hab\u237?a sido ese, algo m\u225?s sabr\u237?a de la psicolog\u237?a de sus
contempor\u225?neos que nosotros. Es cierto que muchos ediles procuraban conver
tir esta magistratura en trampol\u237?n encandilando a los votantes con juegos y
espect\u225?culos nunca vistos. Cuando le correspondi\u243? a C\u233?sar, por e
jemplo, hizo traer a Roma a m\u225?s de seiscientos gladiadores a los que equip\
u243? con armaduras de plata.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila, en cualquier caso, se empe\u241?\u243? en saltarse el puesto de edil y vol
vi\u243? a presentarse a las elecciones a pretor para el a\u241?o 97. En esta oc
asi\u243?n lo consigui\u243?. Las lenguas maledicentes lo acusaban de haber comp
rado a los votantes. Quiz\u225? lo hizo con promesas y no con dinero: una de sus
acciones como pretor fue dar los fastuosos espect\u225?culos que la plebe le so
licitaba como edil. Bajo su patrocinio, los {\i
ludi Apollinares} o juegos en honor de Apolo se celebraron con una ostentaci\u24
3?n inusitada. El rey Boco contribuy\u243? con cien leones que se exhibieron por
primera vez sin cadenas \u8212?es de suponer que el muro que delimitaba la aren
a era muy alto\u8212?, y tambi\u233?n envi\u243? guerreros n\u250?midas que los
cazaron con flechas y venablos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al salir del cargo, Sila viaj\u243? como propretor a Cilicia, una regi\u243?n mo
nta\u241?osa situada en el sureste de la actual Turqu\u237?a. Debido a su reliev
e y al perfil recortado de su costa, esta zona era una madriguera de piratas. Pe
ro Sila no lleg\u243? a combatir contra ellos, sino que intervino en Capadocia,
situada al norte de Cilicia. All\u237? gobernaba en aquel momento un tal Gordio,
un monarca t\u237?tere al que hab\u237?a instalado en el trono su poderoso veci
no Mitr\u237?dates, rey del Ponto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila cruz\u243? el Tauro \u8212?una cadena monta\u241?osa con muchos picos que s
e elevan por encima de los tres mil metros\u8212?, entr\u243? en Capadocia y en
una r\u225?pida campa\u241?a restaur\u243? en el trono al anterior rey, Ariobarz
anes. Tras aquella operaci\u243?n, sus tropas, que no eran demasiado numerosas,
lo saludaron como {\i
imperator}, un honor que los soldados conced\u237?an a sus generales en algunas
ocasiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante toda su carrera militar, Sila mantuvo una relaci\u243?n excelente con su
s soldados. Sus detractores lo achacaban a que descuidaba la disciplina, les dab
a rienda suelta e incluso los adulaba como si les tuviera miedo. Resulta dif\u23
7?cil de creer, porque los generales de ese tipo nunca consiguen el respeto de s
us hombres. Es algo parecido, salvando las distancias, a lo que ocurre entre pro
fesores y alumnos. \u191?Qui\u233?n no recuerda al profesor que los primeros d\u
237?as va de \u171?colega\u187? y despu\u233?s es incapaz de restaurar la discip
lina y hacerse con la clase por m\u225?s duro que intente volverse? En el caso d
e Sila, sus resultados como general demuestran que sab\u237?a controlar a sus ho
mbres. Pero no adelantemos acontecimientos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras estaba en Capadocia, se reuni\u243? con Orobazo, un embajador de Arsace

s, rey de los partos. Fue el primer encuentro oficial entre Roma y Partia, la po
tencia que rivalizar\u237?a durante largo tiempo con la Rep\u250?blica y despu\u
233?s con el Imperio. Durante la entrevista a tres bandas con el rey de Capadoci
a y el diplom\u225?tico parto, Sila, muy celoso de su {\i
dignitas} y de la de Roma, ocup\u243? el asiento central. De esa manera demostra
ba, al estilo de Popilio Lenas, d\u243?nde estaba el aut\u233?ntico poder. Aquel
gesto no le hizo ninguna gracia al rey Arsaces, que orden\u243? ejecutar al emb
ajador Orobazo cuando este regres\u243? a su patria.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con la comitiva parta viajaba un adivino caldeo experto en fisiognom\u237?a. El
llamativo rostro de Sila le impresion\u243? tanto que le dijo: \u171?T\u250? ser
\u225?s un hombre muy grande, e incluso me extra\u241?a que no seas ya el m\u225
?s poderoso del mundo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pura adulaci\u243?n, por supuesto: sospecho que al bizco Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n o
al cejudo Mario les habr\u237?a contado algo parecido. Pero a Sila le impresion
\u243? aquel vaticinio. Era un hombre convencido de la grandeza de su destino y
de que pose\u237?a {\i
felicitas}, una felicidad que los romanos identificaban con la buena suerte que
los dioses enviaban a quien se la merec\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 92, Sila regres\u243? a Roma. All\u237?, como les ocurr\u237?a a
tantos gobernadores provinciales, fue acusado de corrupci\u243?n. Un tal Marcio
Censorino lo denunci\u243? por haber pedido dinero a Ariobarzanes para restaurar
lo en el trono de Capadocia, acusaci\u243?n que resultaba bastante veros\u237?mi
l. Sin embargo, Censorino la retir\u243? y el juicio no lleg\u243? a celebrarse.
\u191?Le faltaban pruebas? \u191?Lo amenaz\u243? o lo soborn\u243? Sila? Se ign
ora.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al a\u241?o siguiente, el rey Boco envi\u243? a Roma varias estatuas recubiertas
de oro que se consagraron en el Capitolio. El grupo escult\u243?rico representa
ba el momento en que \u233?l mismo entregaba a Yugurta en manos de Sila. Mario,
que ya no aparec\u237?a por ninguna parte en la escena, mont\u243? en c\u243?ler
a y se moviliz\u243? para conseguir que quitaran aquellas estatuas del Capitolio
. Sila, como era de esperar, se opuso, y la pol\u233?mica entre ambos dividi\u24
3? a la ciudad como si de un partido de f\u250?tbol de m\u225?xima rivalidad se
tratara. Aunque a su manera Sila era otro {\i
outsider}, los numerosos senadores que detestaban a Mario empezaban ya a convert
irlo en el campe\u243?n de su causa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue entonces cuando estall\u243? una crisis que ven\u237?a larv\u225?ndose desde
hac\u237?a d\u233?cadas, y durante un tiempo el antagonismo entre Mario y Sila
pareci\u243? desvanecerse en segundo plano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL TRIBUNADO DE LIVIO DRUSO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la muerte de Saturnino, ning\u250?n tribuno de la plebe hab\u237?a adquirid
o tanto protagonismo como \u233?l. Pero en el a\u241?o 91 result\u243? elegido L
ivio Druso, que no tard\u243? en poner patas arriba la pol\u237?tica romana.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Visto en retrospectiva, Livio Druso resulta un personaje contradictorio. Hay qui
enes ven en \u233?l a un idealista y un reformador progresista (relativizando mu
cho el uso del t\u233?rmino \u171?progresista\u187?, claro est\u225?), mientras
que para otros sus medidas tan solo intentaban devolver el poder a la oligarqu\u
237?a de familias que dominaban el senado desde hac\u237?a siglos.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Como prueba de lo segundo, Druso propuso que los senadores recuperaran el contro
l de los tribunales que juzgaban la corrupci\u243?n en las provincias. Bien es c
ierto que los \u233?quites estaban extorsionando a los habitantes de esas provin
cias de una forma tan escandalosa que menoscababa el prestigio de la Rep\u250?bl
ica. La situaci\u243?n resultaba especialmente grave en Asia, donde estaba alime
ntando una hoguera de odio que Mitr\u237?dates del Ponto supo aprovechar poco ti
empo despu\u233?s para provocar una aut\u233?ntica org\u237?a de sangre.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {

La idea de Druso era controlar estos excesos. Puesto que los senadores no pod\u2
37?an asociarse en negocios comerciales con los \u233?quites \u8212?al menos te\
u243?ricamente\u8212?, cab\u237?a esperar que juzgaran con m\u225?s objetividad
sus abusos que cualquier tribunal compuesto por miembros del orden ecuestre.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hab\u237?a tambi\u233?n una raz\u243?n de \u237?ndole personal, algo que los ant
iguos no consideraban ning\u250?n descr\u233?dito. En el a\u241?o 91, el t\u237?
o de Druso, Rutilio Rufo, al que vimos como legado de Cecilio Metelo en la guerr
a de Yugurta, hab\u237?a sido condenado por un tribunal de \u233?quites. Los car
gos eran por extorsi\u243?n, lo cual resultaba hiriente en grado sumo, ya que pr
ecisamente Rutilio hab\u237?a intentado evitar que los publicanos que recaudaban
los impuestos en Asia extorsionaran a los habitantes de la regi\u243?n. La pena
que le impusieron fue la habitual en esos casos, el destierro.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Para demostrar que las acusaciones eran falsas, Rutilio se exili\u243? primero a
la isla de Mitilene y luego a Esmirna, donde los ciudadanos a los que supuestam
ente hab\u237?a maltratado lo acogieron con grandes honores. Aunque tiempo m\u22
5?s tarde se le propuso regresar a Roma, nunca lo hizo. En su retiro de Esmirna
escribi\u243? sus memorias y varios textos hist\u243?ricos que se han perdido \u
8212?para variar\u8212?, pero que sirvieron de fuente a otros autores como Salus
tio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con la reforma de los tribunales, Druso pretend\u237?a que no se volvieran a com
eter injusticias como la que hab\u237?a sufrido su t\u237?o. Sab\u237?a que esto
pondr\u237?a en su contra a los miembros del poderoso orden ecuestre. Para cont
entarlos, el tribuno propuso duplicar el n\u250?mero de senadores, que pasar\u23
7?an de trescientos a seiscientos. Los nuevos padres de la patria se entresacar\
u237?an de las filas de los \u233?quites. En cierto modo, Druso estaba proponien
do la misma {\i
concordia ordinum} o armon\u237?a entre las dos clases sociales m\u225?s poderos
as que d\u233?cadas despu\u233?s defender\u237?a Cicer\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Druso tambi\u233?n present\u243? otras medidas m\u225?s dirigidas a la plebe a l
a que al fin y al cabo representaba, como crear nuevas colonias o repartir el tr
igo a un precio m\u225?s barato. Como ocurre siempre, no se sabe hasta qu\u233?
punto sus propuestas obedec\u237?an a una genuina preocupaci\u243?n social, a pu
ra demagogia o a una mezcla de ambas. Hablando de mezclas, una de sus ocurrencia
s fue financiar estos dos proyectos aleando las monedas de plata con un octavo d
e cobre. El equivalente hoy d\u237?a ser\u237?a dar a la m\u225?quina de imprimi
r billetes o conceder cr\u233?ditos baratos: el resultado, devaluaci\u243?n e in
flaci\u243?n (que quiz\u225?s en el momento en que escribo esto no nos vendr\u23
7?an mal).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El trigo barato era una forma de congraciarse a la plebe urbana. Y buena falta l
e hac\u237?a, porque la propuesta \u171?estrella\u187? que present\u243? Livio D
ruso, conceder la plena ciudadan\u237?a romana a todos los aliados latinos e it\
u225?licos, no agrad\u243? en absoluto a los habitantes de la urbe.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Algunas de estas medidas fueron aprobadas en el senado gracias a que Druso conta
ba con el apoyo del influyente Emilio Escauro y tambi\u233?n con el del exc\u243
?nsul Licinio Craso, un brillante orador. Pero cuando Craso muri\u243? en septie
mbre, Druso empez\u243? a quedarse cada vez m\u225?s solo. Uno de los c\u243?nsu
les del a\u241?o, Marcio Filipo, aglutin\u243? a su alrededor la oposici\u243?n
a Druso, a la que tambi\u233?n se sum\u243? Cayo Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Mario no se opon\u237?a tanto a que se otorgara la ciudadan\u237?a a los aliados
it\u225?licos como a que el tribuno se beneficiara de ello. Por tradici\u243?n
familiar, Druso manten\u237?a buenas relaciones con los aliados, y en particular
con Popedio Sil\u243?n, l\u237?der de la tribu de los marsos. Si se aprobaba la
ley, decenas o cientos de miles de nuevos ciudadanos le deber\u237?an un agrade
cimiento personal y se convertir\u237?an en clientes suyos. Eso podr\u237?a conv
ertirlo en el hombre m\u225?s poderoso de Roma, algo que Mario, quien considerab

a que ese privilegio le correspond\u237?a \u250?nicamente a \u233?l, no estaba d

ispuesto a consentir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al acercarse el final de su mandato como tribuno, Druso hab\u237?a conseguido po
nerse a casi todo el mundo en contra. Por una parte, los senadores no quer\u237?
an que sus privilegios se diluyeran reparti\u233?ndolos con trescientos senadore
s nuevos. Por otra, los \u233?quites tambi\u233?n se hallaban resentidos porque
Druso les hab\u237?a quitado el monopolio de los tribunales y porque pretend\u23
7?a que aceptar sobornos se convirtiera en delito. (\u171?\u191?Hasta d\u243?nde
vamos a llegar?\u187?, deb\u237?an de comentar entre ellos). Que los senadores
nuevos salieran del orden ecuestre no significaba gran cosa para ellos. Sab\u237
?an que, tal como les ocurre a los futbolistas que cambian de club y descubren q
ue el que los ha fichado es su equipo del alma de toda la vida, los trescientos
\u233?quites elegidos no tardar\u237?an en convertirse en ardientes partidarios
del poder del senado. Por \u250?ltimo, la mayor\u237?a de la plebe urbana se opo
n\u237?a a que los dem\u225?s it\u225?licos consiguieran la ciudadan\u237?a.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En parte, las antipat\u237?as que se gan\u243? Druso se deb\u237?an a su tempera
mento. Se hallaba tan convencido de que pose\u237?a la verdad que a menudo se mo
straba antip\u225?tico y altivo. As\u237? lo demostr\u243? cuando los enviados d
el senado le pidieron que asistiera a una sesi\u243?n para explicar sus propuest
as y les respondi\u243? que era mejor que los senadores acudieran adonde estaba
\u233?l. En una ocasi\u243?n, discutiendo sobre las leyes agrarias delante de la
asamblea, el c\u243?nsul Filipo le interrumpi\u243?. Ni corto ni perezoso, Drus
o orden\u243? a sus clientes que lo sacaran de all\u237?, misi\u243?n que cumpli
eron con tanta energ\u237?a que el c\u243?nsul sali\u243? de all\u237? sangrando
a chorros por la nariz.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero Filipo obtuvo su venganza. A propuesta suya, todas las leyes de Druso fuero
n anuladas con un solo {\i
senatus consultum}. La excusa era que hab\u237?an sido promulgadas en contra de
los auspicios: la {\i
lex Caecilia Didia} entraba en acci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Druso empez\u243? a sospechar que su vida corr\u237?a peligro, por lo que procur
aba salir de su casa lo menos posible. No obstante, ten\u237?a esta abierta para
quienes acud\u237?an a consultarle, pues una de sus principales obligaciones er
a la de estar siempre disponible para prestar {\i
auxilium} a los miembros de la plebe. Se daba la circunstancia, adem\u225?s, de
que cuando se hizo construir su mansi\u243?n en el Palatino, el arquitecto le of
reci\u243? levantar unos muros muy altos para que nadie pudiera espiar lo que ha
c\u237?a en su interior. Druso, que se jactaba de no tener que ocultar nada, res
pondi\u243?: \u171?Si tanta habilidad tienes, edifica mi casa de tal manera que
todo el mundo pueda ver lo que hago\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Precisamente en el umbral de su casa, cuando acababa de regresar del Foro, una p
ersona camuflada entre la peque\u241?a multitud que sol\u237?a rodear a Druso lo
apu\u241?al\u243? en un costado. El tribuno se desplom\u243? y a las pocas hora
s muri\u243?. Antes de expirar se le atribuyen unas palabras que reflejar\u237?a
n bien el alto concepto que ten\u237?a de s\u237? mismo y de su misi\u243?n: \u1
71?Amigos y parientes, \u191?cu\u225?ndo cre\u233?is que volver\u225? a tener la
Rep\u250?blica un ciudadano como yo?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA GUERRA SOCIAL\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Desde hac\u237?a tiempo, los aliados it\u225?licos de Roma ten\u237?an la misma
reivindicaci\u243?n: quer\u237?an compartir los frutos del imperio en igualdad d
e condiciones, ya que en cada campa\u241?a aportaban la mitad o m\u225?s de las
tropas y sus j\u243?venes derramaban su sangre por la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
La relaci\u243?n entre esos aliados y Roma hab\u237?a empeorado a partir del a\u
241?o 133, con las reformas de Tiberio Graco. En tierras italianas se requisaron
bastantes terrenos que estaban siendo explotados por campesinos que no eran ciu

dadanos romanos para entreg\u225?rselos a otros que s\u237? lo eran. Aquello cre
\u243? nuevas tensiones entre las comunidades it\u225?licas y Roma, y muchos acu
dieron a la urbe para protestar contra la ley de Graco y pedir los mismos derech
os que los romanos. Para evitar esta agitaci\u243?n, en 126, el tribuno Junio Pe
no propuso que se expulsara a los it\u225?licos de la ciudad. Al a\u241?o siguie
nte la colonia latina de Fregelas se sublev\u243? y la revuelta fue aplastada co
n dureza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las tensiones entre los aliados y la Rep\u250?blica siguieron fermentando durant
e d\u233?cadas. Puede que dichas tensiones estuvieran m\u225?s o menos soterrada
s o que, simplemente, nuestras fuentes olvidaran mencionarlas. Pero es indudable
que exist\u237?a un profundo malestar entre los aliados, y la prueba es que la
muerte de Livio Druso, el campe\u243?n de su causa, desencaden\u243? un estallid
o s\u250?bito y brutal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al parecer, a los romanos los pill\u243? por sorpresa. Pero no es que no se hubi
eran dado ciertos avisos. Por ejemplo, en el a\u241?o 91, en una reuni\u243?n de
l\u237?deres it\u225?licos celebrada en el monte Albano se tram\u243? una conju
ra para asesinar a los c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o. Si se salvaron fue porque el
mismo Druso, que ten\u237?a contactos con los conspiradores, advirti\u243? a Fil
ipo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora, tras la muerte de Druso, los aliados pensaron que por las buenas no obten
dr\u237?an nada y decidieron ir directamente a la guerra. Como se sol\u237?a hac
er en tales casos, los pueblos rebeldes negociaron primero entre ellos en secret
o e intercambiaron rehenes entre s\u237? como garant\u237?a de lealtad a la nuev
a coalici\u243?n. Eso estaba prohibido de manera tajante por Roma, que hab\u237?
a organizado su alianza de una forma absolutamente centralizada: si se dibujara
un diagrama para representarla, habr\u237?a l\u237?neas rectas a modo de radios
uniendo a cada comunidad con Roma, pero ninguna l\u237?nea transversal enlazando
esas comunidades entre s\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los romanos empezaron a sospechar lo que ocurr\u237?a, enviaron emisarios
a las diversas ciudades para que averiguaran qu\u233? se estaba tramando. Uno d
e ellos fue el pretor Quinto Servilio, que, al enterarse por un informante del i
ntercambio de rehenes, viaj\u243? a la ciudad de \u193?sculo, situada en el Pice
no. Cuando se dirigi\u243? a sus ciudadanos en tono altivo, como si fueran escla
vos en lugar de aliados, estos pensaron que sus planes hab\u237?an sido descubie
rtos. Su reacci\u243?n fue dr\u225?stica: no solo dieron muerte al pretor, sino
tambi\u233?n a los miembros de su s\u233?quito y a todos los ciudadanos romanos
que viv\u237?an en \u193?sculo. Como es habitual en tales casos, la codicia se s
um\u243? a los rencores enquistados, y los rebeldes saquearon las propiedades de
los romanos asesinados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La chispa de \u193?sculo termin\u243? de prender la hoguera y los aliados declar
aron abiertamente la guerra a Roma. El nombre de este conflicto, Guerra Social,
puede provocar confusi\u243?n. No se trat\u243? de una lucha entre distintas cla
ses sociales, sino de un enfrentamiento instigado por las \u233?lites de los pue
blos rebeldes contra la \u233?lite romana. En este caso, el adjetivo \u171?socia
l\u187? deriva del t\u233?rmino latino {\i
socii}, \u171?aliados\u187?, as\u237? que una denominaci\u243?n quiz\u225? m\u22
5?s correcta ser\u237?a Guerra de los Aliados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No todos los pueblos de Italia se sublevaron contra Roma. La revuelta se centr\u
243? sobre todo en las regiones monta\u241?osas del centro y el sur de Italia, e
n torno a dos n\u250?cleos: el marso, situado en la parte central, y el samnita,
al sur. Para coordinarse, los rebeldes situaron su capital en la ciudad de Corf
inio, situada en un cruce de las rutas que un\u237?an a marsos y samnitas.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como muestra de sus intenciones, los aliados rebautizaron Corfinio con el nombre
de Italia. Tambi\u233?n establecieron un senado formado por quinientos represen
tantes de las ciudades confederadas y acu\u241?aron sus propias monedas. Algunas
de estas se conservan, y son muy significativas: en ellas aparece un toro que r
epresenta a Italia corneando a la loba romana y con el miembro erecto como si fu
era a violarla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La nueva alianza pod\u237?a movilizar a unos cien mil hombres, que se organizaba

n en unidades y combat\u237?an con t\u225?cticas pr\u225?cticamente iguales que

los romanos. Durante el primer a\u241?o de la guerra, el 90, consiguieron tomar
por sorpresa a los ej\u233?rcitos de la Rep\u250?blica y les infligieron varias
derrotas. Resultaba parad\u243?jico, porque lo que deseaba la mayor\u237?a de lo
s rebeldes \u8212?exceptuando a los samnitas, que guardaban un odio ancestral po
r los romanos\u8212? no era destruir Roma, sino incorporarse a ella como miembro
s de pleno derecho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos lo acabaron entendiendo; aunque m\u225?s bien tarde, como suele suce
der. En octubre del a\u241?o 90, el c\u243?nsul Lucio Julio C\u233?sar promulg\u
243? una ley por la que se conced\u237?a la plena ciudadan\u237?a romana a todos
los aliados que hab\u237?an permanecido leales, pero tambi\u233?n a quienes aba
ndonaran las armas en un breve plazo de tiempo. Debido a esta norma y a otras qu
e la ampliaron, los sublevados fueron perdiendo efectivos r\u225?pidamente: las
comunidades que se pasaban al bando romano engrosaban los ej\u233?rcitos de la R
ep\u250?blica con sus propias tropas, de modo que diez mil hombres que abandonab
an la alianza rebelde significaban de pronto una diferencia de veinte mil a favo
r de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aun as\u237?, la guerra se prolong\u243? durante los a\u241?os 90 y 89, y dio co
letazos hasta el 88. Dada la gravedad de la situaci\u243?n, Roma hab\u237?a movi
lizado a todos sus hombres disponibles, de modo que Sila tuvo que servir como le
gado a las \u243?rdenes del c\u243?nsul del a\u241?o 90, Lucio Julio C\u233?sar.
Al principio de la campa\u241?a no llev\u243? a cabo grandes cosas. Pero al ace
rcarse el final del a\u241?o, el azar hizo que rematase una operaci\u243?n que h
ab\u237?a iniciado precisamente su rival Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El veterano general, que hab\u237?a cumplido ya los sesenta y siete a\u241?os, s
e hab\u237?a convertido en comandante de las tropas del norte despu\u233?s de qu
e el c\u243?nsul Rutilio Lupo muriera en una emboscada junto al r\u237?o Liris y
su legado cayera en una trampa que le tendi\u243? el l\u237?der enemigo, Popedi
o Sil\u243?n. Este intent\u243? que Mario se enfrentara a \u233?l en campo abier
to, envi\u225?ndole mensajes desafiantes: \u171?Si de verdad eres tan gran gener
al, Mario, baja a campo abierto a luchar conmigo\u187?. A lo que Mario, siguiend
o la prudente t\u225?ctica de Fabio M\u225?ximo en la guerra contra An\u237?bal,
contestaba: \u171?Si t\u250? eres tan buen general, obl\u237?game a combatir au
nque no quiera\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, en la operaci\u243?n mencionada, Mario no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que
luchar, pues una tropa de rebeldes marsos atac\u243? a sus hombres. Los romanos
consiguieron repeler la ofensiva y poner en fuga a los marsos, que se internaro
n en una extensa zona de vi\u241?edos separados por tapias. Mario, prudente o ta
l vez lento de reflejos por la edad, dio orden de no perseguir al enemigo.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al sur del vi\u241?edo se encontraba acampado Sila, que al ver la desbandada de
los marsos despleg\u243? a sus hombres y los atac\u243?. Como resultado de las d
os batallas, murieron m\u225?s de seis mil enemigos y muchos m\u225?s huyeron ab
andonando las armas sobre el terreno. Esta fue la \u250?ltima colaboraci\u243?n
\u8212?si bien parece que fortuita e involuntaria\u8212? entre Mario y Sila.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de este \u233?xito, Sila adquiri\u243? m\u225?s protagonismo en las
operaciones del a\u241?o 89. Al principio sirvi\u243? bajo el nuevo c\u243?nsul
, Porcio Cat\u243?n. Pero cuando este pereci\u243? en combate, Sila se hizo carg
o de sus tropas, y a partir de ese momento fue cosechando \u233?xitos en Campani
a y en el Samnio. En cambio, Mario no consegu\u237?a ninguna victoria que le die
ra lustre. Al final, amargado, decidi\u243? renunciar al mando alegando que el c
uerpo no le daba m\u225?s de s\u237?; algo que seguramente era cierto.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
No todo fueron luces en las campa\u241?as de Sila. Aunque sus hombres lo recompe
nsaron con la corona de hierba, tambi\u233?n lo pusieron en un brete cuando ases
inaron al legado Albino Postumio con palos y piedras. En lugar de sancionarlos,
Sila dej\u243? correr el asunto asegurando que sus hombres, por temor al castigo
, luchar\u237?an a partir de ese momento con m\u225?s valor para ganarse su bene
volencia. Quiz\u225? no fue capaz de localizar a los culpables individuales, o e

s que odiaba a Postumio y no quer\u237?a compartir el mando con \u233?l. Pero aq

uella lenidad manch\u243? su reputaci\u243?n y justific\u243? a los cr\u237?tico
s que dec\u237?an que Sila se ganaba a sus hombres no con el ejemplo, sino dej\u
225?ndoles manga ancha.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras los primeros reveses, los romanos iban reduciendo poco a poco a los rebelde
s, actuando tanto en lo pol\u237?tico como en lo militar. En el a\u241?o 89 se a
probaron nuevas leyes que conced\u237?an la ciudadan\u237?a a m\u225?s aliados,
lo cual hace pensar que, si hubieran actuado as\u237? antes, podr\u237?an habers
e ahorrado esa guerra fratricida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, en noviembre cay\u243? una de las principales fortalezas rebelde
s, \u193?sculo. El general que la tom\u243? fue el c\u243?nsul Pompeyo Estrab\u2
43?n, que la arras\u243? y masacr\u243? a sus habitantes en venganza por lo que
hab\u237?an hecho con sus convecinos romanos al principio de la guerra. La matan
za no debi\u243? turbar sus sue\u241?os, pues Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n no era conoc
ido precisamente como un alma caritativa; sus propios soldados lo tem\u237?an m\
u225?s que respetaban. Entre los j\u243?venes que serv\u237?an con \u233?l se en
contraban tres personajes que con el tiempo se convertir\u237?an en protagonista
s importantes de la historia de Roma: su hijo Cneo Pompeyo, Lucio Catilina y Mar
co Tulio Cicer\u243?n. Sin duda este \u250?ltimo, hombre poco marcial, se sinti\
u243? horrorizado por la matanza de \u193?sculo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El conflicto a\u250?n se mantuvo un tiempo con algunos focos encendidos, como la
ciudad de Nola, cerca de N\u225?poles, que resist\u237?a el asedio de las tropa
s de Sila. Este, dejando all\u237? varias legiones, regres\u243? a Roma a finale
s del a\u241?o 89 para presentarse a las elecciones como c\u243?nsul. De todos l
os generales que hab\u237?an servido en la Guerra Social, \u233?l era quien pod\
u237?a presentar mejor hoja de servicios; desde luego, much\u237?simo mejor que
la de Mario, lo que sin duda colmaba de satisfacci\u243?n a Sila. Como bono a fa
vor para los votantes, hab\u237?a humillado en varias batallas a los enemigos m\
u225?s odiados de todos, los samnitas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta vez no se produjo un primer intento fallido, como le hab\u237?a ocurrido co
n el cargo de pretor. A los cincuenta a\u241?os, una edad relativamente tard\u23
7?a, Sila se convirti\u243? en c\u243?nsul. Hab\u237?a vuelto a poner a su rama
familiar en lo m\u225?s alto del {\i
cursus honorum}. Ahora, si todo iba bien, pod\u237?a alcanzar logros a\u250?n ma
yores. La Guerra Social hab\u237?a distra\u237?do los recursos y la atenci\u243?
n de la Rep\u250?blica, pero ya era hora de volver los ojos a Oriente. All\u237?
, el expansionismo agresivo del rey Mitr\u237?dates exig\u237?a una respuesta.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila sab\u237?a que aquella ser\u237?a una guerra como las de principios del sig
lo II, en la que podr\u237?a conseguir la gloria y, al mismo tiempo, un bot\u237
?n mucho mayor que el que Mario hab\u237?a arrancado a cimbrios y teutones. Cuan
do el senado le asign\u243? el mando de esa campa\u241?a \u8212?el otro c\u243?n
sul, Pompeyo Rufo, se encargar\u237?a de apagar los \u250?ltimos rescoldos de la
rebeli\u243?n aliada\u8212?, Sila se las prometi\u243? muy felices. Demostrando
que la diosa Fortuna le sonre\u237?a, ese mismo a\u241?o se cas\u243? con Cecil
ia Metela, viuda de Escauro, el {\i
princeps senatus}, e hija del pont\u237?fice m\u225?ximo. De vivir en el bajo de
un bloque de apartamentos y emborracharse con actores y prostitutas, hab\u237?a
pasado a formar parte de la \u233?lite de Roma, la ciudad m\u225?s poderosa del
mundo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco pod\u237?a sospechar Sila que las cosas se le iban a complicar. Y mucho.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero antes de continuar con \u233?l, debemos viajar al este para averiguar qu\u2
33? se coc\u237?a, o m\u225?s bien qu\u233? herv\u237?a en Asia Menor.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
MITR\u205?DATES, EL ENEMIGO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El personaje al que deb\u237?a enfrentarse Sila era ya una leyenda en vida; en b

uena parte, porque \u233?l se hab\u237?a esforzado para que as\u237? fuese. Seg\
u250?n cuenta Justino (37.2), el a\u241?o en que fue engendrado Mitr\u237?dates
apareci\u243? un cometa que brill\u243? durante setenta d\u237?as y arrastraba u
na cola tan larga que ocupaba una cuarta parte del firmamento. Del mismo modo, c
uando quince a\u241?os despu\u233?s empez\u243? a reinar volvi\u243? a contempla
rse otro cometa tan espectacular como el primero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los antiguos sol\u237?an ver a los cometas como heraldos de desastres. En este c
aso, gracias a la propaganda del propio Mitr\u237?dates se consideraron indicios
de su futura grandeza. \u191?Lleg\u243? esta propaganda tan lejos como para inv
entar incluso la existencia de dichos cometas?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esa ha sido la opini\u243?n de algunos historiadores desde hace tiempo. Sin emba
rgo, las observaciones de los astr\u243?nomos de la corte de la dinast\u237?a Ha
n en China confirman que en 135 y 119 aparecieron dos cometas que brillaron dura
nte unos dos meses entre finales del verano y el oto\u241?o. En concreto, el com
eta de 135 apareci\u243? en la constelaci\u243?n de Pegaso, lo cual explica por
qu\u233? Mitr\u237?dates escogi\u243? a este caballo alado como emblema personal
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La forma m\u225?s correcta de su nombre es Mitr\u225?dates, que significar\u237?
a \u171?regalo de Mitra\u187?; por comodidad, utilizar\u233? la forma m\u225?s c
onocida en espa\u241?ol. \u201?l fue el sexto monarca de tal nombre en el Ponto
y el octavo sucesor del primer Mitr\u237?dates, el llamado {\i
Ktist\u233?s} o Fundador, que se independiz\u243? del gran reino sel\u233?ucida
hacia el a\u241?o 280.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mitr\u237?dates aseguraba asimismo que era el decimosexto descendiente del gran
rey Dar\u237?o de Persia y que por sus venas corr\u237?a sangre de Alejandro Mag
no. A este lo imitaba de forma consciente en los retratos que hac\u237?a acu\u24
1?ar en sus monedas, y para reforzar ese v\u237?nculo simb\u243?lico se hizo con
un manto que hab\u237?a pertenecido al rey macedonio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La grandeza era una obsesi\u243?n en Mitr\u237?dates, y todo en este personaje {
\i
bigger than life} resultaba desmesurado. Para empezar, \u233?l mismo. Ten\u237?a
una gran estatura, cercana a los dos metros, como se pod\u237?a comprobar por l
as armaduras que consagr\u243? en Nemea y en Delfos. Su resistencia f\u237?sica
le permit\u237?a cabalgar ciento ochenta kil\u243?metros en una sola jornada cam
biando de monturas, y gracias a sus enormes manos y a su fuerza descomunal lleg\
u243? a manejar las riendas de carros tirados por diecis\u233?is caballos.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su mente privilegiada se hallaba a la altura de su cuerpo. En S\u237?nope, donde
se cri\u243?, recibi\u243? una esmerada cultura griega, pero tambi\u233?n se ed
uc\u243? en las tradiciones iranias. Se dec\u237?a de \u233?l que dominaba m\u22
5?s de veinte idiomas y que se relacionaba con los diversos pueblos de su reino
sin recurrir a int\u233?rpretes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En estas descripciones hab\u237?a mucho de hip\u233?rbole, sin duda. Todo indica
que era un hombre de gran tama\u241?o, pero es posible que enviara a los santua
rios griegos unas armaduras mayores de lo que le correspond\u237?an para impresi
onar a quienes las contemplaban, imitando un truco del que se hab\u237?a servido
Alejandro Magno durante su campa\u241?a india. Sobre el carro, parece que la hi
storia original hablaba de diez caballos, no de diecis\u233?is. (La an\u233?cdot
a era tan popular que el emperador Ner\u243?n intent\u243? imitarlo en una carre
ra en Olimpia, unci\u243? diez caballos a su carro, no consigui\u243? hacerse co
n ellos y acab\u243? dando con los huesos en la arena). En cuanto a los idiomas,
probablemente dominaba algunos y otros simplemente los chapurreaba, como tantas
personas que hoy d\u237?a inflan sus curr\u237?culos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Otra de las leyendas que creci\u243? en torno a Mitr\u237?dates fue la de su inm
unidad a los venenos. La desconfianza que sent\u237?a hacia los t\u243?xicos era
natural, puesto que su padre, Mitr\u237?dates V, muri\u243? envenenado durante
un banquete en la ciudad de S\u237?nope. Por eso el joven pr\u237?ncipe se dedic
\u243? a estudiar todo tipo de f\u225?rmacos, que \u233?l mismo utilizar\u237?a
a su debido tiempo con las personas de las que se quer\u237?a librar.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {

Se cuenta asimismo que sus experimentos lo llevaron a ingerir cantidades min\u25

0?sculas de diversos venenos, y que despu\u233?s las iba aumentando progresivame
nte con el fin de conseguir la inmunidad. Ese proceso, debido a la fama del rey,
se conoci\u243? posteriormente como \u171?mitridatismo\u187? o \u171?mitridatiz
aci\u243?n\u187?. \u191?Se trata de algo m\u225?s que una leyenda? Con dosis cre
cientes se pueden conseguir niveles de tolerancia cada vez m\u225?s altos para c
iertos t\u243?xicos, como por ejemplo el ars\u233?nico, o para las ponzo\u241?as
de algunos animales. Para protegerse de otros venenos, se supone que us\u243? s
us lecturas y sus experimentos con el fin de conseguir la f\u243?rmula de una tr
iaca o ant\u237?doto general que se conoci\u243? como {\i
mithridatium} o mitridato.{\super
[20]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante los primeros a\u241?os, fue su madre La\u243?dice quien gobern\u243? en
nombre de Mitr\u237?dates y de su hermano menor, Cresto, a quien prefer\u237?a.
Tras un sospechoso accidente de equitaci\u243?n, el joven Mitr\u237?dates decidi
\u243? que, si quer\u237?a sobrevivir, le conven\u237?a apartarse de su madre, q
ue estaba actuando en connivencia con los asesinos de su padre. Para ello, huy\u
243? de S\u237?nope junto con algunos amigos fieles y pas\u243? siete a\u241?os
oculto en los frondosos bosques situados en la regi\u243?n oriental del reino. E
n aquellos lugares apartados endureci\u243? su cuerpo acostumbr\u225?ndolo a la
intemperie y dedic\u225?ndose a la caza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Transcurridos esos siete a\u241?os de iniciaci\u243?n guerrera \u8212?un n\u250?
mero sospechosamente m\u237?stico, como tantas cosas en su vida\u8212?, Mitr\u23
7?dates regres\u243? a la corte y hacia el a\u241?o 113 asumi\u243? de forma efe
ctiva el poder. Para ello tuvo que librarse de su madre y su hermano; seg\u250?n
algunas fuentes los mat\u243?, y seg\u250?n otras a su madre se limit\u243? a e
ncarcelarla y ella falleci\u243? por causas naturales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El reino que hab\u237?a heredado Mitr\u237?dates era de por s\u237? rico en recu
rsos, tanto materiales como humanos. En la costa norte se hallaban las ciudades
griegas como S\u237?nope o Amastris, que pose\u237?an instituciones helenas \u82
12?consejos, asambleas, arcontes\u8212? y que prosperaban gracias al comercio. M
\u225?s al sur hab\u237?a una serie de f\u233?rtiles valles fluviales que corr\u
237?an paralelos a la costa por detr\u225?s de las monta\u241?as; constitu\u237?
an el verdadero coraz\u243?n del reino, y sus habitantes eran de origen asi\u225
?tico, gobernados por nobles de sangre irania desde sus castillos monta\u241?ese
s. Gracias al clima h\u250?medo y suave, los bosques eran muy densos, sobre todo
en la zona oriental, y de ellos se obten\u237?a una madera muy apreciada para c
onstruir barcos. El Ponto abundaba tambi\u233?n en minerales, sobre todo en hier
ro, y era la tierra de origen de los afamados c\u225?libes, que seg\u250?n la tr
adici\u243?n hab\u237?an sido los inventores de la metalurgia del acero.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Este reino tan interesante resultaba, no obstante, muy peque\u241?o para las amb
iciones de Mitr\u237?dates, que no tard\u243? en mostrar sus ansias de conquista
. Para empezar, se dedic\u243? a reforzar su dominio en las orillas del mar Negr
o. Las primeras tierras que cayeron en su poder fueron Armenia Menor y la m\u237
?tica C\u243?lquide. Esta \u250?ltima, la patria de la legendaria Medea, ofrec\u
237?a entre otros recursos oro aluvial en forma de pepitas arrastradas por los r
\u237?os que bajaban de las monta\u241?as, y le abr\u237?a una importante ruta c
omercial al mar Caspio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de eso, entre 114 y 110, Mitr\u237?dates a\u241?adi\u243? a su rein
o las tierras del Quersoneso y el B\u243?sforo Cimerio (actualmente, la pen\u237
?nsula de Crimea y el estrecho de Kerch). El mar Negro se convirti\u243? desde e
ntonces pr\u225?cticamente en un lago que depend\u237?a de \u233?l.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
A partir de ese momento, sus rutas de expansi\u243?n natural hacia el oeste y ha
cia el sur lo llevaban a chocar indefectiblemente contra los romanos. Mitr\u237?
dates ya estaba resentido contra ellos, porque aprovechando la regencia de su ma
dre le hab\u237?an arrebatado territorios en Frigia, en el coraz\u243?n de la pe
n\u237?nsula de Anatolia. Para \u233?l, Roma era un oscuro nubarr\u243?n en el o
este que, conociendo el destino que hab\u237?an sufrido macedonios y cartaginese

s, no tardar\u237?a en abatirse sobre su propio reino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

El joven rey se prepar\u243? cuidadosamente. Entre 109 y 108 viaj\u243? de inc\u
243?gnito a Bitinia y a la provincia romana de Asia para espiar al enemigo. All\
u237? descubri\u243? que la mayor\u237?a de la gente odiaba a los romanos y a lo
s it\u225?licos \u8212?que para los asi\u225?ticos ven\u237?an a ser lo mismo\u8
212?, porque los identificaban con los recaudadores de impuestos y los prestamis
tas que les chupaban la sangre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese rencor era a\u250?n m\u225?s visceral en las capas inferiores de la sociedad
, que viv\u237?an apenas por encima del nivel de subsistencia, y sobre todo entr
e aquellos que se hab\u237?an convertido en esclavos por los abusos y las deudas
. Mitr\u237?dates tom\u243? buena nota de ello para el futuro, aunque tardar\u23
7?a todav\u237?a dos d\u233?cadas en asestar su golpe devastador.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Durante unos a\u241?os, aprovechando que los romanos andaban enfrascados en sus
guerras contra Yugurta y los germanos, Mitr\u237?dates se dedic\u243? sobre todo
a los pa\u237?ses que se extend\u237?an al sur de su reino, Galacia y Paflagoni
a, menos desarrollados que el Ponto. Despu\u233?s, en los 90, intent\u243? apode
rarse de Capadocia, un estado m\u225?s extenso que hac\u237?a frontera con Cilic
ia. En esta \u250?ltima, como ya vimos, se encontraba Sila como propretor. Sila
actu\u243? con rapidez y expuls\u243? a Gordio, el rey t\u237?tere puesto por Mi
tr\u237?dates, para volver a poner en el trono al rey Ariobarzanes. Fue el prime
r choque serio entre Roma y el monarca del Ponto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La tensi\u243?n entre ambos se agrav\u243? en el a\u241?o 90, cuando Mitr\u237?d
ates se atrevi\u243? a ir m\u225?s lejos e invadi\u243? no solo Capadocia, sino
tambi\u233?n el reino de Bitinia, amigo y aliado de Roma. El rey no actuaba as\u
237? a tontas ni a locas, sino aprovechando el estallido de la Guerra Social, qu
e conoc\u237?a bien gracias a sus contactos entre los rebeldes.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Pese a esa guerra, el senado decidi\u243? tomar cartas en el asunto y envi\u243?
una comisi\u243?n presidida por Manio Aquilio, que hab\u237?a sido colega de Ma
rio como c\u243?nsul en el a\u241?o 101 y durante su mandato hab\u237?a sofocado
la revuelta de esclavos de Sicilia. Estaba considerado un buen militar, pero ta
mbi\u233?n un individuo codicioso y corrupto, y como tal hab\u237?a sido denunci
ado por sus abusos en Sicilia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para sorpresa y tal vez frustraci\u243?n de Aquilio, Mitr\u237?dates recul\u243?
sin combatir y abandon\u243? Capadocia y Bitinia, a cuyos tronos regresaron los
anteriores monarcas, Ariobarzanes y Nicomedes. Seguramente el rey del Ponto est
aba pensando que, en cuanto se fueran los romanos, podr\u237?a volver a invadir
a sus vecinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero Aquilio le exigi\u243? una indemnizaci\u243?n de guerra que Mitr\u237?dates
se neg\u243? a pagar. Dispuesto a cobr\u225?rsela de una manera o de otra, Aqui
lio orden\u243? a Ariobarzanes y Nicomedes que invadieran el Ponto.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
En general, los romanos subestimaban a Mitr\u237?dates. Despu\u233?s de veinte a
\u241?os viendo c\u243?mo se retiraba una y otra vez como un perro al que se ame
naza con un palo, cre\u237?an que era tan cobarde o timorato como otros reyes de
la zona y que obrar\u237?a como Ant\u237?oco ante Popilio Lenas, cediendo sin r
echistar. Al fin y al cabo, \u191?no se trataba de un oriental? Los t\u243?picos
grecorromanos insist\u237?an en que los orientales eran blandos y afeminados, a
lgo que se evidenciaba, por ejemplo, en que no vest\u237?an t\u250?nica sino pan
talones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ariobarzanes, m\u225?s prudente, se neg\u243? a llevar a cabo la invasi\u243?n q
ue le suger\u237?a Aquilio. Pero Nicomedes de Bitinia, que deb\u237?a una gran c
antidad de dinero a los prestamistas romanos, atraves\u243? las fronteras del Po
nto y lleg\u243? hasta la ciudad de Amastris, que saque\u243?, y adem\u225?s cer
r\u243? la salida del mar Negro a los barcos de Mitr\u237?dates. Este envi\u243?
a P\u233?rgamo a su general Pel\u243?pidas como embajador para quejarse ante Aq
uilio por aquella incursi\u243?n. La respuesta de Aquilio fue cargar de cadenas
a Pel\u243?pidas y enviarlo de vuelta con su rey con la orden de que no se atrev
iera a presentarse de nuevo ante \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Cuando Pel\u243?pidas regres\u243? al Ponto, Mitr\u237?dates lanz\u243? una nuev

a invasi\u243?n contra Capadocia y en el invierno de 89/88 expuls\u243? a Arioba
rzanes por cuarta vez. Luego actu\u243? de forma pr\u225?cticamente simult\u225?
nea contra todos sus atacantes, Nicomedes, Casio \u8212?gobernador de Asia\u8212
? y Opio \u8212?gobernador de Cilicia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El resultado fue un \u233?xito total para el rey del Ponto. En cuesti\u243?n de
meses, logr\u243? derrotar a cuatro ej\u233?rcitos. No contento con repeler las
agresiones enemigas, \u233?l mismo persigui\u243? a los invasores hasta apoderar
se de Bitinia y la provincia romana de Asia. La poblaci\u243?n de esta, harta de
los abusos romanos, acogi\u243? con entusiasmo la llegada de Mitr\u237?dates \u
171?el Libertador\u187? y el \u171?nuevo Dioniso\u187?. Muy metido en su papel,
Mitr\u237?dates empez\u243? a acu\u241?ar desde ese momento monedas en las que s
e proclam\u243? a s\u237? mismo \u171?Grande\u187? y \u171?Rey de Reyes\u187?, c
omo sus ancestros Alejandro y Dar\u237?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de cuarenta a\u241?os de dominaci\u243?n sin apenas sobresaltos, lo
s romanos hab\u237?an sido expulsados de su provincia de Asia. Las noticias lleg
aron a la urbe en oto\u241?o del a\u241?o 89. La Rep\u250?blica, como era de esp
erar, declar\u243? la guerra a Mitr\u237?dates. Pero al principio los romanos se
tomaron los preparativos con cierta calma. La campa\u241?a se encomend\u243? al
c\u243?nsul del a\u241?o siguiente, Sila, que en cuanto entr\u243? en el cargo
empez\u243? a organizar el reclutamiento. Debido a la Guerra Social, la Rep\u250
?blica andaba tan justa de dinero que Sila incluso se vio obligado a vender teso
ros que el antiguo rey Numa Pompilio hab\u237?a reservado para los sacrificios a
los dioses, y de ellos sacaron tres toneladas de oro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero lo peor estaba todav\u237?a por llegar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LAS V\u205?SPERAS ASI\u193?TICAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la primavera del a\u241?o 88, Mitr\u237?dates envi\u243? cartas lacradas a to
dos los gobernadores y autoridades que hab\u237?a nombrado en las ciudades de As
ia Menor. El plan que expon\u237?a en ellos era de una sencillez escalofriante.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Trece d\u237?as despu\u233?s de la fecha indicada en el mensaje, los destinatari
os deb\u237?an llevar a cabo sus \u243?rdenes y matar a todos los residentes rom
anos e it\u225?licos de Asia. No se respetar\u237?a la vida de las mujeres ni de
los ni\u241?os, y sus cad\u225?veres se abandonar\u237?an a la intemperie como
pasto de perros y cuervos. En cuanto a los esclavos de esas personas, \u250?nica
mente se salvar\u237?an los que hablaran otro idioma que no fuera lat\u237?n. Es
m\u225?s, si alg\u250?n siervo ayudaba a descubrir o matar a sus amos, ser\u237
?a gratificado con la libertad. A quien liquidara a prestamistas romanos se le c
ondonar\u237?a la mitad de la deuda. Tambi\u233?n habr\u237?a recompensas para q
uien denunciara d\u243?nde se escond\u237?a alg\u250?n romano, y las propiedades
de los muertos se repartir\u237?an al 50 por ciento entre el tesoro real y los
asesinos. Si, por el contrario, alguien trataba de proteger o esconder a un roma
no, deb\u237?a ser ejecutado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? el d\u237?a se\u241?alado, las \u243?rdenes de Mitr\u237?dates
se cumplieron de una forma letalmente eficaz que combin\u243? el m\u233?todo co
n el ensa\u241?amiento y el odio. Muchas personas murieron en sus casas, mientra
s que otras huyeron a los santuarios buscando salvaci\u243?n. No les sirvi\u243?
de nada. Apiano cuenta c\u243?mo los efesios asesinaron a los fugitivos que se
refugiaron en el templo de \u193?rtemis, violando el recinto sagrado. Los de P\u
233?rgamo abatieron a flechazos a los que huyeron al templo de Asclepio. En Tral
es, un mercenario llamado Te\u243?filo mat\u243? a sus v\u237?ctimas en el santu
ario de la Concordia, cortando las manos a quienes se abrazaban a las estatuas d
e los dioses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Escenas as\u237? se repitieron por toda la antigua provincia romana. Se dice que
en un solo d\u237?a, conocido por los historiadores como las \u171?V\u237?spera
s asi\u225?ticas\u187?,{\super
[21]} perecieron ochenta mil personas. La cifra puede estar algo exagerada, pero

no creo que falle en cuanto al orden de magnitud.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Fue un acto atroz, y adem\u225?s se llev\u243? a cabo contra poblaci\u243?n civi
l. La conducta de Mitr\u237?dates en otros casos permite pensar que ten\u237?a e
n su interior cierta vena de sadismo, pero ahora se trataba de una acci\u243?n c
alculada por razones pol\u237?ticas. Su intenci\u243?n era convertir en c\u243?m
plice de aquel crimen a toda la poblaci\u243?n de Asia para que, unida a \u233?l
por el v\u237?nculo de la sangre derramada, ya no pudiera pasarse al bando de l
os romanos. Y a fe que lo consigui\u243?, pues el rencor acumulado durante tanto
s a\u241?os estall\u243? con una violencia y una bajeza que, por desgracia, resu
ltan demasiado humanas como para no comprenderlas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si las cosas pintaban mal para Roma, todav\u237?a ten\u237?an que empeorar. Mitr
\u237?dates no se conform\u243? con borrar la presencia romana de Asia, sino que
se lanz\u243? a la conquista de Grecia. La necesitaba por razones geoestrat\u23
3?gicas, como primer parachoques contra una invasi\u243?n romana, y tambi\u233?n
por motivos de ideolog\u237?a y propaganda, debido al prestigio cultural de los
griegos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En oto\u241?o del 88, mientras los romanos continuaban con sus problemas interno
s, Mitr\u237?dates atac\u243? las islas del Egeo. Una de las presas m\u225?s des
eadas por el rey era Rodas, donde se hab\u237?a refugiado Lucio Casio, proc\u243
?nsul de la provincia de Asia. Los rodios, prevenidos, reforzaron sus murallas y
construyeron piezas de artiller\u237?a para defenderse. Del mismo modo que hab\
u237?an resistido m\u225?s de dos siglos antes el asedio de Demetrio Poliorcetes
, ahora aguantaron todos los embates de la flota del Ponto.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Lesbos, por el contrario, s\u237? cay\u243? en su poder. All\u237? las tropas de
l Ponto encontraron a Aquilio, cuya codicia hab\u237?a encendido la chispa de la
guerra. Lo montaron en un burro como escarnio y lo llevaron a P\u233?rgamo. Mit
r\u237?dates, que pose\u237?a un gran sentido teatral, lo hizo ejecutar en el te
atro de Dioniso delante de miles de personas. Para saciar su sed de oro y castig
ar en su persona la codicia de los publicanos romanos, el rey orden\u243? que fu
ndieran monedas en un crisol, le abrieran la boca a la fuerza y le vertieran el
metal fundido por la garganta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La invasi\u243?n prosigui\u243?, pasando de isla en isla para atravesar el Egeo.
La flota p\u243?ntica mandada por el general Arquelao tom\u243? la isla de Delo
s a sangre y fuego. All\u237? murieron veinte mil personas. La cifra puede parec
er inveros\u237?mil para una isla rocosa y sin agua que mide poco m\u225?s de tr
es kil\u243?metros cuadrados. Pero desde que Roma la convirti\u243? en un puerto
franco controlado por Atenas y por {\i
negotiatores} it\u225?licos, Delos hab\u237?a prosperado tanto gracias al comerc
io \u8212?sobre todo de esclavos\u8212? que buena parte de la superficie de la i
sla se hab\u237?a urbanizado. Su teatro, con capacidad para cinco mil espectador
es, da idea de la poblaci\u243?n que albergaba el lugar. Despu\u233?s de la masa
cre, no obstante, Delos no volver\u237?a a ser la misma, y en algunos momentos q
ued\u243? totalmente despoblada. Hoy d\u237?a, seg\u250?n el censo de 2001, resi
den oficialmente en la isla catorce personas, empleadas en el yacimiento arqueol
\u243?gico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el continente, Atenas se pas\u243? al bando de Mitr\u237?dates gracias a Aris
ti\u243?n, fil\u243?sofo epic\u250?reo y considerado un pol\u237?tico demagogo;
esto es, l\u237?der de la facci\u243?n m\u225?s popular de su ciudad. Cuando Arq
uelao se apoder\u243? de Atenas tambi\u233?n se hizo con el control del Pireo, u
n puerto con unas defensas pr\u225?cticamente inexpugnables. Desde all\u237? pud
o extender sus tent\u225?culos al centro de Grecia y dominar la gran isla de Eub
ea y las regiones de Beocia y Acaya. El gobernador romano de Macedonia, de quien
depend\u237?a Grecia, no pudo actuar contra \u233?l porque las tribus de Dacia,
incitadas por Mitr\u237?dates, lo atacaron por aquella misma \u233?poca.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA MARCHA CONTRA ROMA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {

Mientras tanto, la situaci\u243?n en Roma no dejaba de complicarse para Sila. Ci

erto era que hab\u237?a conseguido llegar a lo m\u225?s alto al ser elegido c\u2
43?nsul; pero, para su desgracia, ese mismo a\u241?o tambi\u233?n se convirti\u2
43? en tribuno de la plebe Sulpicio Rufo, un individuo cuya personalidad lo hac\
u237?a heredero de los Graco o del mismo Saturnino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como resultado de la Guerra Social que ya casi hab\u237?a concluido, muchos pueb
los it\u225?licos hab\u237?an conseguido la ciudadan\u237?a romana. Sin embargo,
a sus habitantes los hab\u237?an inscrito en ocho nuevas tribus. Como las tradi
cionales eran treinta y cinco y las votaciones se hac\u237?an por bloques entero
s contando cada tribu como un solo \u171?s\u237?\u187? o un solo \u171?no\u187?,
a la hora de la verdad casi todo sol\u237?a estar decidido antes de que les lle
gara el turno de votar a las \u250?ltimas ocho tribus donde se aglomeraban los a
liados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sulpicio propuso que los nuevos ciudadanos fueran repartidos dentro de las trein
ta y cinco tribus de toda la vida, de modo que su peso fuera equitativo. Ambos c
\u243?nsules se opusieron a \u233?l, aunque uno de ellos, Pompeyo Rufo, era amig
o suyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Buscando otras alianzas, Sulpicio se volvi\u243? hacia Mario y los \u233?quites.
Entre los j\u243?venes de esta clase reclut\u243? una especie de ej\u233?rcito
privado al que llam\u243? \u171?el antisenado\u187?. Como favor adicional al ord
en ecuestre, present\u243? una ley para que los senadores que tuvieran deudas de
m\u225?s de dos mil denarios fueran expulsados de la c\u225?mara: era un golpe
al senado y al mismo tiempo un favor a aquellos \u233?quites a los que se deb\u2
37?a dinero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, Sulpicio no pod\u237?a evitar que el senado se opusiera a sus medi
das, de modo que decidi\u243? imitar a otros tribunos como Saturnino o los herma
nos Graco y llev\u243? sus propuestas a la asamblea del pueblo. Para evitar la v
otaci\u243?n, los c\u243?nsules Pompeyo Rufo y Sila intentaron disolverla decret
ando un {\i
iustitium}, una suspensi\u243?n temporal de todos los negocios p\u250?blicos.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sulpicio no se amilan\u243? y se present\u243? con seguidores armados mientras l
os c\u243?nsules estaban delante del templo de C\u225?stor y P\u243?lux celebran
do una {\i
contio} (una asamblea informativa, no legislativa, para entendernos). Se desat\u
243? una sangrienta batalla en pleno Foro en la que perdi\u243? la vida el hijo
del c\u243?nsul Pompeyo. Este se escabull\u243? como pudo, y el mismo Sila tuvo
que huir y se refugi\u243? nada menos que en la casa de Mario.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
\u191?Fue casualidad o busc\u243? a Mario sabiendo que pose\u237?a cierta influe
ncia sobre Sulpicio y era el \u250?nico que pod\u237?a detener los disturbios? A
lgo debieron de negociar ambos; aunque los historiadores no cuentan qu\u233? fue
, lo m\u225?s probable es que Sila accediera a levantar el {\i
iustitium} y dejar que la asamblea siguiera adelante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, Sila pudo salir de casa de Mario, y se dirigi\u243? a C
apua y a Nola, donde ten\u237?a al grueso de sus legiones manteniendo el asedio
de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Roma qued\u243?, pues, en poder de Sulpicio y su hueste privada. Cuando lleg\u24
3? la asamblea, no se limit\u243? a presentar las propuestas de las que hemos ha
blado, sino otra que supon\u237?a una pu\u241?alada en la espalda de Sila y que
los votantes aprobaron: retirarle el mando de la campa\u241?a contra Mitr\u237?d
ates y entreg\u225?rselo a Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario andaba a punto de cumplir los setenta y sus problemas de salud le hab\u237
?an hecho renunciar al generalato unos meses, durante la Guerra Social. A pesar
de todo, estaba obsesionado con volver a conquistar la gloria militar para conve
rtirse de nuevo en el primer hombre de Roma, ya que hab\u237?a comprobado que co
mo pol\u237?tico y exc\u243?nsul el senado no le trataba con el respeto que mere
c\u237?a alguien que hab\u237?a sido saludado como tercer fundador de la ciudad.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que la asamblea convocada por Sulpicio otorg\u243? el mando a Mario, amb

os enviaron a Nola a dos tribunos militares con la orden de relevar a Sila, cond
ucir las tropas al norte y entreg\u225?rselas al anciano general.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Sila, al que hab\u237?an pillado por sorpresa, reaccion\u243? con rapidez. Si ac
ced\u237?a a lo que se le exig\u237?a, toda su carrera dirigida a obtener el con
sulado habr\u237?a sido en vano. Imaginemos a un hombre de cincuenta a\u241?os r
ecapitulando sobre su vida anterior y descubriendo que de pronto todo carec\u237
?a de sentido y que su trayectoria se pod\u237?a resumir en una palabra.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Fracaso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hay que a\u241?adir que, si Sila renunciaba a sus tropas, su vida probablemente
corr\u237?a peligro. De todas formas, el motivo principal para lo que hizo no fu
e su seguridad personal, sino su honor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila convoc\u243? a sus soldados a una asamblea y les expuso la situaci\u243?n.
Manipul\u225?ndola a su manera, evidentemente. Les asegur\u243? que no solo le i
ban a arrebatar a \u233?l el mando de la guerra contra Mitr\u237?dates \u8212?lo
cual era cierto\u8212?, sino que Mario estaba dispuesto a licenciarlos a ellos
para llevar a cabo su campa\u241?a con soldados diferentes \u8212?algo que ya re
sultaba m\u225?s dif\u237?cil de demostrar\u8212?. Ser\u237?an otros hombres y n
o ellos, les dijo, quienes vengar\u237?an los cr\u237?menes de Mitr\u237?dates,
quienes conquistar\u237?an la gloria y, sobre todo, un bot\u237?n como no se hab
\u237?a visto en Roma desde hac\u237?a mucho tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Estaban dispuestos a ello?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u171?\u161?No!\u187?, fue el clamor un\u225?nime de los soldados.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Los oficiales, por su parte, asustados ante lo que se avecinaba, abandonaron a S
ila. \u218?nicamente se qued\u243? con \u233?l el cuestor Licinio L\u250?culo, u
no de sus hombres m\u225?s fieles. En cualquier caso, la espantada de los oficia
les no era tan importante, puesto que los centuriones, los aut\u233?nticos profe
sionales del ej\u233?rcito, pod\u237?an hacerse cargo perfectamente de las cohor
tes e incluso, en el caso de los primipilos, de las legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Cuando llegaron los dos tribunos enviados por Sulpicio y exigieron a Sila que le
s entregara las {\i
fasces}, las tropas los apedrearon hasta matarlos. Despu\u233?s, representantes
de los propios soldados le pidieron a Sila lo que este ya hab\u237?a imbuido en
sus cabezas y que ve\u237?a como la \u250?nica soluci\u243?n:\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Marchar contra Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello era inconcebible, algo que jam\u225?s hab\u237?a ocurrido en la historia
de la ciudad. En los primeros tiempos de la Rep\u250?blica, Coriolano hab\u237?
a tratado de atacar Roma, pero al frente de un ej\u233?rcito enemigo, no de legi
ones formadas por romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para muchos autores, el hecho de que los soldados estuvieran dispuestos a seguir
a Sila era una consecuencia l\u243?gica de las reformas que hab\u237?an empezad
o con Mario y que hab\u237?an profesionalizado hasta cierto punto el ej\u233?rci
to: los legionarios, pensando en el bot\u237?n presente y en unas tierras futura
s a modo de jubilaci\u243?n, eran m\u225?s leales al general que les pod\u237?a
conseguir ambas cosas que a la misma Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es una interpretaci\u243?n veros\u237?mil, pero no la \u250?nica. Por una parte,
los soldados no eran leales por igual a {\i
todos} los generales. As\u237? se demostr\u243? durante los a\u241?os siguientes
, cuando tropas de ej\u233?rcitos diversos desertaron en masa abandonando a sus
mandos para pasarse al bando de Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es evidente que Sila se ganaba a sus hombres gracias a su carisma y a su talante
cercano. Pero tambi\u233?n gracias a algo que se suele pasar muy alto: a que er
a un gran general. Los soldados bajo su mando pod\u237?an confiar m\u225?s que l
os de otros jefes en que con \u233?l ganar\u237?an batallas, lo que se traduc\u2
37?a en las dos prioridades fundamentales de los soldados de casi todas las \u23
3?pocas: mantenerse con vida y conseguir bot\u237?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Al dirigirse a la urbe con legiones armadas, Sila parec\u237?a estar salt\u225?n

dose todas las normas divinas y humanas. Pese a ello, \u233?l pod\u237?a aducir
que en Roma hab\u237?a dejado de imperar la ley, puesto que dos c\u243?nsules ha
b\u237?an tenido que huir del Foro para salvar la vida y la violencia y el maton
ismo se impon\u237?an en las calles. Cuando le sali\u243? al paso una delegaci\u
243?n encabezada por los pretores Bruto y Servilio y le pregunt\u243? la raz\u24
3?n por la que marchaba contra su patria, Sila contest\u243? con sincera convicc
i\u243?n: \u171?Para liberarla de sus tiranos\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los soldados de Sila, demostrando hasta qu\u233? punto apoyaban a su jefe, ataca
ron a los lictores de ambos pretores y les rompieron las {\i
fasces}, mientras que a ellos dos les arrancaron a jirones las togas senatoriale
s. Cuando Bruto y Servilio regresaron a Roma y se presentaron sin los s\u237?mbo
los visibles de su {\i
imperium}, cundi\u243? el p\u225?nico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras Sila prosegu\u237?a su avance con seis legiones completas, unos treinta
y cinco mil hombres, Mario y Sulpicio trataron de organizar la defensa de la ci
udad. No se trataba de un asunto f\u225?cil: por falta de amenazas cercanas, las
murallas de Roma no se encontraban en buen estado y era dudoso que resistieran
un asedio. De momento, Mario y Sulpicio tomaron represalias contra algunos amigo
s de Sila, a los que dieron muerte. Los dem\u225?s huyeron de la ciudad y se uni
eron al ej\u233?rcito sublevado, incluido su colega de magistratura Pompeyo Rufo
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila deb\u237?a de albergar dudas sobre lo que iba a hacer. Aunque lograra vence
r a sus enemigos, \u191?c\u243?mo lo ver\u237?an los romanos? \u191?Como un libe
rtador o m\u225?s bien como un tirano peor que Mario y Sulpicio?\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n cont\u243? \u233?l mismo en sus memorias, su confianza creci\u243? cu
ando se le apareci\u243? en sue\u241?os Ma, una divinidad a la que hab\u237?a co
nocido en Capadocia y que los romanos identificaban con Belona, diosa de la guer
ra. Ma le puso en la mano un rel\u225?mpago, como si de un nuevo J\u250?piter se
tratara, nombr\u243? a sus enemigos uno por uno y les dijo que los aniquilara.
\u201?l as\u237? hizo, y todos desaparecieron. Al despertar se sinti\u243? mucho
m\u225?s seguro de lo que iba a hacer, y as\u237? se lo cont\u243? a Pompeyo Ru
fo. Incluso encarg\u243? que le grabaran en un sello el momento en que Ma le ent
regaba el rel\u225?mpago.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Era sincero Sila o se hab\u237?a inventado aquello? Todo en su vida induce
a pensar que cre\u237?a ser un elegido de los dioses, en particular de Ma-Belon
a y de Apolo. Al fin y al cabo, los sue\u241?os, a su manera il\u243?gica y deso
rdenada, representan ante nuestra visi\u243?n interior los contenidos de la ment
e, mezclando recuerdos antiguos con elementos de nuestro imaginario y con preocu
paciones recientes. \u191?Por qu\u233? no iba a so\u241?ar Sila lo que en realid
ad deseaba so\u241?ar, que su marcha contra Roma contaba con el benepl\u225?cito
de los dioses?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado todav\u237?a le mand\u243? m\u225?s embajadas. Conforme se acercaba a
la ciudad, el tono de los intermediarios sonaba cada vez menos amenazante y m\u2
25?s conciliador. La cuarta lleg\u243? cuando Sila y sus legiones se hallaban en
un lugar llamado Pictas, a menos de diez kil\u243?metros de Roma.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Los miembros de la legaci\u243?n le dijeron que el senado hab\u237?a decidido po
r votaci\u243?n mantenerle todos sus derechos. Sila prometi\u243? pens\u225?rsel
o y orden\u243? a sus agrimensores que midieran el campamento como si pensara in
stalarse all\u237?. Pero en cuanto partieron los enviados, mand\u243? tras ellos
un destacamento que se apoder\u243? de la puerta Esquilina, situada en la zona
este de la ciudad, y de las murallas adyacentes. Parte de esa avanzadilla inclus
o cruz\u243? la puerta y se adentr\u243? en las calles, pero tuvo que retroceder
cuando la gente empez\u243? a arrojar piedras y tejas desde las azoteas.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila no tard\u243? en llegar con el grueso de sus tropas. Tras dejar una legi\u2
43?n en la puerta Esquilina, otra en la puerta Colina al mando de Pompeyo, una t
ercera en el puente Sublicio y una cuarta en reserva, entr\u243? con las otras d

os. Al comprobar que los defensores segu\u237?an disparando desde los tejados, \
u233?l mismo tom\u243? una antorcha en la mano y orden\u243? a sus hombres que p
rendieran fuego a los edificios y soltaran flechas incendiarias, igual que hab\u
237?a hecho Escipi\u243?n Emiliano en Cartago. Ante la amenaza, muchos ciudadano
s se escondieron en las casas renunciando a la violencia y otros se retiraron ha
cia el centro de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La resistencia todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a terminado. Cerca del Foro, en el Esqui
lino, las tropas que Mario y Sulpicio hab\u237?an reclutado a toda prisa se enfr
entaron contra los hombres de Sila. Como se\u241?ala Apiano, fue la primera vez
que la lucha pol\u237?tica, que m\u225?s de una vez hab\u237?a ensangrentado las
calles de Roma, se convirti\u243? en una guerra formal bajo las \u225?guilas y
a golpe de trompeta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los hombres de Sila no pod\u237?an maniobrar bien por falta de espacio, lo que a
nulaba su ventaja num\u233?rica, de modo que empezaron a retroceder. El propio c
\u243?nsul, como har\u237?a m\u225?s de una vez en batallas posteriores, tom\u24
3? un estandarte y se lanz\u243? a combatir en primera fila. Espoleados por el e
jemplo de su general, los soldados cargaron con fuerza y pusieron en fuga a los
enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desesperado, Mario llam\u243? a gritos en su ayuda incluso a los esclavos que co
ntemplaban la batalla, prometi\u233?ndoles la libertad. Al ver que nadie acud\u2
37?a, renunci\u243? a seguir combatiendo y huy\u243? de la ciudad, acompa\u241?a
do por parte de sus seguidores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a los rumores que tildaban a sus soldados de turba indisciplinada, Sila log
r\u243? contenerlos para que no saquearan la urbe, record\u225?ndoles que estaba
n en Roma y no en una ciudad conquistada. Para ello, hizo ejecutar en la v\u237?
a Sacra a algunos a los que hab\u237?an sorprendido en pleno pillaje. Despu\u233
?s de una noche muy tensa, al d\u237?a siguiente convoc\u243? a la asamblea y di
jo que a partir de ese momento todas las leyes que se votaran tendr\u237?an que
pasar antes por la aprobaci\u243?n del senado. De ese modo, esperaba domesticar
de nuevo a los tribunos y evitar que se repitieran situaciones como las que hab\
u237?a vivido desde joven y que, en su caso particular, hab\u237?an estado a pun
to de arrebatarle la gloria.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todas las leyes aprobadas por Sulpicio fueron revocadas. Al tribuno se le declar
\u243? enemigo p\u250?blico y se le conden\u243? a muerte junto con Mario y otro
s diez l\u237?deres populares; un n\u250?mero relativamente moderado, teniendo e
n cuenta el cariz que hab\u237?an tomado las cosas. El \u250?nico de ellos al qu
e echaron el guante encima fue a Sulpicio, que fue descubierto y ejecutado en su
villa de Laurento gracias a la traici\u243?n de un esclavo. Este recibi\u243? l
a libertad como recompensa, y despu\u233?s fue arrojado por la Roca Tarpeya como
castigo por su deslealtad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? ocurri\u243? con Mario? El viejo general hab\u237?a recuperado en
parte su forma f\u237?sica, ya que desde que se le concedi\u243? el mando de la
guerra se hab\u237?a dedicado a ir todos los d\u237?as al Campo de Marte para e
ntrenarse con los j\u243?venes. Eso le vino bien, pues en su huida de Roma corri
\u243? mil peripecias que dar\u237?an para una novela entera. Tras llegar a Osti
a tom\u243? un barco hacia el sur, pero una tormenta le oblig\u243? a tomar tier
ra en el promontorio conocido como monte Circeo. Durante d\u237?as vag\u243? por
esas tierras sin apenas alimentos, acompa\u241?ado \u250?nicamente por unos cua
ntos partidarios a los que trataba de animar asegur\u225?ndoles que, seg\u250?n
una profec\u237?a, todav\u237?a estaba destinado a conseguir un s\u233?ptimo con
sulado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al llegar a las cercan\u237?as de la ciudad de Minturnas, les sali\u243? al paso
un escuadr\u243?n a caballo que los andaba buscando. Mario y sus compa\u241?ero
s huyeron a la playa, y al ver dos barcos mercantes que navegaban cerca de la co
sta se arrojaron al agua y nadaron hasta ellos. Los acompa\u241?antes de Mario l
ograron escapar en una nave, pero los tripulantes de la otra, por temor de los p
erseguidores, llevaron a Mario a la orilla y lo abandonaron en la desembocadura
del r\u237?o Liris con algunas provisiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El vencedor de los cimbrios y los teutones, el gran Mario \u8212?a punto de cump
lir los setenta, no lo olvidemos\u8212?, se encontraba ahora completamente solo.

Tras atravesar las marismas y pantanos de la regi\u243?n, un lugar insalubre y

plagado de mosquitos, lleg\u243? a la caba\u241?a de un anciano, que lo escondi\
u243? en un agujero junto al r\u237?o y lo camufl\u243? ech\u225?ndole ca\u241?a
s por encima. Pasado un rato, Mario oy\u243? ruidos que proven\u237?an de la cho
za y supo que sus perseguidores estaban casi encima de \u233?l. Abandonando sus
ropas, sali\u243? del agujero y se zambull\u243? en las aguas cenagosas del pant
ano para huir a nado. All\u237? lo atraparon y, desnudo como estaba, lo llevaron
a Minturnas y lo confinaron en casa de una mujer llamada Fania.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Los magistrados de la ciudad sab\u237?an que Mario se hab\u237?a convertido en e
nemigo p\u250?blico y que su deber era ejecutarlo. Pero nadie en la ciudad estab
a dispuesto a ser su verdugo, hasta que un soldado de caballer\u237?a de origen
cimbrio, que sin duda guardaba cuentas pendientes con \u233?l, se present\u243?
voluntario para la tarea.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Acero en mano, el cimbrio entr\u243? en la casa, que se hallaba en penumbras. Al
acercarse al jerg\u243?n sobre el que reposaba Mario, este se levant\u243?, y a
l cimbrio le pareci\u243? ver que de los ojos del viejo general brotaban chispas
sobrenaturales. \u171?\u161?T\u250?! \u8212?exclam\u243? Mario\u8212?. \u191?Va
s a atreverte a matar a Cayo Mario?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El vencedor de Aquae Sextiae y Vercelas conservaba todav\u237?a una presencia ta
n imponente que el cimbrio, preso de un terror supersticioso, sali\u243? corrien
do de la casa sin dejar de gritar: \u171?\u161?No puedo matar a Cayo Mario! \u16
1?No puedo matar a Cayo Mario!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello conmovi\u243? a la gente de Minturnas. No olvidemos que ten\u237?an en s
u ciudad a una leyenda viviente, al hombre que hab\u237?a salvado a Roma e Itali
a del peligro m\u225?s grave desde los tiempos de An\u237?bal. Alguien as\u237?,
a sus ojos, irradiaba un brillo y un poder similar al de un dios, por lo que ma
tarlo era una especie de sacrilegio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para comprender hasta qu\u233? punto lo ve\u237?an as\u237?, cuando lo llevaban
hacia el mar para embarcarlo en una nave con provisiones, los habitantes de la c
iudad se toparon con la tesitura de perder tiempo rodeando el bosquecillo sagrad
o de Marica, lo que pod\u237?a significar que aparecieran los perseguidores de M
ario. Un anciano dijo en ese momento: \u171?\u161?Ning\u250?n camino est\u225? p
rohibido si sirve para salvar a Mario!\u187?. Aquello hizo que todos vencieran s
us escr\u250?pulos religiosos, atravesaran la arboleda y llevaran a Mario hasta
la nave.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? lleg\u243? Mario a la peque\u241?a isla de Enaria, la actual Isquia, en
el golfo de N\u225?poles, donde se reuni\u243? con sus anteriores compa\u241?er
os de viaje. De all\u237?, tras nuevas aventuras, arrib\u243? a tierras de Carta
go, pero el gobernador Sextilio lo expuls\u243? como enemigo p\u250?blico. Mario
volvi\u243? a huir y se dirigi\u243? a Cercina, un peque\u241?o archipi\u233?la
go situado en el golfo de T\u250?nez. En aquel lugar se reuni\u243? con su hijo
Mario, que hab\u237?a escapado de Numidia despu\u233?s de tener su propio romanc
e novelesco con una de las concubinas del rey Hi\u233?mpsal.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Mientras Mario sufr\u237?a todas estas tribulaciones, Sila se dedic\u243? a hace
r reformas en Roma para recortar el poder de la asamblea de la plebe y evitar qu
e una situaci\u243?n como la de Sulpicio se volviera a repetir. Pero cuando lleg
\u243? el momento de presidir las elecciones a c\u243?nsul para el a\u241?o 88,
comprendi\u243? que, pese a sus legiones, el poder que manten\u237?a en Roma era
precario. El candidato al que apoyaba, Servilio Vatia, fue rechazado por los vo
tantes. Los dos elegidos fueron Cneo Octavio y Lucio Cornelio Cinna. Este, sobre
todo, era declarado enemigo de Sila y seguidor de Sulpicio y Mario.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Sila acept\u243? los resultados a rega\u241?adientes. Actuar contra Mario, que e
ra un ciudadano privado, y contra Sulpicio, un tribuno de la plebe, era una cosa
. Utilizar a sus tropas contra dos c\u243?nsules electos otra bien distinta.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo cierto era que se hallaba en un brete. La situaci\u243?n en Oriente era cada
vez m\u225?s grave. Mitr\u237?dates ten\u237?a en su poder Asia Menor y buena pa

rte de Grecia. Si no lo frenaban pronto, \u191?qui\u233?n sab\u237?a de qu\u233?

ser\u237?a capaz? Macedonia se hallaba en peligro, y tal vez incluso Italia.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila no pod\u237?a demorar su partida por m\u225?s tiempo. Antes de marchar, exi
gi\u243? a Cinna que jurara respetar las leyes que hab\u237?a promulgado desde s
u entrada en Roma. El nuevo c\u243?nsul subi\u243? al Capitolio y, delante de te
stigos, agarr\u243? una piedra, la tir\u243? y dijo en tono solemne: \u171?Si no
mantengo mi benevolencia hacia Sila, que me arrojen fuera de la ciudad del mism
o modo que yo arrojo esta piedra\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era todo lo que pod\u237?a pedir Sila de momento. Hab\u237?a otra amenaza pendie
nte, un ej\u233?rcito situado en la comarca del Piceno y al mando de Pompeyo Est
rab\u243?n, que hab\u237?a sido c\u243?nsul en el a\u241?o 89 y manten\u237?a un
{\i
imperium} proconsular. Sila consigui\u243? que el senado derogara ese mandato y
le entregara las tropas a su colega Pompeyo Rufo, que en pocos d\u237?as iba a s
alir del cargo como \u233?l. Rufo era hombre de su confianza, por lo que Sila pe
nsaba que, con aquellas legiones en territorio italiano, podr\u237?a tener contr
olado a Cinna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para su desgracia, cuando Pompeyo Rufo lleg\u243? a Piceno, las tropas se amotin
aron contra \u233?l y lo lincharon. Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n, tras manifestar hip\u
243?critamente su pesar por lo ocurrido, volvi\u243? a tomar el mando de aquel e
j\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las cosas no pintaban bien para Sila. Sin embargo, no le quedaba otro remedio qu
e partir ya, pues el {\i
imperium} proconsular que le hab\u237?a otorgado el senado val\u237?a \u250?nica
mente para la campa\u241?a contra Mitr\u237?dates. Por fin, tras dejar algunas t
ropas en Nola con Apio Claudio para que concluyera el asedio, se dirigi\u243? a
Brindisi para embarcar hacia Oriente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a abandonado Italia cuando un tribuno de la plebe, obed
eciendo instrucciones del nuevo c\u243?nsul Cinna, present\u243? una acusaci\u24
3?n contra Sila por alta traici\u243?n. Por el momento, no sirvi\u243? de nada,
pues el poder del tribuno no alcanzaba fuera de las murallas de la ciudad y Sila
, como proc\u243?nsul, no pod\u237?a ser juzgado. Esa era una de las pocas venta
jas de las que gozaba: una vez fuera del recinto de la ciudad, un magistrado con
{\i
imperium} como \u233?l ten\u237?a menos limitaciones que en la propia Roma, e in
cluso pose\u237?a un poder de vida y muerte representado simb\u243?licamente por
las hachas que sus lictores introduc\u237?an dentro de los haces de abedul.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella acusaci\u243?n instigada por Cinna era un siniestro presagio de lo que l
e aguardaba. Pese a ello, a principios del a\u241?o 87 Sila embarc\u243? con cin
co legiones, cruz\u243? el estrecho de Otranto y se plant\u243? en el Epiro. Que
actuara as\u237?, sabiendo que ten\u237?a a un temible adversario enfrente y a
sus verdaderos enemigos detr\u225?s, y que lo m\u225?s probable era que su propi
a ciudad no le enviara refuerzos ni dinero, demuestra que se hallaba muy convenc
ido de que era un hijo predilecto de la Fortuna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \a
fs28
{\b
{\ql
EL ASEDIO DE ATENAS Y EL PIREO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n en ambas orillas del Egeo era complicada. Sila hab\u237?a cons
eguido cruzar el Adri\u225?tico en naves de transporte, pero no contaba con el a
poyo de una flota digna de tal nombre y apenas llevaba consigo fondos para mante
ner al ej\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo m\u225?s urgente era recuperar el control de Grecia. Sila se puso en marcha d
esde Tesalia y atraves\u243? Beocia en direcci\u243?n a Atenas. Cuando se acerc\
u243? a Tebas, que se hab\u237?a declarado a favor de Mitr\u237?dates, la ciudad
cambi\u243? r\u225?pidamente de bando. Sila acept\u243? su alianza, pero tom\u2
43? nota para el futuro de lo volubles que eran los tebanos.\par\pard\plain\hyph

par} {
Mientras tanto en Atenas, el supuesto tirano Aristi\u243?n orden\u243? reforzar
las defensas. Al mismo tiempo, el general p\u243?ntico Arquelao, el mismo que ha
b\u237?a devastado la isla de Delos, se instal\u243? con su flota en el Pireo, e
l puerto de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? al \u193?tica, la comarca de Atenas, Sila decidi\u243? llevar
a cabo dos cercos simult\u225?neos. En el pasado se habr\u237?a tratado de un so
lo asedio, puesto que en tiempos los Muros Largos, un estrecho corredor fortific
ado de unos seis kil\u243?metros, un\u237?an la ciudad y el Pireo. Pero en la \u
233?poca de Sila las murallas se hallaban casi en ruinas y Atenas hab\u237?a que
dado separada del mar: justo lo que quer\u237?a evitar el gran Pericles cuando o
rden\u243? construirlas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila empez\u243? el doble cerco en oto\u241?o del a\u241?o 87. El lugar que m\u2
25?s le interesaba y donde concentr\u243? sus esfuerzos personales era el Pireo.
La tarea se presentaba harto complicada. Las murallas med\u237?an casi veinte m
etros de altura, tanto como un edificio de cinco plantas, y estaban construidas
en gruesos sillares de piedra. En su interior albergaban una peque\u241?a ciudad
dotada de un puerto grande y dos m\u225?s peque\u241?os, todos ellos protegidos
por bocanas que pod\u237?an cerrarse con cadenas en el remoto caso de que Sila
hubiera tenido barcos para atacarlos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como era habitual al principio de un asedio, Sila intent\u243? sorprender a los
defensores o al menos tentar sus fuerzas, y apenas lleg\u243? envi\u243? a sus h
ombres al asalto con escalas y poco m\u225?s. La ofensiva fracas\u243? y perdi\u
243? suficientes hombres como para darse cuenta de que iba a necesitar algo m\u2
25?s que escalas para tomar aquellas enormes murallas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila instal\u243? su campamento principal en la zona de Eleusis, a unos veinte k
il\u243?metros de Atenas. All\u237?, lejos de posibles ataques enemigos, empez\u
243? a construir m\u225?quinas de asedio que luego remolc\u243? a Atenas y el Pi
reo usando diez mil mulas. En ello le ayud\u243? Tebas: aunque los tebanos fuese
n poco fiables como aliados, siempre que se tratara de perjudicar a los ateniens
es estaban dispuestos a apuntarse, y en esta ocasi\u243?n proporcionaron a los r
omanos hierro y catapultas ya manufacturadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al mismo tiempo, Sila orden\u243? levantar terraplenes para llegar a la altura d
e las murallas. Como material extrajo de las ruinas de los Muros Largos sillares
, vigas y tierra de relleno. Para el cerco de Atenas, adem\u225?s, tal\u243? los
bosques sagrados de la Academia y del Liceo, donde en tiempos hab\u237?an dado
clases Plat\u243?n y Arist\u243?teles. (No fue la \u250?nica acci\u243?n que los
griegos le echaron en cara como imp\u237?a. Andaba tan corto de fondos que para
mantener a su ej\u233?rcito tuvo que requisar los tesoros de los principales ce
ntros religiosos de Grecia: el or\u225?culo de Apolo en Delfos y los santuarios
de Zeus en Olimpia y Asclepio en Epidauro).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como en todos los asedios, el ej\u233?rcito sitiador no pod\u237?a estar constan
temente reunido y alerta, por lo que los defensores realizaban salidas de cuando
en cuando para pillar desprevenidos a grupos de forrajeadores o para destruir l
as m\u225?quinas de guerra. Por suerte para Sila, dispon\u237?a de sus propios i
nformantes dentro del Pireo: dos esclavos que, por obtener su libertad o alguna
otra recompensa, grababan mensajes en bolas de plomo que lanzaban con hondas al
exterior, fingiendo que defend\u237?an la muralla. As\u237? averiguaron los roma
nos, por ejemplo, que la infanter\u237?a de Arquelao iba a hacer una salida cont
ra los obreros que trabajaban en el terrapl\u233?n al mismo tiempo que la caball
er\u237?a deb\u237?a atacar a las tropas por los flancos. Gracias a esa sorpresa
pudieron abortar la operaci\u243?n y matar a bastantes atacantes.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Tras levantar el terrapl\u233?n, Sila hizo transportar dos bastidas o torres de
asedio cuesta arriba para acercarlas a la muralla. Arquelao, a su vez, orden\u24
3? erigir otras dos torres en el interior. Sin ser colosos de cuarenta y cinco m
etros como la Hel\u233?polis que construy\u243? Demetrio Poliorcetes para expugn
ar Rodas, esas bastidas se levantaban a gran altura y ten\u237?an varios pisos p
rovistos de ventanas. Desde ellas, las m\u225?quinas bal\u237?sticas disparaban
sin cesar sobre los trabajadores del terrapl\u233?n y los operarios de las m\u22

5?quinas romanas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque no hubiera llegado la era de la p\u243?lvora, las armas de artiller\u237?
a pose\u237?an gran alcance: al hablar de C\u233?sar y Pompeyo, veremos c\u243?m
o los barcos las usaban para castigar posiciones de infanter\u237?a en la costa
en aut\u233?nticos bombardeos mar-tierra. Algunas de estas m\u225?quinas, como l
as que us\u243? Sila en este asedio, pod\u237?an disparar hasta veinte grandes b
olas de plomo a la vez. Sin duda, los duelos entre estas torres deb\u237?an de s
er espectaculares, con enormes proyectiles silbando por los aires y dejando este
las de fuego y humo a su paso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Arquelao recibi\u243? refuerzos por mar, y decidi\u243? aprovecharlos para sacar
a sus tropas y romper el cerco. El combate estuvo indeciso durante un rato, has
ta que una legi\u243?n que se hab\u237?a alejado para cortar le\u241?a apareci\u
243? como refuerzo y decidi\u243? la lucha a favor de los romanos. En esa acci\u
243?n destac\u243? un legado de Sila, Licinio Murena. Por parte enemiga, el prop
io Arquelao, en una operaci\u243?n en que demostr\u243? su valent\u237?a, se que
d\u243? aislado fuera de la muralla y se salv\u243? de ser muerto o capturado gr
acias a que le tiraron unas cuerdas desde el parapeto y lo izaron por los aires
hasta el adarve.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila hab\u237?a comprendido que mientras las tropas de Mitr\u237?dates dominaran
el mar no tendr\u237?a nada que hacer: ni pod\u237?a asegurar sus v\u237?as de
comunicaci\u243?n y suministro, ni le era posible asaltar el Pireo ni, por supue
sto, reconquistar las islas del Egeo o pasar a Asia Menor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Rodas sufr\u237?a sus propias dificultades y no pod\u237?a enviar barcos, de mod
o que Sila decidi\u243? mandar a uno de sus legados, L\u250?culo, en una arriesg
ada misi\u243?n para reunir naves. L\u250?culo, que m\u225?s tarde destacar\u237
?a como general en aquellas mismas tierras, parti\u243? con una flotilla compues
ta por seis naves ligeras griegas. Cambiando de barcos de cuando en cuando para
no ser descubierto, lleg\u243? primero a Creta, y despu\u233?s viaj\u243? a Cire
ne y Alejandr\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL TIEMPO DE CINNA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Lleg\u243? el invierno del a\u241?o 87, y con \u233?l malas noticias de Roma. Co
mo era de esperar, Cinna se hab\u237?a dedicado a desmantelar todo lo que Sila h
ab\u237?a intentado construir. Para empezar, reparti\u243? por las treinta y cin
co tribus a los nuevos ciudadanos it\u225?licos tal como hab\u237?a propuesto el
difunto Sulpicio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La violencia regres\u243? a las calles, en esta ocasi\u243?n entre los partidari
os de ambos c\u243?nsules, Octavio y Cinna. Tras varios combates callejeros y mu
cho derramamiento de sangre, Cinna se vio obligado a huir de la ciudad. El senad
o lo declar\u243? enemigo del Estado y nombr\u243? c\u243?nsul a Lucio Cornelio
M\u233?rula, el {\i
flamen dialis} o sacerdote principal de J\u250?piter.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cinna se dirigi\u243? a Campania, donde Apio Claudio segu\u237?a al mando de la
legi\u243?n que hab\u237?a dejado Sila para tomar Nola. Por el camino se le uni\
u243? Quinto Sertorio, antiguo legado de Mario y uno de los militares m\u225?s d
otados de su tiempo. Cuando ambos llegaron a Nola, los hombres de Apio Claudio s
e pasaron en masa a su bando. Como c\u243?nsul depuesto, Cinna imit\u243? a Sila
y march\u243? contra Roma con un ej\u233?rcito que se fue engrosando por el cam
ino gracias a miles de voluntarios que se sumaban a sus filas, muchos de ellos a
ntiguos aliados it\u225?licos y ahora nuevos ciudadanos a los que sus medidas fa
vorec\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al mismo tiempo, un viejo conocido apareci\u243? en liza. Al enterarse de lo que
estaba ocurriendo en Italia, Mario y sus seguidores abandonaron su retiro en \u
193?frica y desembarcaron en tierras etruscas. All\u237?, Mario ofreci\u243? la
libertad a todos los esclavos que abrazaran su causa y emprendi\u243? el camino
hacia Roma, que ahora se ve\u237?a amenazada simult\u225?neamente desde el norte
y desde el sur. El antiguo salvador de la Rep\u250?blica, lleno de un odio salv

aje por sus enemigos, llevaba ropas ra\u237?das y no se hab\u237?a cortado el ca

bello ni la barba desde que lo expulsaron de Roma, lo que le confer\u237?a un as
pecto aterrador.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cinna y Mario se aliaron de nuevo, pero Mario demostr\u243? enseguida que las op
eraciones militares corr\u237?an a su cargo. Tras tomar Ostia y apoderarse de la
s naves cargadas de grano, avanz\u243? hasta el Jan\u237?culo, el monte que domi
naba la margen oeste del T\u237?ber, y asedi\u243? Roma. El hambre oblig\u243? a
los sitiados a capitular, y enviaron una delegaci\u243?n a Cinna y a Mario prop
oni\u233?ndoles abrirles las puertas siempre que mostraran clemencia con los ciu
dadanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cinna pareci\u243? aceptar, pero no sirvi\u243? de gran cosa. La entrada de ambo
s en la ciudad se convirti\u243? en un ba\u241?o de sangre. Durante cinco d\u237
?as y cinco noches, los invasores dieron rienda suelta a su furia y saquearon la
ciudad, dando muerte a los enemigos de Mario y de Cinna. Al c\u243?nsul Octavio
, que se hab\u237?a negado a abandonar la ciudad, le cortaron la cabeza y se la
llevaron a Cinna. Este la clav\u243? a la Rostra, el estrado de los oradores en
pleno Foro, una b\u225?rbara costumbre que se repetir\u237?a desde entonces en v
arias ocasiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No fue Octavio el \u250?nico noble romano que encontr\u243? la muerte. Tambi\u23
3?n cayeron el c\u233?lebre orador Marco Antonio, Publio Craso y Lucio C\u233?sa
r, todos ellos exc\u243?nsules. Mario no respet\u243? tan siquiera a su colega e
n el mando en la batalla de Vercelas, Lutacio Catulo, quien al saber que le espe
raba la muerte llen\u243? una habitaci\u243?n de carbones encendidos, cerr\u243?
las ventanas y muri\u243? asfixiado por los gases. Sila se salv\u243? porque es
taba en Grecia, pero se le declar\u243? enemigo p\u250?blico, sus propiedades fu
eron confiscadas y los seguidores de Mario incendiaron su casa. A esas alturas,
su esposa Metela hab\u237?a huido ya de la ciudad con sus dos hijos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Los desmanes m\u225?s terribles los comet\u237?an los llamados \u171?bardieos\u1
87?, esclavos liberados que serv\u237?an como guardaespaldas de Mario y que ases
inaban obedeciendo sus \u243?rdenes o, a veces, un simple cabeceo de su barbilla
. Pero sus tropel\u237?as no se limitaban a esto, sino que entraban a asaltar ca
sas, asesinaban a los hombres y violaban a sus mujeres delante de sus hijos. Fin
almente, el propio Cinna decidi\u243? tomar cartas en el asunto y mand\u243? a S
ertorio con tropas que sorprendieron a los bardieos durmiendo en el campamento y
acabaron con aquella plaga.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Mario, estaba decidido a cumplir la profec\u237?a y convertirse en c
\u243?nsul por s\u233?ptima vez, de modo que se hizo elegir con Cinna como coleg
a. A estas alturas, la mente del vencedor de los cimbrios se hab\u237?a desquici
ado; qui\u233?n sabe si por las privaciones sufridas durante su huida, por el od
io, por la edad o por una mezcla de todo. Seg\u250?n Plutarco, empez\u243? a suf
rir pesadillas y terrores nocturnos, y pensando en que Sila pudiera regresar o\u
237?a en sus sue\u241?os un hex\u225?metro que repet\u237?a: \u171?Temible es la
guarida del le\u243?n aunque est\u233? ausente\u187? ({\i
Mario}, 45).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El miedo y la obsesi\u243?n le imped\u237?an dormir bien, de modo que beb\u237?a
y se emborrachaba en juergas poco apropiadas para un septuagenario; algo de lo
que dio testimonio el gran fil\u243?sofo y cient\u237?fico Posidonio, que a la s
az\u243?n visitaba Roma y se entrevist\u243? con \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Durante uno de esos banquetes, Mario se dedic\u243? a repasar su vida delante de
sus amigos. Tras reflexionar sobre las grandes mudanzas que hab\u237?a sufrido
su fortuna, les dijo que no le parec\u237?a sabio confiar por m\u225?s tiempo en
la suerte. Despu\u233?s se meti\u243? en cama para no levantarse m\u225?s, y mu
ri\u243? siete d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde. El t\u233?rmino que utiliza Plutarco pa
ra su enfermedad es \u171?pleuritis\u187?, una inflamaci\u243?n de la pleura. Co
nsiderando su edad, los abusos cometidos y la prolongada inmovilidad en la cama,
es muy veros\u237?mil que se le encharcaran los pulmones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Un final triste para el hombre que hab\u237?a salvado a Roma. Si se hubiera reti

rado de la pol\u237?tica despu\u233?s de su victoria en Vercelas, el veredicto d

e la historia sobre Cayo Mario habr\u237?a sido mucho m\u225?s positivo. Como po
l\u237?tico, no supo estar a la misma altura que como general. O no le dejaron:
si sus colegas senadores lo hubieran respetado como tanto deseaba, si hubieran a
dmitido que aquel {\i
homo novus} se convirtiera en censor o incluso en {\i
princeps senatus}, tal vez Mario se habr\u237?a conformado con mantenerse en el
honroso segundo plano de una vieja gloria y la Rep\u250?blica se habr\u237?a aho
rrado muchas vidas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
O no. Los posibles futuros del pasado son tan imprevisibles como nuestro propio
porvenir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CA\u205?DA DE ATENAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
En invierno del a\u241?o 87, aunque era una \u233?poca peligrosa para la navegac
i\u243?n, Metela y sus dos hijos cruzaron el mar junto con otros partidarios de
Sila para reunirse con \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para Sila debi\u243? de ser un momento muy amargo cuando supo que se hab\u237?a
convertido en enemigo p\u250?blico, que su casa era un mont\u243?n de escombros
y cenizas y que muchos amigos y seguidores suyos hab\u237?an sido asesinados. El
doble asedio, adem\u225?s, se prolongaba, y para mantenerlo necesitaba unos fon
dos que Roma no le iba a enviar. No ser\u237?a de extra\u241?ar que en las larga
s noches de invierno Sila se dedicara a rumiar su venganza.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Pero hab\u237?a asuntos m\u225?s urgentes que atender. Decidido a acabar con Sil
a, Mitr\u237?dates envi\u243? desde Asia un gran ej\u233?rcito que atraves\u243?
Tracia y Macedonia para luego dirigirse hacia el sur. Por suerte para los roman
os, su general, un hijo de Mitr\u237?dates llamado Ariarates, muri\u243? en Tesa
lia, y el ej\u233?rcito se demor\u243? mientras se nombraba a su sustituto Taxil
es.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto el cerco de Atenas empezaba a rendir sus frutos, aunque fuera en la s
iniestra forma de la hambruna. Si bien Arquelao se esforzaba por llevar provisio
nes a la ciudad desde el Pireo y en ocasiones lo consegu\u237?a, las tropas de S
ila abortaban la mayor\u237?a de sus intentos. Pronto el escaso trigo que quedab
a en Atenas empez\u243? a venderse a precios desorbitados. Algunos herv\u237?an
sus propios zapatos para comerse el cuero, otros intentaban sustentarse con los
hierbajos que crec\u237?an en la Acr\u243?polis y los m\u225?s desesperados incl
uso cayeron en el canibalismo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La gente empez\u243? a murmurar contra Aristi\u243?n. Este intent\u243? negociar
la paz, pero Sila se neg\u243?, sobre todo cuando los oradores de la comitiva p
retendieron darle una lecci\u243?n de historia. De creer a Plutarco, hab\u237?a
algo personal en el rechazo de Sila, ya que Aristi\u243?n se dedicaba a lanzarle
pullas desde las murallas, meti\u233?ndose con las manchas rojas que le sal\u23
7?an en la cara y compar\u225?ndolo con un pastel de harina salpicado de moras.
Aunque no suene demasiado convincente como motivo, resulta un pasaje interesante
por la descripci\u243?n f\u237?sica de Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A finales de febrero del a\u241?o 86, a los romanos les lleg\u243? informaci\u24
3?n de que hab\u237?a un punto d\u233?bil en la muralla de Atenas, la zona del H
eptacalc\u243?n, entre la puerta Sagrada y la del Pireo. Sin perder tiempo, el 1
de marzo Sila envi\u243? hombres con escalas mientras otros atacaban la muralla
. Los defensores se hallaban tan debilitados por el hambre que apenas pudieron o
poner resistencia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos entraron con gran estruendo de trompetas y mataron y saquearon a su
antojo hasta el punto de que, en un tono algo hiperb\u243?lico, Plutarco cuenta
que por el barrio del Cer\u225?mico corr\u237?an r\u237?os de sangre. Muchos ate
nienses se dieron muerte a s\u237? mismos por temor a los romanos. No es de extr
a\u241?ar si conoc\u237?an aquel pasaje de Polibio en que explicaba c\u243?mo lo
s romanos, cuando tomaban una ciudad enemiga, despedazaban incluso a los perros.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Los indicios arqueol\u243?gicos se\u241?alan que Atenas sufri\u243? enormes da\u

241?os en aquel asalto final. En el a\u241?o 480 hab\u237?a conocido una gran de
strucci\u243?n material cuando la tomaron los persas; pero en aquella ocasi\u243
?n la ciudad se hallaba pr\u225?cticamente desierta y \u250?nicamente murieron l
os testarudos defensores de la Acr\u243?polis. Despu\u233?s, en 404, cuando se r
indi\u243? tras un largo asedio, sus habitantes se salvaron de la matanza indisc
riminada que propon\u237?an los tebanos y los corintios gracias a la generosidad
de los espartanos, que alegaron que una ciudad que hab\u237?a combatido contra
el invasor persa no merec\u237?a ser destruida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso mismo salv\u243? ahora a Atenas de una masacre peor. Cuando varios senadores
y exiliados griegos rogaron a Sila que detuviera la carnicer\u237?a, el proc\u2
43?nsul contuvo a sus hombres y declar\u243? que, en honor de los antiguos ateni
enses y de sus grandes gestas, perdonaba a los vivos a cuenta de los muertos. En
cualquier caso, Atenas nunca se recuper\u243? de aquel golpe ni volvi\u243? a a
ctuar como estado independiente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Aristi\u243?n, \u233?l y unos cuantos seguidores se refugiaron en la
ciudadela de la Acr\u243?polis, que era pr\u225?cticamente inexpugnable. Por si
acaso, antes de subir, Aristi\u243?n orden\u243? quemar el Ode\u243?n, un monum
ento de los tiempos de Pericles, con el fin de que los romanos no aprovecharan s
us vigas para construir m\u225?quinas de asedio. Sila encarg\u243? a uno de sus
oficiales, Curi\u243?n, que cercara la Acr\u243?polis, y se concentr\u243? a par
tir de ese momento en la segunda presa, el Pireo, mucho m\u225?s dif\u237?cil de
conquistar y m\u225?s importante estrat\u233?gicamente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
All\u237?, en la muralla, se hab\u237?an producido combates constantes que Apian
o narra de una forma casi cinematogr\u225?fica, bas\u225?ndose con toda probabil
idad en las memorias de Sila. Cuando el terrapl\u233?n lleg\u243? por fin a la a
ltura del muro, los romanos llevaron encima las m\u225?quinas de asalto. Pero lo
s defensores no se quedaron mirando mano sobre mano, sino que abrieron galer\u23
7?as por debajo de su propia muralla y se dedicaron a sacar tierra de debajo del
terrapl\u233?n enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El gran talud empez\u243? a hundirse de repente. Los romanos, percat\u225?ndose
de lo que suced\u237?a, retiraron las m\u225?quinas y rellenaron de nuevo el ter
rapl\u233?n. Despu\u233?s imitaron a los enemigos y perforaron t\u250?neles haci
a la muralla. Lleg\u243? un momento en que los hombres que excavaban por ambos b
andos se encontraron bajo tierra. En aquellas galer\u237?as angostas y oscuras c
omo toperas se libr\u243? un siniestro combate a punta de lanza y espada.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto, los romanos hab\u237?an vuelto a acercar las m\u225?quinas y empezar
on a batir las murallas con los arietes, hasta que un lienzo se desplom\u243?. P
or la brecha se colaron asaltantes que dispararon andanadas de proyectiles incen
diarios contra la torre enemiga m\u225?s cercana, al mismo tiempo que los soldad
os m\u225?s valientes trepaban a las alturas con escalas. Pese a la enconada def
ensa de los soldados de Arquelao, la torre acab\u243? ardiendo.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Bajo tierra, los hombres de Sila hab\u237?an logrado minar parte de los cimiento
s de la muralla, que ahora se sosten\u237?a \u250?nicamente sobre vigas de mader
a atravesadas en el vac\u237?o. Los zapadores romanos llenaron los huecos con es
topa, azufre y brea y prendieron fuego a la mezcla. La conflagraci\u243?n hizo q
ue la pared se derrumbara en varios puntos, arrastrando en su ca\u237?da a los h
ombres que combat\u237?an sobre ella. El estr\u233?pito asust\u243? al resto de
los defensores; temiendo que la parte de muro bajo sus pies pudiera colapsarse t
ambi\u233?n, muchos de ellos abandonaron sus posiciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
No obstante, al acercarse la noche, Sila comprob\u243? que sus hombres se hallab
an agotados y orden\u243? toque de retirada. Los defensores repararon los da\u24
1?os, y al d\u237?a siguiente los romanos se encontraron ante un nuevo muro cons
truido a modo de media luna. Aprovechando que el mortero estaba h\u250?medo, dec
idieron atacarlo enseguida. Pero la forma c\u243?ncava de aquella especie de bal
uarte invertido permit\u237?a que los defensores concentraran sus disparos desde

tres puntos a la vez sobre los soldados de Sila, por lo que estos tuvieron que
retirarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Toda esta escena que Apiano narra como si hubiera ocurrido una sola vez debi\u24
3? de repetirse en m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n. Despu\u233?s, en marzo, la ca\u
237?da de Atenas permiti\u243? a los romanos redoblar sus esfuerzos contra el Pi
reo concentrando m\u225?s recursos. Sila volvi\u243? a lanzar un asalto general,
con andanadas de proyectiles que barr\u237?an los muros para obligar a los defe
nsores a agazaparse o huir del adarve, mientras los arietes protegidos por mante
letes golpeaban la pared sin cesar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El entrante en forma de media luna, que segu\u237?a h\u250?medo, fue el primero
en caer. Pero cuando los romanos penetraron por la brecha, descubrieron que al o
tro lado se alzaba un segundo muro, y detr\u225?s de este a\u250?n m\u225?s bast
iones, de modo que tomarlos se convirti\u243? en un trabajo interminable.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila, no obstante, estaba decidido a culminar aquel asalto y se multiplic\u243?
entre sus hombres, anim\u225?ndolos a insistir en la ofensiva. Arquelao, d\u225?
ndose cuenta de que aquella ofensiva era propia de locos \u8212?{\i
maniode} la llama Apiano\u8212?, decidi\u243? abandonar su posici\u243?n y se re
tir\u243? con sus hombres a Muniquia, un reducto incluso m\u225?s inexpugnable d
entro del propio Pireo y que adem\u225?s estaba rodeado por mar, de modo que Sil
a no pod\u237?a atacarlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De todas formas, Arquelao no se qued\u243? demasiado tiempo all\u237?. El ej\u23
3?rcito del Ponto ya se hab\u237?a puesto en marcha desde Tesalia, y Mitr\u237?d
ates envi\u243? a Arquelao la orden de que abandonara el Pireo y relevara a Taxi
las al mando de aquellas tropas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n Plutarco, en aquella enorme hueste hab\u237?a cien mil soldados de in
fanter\u237?a, diez mil de caballer\u237?a y noventa carros provistos de hoces e
n las ruedas. Aunque poner en duda las fuentes antiguas siempre es problem\u225?
tico, resulta dif\u237?cil de creer un n\u250?mero tan elevado, principalmente p
or cuestiones log\u237?sticas, porque organizar a un ej\u233?rcito tan grande ha
br\u237?a sido una pesadilla. Tengamos en cuenta, adem\u225?s, que no estaba for
mado por \u171?mulas de Mario\u187?, lo que significa que por cada soldado hab\u
237?a al menos un asistente. Si reducimos a la mitad el n\u250?mero de soldados,
obtendremos una cifra m\u225?s razonable y similar a la que mov\u237?an otros e
j\u233?rcitos helen\u237?sticos. En cualquier caso, no deja de ser una conjetura
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LAS BATALLAS DE QUERONEA Y ORC\u211?MENO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando supo que aquel ej\u233?rcito ven\u237?a hacia el sur, Sila decidi\u243? a
bandonar la comarca del \u193?tica y dirigirse a la regi\u243?n vecina de Beocia
. Pero antes de irse, orden\u243? destruir las fortificaciones del Pireo para ev
itar que volvieran a servir de base al enemigo. Fue otra gran desgracia para la
posteridad, porque no perdon\u243? ni tan siquiera la {\i
Skeuotheke} o Arsenal. Aquel edificio de ciento veinte metros de longitud que un
\u237?a el puerto militar al \u193?gora del Pireo era una obra maestra de tiempo
s de Alejandro dise\u241?ada por el arquitecto Fil\u243?n. Como tantas obras per
didas del pasado, ahora solo podemos imaginar c\u243?mo habr\u237?a sido en su m
omento de esplendor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algunos criticaron a Sila por dirigirse a Beocia, ya que all\u237? hab\u237?a al
gunas llanuras que resultaban apropiadas para desplegar los carros y la caballer
\u237?a, y eso, en teor\u237?a, favorec\u237?a al enemigo. Pero Sila se hallaba
convencido, como casi todos los generales romanos, de que pod\u237?a vencer en c
ampo abierto. Adem\u225?s, tras el prolongado asedio de Atenas y el Pireo, en el
\u193?tica apenas quedaba alimento para sus hombres y necesitaba el trigo de lo
s f\u233?rtiles llanos de Beocia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Exist\u237?a una raz\u243?n m\u225?s. En Tesalia hab\u237?a seis mil hombres al
mando del legado Lucio Hortensio, un general muy competente que hab\u237?a venid
o desde Italia en alg\u250?n momento despu\u233?s de Sila. Es posible que aquell

as tropas fueran la avanzadilla del ej\u233?rcito que Cinna hab\u237?a decidido

enviar a Grecia bajo el mando de su colega Valerio Flaco, el c\u243?nsul que hab
\u237?a nombrado tras la muerte de Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La intenci\u243?n de Cinna era que Flaco relevara a Sila como general en Grecia
y Asia. Eso quiere decir que, si Hortensio era legado de Flaco, deber\u237?a hab
erse opuesto a Sila. Pero una vez en Tesalia, Hortensio comprendi\u243? que si q
uer\u237?a que \u233?l y sus hombres sobrevivieran, lo mejor era pasarse al band
o del proc\u243?nsul, por lo que le envi\u243? mensajeros para unirse a \u233?l.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ambos quedaron en reunirse en Beocia. Gracias a los servicios de un gu\u237?a qu
e lo llev\u243? a trav\u233?s del monte Parnaso, Hortensio pudo viajar por una r
uta paralela a la que segu\u237?a el ej\u233?rcito de Arquelao sin que los enemi
gos lo descubrieran. Sus seis mil soldados supusieron un refuerzo bienvenido par
a Sila, que ve\u237?a c\u243?mo la Fortuna a la que tanto se encomendaba le gui\
u241?aba un ojo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Arquelao lleg\u243? a Beocia, \u233?l y Sila jugaron al rat\u243?n y al g
ato durante tres d\u237?as en una serie de complicadas maniobras con las que el
general de Mitr\u237?dates buscaba cortar las l\u237?neas de comunicaci\u243?n r
omanas. Por fin, la batalla se libr\u243? en una llanura cerca de la ciudad de Q
ueronea. Si hacemos caso a Plutarco, eran ciento diez mil p\u243?nticos contra q
uince mil romanos. Que fueran cincuenta mil contra treinta y cinco mil suena muc
ho m\u225?s veros\u237?mil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila coloc\u243? al grueso de su infanter\u237?a en el centro y despleg\u243? a
la caballer\u237?a en las alas, poniendo a su legado Murena al mando del flanco
izquierdo. Hortensio y sus hombres se apostaron en la ladera que dominaba la lla
nura de Queronea por la parte sur. Su misi\u243?n era actuar como reserva y no p
erder de vista la acci\u243?n para acudir en auxilio all\u237? donde fueran nece
sarios. Sila sab\u237?a de sobra que tendr\u237?a que recurrir a las cohortes de
Hortensio, porque el frente del enemigo era m\u225?s amplio que el suyo. Adem\u
225?s, Arquelao dispon\u237?a de amplia superioridad en caballer\u237?a e infant
er\u237?a ligera, unidades de gran movilidad con las que, a buen seguro, intenta
r\u237?a flanquear a las legiones romanas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Apenas empezaron las hostilidades, Sila orden\u243? a su infanter\u237?a avanzar
hacia el enemigo a trav\u233?s de la llanura. Al tomar la iniciativa, los legio
narios dejaron sin espacio al arma psicol\u243?gica de Arquelao, los carros falc
ados. De esta manera, evitaron que adquirieran la velocidad suficiente como para
que las afiladas hoces de sus ruedas sembraran estragos. En palabras de Plutarc
o, cuando aquellos veh\u237?culos no lograban acelerar eran tan ineficaces como
un proyectil que no tiene impulso. Los hombres de Sila detuvieron la carga de lo
s carros sin dificultad y, cuando la mayor\u237?a de los aurigas hicieron volver
grupas a sus caballos, se mofaron de ellos y gritaron entre aplausos \u171?\u16
1?Que salgan m\u225?s, que salgan m\u225?s!\u187?, como si se encontraran en el
circo contemplando las carreras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, la primera fila romana carg\u243? contra el centro enemigo,
compuesto por una falange de escudos apretados entre los que sobresal\u237?an l
as afamadas sarisas maced\u243?nicas, picas de m\u225?s de cinco metros de longi
tud que ofrec\u237?an un espect\u225?culo pavoroso. Pero los romanos, siguiendo
el ejemplo de sus antepasados en Pidna, lanzaron sus {\i
pila} para desordenar la falange y despu\u233?s intentaron apartar las sarisas m
oviendo sus espadas de lado a lado para abrirse paso y llegar al cuerpo a cuerpo
, donde los hoplitas enemigos se hallaban en desventaja. Simult\u225?neamente, p
or encima de sus cabezas, sus compa\u241?eros disparaban flechas incendiarias y
jabalinas, que poco a poco sembraron la confusi\u243?n entre las tropas enemigas
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras ambas infanter\u237?as chocaban, Arquelao estaba intentando \u8212?y co
nsiguiendo\u8212? flanquear a Murena en el ala izquierda del ej\u233?rcito roman
o. Hortensio acudi\u243? en su ayuda con cinco cohortes, pero Arquelao mand\u243
? dos mil jinetes contra \u233?l antes de que pudiera tomar contacto con Murena
y lo sorprendi\u243? al pie de la ladera, amenazando con rodearlo.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {

Desde el otro lado del campo de batalla, Sila divis\u243? el peligro. Sin perder
tiempo, tom\u243? a la caballer\u237?a de su ala derecha, que todav\u237?a no h
ab\u237?a trabado contacto con el enemigo, y la llev\u243? por detr\u225?s de su
s legiones para acudir en socorro de Murena y Hortensio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Arquelao distingui\u243? el estandarte de Sila entre la nube de polvo que levant
aban los jinetes enemigos y comprendi\u243? que ahora era el flanco derecho roma
no el que hab\u237?a quedado desprotegido. Demostrando sus reflejos como general
, dej\u243? all\u237? para luchar contra Murena a sus {\i
khalkasp\u237?des} o \u171?escudos de bronce\u187?, una unidad de infanter\u237?
a de choque. Olvid\u225?ndose por el momento de Hortensio, tom\u243? de nuevo a
su caballer\u237?a y se la llev\u243? hacia el otro extremo del campo.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? pod\u237?a hacer Sila? De pronto, en medio de la polvareda, o\u23
7?a gritos que le llegaban de ambos lados, repetidos adem\u225?s por el eco de l
as colinas que lo rodeaban. No pod\u237?a acudir a todas partes al mismo tiempo,
as\u237? que decidi\u243? dejar a Hortensio con cuatro cohortes para reforzar a
Murena y \u233?l mismo tom\u243? a la otra cohorte con la caballer\u237?a y acu
di\u243? de nuevo a la derecha.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La llegada del general a un punto del campo de batalla siempre reforzaba la mora
l de los soldados que combat\u237?an all\u237?, m\u225?xime si ven\u237?a apoyad
o por caballer\u237?a, con el efecto psicol\u243?gico del tama\u241?o combinado
de corcel y jinete y el intimidante estruendo de los cascos al galopar. Al ver a
Sila, los legionarios del flanco derecho cobraron nuevos \u225?nimos, cargaron
contra el enemigo y lograron romper sus filas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Comprendiendo que era el momento decisivo, ese instante en que un \u250?ltimo es
fuerzo logra desequilibrar la balanza, Sila orden\u243? una ofensiva general. Po
r fin, la moral del enemigo se quebr\u243? y se produjo la desbandada. Arquelao
trat\u243? de refugiarse en el campamento, pero al ver que los romanos lo asalta
ban huy\u243? de all\u237? con los supervivientes y pas\u243? a la isla de Eubea
por el canal del Euripo. Este es tan angosto que hoy se cruza por puentes, uno
de los cuales no llega a cien metros de longitud. Sin embargo, los romanos no te
n\u237?an barcos para atravesarlo, de modo que no pudieron evitar que Arquelao s
e les escapara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la batalla, Sila reuni\u243? parte del bot\u237?n conquistado y prendi\u243
? una gran pira para dar gracias a los dioses. Tambi\u233?n erigi\u243? dos trof
eos con sendas inscripciones, una en griego para dedicarle el triunfo a Nike, la
Victoria, y otra en lat\u237?n para Marte y Venus. Asimismo, en la ciudad de Te
bas se celebraron juegos y obras teatrales para festejar el resultado de la bata
lla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por esas fechas cay\u243? el \u250?ltimo reducto de Atenas, la Acr\u243?polis. A
cuciados por la falta de agua, Aristi\u243?n y el resto de los defensores se ent
regaron a Curi\u243?n, que hab\u237?a quedado al mando del \u250?ltimo asedio. A
l saberlo, Sila orden\u243? que los ejecutaran a todos menos a Aristi\u243?n, au
nque un tiempo despu\u233?s tambi\u233?n le dieron muerte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Poco despu\u233?s de la batalla, a Sila le lleg\u243? la noticia de que el ej\u2
33?rcito de Valerio Flaco, que se supon\u237?a que iba a quitarle el mando, hab\
u237?a desembarcado en el Epiro y se dirig\u237?a a Tesalia. \u201?l mismo se pu
so en marcha hacia el norte dispuesto a salirle al paso, y no precisamente para
entregarle sus legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero mientras se hallaba de camino le llegaron novedades alarmantes. Mitr\u237?d
ates hab\u237?a enviado un nuevo ej\u233?rcito, mandado por Dorileo. Las tropas,
que llegaron a la isla de Eubea en una gran flota, se reunieron all\u237? con l
os restos del ej\u233?rcito de Arquelao y volvieron a cruzar el canal para invad
ir Beocia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila no pod\u237?a permitirse dejar al enemigo a sus espaldas, de modo que regre
s\u243? al sur con sus legiones y se dispuso a librar la segunda gran batalla de
l verano del a\u241?o 86. El lugar donde se enfrentaron esta vez fue Orc\u243?me
no, en una llanura a unos diez kil\u243?metros al este de Queronea. All\u237?, e

n la orilla sur del lago Copais (en realidad, m\u225?s que un lago era una vasta
marisma), se libr\u243? una primera escaramuza. El resultado fue adverso para e
l ej\u233?rcito del Ponto. Dorilao, que hab\u237?a llegado algo subido de humos,
comprob\u243? que Arquelao ten\u237?a raz\u243?n al decirle que no conven\u237?
a combatir de frente a los romanos, y le cedi\u243? el mando.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Decidido a una t\u225?ctica de desgaste, Arquelao acamp\u243? en la parte este d
e la llanura, la m\u225?s pantanosa. Sila quer\u237?a combatir, pero eligiendo e
l escenario. Y, puesto que de nuevo se hallaba en inferioridad num\u233?rica y a
quella explanada no le conven\u237?a, decidi\u243? transformarla como buen roman
o. Para ello, sus hombres empezaron a cavar zanjas de tres metros de anchura a a
mbos lados del campo de batalla elegido, estrech\u225?ndolo de tal manera que lo
s jinetes enemigos no pudieran flanquearlos como hab\u237?a estado a punto de oc
urrir en Queronea.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Arquelao, percat\u225?ndose de lo que ocurr\u237?a, mand\u243? a su caballer\u23
7?a contra los hombres que excavaban. Estos, por supuesto, contaban con la prote
cci\u243?n de soldados armados. Pero los que se hallaban situados en la parte iz
quierda del campo no resistieron el ataque y empezaron a recular.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Aquello era justo lo que quer\u237?a evitar Sila. Si aquellas zanjas no se termi
naban, los carros y la caballer\u237?a enemiga podr\u237?an desplegarse por all\
u237?, atravesar la llanura y atacar a su ej\u233?rcito por la retaguardia en un
a maniobra envolvente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n era tan grave que Sila comprendi\u243? que deb\u237?a motivar
a sus hombres con el ejemplo. Sin dudarlo, baj\u243? de su caballo, tom\u243? co
n sus propias manos un estandarte y corri\u243? entre sus hombres mientras grita
ba: \u171?\u161?Para m\u237? ser\u225? hermoso morir aqu\u237?, romanos! \u161?P
ero vosotros, cuando os pregunten d\u243?nde abandonasteis a vuestro general, re
cordad esto y contestad que en Orc\u243?meno!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Avergonzados, los fugitivos frenaron su huida y mantuvieron el terreno mientras
dos cohortes del flanco derecho acud\u237?an en su ayuda. Gracias a eso, Sila co
nsigui\u243? hacer retroceder a la caballer\u237?a de Arquelao y sus hombres pro
siguieron excavando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, el enemigo no se iba a rendir f\u225?cilmente, y lanz\u243? una nue
va ofensiva. La caballer\u237?a atac\u243? por el flanco derecho, donde combati\
u243? y muri\u243? con valor Di\u243?genes, yerno de Arquelao.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Mientras tanto, en el centro, Arquelao hab\u237?a dispuesto una triple l\u237?ne
a de combate: primero los carros falcados, a continuaci\u243?n la falange de sar
isas y detr\u225?s de esta m\u225?s infanter\u237?a de choque, entre la que hab\
u237?a tropas it\u225?licas, muchos de ellos esclavos fugados.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Sila hab\u237?a desplegado asimismo a sus legiones en triple formaci\u243?n, per
o a la manera romana, dejando amplios huecos entre las unidades. Sin que lo vier
a el enemigo, los hombres del segundo escal\u243?n hab\u237?an clavado en el sue
lo largas estacas que apuntaban hacia delante, una t\u233?cnica defensiva conoci
da m\u225?s tarde como \u171?caballo de Frisia\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los carros cargaron una vez m\u225?s, los hombres del primer escal\u243?n
abrieron pasillos ante su avance, mientras que los del segundo se refugiaron tr
as las estacas. Al mismo tiempo, todo el ej\u233?rcito grit\u243? al un\u237?son
o y los soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera dispararon sus flechas y jabalinas. M
uchos de los veh\u237?culos enemigos, que en esta ocasi\u243?n hab\u237?an cobra
do algo m\u225?s de impulso, se enredaron entre las estacas, donde fueron presa
f\u225?cil para los romanos. Otros dieron media vuelta, pues los caballos se hab
\u237?an espantado con aquel griter\u237?o, y fuera de control se volvieron cont
ra su propia falange, sembrando el caos en sus filas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Arquelao reaccion\u243? enviando jinetes al centro desde las alas, pero Sila le
sali\u243? al paso con los suyos. En aquel campo reducido, Arquelao no pudo hace
r valer su superioridad en caballer\u237?a y fue rechazado. El avance romano con
tinu\u243? imparable, empujando a los enemigos de regreso a su campamento. Lleg\

u243? un momento en que los arqueros del ej\u233?rcito p\u243?ntico se encontrar

on tan presionados que ya no pod\u237?an usar los arcos, de modo que sacaban las
flechas de las aljabas a pu\u241?ados y las agarraban como espadas para herir a
los romanos con sus puntas. Finalmente, todos tuvieron que retroceder hasta la
empalizada y pasaron una noche terrible entre muertos y heridos.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, al ver que los romanos estaban rodeando su campamento con
un foso a menos de doscientos metros de su empalizada, Arquelao comprendi\u243?
que iban a quedar cercados y, pese a la derrota de la v\u237?spera, lanz\u243?
una \u250?ltima ofensiva desesperada. De nuevo, los romanos los hicieron retroce
der, hasta que se entabl\u243? una batalla encarnizada en una esquina de la empa
lizada. All\u237? destac\u243? un tribuno llamado Basilo, que trep\u243? el prim
ero al parapeto enemigo y abri\u243? el camino a los dem\u225?s para que entrara
n en tromba y tomaran el campamento.{\super
[22]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por segunda vez, Sila hab\u237?a derrotado de forma aplastante a una fuerza supe
rior en n\u250?mero. Las bajas enemigas fueron tantas que, seg\u250?n nos cuenta
Plutarco, natural de esa regi\u243?n, doscientos a\u241?os despu\u233?s de la b
atalla todav\u237?a se encontraban entre el agua y el barro yelmos, fragmentos d
e corazas y arcos y espadas ({\i
Sila}, 21).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Arquelao consigui\u243? escapar de nuevo. Esta vez, como los romanos hab\u237?an
dispuesto vig\u237?as en la llanura que llevaba hacia el mar, se vio obligado a
huir hacia el interior y esconderse durante dos d\u237?as entre los juncales de
la ci\u233?naga. Desde all\u237?, describiendo un rodeo, logr\u243? llegar a la
costa y embarc\u243? para refugiarse de nuevo en la isla de Eubea.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Tras la victoria, Sila se veng\u243? de las poblaciones beocias que hab\u237?an
acogido al enemigo imponi\u233?ndoles duras multas. A Tebas, la ciudad m\u225?s
importante de la zona, le confisc\u243? la mitad de su territorio para devolver
con sus rentas los tesoros que hab\u237?a tomado de Delfos y los dem\u225?s sant
uarios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA PAZ DE D\u193?RDANOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello ya no se libraron grandes batallas en Grecia, que qued\u
243? de nuevo bajo control romano. Entretanto, en Asia las tornas tambi\u233?n e
staban cambiando y Mitr\u237?dates sufr\u237?a sus propios problemas. Al conquis
tar la provincia romana, el rey del Ponto hab\u237?a beneficiado sobre todo a la
s clases inferiores, redistribuyendo tierras y liberando esclavos. Las \u233?lit
es locales no se sent\u237?an demasiado contentas con \u233?l, y cuando les lleg
aron noticias de las victorias de Sila, no tardaron en conspirar para asesinar a
Mitr\u237?dates. En una de aquellas conjuras participaron cuatro de sus amigos,
hombres influyentes de Esmirna y de Lesbos, mientras que en P\u233?rgamo se org
aniz\u243? otro complot con ochenta implicados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para combatir contra aquella oposici\u243?n, Mitr\u237?dates recurri\u243? a la
tortura y el terror, e hizo ejecutar a m\u225?s de mil quinientas personas en As
ia Menor. Pero pronto le llegaron malas noticias de otros flancos. En Galacia, c
on el fin de prevenir futuras rebeliones, hab\u237?a invitado a un banquete a lo
s gobernantes locales y los hab\u237?a hecho asesinar a traici\u243?n junto con
sus mujeres y sus hijos. Sin embargo, tres de ellos lograron escapar, organizaro
n la resistencia y expulsaron a las tropas del Ponto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, el ej\u233?rcito romano enviado por Cinna segu\u237?a camino hac
ia el este. Su jefe, Valerio Flaco, que era un mediocre general, no dur\u243? de
masiado tiempo, porque un subordinado llamado Fimbria hizo que los soldados se a
motinaran contra \u233?l y lo asesinaran. Despu\u233?s, Fimbria tom\u243? el man
do y cruz\u243? a Asia Menor. Tan solo contaba con dos legiones, pero Mitr\u237?
dates tampoco ten\u237?a demasiadas tropas que oponerle, ya que hab\u237?a envia
do dos ej\u233?rcitos a Grecia. Tras arrasar varias ciudades, Fimbria consigui\u

243? expulsar a Mitr\u237?dates de su base en P\u233?rgamo y lo persigui\u243? h

asta la ciudad costera de Pitane, donde consigui\u243? cercarlo.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, la flota que tanto esperaban los romanos hab\u237?a aparecido po
r fin: tras conseguir barcos en Chipre, Fenicia, Panfilia y Rodas, L\u250?culo s
e hab\u237?a dedicado a recorrer la costa de Asia Menor saqueando e infligiendo
varias derrotas a los enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fimbria pidi\u243? ayuda a L\u250?culo para cerrar el cerco sobre Mitr\u237?date
s tambi\u233?n por mar. All\u237? podr\u237?a haber terminado esa guerra y las s
iguientes tal vez ni habr\u237?an existido. Pero Sila, que estaba en contacto co
n L\u250?culo, le prohibi\u243? de modo terminante colaborar con Fimbria: si est
e consegu\u237?a atrapar al rey del Ponto, toda la gloria de aquella guerra en l
a que Sila llevaba m\u225?s de un a\u241?o empe\u241?ado ir\u237?a a parar a sus
manos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
L\u250?culo obedeci\u243? a su superior y Mitr\u237?dates logr\u243? escapar. Lo
s \u250?ltimos reveses hab\u237?an hecho comprender al rey que deb\u237?a renunc
iar, al menos de momento, a sus planes de dominaci\u243?n sobre el Egeo, de modo
que orden\u243? a Arquelao que se pusiera en contacto con Sila para entablar co
nversaciones de paz.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a que hab\u237?an sido encarnizados enemigos en el campo de batalla, cuando
Sila y Arquelao se conocieron personalmente no tardaron en simpatizar, algo no
tan inusitado entre generales de bandos contrarios que han aprendido a respetars
e a fuerza de tretas y contratretas. Mientras negociaban y viajaban hacia Asia,
Arquelao se convirti\u243? en hu\u233?sped del proc\u243?nsul, que tuvo incluso
la deferencia de detener toda la expedici\u243?n para esperar a que el general d
e Mitr\u237?dates se repusiera de una enfermedad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante las conversaciones entre ambos, Arquelao record\u243? a Sila que Mitr\u2
37?dates hab\u237?a sido amigo de su padre (un dato que ya mencionamos y que hac
e pensar que el progenitor de Sila no era un personaje tan oscuro como se suele
afirmar). El general romano contest\u243? con patente sarcasmo que Mitr\u237?dat
es hab\u237?a necesitado perder ciento sesenta mil hombres para acordarse de esa
amistad. La cifra es muy exagerada, porque volvemos a algo que ya hemos comenta
do a menudo: derrotar a un ej\u233?rcito no significaba destruirlo por completo,
y los autores antiguos disparaban cifras con tanta alegr\u237?a como los convoc
antes de manifestaciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, Sila, cuyas memorias son la fuente principal de esta historia, a
lbergaba buenos motivos para hinchar la cifra de enemigos muertos: ciento sesent
a mil eran exactamente el doble que los ochenta mil romanos e it\u225?licos ases
inados en las V\u237?speras asi\u225?ticas. Pod\u237?a presentar aquel \u171?dos
por uno\u187? como una venganza cumplida. Porque, en realidad, Mitr\u237?dates
iba a acabar y\u233?ndose de rositas, algo que Sila sab\u237?a que depertar\u237
?a la indignaci\u243?n en muchos romanos, y necesitaba argumentos para justifica
rse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La paz entre ambos se firm\u243? en D\u225?rdanos, un lugar situado cerca de Tro
ya. Los t\u233?rminos eran los siguientes: Mitr\u237?dates se retirar\u237?a de
la provincia de Asia, y tambi\u233?n devolver\u237?a Bitinia a su leg\u237?timo
soberano Nicomedes y Capadocia a Ariobarzanes, aquel rey de quita y pon. Asimism
o, pagar\u237?a dos mil talentos como indemnizaci\u243?n de guerra y entregar\u2
37?a a los romanos cincuenta naves de guerra perfectamente equipadas. Para sella
r el acuerdo, Sila termin\u243? abrazando y besando a Mitr\u237?dates como aliad
o de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Nadie que hubiera combatido antes con Roma hab\u237?a salido jam\u225?s tan bien
librado. Las p\u233?rdidas de Mitr\u237?dates se reduc\u237?an a los dos mil ta
lentos y los cincuenta barcos, que alguien con sus recursos se pod\u237?a permit
ir con cierto desahogo. Renunciar a los territorios que hab\u237?a arrebatado po
r la fuerza \u250?nicamente supon\u237?a regresar al {\i
statu quo} anterior a la guerra sin perder nada de lo que ten\u237?a.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
A las tropas de Sila no les hizo ninguna gracia aquel acuerdo. Despu\u233?s de h
aber masacrado a decenas de miles de compatriotas, se permit\u237?a a Mitr\u237?

dates regresar impune a su reino y llevarse de P\u233?rgamo todos los tesoros qu

e hab\u237?a saqueado durante esos a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para evitar un mot\u237?n, Sila explic\u243? a sus tropas que si Mitr\u237?dates
se aliaba con Fimbria \u8212?lo que significaba hacerlo con Cinna\u8212?, se ib
an a ver en problemas, de modo que era mejor dejar las cosas como estaban. \u191
?Llevaba raz\u243?n?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque tal vez habr\u237?a podido terminar la guerra contra el rey del Ponto y a
horrarle a Roma futuros quebraderos de cabeza, Sila ten\u237?a sus motivos. Una
cosa era derrotar a Mitr\u237?dates en Grecia, en campo abierto. Otra bien disti
nta combatirlo dentro su propio reino, un pa\u237?s de relieve complicado que Mi
tr\u237?dates conoc\u237?a a la perfecci\u243?n y que habr\u237?a que conquistar
de valle en valle y de monta\u241?a en monta\u241?a. Ser\u237?a una guerra larg
a y cara, cada vez m\u225?s lejos de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y el peor problema se hallaba, precisamente, en Roma. All\u237? Sila contaba cad
a vez con menos partidarios, mientras que Cinna hab\u237?a afianzado su poder to
dav\u237?a m\u225?s haci\u233?ndose elegir para un tercer consulado.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Con Mitr\u237?dates en retirada, lo m\u225?s urgente era encargarse de Fimbria,
que estaba acampado en Tiatira, a las afueras de P\u233?rgamo. Cuando Sila acudi
\u243? all\u237?, los soldados de Fimbria empezaron a pasarse en masa a su bando
: el carisma que siempre hab\u237?a pose\u237?do Sila se ve\u237?a multiplicado
ahora por la aureola de vencedor que rodeaba al general que hab\u237?a tomado At
enas y derrotado a dos ej\u233?rcitos del Ponto. Fimbria, comprendiendo que no t
en\u237?a nada que hacer, renunci\u243? al mando, fue a P\u233?rgamo y se suicid
\u243? en el templo de Asclepio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora que se hab\u237?a librado de la amenaza m\u225?s apremiante, Sila se tom\u
243? las cosas con cierta calma. En primer lugar, ten\u237?a que reorganizar la
provincia de Asia, donde Roma hab\u237?a perdido muchos a\u241?os de ingresos. P
ara compensarlos y tambi\u233?n como indemnizaci\u243?n de guerra, conden\u243?
a las ciudades que hab\u237?an apoyado a Mitr\u237?dates a pagar veinte mil tale
ntos, diez veces m\u225?s que el rey. Con el fin de recolectar esa suma, dividi\
u243? la regi\u243?n en cuarenta y cuatro distritos y envi\u243? a sus soldados
como cobradores, ya que la red de publicanos hab\u237?a desaparecido despu\u233?
s de las V\u237?speras asi\u225?ticas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las represalias no se detuvieron aqu\u237?. Las ciudades que se negaron a obedec
er vieron c\u243?mo sus murallas eran demolidas y sus habitantes vendidos como e
sclavos. Las dem\u225?s \u8212?excepto las que hab\u237?an apoyado a Roma, como
Magnesia o Rodas\u8212? tuvieron que alojar a los hombres de Sila durante el inv
ierno del 85-84, pagando diecis\u233?is dracmas al d\u237?a a cada soldado y cin
cuenta a los centuriones. Esas diecis\u233?is dracmas equival\u237?an m\u225?s o
menos a sesenta y cuatro sestercios, lo que significa que en una sola semana co
braban casi cuatrocientos cincuenta sestercios, el equivalente a su sueldo anual
. No es de extra\u241?ar que con eso y con el reparto del bot\u237?n los soldado
s olvidaran cualquier intenci\u243?n de amotinarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En verano del a\u241?o 84, Sila regres\u243? a Europa con un convoy de naves tan
largo que necesit\u243? tres d\u237?as para llegar de \u201?feso al Pireo. A Gr
ecia, que hab\u237?a quedado muy empobrecida por la guerra, le toc\u243? sobrell
evar de nuevo la manutenci\u243?n del ej\u233?rcito romano. Curiosamente, pese a
la destrucci\u243?n que hab\u237?a sembrado en Atenas, a Sila se le levantaron
estatuas en la ciudad e incluso el festival anual en honor de Teseo se rebautiz\
u243? con su nombre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como buen arist\u243?crata romano, Sila aprovech\u243? aquellos meses para dedic
arse a una mezcla de turismo y saqueo. En Eleusis, donde hab\u237?a acampado dur
ante el asedio de Atenas, se hizo iniciar en los misterios de Dem\u233?ter y Per
s\u233?fone. Tambi\u233?n se apoder\u243? de varias bibliotecas completas, graci
as a lo cual se leyeron en Roma obras de Arist\u243?teles y Teofrasto hasta ento
nces desconocidas. Por desgracia, algunas de las naves que transportaban aquello
s tesoros culturales se perdieron, como una en la que viajaba un c\u233?lebre cu
adro del pintor Zeuxis.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella \u233?poca sufri\u243? un grave ataque de gota, que le entretuvo alg\

u250?n tiempo m\u225?s. Para cur\u225?rselo, visit\u243? unas fuentes termales e

n el norte de la isla de Eubea. No sabemos si era muy aficionado a la carne, per
o al vino s\u237?, lo que no pod\u237?a venirle bien a su afecci\u243?n.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL REGRESO A ITALIA Y LA GUERRA CIVIL\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras Sila estaba en Asia y Grecia, no hab\u237?a dejado de cruzar cartas con
el senado. Aquel intercambio de misivas hab\u237?a empezado por iniciativa de L
ucio Flaco, que era por entonces el {\i
princeps senatus}. Para hacerse valer, Sila alardeaba en sus mensajes de los log
ros militares de toda su vida, que empezaban por la campa\u241?a contra Yugurta
y prosegu\u237?an con una larga lista hasta la derrota de Mitr\u237?dates. Despu
\u233?s le recordaba al senado que su mujer y sus hijos hab\u237?an tenido que h
uir de Roma para salvar su vida. Por eso, anunci\u243?, estaba dispuesto a tomar
venganza y castigar a sus enemigos, que tambi\u233?n lo eran de la Rep\u250?bli
ca.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Temiendo las consecuencias de esta venganza y buscando la conciliaci\u243?n, el
senado envi\u243? una delegaci\u243?n a Sila. Este exigi\u243?, para empezar, qu
e se anulara su declaraci\u243?n como enemigo p\u250?blico y que se le restituye
ran sus propiedades y todos sus honores. Por supuesto, lo mismo deb\u237?a hacer
se con sus amigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras los senadores buscaban un acuerdo, le pidieron a Cinna que no reclutara
nuevas tropas, algo que parecer\u237?a una medida hostil. Haciendo caso omiso,
Cinna se autoproclam\u243? c\u243?nsul junto con su colega Papirio Carb\u243?n.
De este modo ninguno de los dos tuvo que presentarse en Roma para convocar las e
lecciones, y en su lugar se dedicaron a reclutar un ej\u233?rcito por toda Itali
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez dispuestas sus tropas, Cinna se las llev\u243? a Ancona, un puerto situa
do en la regi\u243?n del Piceno. Su intenci\u243?n era cruzar el Adri\u225?tico
para enfrentarse a Sila en Grecia. De ese modo, le evitar\u237?a a Italia los ho
rrores de una nueva guerra tan sangrienta como la que hab\u237?an librado Roma y
los aliados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a llegado el invierno, la \u233?poca en que el m
ar se cerraba a la navegaci\u243?n (una prohibici\u243?n que muchos generales se
saltaban en caso de urgencia), el segundo convoy de naves sufri\u243? una torme
nta. Para des\u225?nimo de Cinna, los supervivientes que arribaron de nuevo a la
costa italiana no regresaron al campamento en Ancona, sino que desertaron y vol
vieron a sus ciudades de origen.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cinna convoc\u243? a los dem\u225?s soldados a una asamblea con la intenci\u243?
n de arengarlos para evitar ulteriores defecciones. Pero la violencia flotaba en
el ambiente. Cuando un soldado se neg\u243? a abrir paso a la comitiva del c\u2
43?nsul, un lictor le golpe\u243? con las {\i
fasces}. Un segundo legionario sali\u243? en defensa de su compa\u241?ero agredi
endo al lictor. Aquello desat\u243? una pelea multitudinaria y las iras se conce
ntraron sobre Cinna. Mientras los hombres que estaban a unos metros de distancia
le lanzaban piedras, los que se hallaban m\u225?s cerca de \u233?l desenvainaro
n sus armas y lo mataron a cuchilladas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De manera tan indigna termin\u243? quien hab\u237?a sido el hombre m\u225?s pode
roso de Roma durante casi cuatro a\u241?os, Lucio Cornelio Cinna. Hay que se\u24
1?alar que, pese a la forma tan violenta en que entr\u243? en Roma con Mario, lu
ego se hab\u237?a comportado con suficiente moderaci\u243?n como para conseguir
apoyos entre el senado. Como punto positivo de sus consulados, gracias a medidas
como la reducci\u243?n de las deudas a la cuarta parte, Cinna hab\u237?a lograd
o mejorar la situaci\u243?n econ\u243?mica, que era cr\u237?tica despu\u233?s de
la Guerra Social.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El otro c\u243?nsul, Papiro Carb\u243?n, prefer\u237?a no tener un colega que le
hiciera sombra, de modo que se neg\u243? a viajar a Roma para presidir la elecc
i\u243?n. Pero cuando los tribunos amenazaron con despojarlo de su cargo, no tuv

o m\u225?s remedio que ceder y regresar a la ciudad. Antes de los comicios, sin
embargo, se produjeron diversos auspicios negativos, como un rayo que cay\u243?
en el templo de la diosa Ceres, por lo que los augures decretaron que el c\u243?
nsul terminase el a\u241?o en solitario. Carb\u243?n renunci\u243? al plan de Ci
nna de cruzar a Grecia por miedo a otro mot\u237?n, e incluso hizo regresar a lo
s soldados que ya se encontraban en Dalmacia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso no significaba que deseara la paz con Sila. Tanto Carb\u243?n como los dem\u
225?s partidarios del difunto Cinna estaban convencidos de que, si el senado y S
ila llegaban a un acuerdo, ellos iban a acabar muy mal. Su \u250?nica posibilida
d de supervivencia pol\u237?tica y seguramente personal era vencer a Sila con la
s armas, por lo que se negaron a cualquier componenda con \u233?l.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Los c\u243?nsules elegidos para el a\u241?o 83 fueron Escipi\u243?n Asi\u225?tic
o y Cayo Norbano, el mismo que hab\u237?a conseguido el destierro de Servilio Ce
pi\u243?n por el desastre de Arausio y el supuesto robo del oro de Tolosa. Ambos
eran de la facci\u243?n \u171?antisilana\u187?, lo que no auguraba precisamente
una reconciliaci\u243?n con Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la primavera de ese a\u241?o, por fin, las tropas de Sila se concentraron en
Dirraquio, un puerto situado en la actual Albania. Al mando de Asia hab\u237?a d
ejado a su legado Murena con dos legiones. \u201?l llevaba consigo cinco legione
s, seis mil jinetes y diversos contingentes aliados que hab\u237?a reclutado en
Grecia. En total, contaba con cuarenta mil soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso le dejaba en inferioridad num\u233?rica ante sus adversarios. La mayor\u237?
a del senado, por temor a la venganza de Sila, hab\u237?a decretado el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}, y con \u233?l en la mano, los dos c\u243?nsules y Ca
rb\u243?n \u8212?que conservaba un mando proconsular en Italia\u8212? hab\u237?a
n reclutado m\u225?s de cien mil hombres en Italia.{\super
[23]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero Sila gozaba de una gran ventaja sobre sus enemigos. Todos sus soldados pose
\u237?an experiencia de combate, tanto en escaramuzas como en asedios y grandes
batallas campales, mientras que la mayor\u237?a de las legiones que lo aguardaba
n en Italia estaban compuestas por reclutas biso\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
La diferencia fundamental era que, en una \u233?poca en que cada vez se produc\u
237?an m\u225?s motines, los hombres de Sila le eran leales hasta la muerte. Olv
idadas las privaciones de los primeros meses de campa\u241?a, para ellos la esta
ncia en Asia Menor y la segunda visita a Grecia hab\u237?an supuesto una recompe
nsa. Los mismos soldados que al empezar el asedio de Atenas hab\u237?an amenazad
o con insubordinarse sent\u237?an ahora tal devoci\u243?n por su general que no
solo le prestaron un juramento de fidelidad, sino que incluso se ofrecieron a de
jarle dinero para la inminente campa\u241?a en Italia. Sila, conmovido, acept\u2
43? el juramento y se neg\u243? a recibir el dinero; cierto es que a esas altura
s fondos no le deb\u237?an faltar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Sila y sus hombres desembarcaron en Brindisi, el principal puerto del tac
\u243?n de la bota italiana, no encontraron ninguna oposici\u243?n. Pese a su su
perioridad num\u233?rica, los dos c\u243?nsules y Papirio Carb\u243?n le entrega
ron voluntariamente el sur de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde Brindisi, Sila se dirigi\u243? hacia el norte. Como ya hab\u237?a anticipa
do \u8212?las cartas cruzaban el mar sin cesar\u8212?, pronto se unieron a \u233
?l nuevos aliados. Entre ellos se hallaba el hijo de Cecilio Metelo Num\u237?dic
o, conocido como Metelo P\u237?o por el af\u225?n que hab\u237?a puesto en que s
u padre regresara del destierro. Ven\u237?a de Liguria, procedente de \u193?fric
a, con tropas y rango proconsular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De \u193?frica lleg\u243? tambi\u233?n Marco Licinio Craso, que llevaba consigo
dos mil quinientos hombres reclutados en Hispania. Craso, de quien hablaremos co
n m\u225?s detalle en el cap\u237?tulo sobre Espartaco, llegar\u237?a a converti
rse en el hombre m\u225?s rico de Roma gracias en parte a su apoyo a Sila. Otro
noble que se uni\u243? a sus filas fue Lucio Sergio Catilina, famoso por los dis
cursos acusatorios que le dedic\u243? Cicer\u243?n y por la monograf\u237?a de S
alustio {\i

La conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina}. Si atendemos a estas dos fuentes, se trataba d

e un tipo siniestro, aunque no se le pod\u237?an negar la inteligencia y el valo
r militar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero de todos los personajes que se unieron a Sila, el que m\u225?s brillante ca
rrera har\u237?a en el futuro era un joven de solo veintid\u243?s a\u241?os. Se
llamaba Cneo Pompeyo, a secas; dos nombres nada m\u225?s, como Cayo Mario, aunqu
e \u233?l mismo se a\u241?adir\u237?a m\u225?s tarde el ep\u237?teto de {\i
Magnus}, \u171?grande\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cneo Pompeyo era hijo de Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n, del cual hab\u237?a heredado una
inmensa red de clientes en la regi\u243?n del Piceno. Gracias a ella hab\u237?a
reclutado por su cuenta la legi\u243?n que aportaba a la causa de Sila. Se trat
aba de un hecho ins\u243?lito: un ciudadano privado, un jovenzuelo que apenas te
n\u237?a edad para ser tribuno militar, se permit\u237?a el lujo de autoproclama
rse general.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como tantos otros estrategas de la Antig\u252?edad, Pompeyo deb\u237?a de poseer
un carisma que irradiaba a su alrededor como un halo, porque los hombres corr\u
237?an a alistarse bajo sus estandartes. Curiosamente, esos soldados lo amaban a
\u233?l tanto como hab\u237?an odiado a su padre: cuando Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n
muri\u243? v\u237?ctima de una epidemia, sus legionarios no solo no le rindieron
honras f\u250?nebres, sino que despedazaron su cad\u225?ver y lo arrastraron po
r las calles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Sila le ven\u237?an bien todos los aliados que pudiera reclutar. En el caso de
Pompeyo m\u225?s todav\u237?a, puesto que su padre Estrab\u243?n le hab\u237?a
sido hostil. De hecho, Sila no deb\u237?a de ignorar que durante un tiempo el jo
ven Pompeyo hab\u237?a dudado qu\u233? bando escoger e incluso hab\u237?a estado
en el campamento de Cinna cuando se desat\u243? el mot\u237?n que le cost\u243?
la vida al c\u243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo tra\u237?a consigo, adem\u225?s, oficiales tan valiosos como Tito Labien
o, que tiempo despu\u233?s combatir\u237?a con Julio C\u233?sar en la Galia. Par
a demostrar cu\u225?nto apreciaba su aportaci\u243?n, cuando Pompeyo apareci\u24
3? ante \u233?l, Sila se baj\u243? del caballo y lo salud\u243? como {\i
imperator}. Conociendo el talante de Sila, quiz\u225?s hab\u237?a algo de zumba
en aquel t\u237?tulo. Pero si hab\u237?a algo que le sobraba al joven Pompeyo y
que le sigui\u243? sobrando toda su vida era vanidad, y los vanidosos no suelen
distinguir los halagos ir\u243?nicos de los aut\u233?nticos.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Para organizar la campa\u241?a contra sus enemigos, Sila nombr\u243? como legado
a Pompeyo, que parti\u243? al Piceno para reclutar otras dos legiones m\u225?s
aparte de la que tra\u237?a. Tambi\u233?n le otorg\u243? ese rango a Cornelio Ce
tego, un noble que hasta entonces hab\u237?a sido enemigo suyo. \u201?l mismo co
mparti\u243? nominalmente el mando con Cecilio Metelo, ya que ambos ten\u237?an
rango de proc\u243?nsul. Al menos, afirmaban tenerlo: sus enemigos en Roma les h
ab\u237?an privado de ese t\u237?tulo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante unas semanas, el ej\u233?rcito de Sila recorri\u243? Calabria y Apulia s
in causar da\u241?o en los campos ni las poblaciones por orden expresa de su gen
eral. Al entrar en la regi\u243?n de Campania, se libr\u243? la primera gran bat
alla en las faldas del monte Tifata. All\u237?, Sila infligi\u243? una dura derr
ota al ej\u233?rcito consular de Norbano, que perdi\u243? seis mil hombres y tuv
o que retirarse a Capua.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila no perdi\u243? tiempo asediando la ciudad y prosigui\u243? hacia el norte p
or la v\u237?a Latina. All\u237? lo aguardaba el segundo ej\u233?rcito consular,
mandado por Escipi\u243?n Asi\u225?tico. Sabiendo que la moral de sus tropas er
a baja, Sila despach\u243? emisarios para parlamentar, con la esperanza de alcan
zar un acuerdo o de que los hombres del c\u243?nsul desertaran. Mientras tanto,
los soldados que escoltaban a esos enviados se reunieron con los del c\u243?nsul
y empezaron a confraternizar con ellos, explic\u225?ndoles que las condiciones
en el ej\u233?rcito de Sila eran mucho mejores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila y Escipi\u243?n se reunieron en un lugar neutral, donde parece ser que pact
aron algunas reformas pol\u237?ticas. Pero el acuerdo se estrope\u243? cuando Qu
into Sertorio, legado del c\u243?nsul y declarado antisilano, rompi\u243? la tre

gua y tom\u243? la ciudad de Suesa, que se hab\u237?a pasado previamente al mand

o de Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los soldados de Escipi\u243?n consideraron que la acci\u243?n de Sertorio hab\u2
37?a sido una imprudencia y empezaron a negociar en secreto con Sila. Poco despu
\u233?s este se aproxim\u243? al campamento de Escipi\u243?n como si fuera a pre
sentar batalla. Era todo una pantomima: antes de que se llegara a entablar comba
te, las cuarenta cohortes del c\u243?nsul desertaron y se sumaron a Sila en masa
, de modo que los \u250?nicos prisioneros que termin\u243? haciendo aquel d\u237
?a fueron el propio Escipi\u243?n y su hijo Lucio, que ni siquiera hab\u237?an v
isto venir la jugada. La astucia demostrada por Sila hizo que Carb\u243?n coment
ara que era medio le\u243?n y medio zorro, pero que la mitad zorruna era con muc
ho la m\u225?s peligrosa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Satisfecho con aquella victoria incruenta, Sila dej\u243? ir a Escipi\u243?n y s
u hijo; una magnanimidad que no mostrar\u237?a en muchas m\u225?s ocasiones. Lue
go intent\u243? repetir la misma artima\u241?a con el otro c\u243?nsul, pero Nor
bano no contest\u243? a sus propuestas y se retir\u243? con sus tropas al norte,
instal\u225?ndose en la formidable fortaleza de Preneste, a treinta y cinco kil
\u243?metros de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto, en Roma, Carb\u243?n declar\u243? enemigos de la Rep\u250?blica a Me
telo y a los dem\u225?s senadores aliados con Sila. Poco despu\u233?s, el 6 de j
ulio \u8212?mes conocido todav\u237?a como quintil\u8212?, el templo de J\u250?p
iter Capitolino, el m\u225?s importante de Roma, fue destruido por un incendio,
lo que significaba un p\u233?simo augurio. Durante mucho tiempo se discuti\u243?
si hab\u237?a sido un accidente o alguien lo hab\u237?a provocado, bien fueran
los partidarios de Sila o bien sus enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante unos meses las hostilidades se aletargaron, como si los contendientes ac
opiaran fuerzas. Adem\u225?s, aquel invierno fue especialmente crudo y el mal ti
empo imped\u237?a las operaciones. Los c\u243?nsules elegidos para el a\u241?o 8
2 fueron Papirio Carb\u243?n, que ejerc\u237?a el cargo por tercera vez, y el hi
jo de Mario, conocido como Cayo Mario el Joven, que no ten\u237?a m\u225?s que v
eintis\u233?is a\u241?os. Un nombramiento irregular, pero desde hac\u237?a tiemp
o las instituciones romanas se hallaban sumidas en el caos, as\u237? que a nadie
le extra\u241?\u243? demasiado. Si hab\u237?a algo que quedaba claro siendo c\u
243?nsules Carb\u243?n y Mario era que no habr\u237?a pactos ni componendas con
Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A finales de a\u241?o, Quinto Sertorio abandon\u243? Roma por discrepancias con
Carb\u243?n y sobre todo con Mario, cuyo puesto esperaba alcanzar. En teor\u237?
a, supon\u237?a una p\u233?rdida importante para el bando antisilano, ya que era
su general m\u225?s capacitado con diferencia. Sertorio se dirigi\u243? a Hispa
nia Citerior, la provincia que se le hab\u237?a asignado al final de su mandato
como pretor, y us\u225?ndola como base de operaciones caus\u243? a partir de ent
onces muchos quebraderos de cabeza a sus enemigos. Pese a ello, seguramente Sila
pens\u243? que prefer\u237?a tenerlo lejos de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las operaciones del 82 fueron m\u225?s complicadas que las del a\u241?o anterior
, con escenarios b\u233?licos que se extendieron desde \u218?tica, en \u193?fric
a, hasta Etruria y la Galia Cisalpina. Una de las batallas m\u225?s importantes
se libr\u243? en Sacriporto, un lugar no identificado con exactitud, pero que es
taba situado cerca de la actual Segni, en el Lacio. All\u237? se enfrentaron en
campo abierto Mario el Joven y Sila. El primero ten\u237?a un ej\u233?rcito muy
numeroso, ochenta y cinco cohortes, y busc\u243? forzar el combate pese a que se
acercaba la noche y llov\u237?a con fuerza. Pero cuando su flanco izquierdo emp
ez\u243? a flaquear, cinco cohortes de infanter\u237?a y dos unidades de caballe
r\u237?a dejaron caer los estandartes y se pasaron en plena batalla al bando de
Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello decidi\u243? el combate. Mario, desmoralizado, huy\u243? al galope a Pre
neste. Los defensores de esta fortaleza, al ver que los hombres de Sila ven\u237
?an en persecuci\u243?n del joven c\u243?nsul, cerraron las puertas de la murall
a para evitar que entraran. Despu\u233?s arrojaron una cuerda desde el parapeto;
Mario se la at\u243? a la cintura y lo izaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Otros no tuvieron tanta suerte como \u233?l, pues los hombres de Sila los alcanz

aron al pie de la muralla y dieron muerte a muchos de ellos. Sobre todo samnitas
, de los que no se molestaron en tomar ni un solo prisionero vivo. No ser\u237?a
la \u250?ltima vez que Sila actuar\u237?a con extrema dureza contra ellos.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila dej\u243? a uno de sus oficiales, Lucrecio Ofela, encargado de asediar Pren
este, una plaza que sab\u237?a que tardar\u237?a mucho en caer. Sin embargo, un
mensajero de Mario logr\u243? burlar el cerco de Ofela. Cuando lleg\u243? a Roma
, el emisario le entreg\u243? al pretor urbano, Bruto Damasipo, las instruccione
s del joven c\u243?nsul, que se resum\u237?an en matar a todos los sospechosos d
e congeniar con Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La manera de ejecutar a aquellos hombres demostr\u243? que desde hac\u237?a tiem
po en Roma ya no se respetaba ninguna norma: el suegro de Pompeyo fue asesinado
directamente en el senado, mientras que el {\i
pontifex maximus} Quinto Esc\u233?vola y Domicio Ahenobarbo, c\u243?nsul en el a
\u241?o 94, murieron mientras intentaban escapar. Como ulterior ultraje, sus ver
dugos arrojaron sus cad\u225?veres al r\u237?o T\u237?ber.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Si lo que quer\u237?a Mario era que aquellas muertes reforzaran el esp\u237?ritu
de resistencia de Roma, no lo consigui\u243?. Cuando se supo que Sila se acerca
ba, todos los defensores pusieron pies en polvorosa y los habitantes abrieron la
s puertas de la urbe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila acamp\u243? en el Campo de Marte, sin entrar todav\u237?a en el recinto sag
rado del {\i
pomerium}. Al menos en eso estaba respetando las normas que \u233?l mismo se hab
\u237?a saltado en su primera marcha contra Roma. Aprovech\u243? su estancia par
a confiscar las propiedades de sus enemigos, venderlas y hacer caja, que buena f
alta le hac\u237?a. Tambi\u233?n convoc\u243? una asamblea y declar\u243? ante l
os ciudadanos que asistieron que lamentaba mucho lo que estaba ocurriendo, pero
que todo acabar\u237?a pronto. Luego dej\u243? una guarnici\u243?n y se dirigi\u
243? hacia la ciudad de Clusio, en territorio etrusco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? libr\u243? una batalla contra Carb\u243?n que concluy\u243? en tablas.
A cambio, Pompeyo y Craso cosecharon varias victorias m\u225?s al sur. La m\u22
5?s importante la consigui\u243? Pompeyo. Carb\u243?n hab\u237?a enviado ocho le
giones para romper el cerco de Preneste y liberar a su colega Mario, pero Pompey
o les tendi\u243? una emboscada en un desfiladero. Los supervivientes quedaron a
islados en una colina y poco despu\u233?s abandonaron las armas y se dispersaron
por peque\u241?as unidades, salvo una legi\u243?n que desert\u243? entera y se
dirigi\u243? a Arimino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA BATALLA DE LA PUERTA COLINA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo parec\u237?a ir viento en popa para Sila. Pero la situaci\u243?n a\u250?n s
e le complicar\u237?a. Cuando los samnitas se enteraron del destino que hab\u237
?an sufrido sus compatriotas bajo las murallas de Preneste, la indignaci\u243?n
prendi\u243? como p\u243?lvora por la regi\u243?n del Samnio y se contagi\u243?
a sus vecinos del sur, los lucanos. El general Poncio Telesino reclut\u243? una
fuerza de setenta mil hombres y se dirigi\u243? hacia Preneste, dispuesto a libe
rar la fortaleza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al comprender la magnitud de la amenaza, Sila se olvid\u243? de Carb\u243?n y se
apresur\u243? a marchar a Preneste. Lleg\u243? a tiempo para tomar una posici\u
243?n estrat\u233?gica entre las estribaciones de los Apeninos y los montes Alba
nos. Desde aquellas alturas dominaba el acceso a la fortaleza, gracias a lo cual
pudo impedir el paso al enemigo. Su localizaci\u243?n era tan ventajosa que tam
bi\u233?n bloque\u243? el avance de dos legiones m\u225?s que acudieron desde el
norte como refuerzo, enviadas por Carb\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello fue demasiado ya para el c\u243?nsul, que acababa de enterarse de que ta
mbi\u233?n hab\u237?a perdido la Galia Cisalpina. Desmoralizado, Carb\u243?n dec
idi\u243? marcharse de Italia y huir a \u193?frica para continuar all\u237? la l
ucha. Abandonados y derrotados de nuevo por Pompeyo, los restos de su ej\u233?rc

ito en Clusio abandonaron las armas y regresaron a sus lugares de origen.\par\pa

rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto, los jefes del ej\u233?rcito samnita y lucano, viendo que era imposib
le acercarse a Preneste para liberarla, decidieron atacar directamente Roma. Era
una forma de sacar a Sila de la posici\u243?n inexpugnable donde se hab\u237?a
hecho fuerte, y si las cosas sal\u237?an bien, podr\u237?an saquear la ciudad y
obtener un jugoso bot\u237?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras una r\u225?pida marcha, las tropas de Telesino, a las que se hab\u237?an su
mado los refuerzos enviados por Carb\u243?n, llegaron a las inmediaciones de Rom
a el d\u237?a 1 de noviembre del a\u241?o 82 y se detuvieron a poco m\u225?s de
un kil\u243?metro de la puerta Colina. Recordando el esp\u237?ritu de las moneda
s acu\u241?adas durante la Guerra Social donde el toro samnita corneaba a la lob
a romana, Telesino areng\u243? a sus hombres: \u171?\u161?Ha llegado el \u250?lt
imo d\u237?a para los romanos! \u161?Nunca acabaremos con estos lobos que roban
la libertad de Italia si no destruimos el bosque donde se cobijan!\u187?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? lo cuenta el historiador Veleyo Pat\u233?rculo (2.27). Algunos autores
ponen en duda que Telesino y los samnitas pretendieran realmente destruir Roma,
ya que se hab\u237?an aliado con un bando que era tambi\u233?n romano, el de Car
b\u243?n y Mario el Joven. Pero, conociendo el rencor que reinaba desde hac\u237
?a generaciones entre romanos y samnitas, era seguro que si estos entraban en la
urbe nada podr\u237?a evitar que asesinaran, violaran, incendiaran y saquearan
hasta saciar el odio acumulado durante siglos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, por el momento, el ej\u233?rcito atacante se qued\u243? a las afuer
as, aunque la ciudad no se hallaba bien defendida. Era comprensible: si Telesino
y los dem\u225?s generales daban rienda suelta a sus hombres y Sila aparec\u237
?a por su retaguardia sorprendi\u233?ndolos en plena org\u237?a de destrucci\u24
3?n, no habr\u237?a manera de reorganizar las filas para plantar batalla. Lo que
pretend\u237?an para empezar era sacar a Sila de aquella guarida monta\u241?osa
donde se hab\u237?a hecho fuerte. Despu\u233?s, una vez lo hubieran derrotado,
ya tendr\u237?an tiempo de entregarse al saqueo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la ciudad cundi\u243? el p\u225?nico, como cab\u237?a esperar, y las calles s
e llenaron de gritos de alarma y llantos de terror. Una peque\u241?a tropa de ji
netes sali\u243? por la puerta para combatir al enemigo, pero fue r\u225?pidamen
te desbaratada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto Sila comprendi\u243? el peligro en que se hallaba Roma, envi\u243? por
delante un escuadr\u243?n de caballer\u237?a formado por setecientos jinetes. C
uando estos llegaron junto a la muralla, se detuvieron el tiempo justo para limp
iar el sudor de sus caballos y se dispusieron a combatir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Ante tantos enemigos la suya era una misi\u243?n desesperada, pero poco despu\u2
33?s de mediod\u237?a apareci\u243? el grueso del ej\u233?rcito silano, que ven\
u237?a a marchas forzadas desde el este. Sin perder tiempo, Sila se apost\u243?
delante de la puerta Colina listo para luchar. Dos de sus oficiales, Dolabela y
Torcuato, trataron de disuadirlo. Argumentaron que los hombres estaban cansados
y que adem\u225?s no iban a pelear contra soldados novatos y dispuestos a desert
ar al primer contratiempo: aquellos eran samnitas y lucanos, unos guerreros duro
s de roer que adem\u225?s aborrec\u237?an a los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Sila no les hizo caso. Aunque ya hab\u237?an pasado cuatro horas del mediod\u237
?a y se acercaba la noche, orden\u243? a las trompetas dar la orden de cargar co
ntra el enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como sol\u237?a ocurrir cuando hab\u237?a tantas tropas implicadas, la batalla s
e dividi\u243? en dos. Por la parte derecha, Craso logr\u243? hacer retroceder a
los enemigos. Pero el ala izquierda, que se enfrentaba con las mejores tropas d
el adversario, empez\u243? a ceder. Comprendiendo que era su flanco m\u225?s d\u
233?bil, el propio Sila combati\u243? all\u237? y cabalg\u243? entre sus hombres
exhort\u225?ndolos a luchar. Dos enemigos lo reconocieron y le arrojaron sus la
nzas. El palafrenero de Sila se dio cuenta y azot\u243? las ancas del caballo, l
o que hizo que el corcel diera un brinco adelante; ambos venablos rozaron su col

a y se clavaron en el suelo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n era tan grave que Sila lo vio todo perdido. Para acicatear a s
us hombres en aquel trance y conseguir el favor de los dioses, sac\u243? de deba
jo de su ropa una estatuilla de oro que hab\u237?a confiscado en Delfos y bes\u2
25?ndola rog\u243?: \u171?Oh, Apolo P\u237?tico, que en tantas batallas has llev
ado a la grandeza y la gloria a Cornelio Sila el Afortunado, \u191?vas a derriba
rlo ahora aqu\u237?, ante las puertas de su patria, para que perezca vergonzosam
ente junto con sus conciudadanos?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, ni sus plegarias sirvieron para detener la huida de sus hombres. Mu
chos se refugiaron en el campamento, mientras que otros corrieron hacia la puert
a Colina para protegerse tras la muralla. Los guardias que custodiaban esta, hom
bres ya veteranos, comprendieron que el enemigo pod\u237?a entrar en Roma y acci
onaron el mecanismo que bajaba la puerta. El rastrillo, al caer, aplast\u243? a
bastantes soldados. Los dem\u225?s, comprendiendo que no les quedaba otro remedi
o que reanudar la lucha o morir cazados como conejos contra la muralla, tomaron
las armas de nuevo e hicieron cara al enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La pelea se prolong\u243? durante toda la noche, y poco a poco los hombres de Si
la consiguieron invertir el rumbo de la batalla. Espoleados por la desesperaci\u
243?n, combatieron con tal fiereza que hicieron retroceder a los samnitas y los
persiguieron hasta su campamento, que tomaron al asalto. All\u237? se encontr\u2
43? despu\u233?s el cad\u225?ver del general samnita Telesino. Otros jefes enemi
gos como Censorino o Carrinas lograron escapar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En las \u250?ltimas horas de la noche, Sila recibi\u243? un mensaje de Craso con
buenas noticias: hab\u237?a derrotado por completo a los enemigos y los hab\u23
7?a perseguido hasta Antemnas, una aldea situada tres kil\u243?metros al norte d
e Roma, donde el r\u237?o Anio se une al T\u237?ber.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al amanecer del 2 de noviembre, Sila se dirigi\u243? a Antemnas. Un emisario sal
i\u243? de la aldea para negociar en nombre de un grupo de enemigos encerrados e
n la poblaci\u243?n. Sila prometi\u243? perdonarles la vida si entregaban al res
to de la guarnici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquellos hombres, que eran tres mil, obedecieron y mataron a sus compa\u241?eros
. Despu\u233?s salieron de Antemnas, arrojaron las armas y se entregaron. Sila o
rden\u243? que los llevaran junto con los dem\u225?s prisioneros al Campo de Mar
te y los encerraran en la Villa P\u250?blica, el lugar donde se alojaban los hu\
u233?spedes distinguidos de la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En total, los hombres de Sila reunieron a seis mil cautivos, muchos de los cuale
s eran samnitas. M\u225?s tarde, el proc\u243?nsul convoc\u243? una reuni\u243?n
del senado en el templo de Belona, que estaba situado a poca distancia de la Vi
lla P\u250?blica. Mientras se dirig\u237?a a los padres conscriptos para informa
rles sobre el resultado de la campa\u241?a contra Mitr\u237?dates, sus soldados
empezaron a ejecutar a los prisioneros. Los gritos de agon\u237?a y terror de mi
les de hombres muriendo llegaron a o\u237?dos de los senadores. Sila sigui\u243?
hablando un rato como si nada. Luego, al advertir que sus oyentes palidec\u237?
an \u8212?un efecto que sin duda hab\u237?a previsto\u8212?, les orden\u243? que
no se distrajeran y que atendieran sus palabras. \u171?No ten\u233?is por qu\u2
33? preocuparos por lo que est\u225?is oyendo. Lo \u250?nico que ocurre es que m
is soldados est\u225?n castigando a unos cuantos criminales en las inmediaciones
\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella fue la primera pista de que el simp\u225?tico y encantador Sila, el homb
re que se corr\u237?a juergas con actores y cortesanas y escrib\u237?a divertida
s farsas, escond\u237?a en su interior un coraz\u243?n implacable. Dejar rienda
suelta a sus hombres durante unas horas al tomar Atenas entraba dentro de lo hab
itual al asaltar una ciudad enemiga: Escipi\u243?n Africano y su nieto Emiliano
lo hab\u237?an hecho en el pasado. Pero aquella ejecuci\u243?n a sangre fr\u237?
a, traicionando la palabra que hab\u237?a dado a los cautivos de Antemnas y plan
e\u225?ndolo todo para que los gritos llegaran a o\u237?dos de los senadores, de
mostr\u243? que Sila era capaz de una crueldad inhumana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Despu\u233?s de esto, Sila se dirigi\u243? hacia Preneste, donde ya hab\u237?a e
nviado por delante las cabezas decapitadas de varios cabecillas enemigos. Cuando

su oficial Afela las exhibi\u243? bajo las murallas, los defensores comprendier
on que toda resistencia era f\u250?til y se rindieron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mario el Joven intent\u243? huir por los t\u250?neles de drenaje que llevaban a
las afueras de la ciudad. Pero sus enemigos hab\u237?an previsto ese movimiento
y ten\u237?an vigiladas las salidas. Desesperado, Mario y su acompa\u241?ante de
fuga, el hermano peque\u241?o de Telesino, se dieron muerte con sus espadas. La
cabeza de Mario, cortada, acab\u243? exhibida en la Rostra del Foro, donde Sila
se burl\u243? de \u233?l con un verso de Arist\u243?fanes: \u171?Aprende primer
o a empu\u241?ar el remo antes de manejar el tim\u243?n\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
En Preneste los hombres de Sila hicieron doce mil prisioneros. Cuando lleg\u243?
el proc\u243?nsul, perdon\u243? a unos cuantos que le eran \u250?tiles y organi
z\u243? a los dem\u225?s en tres grupos: romanos, samnitas y prenestinos. A los
primeros les dej\u243? vivir, no sin recordarles que merec\u237?an la muerte, y
a los samnitas y los prenestinos los hizo ejecutar. Al menos las mujeres y los n
i\u241?os que estaban en la ciudad pudieron irse con vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Poco a poco, enclaves enemigos como Norba y Capua fueron cayendo en poder de Sil
a. Nola se rindi\u243? en el a\u241?o 80 y la fortaleza etrusca de Volaterrae en
el 79. Pero fuera de Italia se mantuvieron diversos focos: en Hispania, en el n
orte de \u193?frica y en Sicilia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila encarg\u243? a Metelo P\u237?o que acabara con la resistencia de Sertorio.
A Pompeyo lo envi\u243? con t\u237?tulo de proc\u243?nsul para que se encargara
de Papirio Carb\u243?n y sojuzgara Sicilia y \u193?frica. Pero antes de eso toda
v\u237?a corri\u243? mucha sangre en la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \af
s28
{\b
{\ql
EL TERROR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
La victoria de Sila en la puerta Colina supuso el pistoletazo de salida para una
aut\u233?ntica org\u237?a de muerte que afect\u243? a Roma y a toda Italia. Pue
sto que el vencedor consideraba que sus adversarios lo eran tambi\u233?n de la R
ep\u250?blica, cualquiera que hubiese estado en su contra se convert\u237?a auto
m\u225?ticamente en enemigo p\u250?blico y se le pod\u237?a dar caza impunemente
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila hab\u237?a advertido al senado de que pensaba vengarse por lo que le hab\u2
37?an hecho \u8212?confiscarle sus propiedades, quemar sus casas, declararlo fue
ra de la ley\u8212?. Quienes tem\u237?an que, llevado por su rencor, pudiera com
eter tantas atrocidades como Mario cuando entr\u243? en Roma con sus bardieos se
quedaron cortos. El ansia de venganza de Sila llegaba hasta tal punto que orden
\u243? desenterrar el cad\u225?ver de Cayo Mario y arrojarlo al r\u237?o Anio. N
o contento con eso, hizo asimismo que derribaran los trofeos y monumentos que co
nmemoraban las victorias de Mario en la guerra de Yugurta y las campa\u241?as co
ntra los cimbrios y teutones. Igual que tantos gobernantes han hecho a lo largo
del tiempo y siguen haciendo, Sila quer\u237?a borrar de la memoria a su adversa
rio y reescribir la historia a su manera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo ello resultaba m\u225?s chocante y estremecedor porque hasta entonces Sila
no se hab\u237?a mostrado especialmente cruel: desde que desembarc\u243? en Brin
disi, hab\u237?a acogido a todos aquellos que quisieron pasarse a sus filas, aun
que en el pasado hubieran sido adversarios pol\u237?ticos suyos. Como ya se cont
\u243?, al apresar al c\u243?nsul Escipi\u243?n y a su hijo no solo no les hizo
da\u241?o ninguno, sino que incluso los dej\u243? en libertad. Pero o bien lleva
ba todo ese tiempo frot\u225?ndose las manos y pensando en el momento en que pod
r\u237?a quitarse la careta y emprender una venganza que no se olvidar\u237?a du
rante siglos, o bien algo se hab\u237?a roto dentro de \u233?l durante el terrib
le trance de la batalla de la puerta Colina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como suele ocurrir en situaciones similares, muchos de los seguidores de Sila ap
rovecharon para ajustarles las cuentas a enemigos con los que manten\u237?an ren
cillas personales, aunque no tuviesen nada que ver con la pol\u237?tica. La situ

aci\u243?n se descontrol\u243? hasta tal punto que en una reuni\u243?n del senad
o uno de sus miembros m\u225?s j\u243?venes, Cayo Metelo, pregunt\u243? a Sila s
i pensaba poner fin a esa masacre. \u171?No te pedimos que se libren de castigo
aquellos a los que has decidido matar. Tan solo queremos que aquellos a los que
piensas perdonar salgan de esta incertidumbre\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La respuesta de Sila hizo que todos los presentes notaran c\u243?mo un sudor fr\
u237?o resbalaba por sus espaldas: \u171?Todav\u237?a no he decidido a qui\u233?
nes voy a perdonar la vida\u187?. \u171?Est\u225? bien \u8212?repuso Metelo\u821
2?. Al menos haznos saber a qui\u233?nes vas a castigar\u187?. \u171?Eso s\u237?
puedo hacerlo\u187?, contest\u243? Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente se public\u243? la primera de las tristemente c\u233?lebre
s \u171?proscripciones\u187?, una lista con ochenta nombres, entre los cuales se
encontraban los c\u243?nsules de los a\u241?os 83 y 82.{\super
[24]} Copias de esa lista se repartieron por toda Italia. Los que aparec\u237?an
en ella eran declarados enemigos de la Rep\u250?blica, por lo que cualquier ciu
dadano de bien pod\u237?a matarlos con toda impunidad. Quienquiera que trajese l
a cabeza de un proscrito para demostrar que le hab\u237?a dado muerte recibir\u2
37?a por ella dos talentos; esto es, cuarenta y ocho mil sestercios. Quien, por
el contrario, cobijase en su casa a uno de los proscritos ser\u237?a condenado a
muerte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello desat\u243? una cacer\u237?a humana, pero el terror no hab\u237?a hecho
m\u225?s que empezar. Al d\u237?a siguiente, Sila hizo publicar una lista con do
scientos veinte nombres m\u225?s, y un d\u237?a despu\u233?s una tercera con otr
os tantos. La cosa no se iba a detener ah\u237?: en un discurso p\u250?blico com
unic\u243? que estaba proscribiendo a todos aquellos enemigos de los que se acor
daba; pero que, si ahora le fallaba la memoria, seguro que luego recordar\u237?a
m\u225?s nombres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Toda seguridad jur\u237?dica hab\u237?a desaparecido. Por favorecer a sus amigos
, Sila permit\u237?a que se inscribieran nuevos nombres en las listas, a veces c
on el puro fin de enriquecerse. Pues no le bastaba con matar a sus enemigos: tam
bi\u233?n les confiscaba sus bienes, y se prohib\u237?a a sus hijos e incluso a
sus nietos que desempe\u241?aran cargos p\u250?blicos en el futuro.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
La cifra de represaliados pas\u243? de los cientos a los miles. Muchos no fueron
ejecutados porque tuvieran enemistades pol\u237?ticas, sino porque pose\u237?an
propiedades demasiado golosas para sus asesinos, que incluso comentaban entre e
llos con toda desfachatez: \u171?A este lo ha matado su enorme mansi\u243?n, a e
ste otro su jard\u237?n y a aquel de all\u225? sus termas\u187?. Plutarco cuenta
el caso de un hombre llamado Quinto Aurelio que nunca se met\u237?a en ning\u25
0?n l\u237?o, y que cuando fue al Foro y encontr\u243? su nombre apuntado en la
\u250?ltima lista exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Ay de m\u237?! Mi finca en Alba me h
a matado\u187?. Antes de que pudiera alejarse demasiado, un tipo que le hab\u237
?a seguido los pasos lo asesin\u243? ({\i
Sila}, 31).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esos d\u237?as se amasaron fortunas, porque las propiedades confiscadas se su
bastaban luego a precios rid\u237?culos para que las compraran amigos y partidar
ios de Sila (aunque las arcas p\u250?blicas, que estaban casi vac\u237?as, tambi
\u233?n se beneficiaron). Por ejemplo, un liberto de Sila llamado Cris\u243?gono
compr\u243? por ocho mil sestercios los bienes de Sexto Roscio, que estaban tas
ados en seis millones. Otro de los seguidores de Sila que se enriqueci\u243? as\
u237? fue Marco Licinio Craso, que en Brutio hizo proscribir por su cuenta y rie
sgo a un hombre para apoderarse de su patrimonio. Curiosamente, entre los amigos
beneficiados se hallaban tambi\u233?n los viejos compa\u241?eros de juerga de S
ila, los actores y c\u243?micos, cuya alegre compa\u241?\u237?a segu\u237?a frec
uentando en aquellos meses sombr\u237?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de los casos m\u225?s comentados fue el de Sergio Catilina, que tiempo antes
hab\u237?a asesinado a su cu\u241?ado Quinto Cecilio y que consigui\u243? que S
ila incluyera a posteriori el nombre del muerto en las proscripciones con el fin
de obtener impunidad. Despu\u233?s, para devolver el favor a Sila, tortur\u243?
y mat\u243? a Mario Gratidino, sobrino de Cayo Mario, y le llev\u243? su cabeza

, por la que obtuvo su debida recompensa.{\super

[25]} Y, en fin, otro que estuvo a punto de perder la vida en este ba\u241?o de
sangre fue el mism\u237?simo Julio C\u233?sar, pero esa es una historia que expl
icaremos en su momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las listas de proscripciones siguieron public\u225?ndose hasta el 1 de junio del
a\u241?o 81, fecha que Sila hab\u237?a puesto como l\u237?mite. En aquel d\u237
?a, todos aquellos que se hab\u237?an salvado respiraron con alivio. Seg\u250?n
ciertas fuentes, murieron cuatro mil setecientas personas, entre ellas noventa s
enadores y dos mil seiscientos \u233?quites (una desproporci\u243?n que se debe
a que hab\u237?a muchos menos miembros del orden senatorial). Expertos como Arth
ur Keaveney, autor de una biograf\u237?a sobre Sila, rebajan la cifra a mil o do
s mil, todos pertenecientes a las clases altas. En cualquier caso, las proscripc
iones quedaron como una mancha imborrable en el recuerdo de Sila.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA DICTADURA Y LAS REFORMAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante un breve tiempo tras su victoria en la puerta Colina, Sila mantuvo el ca
rgo de proc\u243?nsul. En noviembre del a\u241?o 82, el senado decret\u243? que
todos sus actos como c\u243?nsul primero y como proc\u243?nsul despu\u233?s qued
aban ratificados. Tambi\u233?n se le concedi\u243? un honor poco usual: una esta
tua suya ba\u241?ada en oro que lo representaba montado a caballo. Se hallaba en
el Foro, delante de la Rostra de los oradores, y no muy lejos de otra imagen ec
uestre de Marco Furio Camilo, el \u171?segundo fundador de Roma\u187?. (Por supu
esto, las estatuas de Mario, \u171?el tercer fundador\u187?, hab\u237?an desapar
ecido).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la estatua de Sila una inscripci\u243?n rezaba {\i
Cornelio Sullae Imperatori Felici}, pues por voluntad suya el senado le otorg\u2
43? el {\i
cognomen} de {\i
Felix}, \u171?Feliz\u187?, certificando de forma oficial que era un hijo predile
cto de la Fortuna. Tambi\u233?n en esa \u233?poca adopt\u243? el sobrenombre de
Epafrodito, \u171?el protegido de Afrodita\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los honores estaban bien, pero Sila quer\u237?a algo m\u225?s: un poder instituc
ional que le permitiera hacer las reformas pol\u237?ticas que llevaba tiempo med
itando. Siguiendo sus instrucciones, el senado nombr\u243? un {\i
interrex}, un cargo de origen muy antiguo al que se recurr\u237?a cuando ambos c
\u243?nsules mor\u237?an o quedaban incapacitados. As\u237? acababa de suceder a
hora: Mario el Joven hab\u237?a perecido intentando huir de Preneste y Papiro Ca
rb\u243?n ajusticiado por Pompeyo en Sicilia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El elegido como {\i
interrex} en este caso fue Lucio Flaco, que pose\u237?a un gran prestigio por se
r el {\i
princeps senatus} y gozaba de las simpat\u237?as de Sila por haber intentado med
iar con \u233?l antes de la guerra civil. Pero en lugar de designar nuevos c\u24
3?nsules, como se hac\u237?a en otras ocasiones, el {\i
interrex} nombr\u243? a Sila dictador.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El dictador era un magistrado al que se conced\u237?an poderes extraordinarios e
n situaciones especiales. Su mandato duraba seis meses, un periodo durante el cu
al todos los dem\u225?s cargos quedaban subordinados a \u233?l, c\u243?nsules in
clusive. Externamente esto se manifestaba en que al dictador lo escoltaban veint
icuatro lictores, tantos como a ambos c\u243?nsules juntos.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Los \u250?ltimos dictadores databan de finales del siglo III. En general, se hab
\u237?a recurrido a ellos {\i
comitiorum habendorum causa}, esto es, para poder convocar las elecciones. A vec
es el motivo pod\u237?a sonar m\u225?s ex\u243?tico para nuestros o\u237?dos, co
mo los dictadores {\i
clavi figendi causa}, nombrados \u171?para clavar un clavo\u187?, ritual religio

so que serv\u237?a para aplacar a los dioses y alejar una pestilencia de la ciud
ad, tal como se hab\u237?a hecho en varias ocasiones entre los a\u241?os 363 y 2
63.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El car\u225?cter de la dictadura de Sila era distinto, \u250?nico en la historia
de Roma. Su nombramiento se hizo {\i
legibus scribundis et rei publicae constituendae}, lo que significa \u171?para d
ictar leyes y poner en orden la Rep\u250?blica\u187?. Una tarea ingente para la
que no se le puso l\u237?mite temporal: su dictadura era indefinida. Con el fin
de que nadie obstaculizara a su labor, se le confirieron atribuciones casi ilimi
tadas. Todos sus decretos se convertir\u237?an autom\u225?ticamente en leyes \u8
212?otra cosa era que \u233?l decidiera refrendarlos ante la asamblea\u8212?. Te
ndr\u237?a poder de condenar a muerte y confiscar propiedades \u8212?poder que l
levaba ejerciendo un tiempo, dicho sea de paso\u8212?, y tambi\u233?n la potesta
d de declarar la guerra o la paz, de fundar colonias y de destruir ciudades.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por tradici\u243?n, cada dictador nombraba un lugarteniente denominado {\i
magister equitum} o jefe de la caballer\u237?a, t\u237?tulo simb\u243?lico que d
esde hac\u237?a mucho tiempo no guardaba relaci\u243?n con el mando efectivo de
tropas. Para ese puesto Sila confi\u243? de nuevo en Flaco, el {\i
princeps senatus}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez nombrado dictador, Sila se puso manos a la obra enseguida. Un rasgo que
llamaba la atenci\u243?n en este hombre al que tanto le gustaba divertirse de pa
rranda con sus amigos de la far\u225?ndula era su gran capacidad de trabajo. Rec
ordando el comentario ya mencionado de Salustio, Sila no era alguien que procras
tinara: \u171?Si no ten\u237?a nada que hacer era un disoluto, pero nunca dej\u2
43? que el placer lo retrasara a la hora de actuar\u187? ({\i
Yugurta,} 95).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n hemos comentado que la supuesta \u171?constituci
\u243?n\u187? romana consist\u237?a, como el derecho, en un complicado entramado
de normas, leyes y costumbres que se hab\u237?an ido acumulando con el tiempo y
que a menudo se contradec\u237?an. Esas normas sol\u237?an responder a necesida
des concretas y eran fruto del momento, lo que ahora los pol\u237?ticos denomina
n \u171?legislar en caliente\u187? cuando lo hace alguien de la oposici\u243?n.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cambio, las reformas de Sila obedec\u237?an a una filosof\u237?a com\u250?n y
constitu\u237?an un {\i
corpus} completo y coherente, algo mucho m\u225?s parecido a lo que entendemos p
or una constituci\u243?n. Adem\u225?s, promulg\u243? esas normas en un periodo m
uy reducido, lo que indica que ya las ten\u237?a pensadas desde hac\u237?a mucho
tiempo como remedio para los males de los que, seg\u250?n su diagn\u243?stico,
adolec\u237?a la Rep\u250?blica. De hecho, algunas de ellas las hab\u237?a inten
tado introducir durante su primer consulado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Cu\u225?l era el esp\u237?ritu que animaba las leyes de Sila? Si nos atene
mos a nuestro concepto de dictador, podr\u237?amos pensar que intentaba legitima
r su asalto al poder para quedarse en \u233?l de por vida y crear una especie de
monarqu\u237?a. Pero no era as\u237?. \u201?l hab\u237?a vivido desde ni\u241?o
las convulsiones pol\u237?ticas que sucedieron al tribunado de Tiberio Graco, y
quer\u237?a ponerles fin para regresar a un pasado que, a su entender y al de t
antos, hab\u237?a sido mucho mejor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? hab\u237?a cambiado en los \u250?ltimos tiempos? Que el senado ha
b\u237?a perdido poder y prestigio, en buena parte por culpa de pol\u237?ticos q
ue pertenec\u237?an a sus propias filas, pero que hab\u237?an decidido que resul
taba m\u225?s f\u225?cil triunfar recurriendo a las asambleas del pueblo que tra
tando de convencer a sus iguales en la Curia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, lo primero que hizo Sila fue devolver todo el poder posible al se
nado. Para empezar, quer\u237?a recuperar el monopolio de la justicia, de tal ma
nera que los senadores juzgasen a los senadores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila mantuvo los tribunales permanentes que ya exist\u237?an, y les a\u241?adi\u
243? otros especializados en casos de falsificaci\u243?n, asesinato y envenenami
ento, injurias o desfalco. Para que cada uno estuviera presidido por un pretor t

uvo que aumentar el n\u250?mero de estos magistrados a ocho. Pero, sobre todo, n
ecesitaba m\u225?s senadores. Las guerras constantes hab\u237?an dejado muchos e
sca\u241?os vac\u237?os, y para colmo, \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a eliminado a nove
nta miembros de la c\u225?mara con sus proscripciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?De d\u243?nde sac\u243? a los nuevos senadores? Muchos de ellos proven\u23
7?an de las filas del ej\u233?rcito, tal como hab\u237?a ocurrido despu\u233?s d
el desastre de Cannas. Aquellos que se hab\u237?an destacado en acciones b\u233?
licas, conseguido altas condecoraciones o despojos del enemigo entraron en la c\
u225?mara rellenando las vacantes. Seg\u250?n Salustio, este mete\u243?rico asce
nso de soldados a senadores fue la causa de que en a\u241?os venideros muchos j\
u243?venes ambiciosos buscaran provocar grandes conflictos civiles para progresa
r con tanta rapidez como aquellos a los que ahora ve\u237?an sentados en la Curi
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De esta manera, Sila complet\u243? los trescientos esca\u241?os del senado. Aun
as\u237?, con eso no bastaba para la gran c\u225?mara que ten\u237?a en mente. P
or eso eligi\u243? a trescientos miembros m\u225?s que proced\u237?an del orden
ecuestre; no solo de Roma, sino tambi\u233?n de muchos otros municipios de Itali
a. Adem\u225?s, todos los cuestores se convirtieron a partir de ese momento auto
m\u225?ticamente en senadores, con lo que cada a\u241?o entraban veinte miembros
nuevos aportando sangre joven a la c\u225?mara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El aumento de cuestores a veinte y de pretores a ocho era una nueva adaptaci\u24
3?n a los tiempos. Sila hab\u237?a comprobado en persona que la administraci\u24
3?n del imperio se hac\u237?a cada vez m\u225?s compleja y quer\u237?a que, en l
o posible, dependiera del senado y de los magistrados que pertenec\u237?an al or
den senatorial, por lo que tuvo que aumentar su n\u250?mero.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
El dictador tambi\u233?n reglament\u243? las edades m\u237?nimas para las magist
raturas y los intervalos entre cada una de ellas. En realidad, lo que hizo fue r
evivir leyes anteriores, como la {\i
Villia Annalis}, que en los \u250?ltimos tiempos se saltaba a la torera demasiad
o a menudo, tal como hab\u237?a ocurrido con los cinco consulados consecutivos d
e Mario o los cuatro de Cinna. Seg\u250?n las normas establecidas por Sila, a pa
rtir de entonces, la edad m\u237?nima ser\u237?a de treinta a\u241?os para los c
uestores, treinta y seis para los ediles curules, treinta y nueve para los preto
res y cuarenta y dos para los c\u243?nsules. Una misma persona pod\u237?a ser c\
u243?nsul dos veces, pero a condici\u243?n de que respetara un lapso de diez a\u
241?os entre ambas magistraturas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta regulaci\u243?n del {\i
cursus honorum} afect\u243? tambi\u233?n a los cargos provinciales. Ahora, en lu
gar de asignar provincias a los c\u243?nsules y a los pretores, todos desempe\u2
41?ar\u237?an su cargo en Roma. Al terminar su mandato se convertir\u237?an en p
roc\u243?nsules o propretores y se les asignar\u237?an provincias. A los proc\u2
43?nsules les corresponder\u237?an las mayores o aquellas donde se produc\u237?a
n m\u225?s conflictos militares y, por tanto, hac\u237?an falta m\u225?s legione
s. En cambio, los propretores se encargar\u237?an de gobernar provincias m\u225?
s peque\u241?as y pacificadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todos los gobernadores ten\u237?an prohibido rebasar las fronteras de su provinc
ia si no se lo autorizaba el senado, por lo que ya no podr\u237?an organizar gue
rras fuera de su territorio para sacar provecho personal como tantas veces se ha
b\u237?a hecho. Si alguien actuaba as\u237?, ser\u237?a culpable de traici\u243?
n, del mismo modo que lo ser\u237?a cualquier gobernador que tardara m\u225?s de
treinta d\u237?as en abandonar su provincia tras ser relevado del mando.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
La paradoja salta a la vista: con estas leyes, Sila intentaba impedir que alguie
n imitara su propio ejemplo cuando march\u243? contra Roma en el a\u241?o 88 pri
mero y despu\u233?s en el 83. Si algo parece intuirse con cierta claridad en su
compleja y contradictoria personalidad, es que se consideraba por encima de los
dem\u225?s. No tanto por pura soberbia cuanto porque estaba convencido de que \u
233?l era el \u250?nico lo bastante clarividente para saber lo que de verdad le
conven\u237?a a Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

En cierto modo, Sila cre\u237?a que sus iguales no eran los dem\u225?s senadores
, sino la Rep\u250?blica en su conjunto. Al encontrarse en paralelo a ella y a s
u mismo nivel, no pod\u237?a estar al mismo tiempo dentro, por lo que las normas
que afectaban a los dem\u225?s no ten\u237?an por qu\u233? servir para \u233?l.
Por decirlo en las palabras del cura del chiste: \u171?Haced lo que yo diga, no
lo que yo haga\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dentro de las magistraturas no hemos mencionado a los tribunos de la plebe. \u19
1?Qu\u233? pas\u243? con ellos? Para Sila, eran el principal origen de los males
de la Rep\u250?blica. Tribunos hab\u237?an sido los grandes aliados del odiado
Mario, como Saturnino y, sobre todo, Sulpicio, que le hab\u237?a arrebatado el m
ando del ej\u233?rcito de Asia convirti\u233?ndolo en un enemigo p\u250?blico y
oblig\u225?ndole as\u237? a marchar contra Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila no aboli\u243? el tribunado, pero s\u237? meti\u243? la tijera a sus atribu
ciones con el fin de \u171?domesticar\u187? de nuevo la instituci\u243?n. De aho
ra en adelante, se prohib\u237?a a los tribunos promulgar leyes nuevas present\u
225?ndolas directamente ante la asamblea: previamente tendr\u237?an que someterl
as a debate ante los senadores y conseguir su aprobaci\u243?n. Por supuesto, los
tribunos ya no pod\u237?an convocar sesiones del senado por su cuenta.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Con esa medida, la mecha de los tribunos, que tantos estallidos hab\u237?a provo
cado, se convert\u237?a en p\u243?lvora mojada. As\u237? y todo, Sila no se conf
orm\u243? con eso. El puesto de tribuno hab\u237?a servido en los \u250?ltimos t
iempos como atajo para que muchos arist\u243?cratas ambiciosos emprendieran su c
arrera pol\u237?tica de una manera m\u225?s r\u225?pida, usando un camino parale
lo para ascender mediante la aprobaci\u243?n del pueblo y no la del resto de la
\u233?lite senatorial.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A partir de ahora, quien fuera elegido tribuno de la plebe ya no podr\u237?a des
empe\u241?ar ninguna otra magistratura durante el resto de su vida. Eso signific
aba que el tribunado se convert\u237?a en una estaci\u243?n de fin de trayecto y
no de principio. La consecuencia l\u243?gica era que los individuos con aspirac
iones elevadas dejar\u237?an de presentarse a un cargo que cercenar\u237?a sus f
uturas carreras, y el colegio de tribunos se convertir\u237?a en un peque\u241?o
reba\u241?o f\u225?cil de manipular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque quiz\u225? se le pas\u243? por la cabeza, Sila no se atrevi\u243? a aboli
r la instituci\u243?n en s\u237?. Lo que hizo fue retrasar las manecillas del re
loj de la historia, poniendo a los tribunos pr\u225?cticamente en la hora cero c
on las mismas atribuciones que ten\u237?an cuando se fund\u243? el cargo en el s
iglo V. Sus personas segu\u237?an siendo inviolables y manten\u237?an su derecho
de veto contra las actuaciones de otros magistrados, pero no en cualquier circu
nstancia, sino tan solo para proteger los derechos de ciudadanos individuales.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Debemos mencionar una medida que produjo m\u225?s resultados materiales que cual
quier otra. Sila necesitaba buscar acomodo a sus veteranos; no solo a los que se
hab\u237?a llevado a Grecia, sino a los que se hab\u237?an pasado a su bando y
los ej\u233?rcitos que hab\u237?an servido con legados y oficiales como Craso o
Metelo. Seg\u250?n Apiano, en total eran veintitr\u233?s legiones, m\u225?s de c
ien mil veteranos a los que repartir tierras. \u191?De d\u243?nde iba a sacarlas
Sila?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchas hab\u237?an quedado abandonadas por culpa de las guerras constantes, pero
no eran suficientes. Aqu\u237? Sila de nuevo recurri\u243? a su sistema de prem
ios y castigos. Las comunidades it\u225?licas que hab\u237?an abrazado su causa
desde el principio, como Apulia, Calabria o el Piceno \u8212?este \u250?ltimo gr
acias a la influencia que ejerc\u237?a all\u237? Pompeyo\u8212? no sufrieron rep
resalia ninguna. Pero en las que se hab\u237?an opuesto a \u233?l, como Campania
, el Lacio, Umbr\u237?a y Etruria, se produjeron confiscaciones de tierras en ma
sa para entreg\u225?rselas a los veteranos.{\super
[26]} Los castigos afectaron a ciudades enteras, como Nola o Pompeya, que vieron
c\u243?mo su estatus respecto a Roma se rebajaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La idea de aquel masivo reparto era crear estabilidad social y de paso tener rep
artida por toda Italia una enorme reserva de veteranos en deuda con Sila y leale

s a \u233?l. No obstante, las cosas no acabaron de funcionar como \u233?l quer\u

237?a. Las parcelas que se entregaban a los soldados licenciados segu\u237?an pe
rteneciendo al Estado y, por tanto, no estaba permitido venderlas. A pesar de to
do, en la pr\u225?ctica, muchos se deshac\u237?an de ellas por motivos diversos.
Algunos necesitaban invertir un dinero que no ten\u237?an para recuperar terren
os abandonados. A otros los hab\u237?an timado en el reparto entreg\u225?ndoles
una ci\u233?naga o un pedregal y se desembarazaban de su terreno. Hab\u237?a qui
enes, simplemente, se hab\u237?an acostumbrado a las ventajas de la vida militar
y no les apetec\u237?a trabajar de sol a sol en el campo doblando el espinazo.
Quienes compraban todas esas tierras se convert\u237?an poco a poco en grandes p
ropietarios, si es que no lo eran ya antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? ocurri\u243? con los antiguos due\u241?os de las fincas expropiad
as? Si la mayor\u237?a de los campesinos viv\u237?an apenas por encima del nivel
de subsistencia, quitarles la tierra que trabajaban significaba condenarlos al
hambre y a la miseria. Algunos se quedaron por la zona convirti\u233?ndose en jo
rnaleros de unos due\u241?os a los que aborrec\u237?an, pues los ve\u237?an como
usurpadores de sus antiguos terrenos. Otros, los que ten\u237?an m\u225?s medio
s, viajaron a Hispania para unirse a la resistencia contra Sila, que se manten\u
237?a viva gracias al talento como general de Quinto Sertorio. Hubo bastantes qu
e, en fin, se convirtieron en bandoleros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El cuadro que pinta Salustio en {\i
La conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina} (28.4) de la situaci\u243?n al norte de Roma re
sulta muy revelador, siempre que recordemos que era antisenatorial y, por tanto,
antisilano, y que sus afirmaciones hay que tomarlas con una pizca de sal:\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, en Etruria Manlio trataba de sublevar a la plebe, que estaba des
eando una revoluci\u243?n por culpa de la miseria y el resentimiento contra las
injusticias que hab\u237?a sufrido, ya que durante la dictadura de Sila hab\u237
?a perdido sus campos y todos sus bienes. Asimismo, soliviantaba a bandidos de t
odo tipo, que eran muy abundantes en aquella comarca, y a algunos que proven\u23
7?an de las colonias de Sila y a los que, por su vicio y amor al lujo, no les qu
edaba ya nada del gran bot\u237?n que hab\u237?an conquistado.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Hubo muchas otras reformas, un conjunto ingente de medidas si se considera que l
as tom\u243? en menos de dos a\u241?os. Por ejemplo, leyes suntuarias para frena
r el lujo excesivo \u8212?tiene gracia que las promulgara un hedonista y un libe
rtino como \u233?l\u8212?: ninguna comida pod\u237?a costar m\u225?s de treinta
sestercios, e incluso se fij\u243? el precio de las l\u225?pidas para que alguno
s no siguieran ostentando su riqueza hasta la tumba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, estas normas no sirvieron de nada, como no hab\u237?an servido ant
es ni servir\u237?an despu\u233?s. El mismo Sila era el primero que se las salta
ba, aunque pod\u237?a alegar que para subir la moral de una ciudad devastada por
las guerras hab\u237?a que darle espect\u225?culos. (Sin embargo, no puede deci
rse que ofreciera a los romanos {\i
panem et circenses}, \u171?pan y circo\u187?: una de sus primeras medidas consis
ti\u243? en acabar con los repartos de trigo barato porque, en teor\u237?a, el e
rario no se lo pod\u237?a permitir).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En pleno auge de las proscripciones, Sila hab\u237?a empezado el a\u241?o 81 cel
ebrando con gran magnificencia su triunfo sobre Mitr\u237?dates. All\u237? se mo
straron espl\u233?ndidos despojos. El segundo d\u237?a del triunfo desfilaron lo
s exiliados que hab\u237?an tenido que huir de la ciudad durante la \u233?poca d
e Cinna. Ven\u237?an coronados con guirnaldas, acompa\u241?ados de sus familias
y aclamando a Sila como padre y salvador; evidentemente, no todo el mundo lo mir
aba como un monstruo sanguinario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya hemos hablado de la estatua ecuestre recubierta de oro, pero ah\u237? no qued
aron los costosos honores dispensados al dictador. Entre el 26 de octubre y el 1
de noviembre se celebraron unos espl\u233?ndidos juegos para conmemorar su vict
oria sobre Mitr\u237?dates y los partidarios de Cinna, los llamados {\i
ludi victoriae Sullanae} que deb\u237?an repetirse anualmente. Los premios que s
e otorgaron eran tan altos que en 80, cuando se celebraron por segunda vez, la m

ayor\u237?a de los atletas griegos que deb\u237?an participar en las Olimpiadas

dejaron de acudir a estas para viajar a Roma. (\u191?Qu\u233? habr\u237?a opinad
o el bar\u243?n de Coubertin?). En aquella ocasi\u243?n, a falta de repartos de
trigo para el pueblo, Sila ofreci\u243? banquetes en los que no se escatim\u243?
nada, hasta el punto de que se bebieron vinos de m\u225?s de cuarenta a\u241?os
y, seg\u250?n se cuenta, todos los d\u237?as se arrojaban al T\u237?ber grandes
cantidades de comida que sobraba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El mismo hombre que hab\u237?a vivido en un piso de alquiler rodeado de \u171?ge
ntes de mal vivir\u187? recib\u237?a ahora honores desusados. \u191?Acaso sus pi
es se hab\u237?an despegado tanto del mundo real que hab\u237?a ca\u237?do sin d
arse cuenta en el culto a la personalidad?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin duda, pod\u237?a parecerlo. Aparte de la exaltaci\u243?n constante de su car
isma, estaba la forma de exhibir su relaci\u243?n especial con dioses como Apolo
, Ma-Belona, Venus-Afrodita o la misma Fortuna. Tampoco faltaba la fabulosa reve
laci\u243?n de que los augures etruscos hab\u237?an vaticinado unos a\u241?os an
tes que acababa una era y otra mejor \u8212?la era de Sila\u8212? estaba a punto
de empezar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es posible que todo este enaltecimiento estuviera destinado no tanto a producirl
e una compensaci\u243?n interior por los sinsabores del pasado \u8212?\u171?Mira
d hasta d\u243?nde he llegado, \u161?oh, romanos!\u187?\u8212? como a proteger s
u obra. Si Lucio Cornelio Sila aparec\u237?a ante los dem\u225?s romanos como un
ser superior al que las divinidades sonre\u237?an, sus leyes y reformas tendr\u
237?an algo de sagrado y cualquier cr\u237?tica o cambio posterior podr\u237?an
verse como una profanaci\u243?n. No olvidemos que siempre hab\u237?a frecuentado
la compa\u241?\u237?a de actores y que \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a escrito farsas
atelanas. Quiz\u225? toda esta pompa escond\u237?a algo de teatro y el gran come
diante se re\u237?a en su interior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL FINAL DE SILA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Otra de las ocasiones en que el dictador se salt\u243? sus propias leyes suntuar
ias fue el funeral de su esposa Metela. Ella hab\u237?a enfermado en el a\u241?o
80 mientras Sila celebraba sus propios juegos, los {\i
ludi Syllani}, y estaba consagrando a H\u233?rcules la d\u233?cima parte del bot
\u237?n obtenido en sus guerras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se enter\u243? de que Metela agonizaba, Sila estaba oficiando como augur.
Sus compa\u241?eros de colegio sacerdotal le dijeron que no pod\u237?a acercars
e a ella ni permitir que la muerte de su esposa manchase de impureza su hogar. S
ila le envi\u243? una carta de divorcio y mand\u243? a sus sirvientes que se la
llevaran a otra casa. Despu\u233?s, cuando Metela falleci\u243?, el dictador tra
t\u243? de demostrar que no hab\u237?a obrado as\u237? por desprecio y celebr\u2
43? unos magn\u237?ficos funerales en los que gast\u243? mucho m\u225?s de lo qu
e permit\u237?an las leyes que \u233?l hab\u237?a instaurado.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
A sus cincuenta y ocho a\u241?os, Sila no tard\u243? en volver a casarse. La his
toria tiene un toque entre rom\u225?ntico y picante, y nos dice algo de c\u243?m
o eran las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres en la Roma del siglo I a.C.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Un d\u237?a en que Sila estaba presenciando unas luchas de gladiadores, sinti\u2
43? que alguien pasaba detr\u225?s de \u233?l y arrancaba una pelusa de lana de
su manto. Al darse la vuelta comprob\u243? con sorpresa que quien le hab\u237?a
tocado era una hermosa mujer. Cuando Sila le pregunt\u243? por qu\u233? hab\u237
?a hecho eso, ella le sonri\u243? y contest\u243?: \u171?Tranquilo, dictador. Ta
n solo quiero participar de una min\u250?scula parte de tu fortuna\u187?. (En aq
uella \u233?poca, explica Plutarco, estos juegos se celebraban en el teatro y to
dav\u237?a no se separaban los asientos de hombres y mujeres como ocurrir\u237?a
durante el reinado del puritano Augusto).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Sila le gust\u243? la mujer, que era bastante m\u225?s joven que \u233?l, e hi
zo averiguaciones. Se trataba de Valeria, perteneciente a la prestigiosa {\i

gens} Valeria y a la rama de los Mesala. Adem\u225?s, se hab\u237?a divorciado r

ecientemente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A partir de ese momento, cuenta Plutarco con un estilo m\u225?s propio de Ovidio
en {\i
El arte de amar}, se produjeron entre ellos miradas e incluso se daban la vuelta
para sonre\u237?rse cuando se cruzaban. Finalmente, se comprometieron y se casa
ron. Plutarco no reprocha nada a Valeria, pero s\u237? critica que a su edad Sil
a se dejara llevar como un adolescente por el atractivo de una mujer ({\i
Sila}, 35).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s de su boda, a principios del a\u241?o 79, Sila sorprendi\u243?
a todos. Como cuenta Apiano:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8230? el pueblo, halagando a Sila, lo eligi\u243? como c\u243?nsul. Pero \u233
?l no accedi\u243?, sino que nombr\u243? c\u243?nsules a Servilio Is\u225?urico
y Claudio Pulquer. \u201?l mismo, sin que nadie se lo pidiera, abdic\u243? de su
alto puesto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es algo que me resulta asombroso: Sila fue el primero y \u250?nico hombre hasta
entonces que, sin que nadie lo obligara, renunci\u243? a un poder tan grande [\u
8230?]. Es incre\u237?ble que despu\u233?s de ascender a la fuerza y en medio de
grandes peligros, cuando ten\u237?a todo el poder renunciara a \u233?l por su p
ropia voluntad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Asimismo es extra\u241?o que no sintiera miedo, pese a que hab\u237?an muerto en
esta guerra m\u225?s de cien mil j\u243?venes y \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a matado
de entre sus enemigos a noventa senadores, quince c\u243?nsules o exc\u243?nsul
es y dos mil seiscientos caballeros, incluidos los exiliados. Sus propiedades ha
b\u237?an sido confiscadas y muchos de ellos no hab\u237?an recibido sepultura.
Pero Sila, sin temer ni a sus familiares, ni a los desterrados, ni a las ciudade
s a las que les hab\u237?a quitado ciudadelas, murallas, tierras, dinero y privi
legios, se retir\u243? y se convirti\u243? en ciudadano privado. \u161?Hasta tal
punto llegaban su atrevimiento y su buena suerte! (BC, 104).\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Tras renunciar a su cargo para pasmo de todos los ciudadanos, Sila declar\u243?
que cualquiera que lo deseara podr\u237?a pedirle explicaciones de sus actos. De
spidi\u243? a sus lictores y a sus escoltas y durante unos d\u237?as se le vio p
aseando por el Foro, acompa\u241?ado \u250?nicamente por sus amigos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
En general, la gente parec\u237?a tenerle miedo y no se dirig\u237?a a \u233?l.
Pero un d\u237?a un muchacho se acerc\u243? y empez\u243? a criticarlo. Al ver q
ue no ocurr\u237?a nada, se envalenton\u243? tanto que lo sigui\u243? hasta su m
orada sin dejar de insultarle. Sila, el mismo que hab\u237?a arrasado el Pireo y
condenado a muerte a miles de hombres, aguant\u243? impasible aquel chorreo tod
o el camino. Por fin, al llegar ante la puerta de su casa, el exdictador se dio
la vuelta y coment\u243?: \u171?Este muchacho va a conseguir que nadie m\u225?s
renuncie voluntariamente al poder\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? abdic\u243?? Es posible que considerara que su obra estaba te
rminada. O, como piensan algunos autores, empezaba a ver grietas en el edificio
que intentaba construir, sobre todo al contemplar c\u243?mo sus seguidores pelea
ban entre ellos por el poder, y se hart\u243? de todo eso. O tal vez pens\u243?
que se hallaba en lo m\u225?s alto de su carrera y que era mejor dejarlo ah\u237
? en lugar de entrar en decadencia: este habr\u237?a sido un pensamiento muy gre
corromano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por \u250?ltimo, no hay que descartar que, d\u225?ndose cuenta de que su salud e
mpeoraba, Sila quisiera vivir sus \u250?ltimos a\u241?os tranquilo. Poco tiempo
despu\u233?s, se retir\u243? con su familia a una lujosa villa en el golfo de N\
u225?poles. All\u237?, aunque mantuvo contactos con la pol\u237?tica de Roma, se
dedic\u243? a escribir sus memorias, en las que explicaba qu\u233? hab\u237?a h
echo a lo largo de su vida y, sobre todo, por qu\u233?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
No todo era trabajo literario, por supuesto. En sus \u250?ltimos d\u237?as, Sila
no renunci\u243? a sus viejas amistades, que al parecer eran las que m\u225?s l
o hac\u237?an disfrutar. Aparte de Metrobio, el histri\u243?n con el que hab\u23

7?a mantenido relaciones durante tanto tiempo, Plutarco menciona a S\u243?rix el

comediante y a Quinto Roscio, un actor al que lleg\u243? a ascender al orden ec
uestre. Con ellos y con otros compa\u241?eros similares Sila sigui\u243? \u171?c
enando bien y bebiendo mejor\u187?, como dir\u237?a el inolvidable Augusto de la
serie {\i
Yo, Claudio}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como si todo estuviera medido en su vida, Sila termin\u243? sus memorias poco an
tes de morir, y escribi\u243? en ellas que unos adivinos caldeos le hab\u237?an
predicho que despu\u233?s de una vida honrosa morir\u237?a en lo m\u225?s alto d
e su fortuna. Cumplida su misi\u243?n para con la posteridad, dos d\u237?as m\u2
25?s tarde, mientras ordenaba que estrangularan a un magistrado local por malver
saci\u243?n \u8212?genio y figura\u8212?, empez\u243? a arrojar sangre por la bo
ca. Tras una noche de agon\u237?a, muri\u243? al d\u237?a siguiente.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Lo m\u225?s probable es que esa hemorragia se debiera a una cirrosis. Sila ten\u
237?a tan solo sesenta a\u241?os, pero parece que se hab\u237?a trabajado a conc
iencia el h\u237?gado hasta el \u250?ltimo momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras su muerte, su cad\u225?ver fue transportado a Roma sobre un lecho de oro, e
scoltado por tropas y ense\u241?as de mando. Ya en la ciudad, cuando colocaron s
u cuerpo en la pira amenaz\u243? con llover, lo que habr\u237?a deslucido el fun
eral. Pero el aguacero no cay\u243? hasta que se consumieron sus cenizas, \u171?
como si la Fortuna hubiera querido estar con \u233?l hasta que enterraron su cue
rpo\u187? en palabras de Plutarco ({\i
Sila}, 38).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con el tiempo corri\u243? la historia de que Sila hab\u237?a muerto consumido po
r una extra\u241?a enfermedad, la ptiriasis o \u171?enfermedad piojosa\u187? que
el mismo Plutarco menciona. Seg\u250?n la creencia de los antiguos, cuando los
humores internos de algunas personas se corromp\u237?an, en su interior nac\u237
?an por generaci\u243?n espont\u225?nea piojos, y debajo de la piel crec\u237?an
bultos que estaban llenos de esos insectos. Los enfermos de ptiriasis sufr\u237
?an horribles picores, y al rascarse esos quistes los par\u225?sitos sal\u237?an
por decenas, sin que hubiera forma de librarse de ellos por m\u225?s que uno se
lavara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se cre\u237?a que este mal era un castigo divino contra asesinos, tiranos y blas
femos. As\u237?, por ejemplo, habr\u237?an muerto seg\u250?n los textos jud\u237
?os Herodes el Grande y Herodes Agripa, y tambi\u233?n el rey Ant\u237?oco IV Ep
ifanes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hoy, en general, se cree que esta enfermedad de la que se habl\u243? durante sig
los no es m\u225?s que un mito, que proviene de que algunas personas que sufr\u2
37?an otras enfermedades con heridas abiertas pod\u237?an ver sus \u250?lceras i
nfectadas por piojos o larvas de mosca. En cualquier caso, lo que est\u225? desc
artado es la creencia antigua de que dichos par\u225?sitos nac\u237?an por gener
aci\u243?n espont\u225?nea.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quienes sientan curiosidad por estas historias, que provocan picor solo de leerl
as, pueden encontrarlas en el libro {\i
Gabinete de curiosidades m\u233?dicas}, de Jan Bondeson. Mi opini\u243?n persona
l, en cualquier caso, es que Sila no sufri\u243? nunca ese supuesto mal de los p
iojos y que se trata de una venganza p\u243?stuma. A muchos no les debi\u243? de
parecer justo que alguien que hab\u237?a arrasado ciudades y ba\u241?ado en san
gre las calles de Roma terminara muriendo en la cama, rodeado de honores y amigo
s, con una joven y bella esposa y un beb\u233? en camino (una hija que se llam\u
243?, como era habitual en tales casos, P\u243?stuma). Por eso tuvieron que inve
ntarle una muerte miserable. Sin embargo, parece evidente que, en general, Lucio
Cornelio Sila vivi\u243? y muri\u243? como quiso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Resulta casi imposible comprender a este personaje fascinante, cuyo interior est
aba tan lleno de sombras como luminosos eran sus ojos y su piel. En cierto modo,
\u233?l ofreci\u243? una pista, pues en su monumento funerario en el Campo de M
arte hizo grabar un epitafio que resum\u237?a su filosof\u237?a de la vida:\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc

NADIE ME SUPER\u211? NUNCA EN HACER BIEN A LOS AMIGOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\pa

r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Y MAL A LOS ENEMIGO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La rivalidad entre Mario y Sila se convirti\u243? en proverbial. Rodeados por gr
andes personajes, tanto en Roma como en otros pa\u237?ses \u8212?pensemos en dos
invitados estelares como Yugurta y Mitr\u237?dates\u8212?, ambos hab\u237?an pr
otagonizado las \u250?ltimas d\u233?cadas de la historia de la Rep\u250?blica, g
racias en gran medida al apoyo de sus legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dice la maldici\u243?n china: \u171?Ojal\u225? te toque vivir en tiempos interes
antes\u187?. Los de Mario y Sila lo hab\u237?an sido. \u191?Descansar\u237?a en
la paz del aburrimiento la Rep\u250?blica?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La respuesta es \u171?no\u187?. No tardar\u237?an en aparecer nuevos se\u241?ore
s de la guerra que luchar\u237?an por convertirse en el primer hombre de Roma, u
n puesto que solo pod\u237?a ocupar una persona. La estrella de Pompeyo empezaba
a brillar, pero a no mucho tardar aparecer\u237?a otra que amenazar\u237?a con
eclipsarla. Y as\u237?, despu\u233?s de los tiempos de Mario y Sila, lleg\u243?
la \u233?poca de Pompeyo y C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpa
r }{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
LIBRO III\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {\b
{
{\qc
POMPEYO Y C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} \par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
VII\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
EL ASCENSO DE POMPEYO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
MAGNUS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La muerte de Sila dej\u243? cierto vac\u237?o de grandes hombres en la pol\u237?
tica romana. Con \u171?grande\u187? me refiero al espacio pol\u237?tico que llen
aba el exdictador; obviamente, no se trata de un juicio moral. De entre todos lo
s generales, oficiales y pol\u237?ticos que hab\u237?an colaborado con \u233?l,
uno destacaba sobre los dem\u225?s por su confianza en s\u237? mismo y por los \
u233?xitos militares que hab\u237?a logrado. Sobre todo, lo que llamaba la atenc
i\u243?n en \u233?l era su insultante juventud y la desenvoltura con que actuaba
, como si las leyes no fueran con \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Nos referimos, por supuesto, a Cneo Pompeyo. Hab\u237?a nacido en septiembre del
106, por lo que, cuando muri\u243? el dictador, ten\u237?a tan solo veintiocho
a\u241?os. Como ya vimos, era hijo de Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n, un personaje de rep
utaci\u243?n un tanto siniestra, pero que en la regi\u243?n del Piceno pose\u237
?a una vasta red de clientes y una gran fortuna. Gracias a ellas, el joven Cneo
pudo reclutar tres legiones para combatir al lado de Sila en el a\u241?o 83. Fue
la primera de las muchas ilegalidades de su carrera, porque no era m\u225?s que
un {\i
privatus}, un ciudadano que no ten\u237?a autoridad ninguna para alistar ni mand
ar tropas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora bien, tres legiones eran muchas. Por joven que fuera, un general que las m
andaba a t\u237?tulo personal era alguien a quien hab\u237?a que tener en cuenta
. A Sila, que acababa de desembarcar en Italia y se enfrentaba a enemigos muy su
periores en n\u250?mero, le conven\u237?an aliados as\u237?. Por otro lado, era
obvio que los soldados quer\u237?an a Pompeyo, al contrario que a su padre, al q

ue hab\u237?an aborrecido por su crueldad, su extrema disciplina y, probablement

e, porque era un taca\u241?o con ellos, defecto que los soldados nunca perdonaba
n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De nada le habr\u237?a valido al joven Pompeyo la influencia para reclutar un ej
\u233?rcito por su cuenta si no hubiese pose\u237?do adem\u225?s talento como ge
neral. Pero incluso antes de reunirse con el futuro dictador ya demostr\u243? su
valor cosechando varias victorias. Cuando se encontr\u243? por fin con Sila, es
te baj\u243? del caballo y lo salud\u243? como {\i
imperator}, un t\u237?tulo que \u250?nicamente se conced\u237?a a los generales
victoriosos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo conseguir\u237?a varios \u233?xitos m\u225?s en las campa\u241?as de la
guerra civil. Cuando Sila consigui\u243? el control de Roma definitivamente y se
convirti\u243? en dictador, pens\u243? en qu\u233? pod\u237?a hacer con Pompeyo
, una fuerza dif\u237?cil de controlar. Con el fin de tenerlo lo m\u225?s cerca
posible, decidi\u243? casarlo con su hijastra Emilia Escaura, que era hija de su
reciente esposa Cecilia Metela y del difunto pr\u237?ncipe del senado, Emilio E
scauro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel matrimonio presentaba ciertas dificultades, porque Emilia Escaura estaba c
asada y para colmo embarazada, y Pompeyo tambi\u233?n ten\u237?a esposa, Antisti
a. Pero el joven general se hallaba tan deseoso de emparentar con el dictador qu
e no puso la menor objeci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una caracter\u237?stica curiosa de la personalidad de Pompeyo es que, pese a que
cosech\u243? m\u225?s \u233?xitos militares que ning\u250?n romano antes que \u
233?l y a que en ciertos momentos acapar\u243? un poder sin precedentes, sinti\u
243? siempre un tremendo complejo de inferioridad ante la \u233?lite del senado,
la poderosa {\i
nobilitas}. En justicia, pod\u237?a decirse que \u233?l pertenec\u237?a a esa no
bleza y que no era un {\i
homo novus}, puesto que su padre Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n hab\u237?a sido c\u243?ns
ul en el a\u241?o 89. Sin embargo, los dem\u225?s no dejaban de mirar a su famil
ia como a unos advenedizos de una regi\u243?n apartada, algo que se evidenciaba
en el hecho de que Pompeyo, como Cayo Mario, tan solo ten\u237?a dos nombres. El
\u171?Estrab\u243?n\u187? de su padre era \u250?nicamente un mote que se refer\
u237?a a su estrabismo, y no lleg\u243? a convertirse en un {\i
cognomen} tradicional. Quiz\u225? su hijo se neg\u243? a heredarlo por simple co
queter\u237?a, lo que tambi\u233?n nos dice algo sobre su forma de ser. Si hab\u
237?a algo que saltaba a la vista a todo aquel que conoc\u237?a a Pompeyo era la
desmesurada hinchaz\u243?n de su ego, una vanidad que se capta incluso ahora cu
ando uno contempla el m\u225?s famoso de sus retratos, que lo representa ya en s
u madurez.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El matrimonio de Pompeyo y Emilia no dur\u243? apenas, porque ella muri\u243? al
dar a luz. De todos modos, Sila sigui\u243? confiando en \u233?l y en oto\u241?
o del 82 lo envi\u243? a Sicilia para que acabara con los simpatizantes de Mario
que dominaban la isla. Por primera vez, Pompeyo viaj\u243? con {\i
imperium} oficial, ya que el senado le concedi\u243? mando como proc\u243?nsul.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a termin\u243? r\u225?pidamente, puesto que el jefe de las tropas
antisilanas, Perperna, huy\u243? de la isla. Pompeyo no tard\u243? en capturar a
Papirio Carb\u243?n, que te\u243?ricamente segu\u237?a siendo c\u243?nsul. Carb
\u243?n le pidi\u243? clemencia bas\u225?ndose en que en el pasado lo hab\u237?a
defendido contra los enemigos que quer\u237?an confiscarle sus propiedades. Per
o Pompeyo, decidido a demostrar su devoci\u243?n por Sila, hizo que lo ejecutara
n y llevaran su cabeza a Roma. (Plutarco cuenta una an\u233?cdota un tanto escat
ol\u243?gica sobre el infortunado Carb\u243?n, que cuando vio la espada sobre su
cuello pidi\u243? que le dieran unos minutos para visitar la letrina. {\i
Pompeyo}, 10).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la dureza con que trat\u243? a Carb\u243?n y a otros prisioneros, Pompeyo re
cibi\u243? el mote de {\i
adulescentulus carnifex}, \u171?el carnicero adolescente\u187?. Pero si bien es
verdad que en sus primeros tiempos demostr\u243? cierta crueldad que pod\u237?a

hacer temer que se convirtiera en alguien tan sanguinario como su padre, con los
a\u241?os su temperamento se moder\u243?. Por otra parte, ya de joven, Pompeyo
procuraba mantener una estricta disciplina entre sus tropas, lo cual no siempre
era f\u225?cil. Al enterarse de que estaban cometiendo abusos con la poblaci\u24
3?n local, algo tristemente habitual, orden\u243? que sellaran con lacre las emb
ocaduras de las vainas de las espadas. Si al pasar revista a un soldado se encon
traba el sello roto, deb\u237?a demostrar que hab\u237?a usado su arma por una c
ausa justificada; de lo contrario, recib\u237?a un severo castigo.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Tras someter Sicilia, Pompeyo pas\u243? a \u193?frica con un ej\u233?rcito de se
is legiones para acabar con la resistencia antisilana, encabezada por Cneo Domic
io Ahenobarbo, que contaba con el apoyo del rey n\u250?mida Hiarbas. Cuando Pomp
eyo y sus tropas desembarcaron en \u218?tica, aconteci\u243? un suceso bastante
rid\u237?culo. Unos soldados encontraron unas cuantas monedas enterradas, y se e
sparci\u243? el rumor de que toda la zona estaba sembrada de tesoros que los ric
os cartagineses hab\u237?an sepultado por si ven\u237?an malos tiempos. Durante
d\u237?as, Pompeyo no pudo hacer nada de provecho con su ej\u233?rcito porque lo
s legionarios se dedicaban a cavar con un af\u225?n digno de mejor causa, hasta
que dejaron el lugar sembrado de pozos y zanjas como una inmensa topera. Seg\u25
0?n Plutarco, Pompeyo se limit\u243? a re\u237?rse de ellos, aunque es dudoso qu
e le hiciera gracia tener que demorar las operaciones mientras sus hombres se de
dicaban a cazar tesoros. Por supuesto, esos tesoros no aparecieron, y Pompeyo le
s dijo a sus soldados que aquellos d\u237?as de trabajo en vano eran suficiente
castigo por su indisciplina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que pudo empezar la campa\u241?a, Pompeyo la liquid\u243? en cuarenta d\
u237?as. Tras vencer a sus enemigos, hizo ejecutar a Ahenobarbo y tambi\u233?n a
l rey Hiarbas, a quien sustituy\u243? por Hi\u233?mpsal, un sobrino de Yugurta.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquel momento su misi\u243?n hab\u237?a terminado. Pronto le lleg\u243? una c
arta del dictador en la que le ordenaba que licenciara a todas sus tropas salvo
una legi\u243?n, y que despu\u233?s las mandara a Italia mientras \u233?l se que
daba en \u193?frica aguardando la llegada del magistrado que deb\u237?a relevarl
o en el mando. Sin embargo, Pompeyo no estaba dispuesto a regresar as\u237? como
as\u237? a la vida privada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al final de la campa\u241?a, sus soldados lo hab\u237?an vuelto a saludar con el
t\u237?tulo de {\i
imperator}, pero en esta ocasi\u243?n le a\u241?adieron el de {\i
Magnus} o Grande, un {\i
cognomen} que incorporar\u237?a a su nombre a partir de entonces sin el menor re
cato. No contentos con eso, los legionarios exigieron que su general los llevara
en persona a Italia para celebrar su triunfo y se negaron a abandonar \u193?fri
ca si no era con \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo se dirigi\u243? a ellos desde el estrado y les implor\u243? con l\u225?g
rimas en los ojos que regresaran a la disciplina y obedecieran las \u243?rdenes
de Sila. Pero no era m\u225?s que teatro calculado para presionar al dictador y
conseguir que le permitiera volver a Italia a la cabeza de sus tropas. Considera
ndo la extrema dureza con que trataba Sila a quienes se le opon\u237?an, no se p
uede negar que Pompeyo ten\u237?a agallas al echarle un pulso. Seg\u250?n Plutar
co, su atrevimiento era tal que lleg\u243? a decirle a la cara al dictador en un
a ocasi\u243?n: \u171?Ten en cuenta que hay m\u225?s gente que adora al sol naci
ente que al sol poniente\u187? ({\i
Pompeyo}, 14).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al final, Sila comprendi\u243? que el joven general no ten\u237?a intenci\u243?n
de usar aquellas tropas para rebelarse contra \u233?l y que \u250?nicamente nec
esitaba su momento de gloria, de modo que acab\u243? accediendo. No solo hizo of
icial su t\u237?tulo de Grande, sino que incluso, a rega\u241?adientes, le conce
di\u243? un triunfo. Celebrarlo por matar romanos en un conflicto civil parec\u2
37?a algo inapropiado e incluso de mal gusto, pero como Pompeyo hab\u237?a derro
tado tambi\u233?n al n\u250?mida Hiarbas pod\u237?a alegar que su guerra hab\u23
7?a sido un {\i

bellum externum}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un triunfo a los veintis\u233?is a\u241?os para alguien que nunca hab\u237?a sid
o magistrado y solo pertenec\u237?a al orden ecuestre \u8212?todav\u237?a no hab
\u237?a entrado en el senado\u8212? era algo sin precedentes. Aun as\u237?, a Po
mpeyo no le pareci\u243? suficiente y pretendi\u243? dar la nota ex\u243?tica us
ando elefantes en lugar de caballos para tirar de su carro triunfal. Cuando el c
ortejo lleg\u243? a las puertas de la ciudad, Pompeyo descubri\u243? que eran de
masiado peque\u241?as para los paquidermos, con lo que hubo que desuncirlos del
carro y traer de nuevo a los corceles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de su triunfo, Pompeyo podr\u237?a haberle pedido a Sila que lo inc
luyese en aquel nuevo senado de seiscientos miembros. Pero prefiri\u243? no hace
rlo por el momento. De convertirse en un senador convencional, habr\u237?a tenid
o que seguir un {\i
cursus honorum} tambi\u233?n convencional. Pero era impensable que alguien que h
ab\u237?a mandado un ej\u233?rcito de m\u225?s de treinta mil hombres y entrado
en Roma por la puerta Triunfal se presentara ahora a las elecciones de cuestor o
edil para gestionar el funcionamiento de los mercados o las alcantarillas de la
ciudad. Por eso, Pompeyo se retir\u243? de momento de la pol\u237?tica esperand
o que surgiera otra oportunidad extraordinaria para seguir su propia e inimitabl
e carrera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para los defensores de Sila, como su bi\u243?grafo Arthur Keaveney, las reformas
del dictador estaban encaminadas a restaurar la legalidad de la Rep\u250?blica
y evitar que esta se desmoronase. Sin embargo, otros autores m\u225?s cr\u237?ti
cos con \u233?l, como Richard Billows, opinan que todas aquellas leyes para cont
rolar a los gobernadores provinciales y evitar que surgieran nuevos se\u241?ores
de la guerra no eran m\u225?s que una farsa. La demostraci\u243?n palpable era
que Sila depend\u237?a de un se\u241?or de la guerra en proyecto como Pompeyo y
hab\u237?a accedido a sus exigencias sabiendo que eran ilegales, lo que convert\
u237?a sus medidas restauradoras en una c\u225?scara vac\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
TRAS LA MUERTE DE SILA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando abandon\u243? la dictadura, Sila debi\u243? de pensar algo similar a lo q
ue se le atribuye a otro dictador muy posterior en el tiempo: \u171?Todo est\u22
5? atado y bien atado\u187?. Pero incluso antes de su muerte el edificio que hab
\u237?a levantado comenz\u243? a resquebrajarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para empezar, en el a\u241?o 78 uno de los dos c\u243?nsules elegidos fue Marco
Emilio L\u233?pido, pese a que Sila desaprobaba su candidatura de forma expresa.
L\u233?pido ten\u237?a lazos con la familia de Saturnino, y al principio hab\u2
37?a apoyado a Mario y a Cinna, pero al inicio de la guerra civil fue lo bastant
e astuto como para cambiar de bando y pasarse al de Sila. Gracias a eso salv\u24
3? el pellejo y de paso se enriqueci\u243? con las proscripciones. De todas form
as, Sila no acababa de confiar en \u233?l. De hecho, cuando Pompeyo apoy\u243? a
L\u233?pido para el consulado, Sila se enoj\u243? tanto con su joven protegido
que borr\u243? toda menci\u243?n suya en el testamento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
La desconfianza de Sila se hallaba justificada. Cuando el exdictador muri\u243?,
L\u233?pido intent\u243? impedir que recibiera un funeral de Estado. Aunque no
consigui\u243? salirse con la suya en este primer acto simb\u243?lico, no se des
anim\u243? por ello y asegur\u243? que iba a derogar todas las reformas de Sila.
Su programa inclu\u237?a devolver las competencias arrebatadas a los tribunos d
e la plebe, traer de nuevo a los exiliados, restituir las propiedades confiscada
s y distribuir de nuevo trigo barato al pueblo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su colega consular, Quinto Lutacio Catulo, que era un silano convencido, se opus
o a \u233?l, como tambi\u233?n lo hizo la mayor\u237?a del senado. Tras un brev\
u237?simo tiempo de paz, la violencia volvi\u243? a sacudir la Rep\u250?blica. E
n esta ocasi\u243?n, el descontento estall\u243? al norte de Roma, en tierras de
Etruria. All\u237?, los veteranos de Sila que se hab\u237?an establecido en F\u

233?sulas como colonos fueron expulsados por los antiguos propietarios de sus ti
erras. R\u225?pidamente la chispa prendi\u243? y se organiz\u243? una revuelta p
opular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado reaccion\u243? enviando a ambos c\u243?nsules para reprimir aquella se
dici\u243?n. Pero pronto se vio que L\u233?pido estaba utilizando sus tropas par
a ponerse al frente de los rebeldes, no para aplastarlos. Cuando lleg\u243? el m
omento de votar a los c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o 77, el senado orden\u243? a L\u
233?pido que regresara a la ciudad para presidir las elecciones. \u201?l se neg\
u243? y exigi\u243? que se le otorgara un segundo consulado. De lo contrario, di
jo, marchar\u237?a contra Roma con su ej\u233?rcito igual que hab\u237?a hecho S
ila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando empez\u243? el nuevo a\u241?o, las elecciones todav\u237?a no se hab\u237
?an celebrado, por lo que no hab\u237?a c\u243?nsules en ejercicio. El senado, n
o obstante, volvi\u243? a recurrir al {\i
senatus consultum ultimum} y encomend\u243? a Lutacio Catulo la defensa de la Re
p\u250?blica, otorg\u225?ndole rango de proc\u243?nsul. Para ayudarle en su misi
\u243?n se nombr\u243? a un segundo general, Pompeyo, que hab\u237?a comprendido
su error al apoyar a L\u233?pido un a\u241?o y medio antes.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
La campa\u241?a fue bastante breve. Mientras Catulo luchaba contra L\u233?pido e
n Etruria, Pompeyo se dirigi\u243? a la Galia Cisalpina para combatir a su princ
ipal legado, Marco Junio Bruto (padre del famoso asesino de C\u233?sar). Al pare
cer, las tropas de Bruto desertaron y este no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que rendirse
a Pompeyo, que lo hizo ejecutar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras aquella f\u225?cil victoria, Pompeyo se dirigi\u243? a Etruria, y lleg\u243
? a tiempo de combatir junto a Catulo en la batalla de Cosa. El rebelde L\u233?p
ido fue derrotado, pero consigui\u243? huir con parte de sus tropas a Cerde\u241
?a, donde cay\u243? enfermo y muri\u243? poco despu\u233?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Muchos de sus hombres, sin embargo, abandonaron la isla y se dirigieron a Hispan
ia, acaudillados por Marco Perperna. All\u237? quedaba un \u250?ltimo reducto de
l antiguo bando de Mario y Cinna, dirigido por uno de los mayores talentos milit
ares de la historia de Roma, el hombre que estaba a punto de convertirse en la n
\u233?mesis de Pompeyo: Quinto Sertorio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA GUERRA CONTRA SERTORIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Como Cayo Mario y Cneo Pompeyo, Quinto Sertorio \u250?nicamente ten\u237?a dos n
ombres. Su familia proven\u237?a de la ciudad sabina de Nursia y formaba parte d
e la aristocracia local, pero ninguno de sus antepasados lleg\u243? a desempe\u2
41?ar magistraturas importantes en Roma, por lo que se le puede considerar un {\
i
homo novus}. Se calcula que naci\u243? en torno al a\u241?o 126, y ya de joven c
onsigui\u243? cierta reputaci\u243?n como orador en diversos procesos. En el 105
particip\u243? como tribuno en la desastrosa derrota de Arausio y, como vimos e
n su momento, logr\u243? escapar cruzando a nado el R\u243?dano con su armadura
a cuestas a pesar de que lo hab\u237?an herido. M\u225?s adelante sirvi\u243? co
n Mario, para quien ofici\u243? de esp\u237?a gracias a que estaba familiarizado
con las lenguas celtas, y a su lado particip\u243? en la gran victoria de Aquae
Sextiae.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Unos a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde, en el 97, Sertorio viaj\u243? a Hispania otra vez
como tribuno militar. Lo hizo bajo las \u243?rdenes de un individuo poco recome
ndable, el proc\u243?nsul Tito Didio, culpable de varias masacres que recuerdan
a la matanza de lusitanos que perpetr\u243? el infame Galba en el a\u241?o 150.
Por su parte, Sertorio demostr\u243? su astucia en varias ocasiones, y tambi\u23
3?n gan\u243? la corona de hierba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la Guerra Social Sertorio sirvi\u243? como cuestor durante el a\u241?o 91, au
nque no est\u225? muy claro qu\u233? papel desempe\u241?\u243?. Fue entonces cua
ndo perdi\u243? un ojo, una mutilaci\u243?n de guerra que siempre luci\u243? con

orgullo y que lo equiparaba con otros c\u233?lebres generales tuertos como Ant\
u237?gono Monoftalmo o el mism\u237?simo An\u237?bal. Tras la guerra se present\
u243? a tribuno de la plebe para el a\u241?o 88, pero Sila, que ya era c\u243?ns
ul electo, se opuso a \u233?l y consigui\u243? que fuera derrotado.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
La relaci\u243?n entre ambos, que no deb\u237?a de ser buena, se deterior\u243?
todav\u237?a m\u225?s a partir de ese momento. Sertorio se convirti\u243? en seg
uidor de Mario y de Cinna, y entr\u243? con ambos en Roma cuando la tomaron mien
tras Sila part\u237?a a Grecia. A pesar de todo, no le agrad\u243? la brutal rep
resi\u243?n que presenci\u243? en esos d\u237?as y, como ya comentamos, fue \u23
3?l quien acab\u243? con los desmanes de los bardieos, los esclavos liberados de
Mario que sembraban el terror en Roma. Tambi\u233?n mencionamos ya su participa
ci\u243?n en la guerra civil y c\u243?mo, por diferencias con Papirio Carb\u243?
n y con Mario el Joven, decidi\u243? marcharse de Italia y se dirigi\u243? a His
pania. Para Sila supuso alivio, ya que Sertorio era, con diferencia, el m\u225?s
dotado de los generales enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sertorio aguant\u243? en Hispania un tiempo, hasta que el gobernador nombrado po
r Sila, Cayo Annio, lo expuls\u243? de all\u237?. Despu\u233?s guerre\u243? dura
nte algunos meses contra las tropas silanas en el norte de \u193?frica.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 80 unos legados lusitanos, atra\u237?dos por los \u233?xitos y el
prestigio de Sertorio, viajaron a Mauritania a pedirle que regresara a Hispania
y los librara de la opresi\u243?n del gobernador de la provincia Ulterior. Sert
orio acept\u243? y, aunque al principio dispon\u237?a de un ej\u233?rcito muy re
ducido que no llegaba a diez mil hombres, no tard\u243? en cosechar victorias co
ntra los generales que le mandaba Sila. Sus \u233?xitos hicieron que acudieran a
reforzar sus filas muchos romanos desterrados y proscritos por el dictador. Est
e, preocupado por aquel problema que amenazaba con crecer, nombr\u243? legado de
Hispania Ulterior a un hombre de confianza, Metelo P\u237?o.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Metelo empez\u243? avanzando desde la B\u233?tica hasta el coraz\u243?n de Lusit
ania, y en el camino fund\u243? ciudades como Metellinum (la actual Medell\u237?
n) o Castra Caecilia (C\u225?ceres). Pero la t\u225?ctica de guerrillas a la que
recurr\u237?an los lusitanos acab\u243? desesper\u225?ndolo. Adem\u225?s, ya ha
b\u237?a cumplido la cincuentena y no se encontraba en muy buena forma, por lo q
ue llevaba muy mal las penalidades de la campa\u241?a. Sertorio, que era unos a\
u241?os m\u225?s joven y, sobre todo, se ejercitaba constantemente en marchas y
combates, lleg\u243? al extremo de retarlo a un duelo singular. Metelo se neg\u2
43?, como era de esperar. Plutarco, que lo critica en otras cosas, le da la raz\
u243?n en esto porque, \u171?como dice Teofrasto, un general debe morir como un
general y no como un soldado de infanter\u237?a ligera\u187? ({\i
Sertorio}, 13).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras dos a\u241?os sin conseguir nada, Metelo acab\u243? retir\u225?ndose a Cord
uba en el 77, abandonando buena parte de la provincia Ulterior a su enemigo. Ser
torio consigui\u243? tambi\u233?n el apoyo de las tribus celt\u237?beras y avanz
\u243? hasta la Hispania Citerior, donde su legado Hirtuleyo hab\u237?a derrotad
o y dado muerte al gobernador Domicio Calvino. All\u237? se apoder\u243? de cent
ros neur\u225?lgicos como Calagurris e Ilerda (Calahorra y L\u233?rida), y sobre
todo Osca (Huesca), donde estableci\u243? su base de operaciones.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Fue en Osca donde Sertorio fund\u243? su c\u233?lebre escuela, en la que ofrec\u
237?a educaci\u243?n romana a los hijos de la \u233?lite hispana. Los alumnos se
vest\u237?an con togas y, entre otras ense\u241?anzas, aprend\u237?an lat\u237?
n y griego. Al mismo tiempo, Sertorio adiestraba a sus tropas con el sistema mil
itar romano, y las hac\u237?a desplegarse bajo sus estandartes y respetar la mis
ma disciplina que las legiones. El hecho de que adem\u225?s constituyera su prop
io senado formado por trescientos miembros demuestra que su intenci\u243?n era m
ontar una especie de Roma paralela. A decir verdad, segu\u237?a vi\u233?ndose a
s\u237? mismo como representante de la leg\u237?tima Rep\u250?blica que hab\u237
?a sido derrocada por Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Las victorias de Sertorio estaban convirti\u233?ndolo en un personaje casi legen

dario. Contaba con una guardia personal formada por guerreros celt\u237?beros qu
e hab\u237?an jurado protegerlo con sus vidas y no sobrevivirle despu\u233?s de
su muerte; este voto de fidelidad a un caudillo, que sobrepasaba con mucho la re
laci\u243?n romana entre patrono y cliente, era muy t\u237?pica de las tribus ga
las y germanas. Para aumentar su carisma, sobre todo entre las tropas hispanas,
Sertorio no dudaba en recurrir a lo sobrenatural y lo m\u237?stico. Ten\u237?a u
na cierva blanca a la que hab\u237?a domesticado d\u225?ndole de comer de su pro
pia mano, y aseguraba ante sus guerreros que era un regalo de Diana la cazadora,
y que la cierva le tra\u237?a en ocasiones mensajes de la propia diosa.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese mismo a\u241?o, el 77, los restos del ej\u233?rcito de L\u233?pido, cincuent
a y tres cohortes mandadas por Marco Perperna, llegaron a Hispania. A Perperna n
o le hac\u237?a ninguna gracia cederle el mando a Sertorio, pero sus propios hom
bres lo obligaron. En aquel momento, Sertorio se hallaba en la cumbre de su pode
r y dominaba toda Hispania excepto el sur, donde Metelo se encontraba pr\u225?ct
icamente encerrado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Convencido de que \u233?l solo no pod\u237?a arreglar la situaci\u243?n, Metelo
pidi\u243? refuerzos a Roma. Los c\u243?nsules de aquel a\u241?o, Junio Bruto y
Emilio Liviano, no ten\u237?an la menor intenci\u243?n de ir a Hispania. Pompeyo
, por su parte, segu\u237?a al mando de las tropas que le hab\u237?an asignado p
ara la campa\u241?a contra L\u233?pido y no quer\u237?a desmovilizarlas, de modo
que se ofreci\u243? voluntario para dirigir aquella operaci\u243?n.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Algunos senadores se opusieron a entregarle el mando, alegando que alguien que n
i siquiera hab\u237?a sido cuestor no pod\u237?a recibir un mando proconsular. E
ra una objeci\u243?n absurda, puesto que Pompeyo ya hab\u237?a ejercido ese {\i
imperium} antes. Para convencer a los dem\u225?s senadores, un partidario suyo l
lamado Lucio Filipo se levant\u243? e hizo un juego de palabras: Pompeyo no ten\
u237?a por qu\u233? ir \u171?como proc\u243?nsul sino en lugar de los c\u243?nsu
les\u187?, {\i
non proconsule sed pro consulibus}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo no entr\u243? en Hispania hasta la primavera del 76, pues tuvo que enfre
ntarse a tribus rebeldes en la provincia de Galia Transalpina y se vio obligado
a pasar el invierno en Narbona. Pero en cuanto lleg\u243? se dirigi\u243? hacia
el sur siguiendo la costa. Su intenci\u243?n era arrebat\u225?rsela al enemigo y
utilizarla como base para seguir avanzando hacia el interior. Gracias a su pres
tigio, muchas ciudades se pasaron a su bando. De hecho, en aquella campa\u241?a
Pompeyo se las arregl\u243?, como sol\u237?a hacer all\u237? por donde pasaba, p
ara establecer unas extensas redes de clientes que con el tiempo le resultar\u23
7?an muy \u250?tiles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El primer objetivo importante de Pompeyo era Valencia. Sertorio, que se percat\u
243? de ello, decidi\u243? tomar una de las ciudades que se encontraba en el cam
ino, Lauro. Era la primera vez que estos dos generales, hasta entonces pr\u225?c
ticamente imbatidos, iban a enfrentarse. \u191?Qu\u233? podr\u237?a suceder?\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cerca de la ciudad de Lauro hab\u237?a una colina estrat\u233?gicamente situada.
Tanto Pompeyo como Sertorio intentaron tomarla, pero fue este \u250?ltimo quien
se anticip\u243? e instal\u243? su campamento all\u237?. Pompeyo decidi\u243? s
acar partido de una situaci\u243?n que de entrada parec\u237?a desventajosa y se
estableci\u243? al otro lado de la colina, de tal modo que el ej\u233?rcito de
Sertorio quedara emparedado entre sus tropas y la ciudad aliada de Lauro. Tan co
nfiado se sent\u237?a que envi\u243? emisarios para dar \u225?nimos a los habita
ntes de Lauro, e incluso les sugiri\u243? que subieran a las murallas para conte
mplar el espect\u225?culo de un ej\u233?rcito sitiador que se convert\u237?a en
sitiado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Sertorio se enter\u243?, respondi\u243? que hab\u237?a llegado el momento
de darle una lecci\u243?n al \u171?pupilo de Sila\u187?, tal como llamaba a Pom
peyo. Para su sorpresa, este descubri\u243? que detr\u225?s de su campamento Ser
torio ten\u237?a otro en el que se alojaba una fuerza m\u225?s que considerable,

seis mil hombres. \u191?Qui\u233?n hab\u237?a encerrado a qui\u233?n?\par\pard\

plain\hyphpar} {
Al comprender la situaci\u243?n, Pompeyo no se atrevi\u243? a abandonar su propi
a empalizada, pues tem\u237?a verse atacado por el frente y la retaguardia a la
vez. Es posible que Sertorio gozara de superioridad num\u233?rica gracias a los
refuerzos de Perperna, pero la fuente que lo afirma, Orosio, a quien ya menciona
mos con motivo de la guerra de Yugurta, no es excesivamente fiable.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
No fue la \u250?nica jugarreta que le gast\u243? Sertorio a Pompeyo durante este
asedio. En los alrededores de Lauro solo hab\u237?a dos zonas donde el ej\u233?
rcito de Pompeyo pod\u237?a conseguir forraje y le\u241?a, una cerca de su campa
mento y otra m\u225?s alejada. Sertorio orden\u243? a sus tropas ligeras que hos
tigaran constantemente a los forrajeadores enemigos que acud\u237?an a la zona m
\u225?s pr\u243?xima y que no se acercaran a la otra. L\u243?gicamente, los homb
res de Pompeyo acabaron decidiendo que merec\u237?a la pena hacer un viaje m\u22
5?s largo para ir al \u225?rea m\u225?s alejada, ya que por all\u237? no asomaba
n los enemigos y era mucho m\u225?s segura.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando el adversario pic\u243? el cebo, Sertorio envi\u243? veinte cohortes de i
nfanter\u237?a pesada y ligera m\u225?s dos mil jinetes para que tendieran una e
mboscada en el camino. El oficial encargado, Octavio Grecino, parti\u243? por la
noche y coloc\u243? en los bordes del camino a la infanter\u237?a ligera hispan
a, un poco m\u225?s atr\u225?s a la infanter\u237?a pesada y a\u250?n m\u225?s r
etiradas entre los \u225?rboles a las tropas de caballer\u237?a, de modo que los
relinchos de los corceles no delataran su posici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, a la tercera hora (las nueve de la ma\u241?ana en horario
solar), los forrajeadores de Pompeyo aparecieron de regreso, lo que sugiere que
el lugar donde hab\u237?an ido a buscar provisiones estaba tan lejos que hab\u2
37?an tenido que pernoctar all\u237?. En ese momento los hispanos de la infanter
\u237?a ligera de Sertorio cayeron sobre ellos, y momentos despu\u233?s, mientra
s intentaban reorganizarse, lo hicieron las dem\u225?s cohortes.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Los soldados de Pompeyo emprendieron la huida, como era de esperar. Algunos de e
llos lograron adelantarse, pero Sertorio hab\u237?a dado instrucciones de que na
die escapara con vida. Obedeciendo sus \u243?rdenes, el jefe de la caballer\u237
?a de los emboscados, Tarquinio Prisco, hab\u237?a dejado en el camino que condu
c\u237?a al campamento enemigo un segundo grupo de emboscados, doscientos cincue
nta jinetes que sorprendieron a los fugitivos y acabaron con la mayor\u237?a de
ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, la noticia de la celada lleg\u243? al campamento de Pompeyo, quien
r\u225?pidamente envi\u243? una legi\u243?n en ayuda de sus hombres bajo el mand
o del legado D\u233?cimo Lelio. Al ver que este se acercaba, Tarquinio hizo toca
r la orden de retirada como si renunciara a la persecuci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Era otra treta. Tras alejarse cierta distancia, todos los jinetes de Tarquinio g
iraron a la derecha, dieron media vuelta para rodear a la legi\u243?n que ven\u2
37?a de refuerzo y la atacaron por la retaguardia. Al mismo tiempo, las tropas p
esadas de Octavio Grecino que hab\u237?an tendido la emboscada avanzaron por el
camino y cargaron de frente contra aquella unidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta vez Pompeyo decidi\u243? que ten\u237?a que emplear m\u225?s efectivos, por
lo que hizo salir pr\u225?cticamente a todas sus tropas del campamento. Pero Se
rtorio respondi\u243? actuando de la misma manera, como si ofreciera batalla. An
te la amenaza de verse atacado por detr\u225?s mientras acud\u237?a en auxilio d
e los suyos, Pompeyo no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que renunciar a su maniobra y cont
emplar impotente c\u243?mo los enemigos terminaban de aniquilar a su partida de
forrajeadores y a la legi\u243?n que hab\u237?a mandado para salvarlos.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Este primer asalto entre los dos generales \u171?estrella\u187?, al que Frontino
dedica una considerable extensi\u243?n en sus {\i
Estratagemas} (2.5.31), le cost\u243? a Pompeyo diez mil bajas, entre ellas la d

el legado Lelio, am\u233?n de perder el convoy de suministros. Aquella derrota c

onvenci\u243? a los habitantes de Lauro de que Pompeyo no iba a ser capaz de res
catarlos, de modo que se rindieron a Sertorio. Este les perdon\u243? la vida y l
es dej\u243? marchar, pero arras\u243? su ciudad para acentuar la humillaci\u243
?n de Pompeyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue una dura lecci\u243?n para Pompeyo, que hasta ahora se hab\u237?a enfrentado
a rivales de segunda divisi\u243?n. Por suerte para \u233?l, al a\u241?o siguie
nte, Metelo consigui\u243? derrotar a Hirtuleyo, el legado de Sertorio, cerca de
It\u225?lica, lo que equilibraba un poco las fuerzas. \u201?l, por su parte, hi
zo lo propio con Perperna en las proximidades de Valencia, que cay\u243? en su p
oder; esto demostraba que los subordinados de Sertorio estaban muy lejos de pose
er su talento.{\super
[27]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella victoria hizo confiarse a Pompeyo, que se convenci\u243? de que pod\u237
?a derrotar a Sertorio solo. Sin esperar a que llegara la ayuda de Metelo, decid
i\u243? atacar a su adversario junto al J\u250?car. Se podr\u237?a achacar esta
conducta a su gran vanidad, pero no era el primer general romano que prefer\u237
?a arriesgarse a combatir con menos tropas por no compartir la gloria con otro.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como ocurr\u237?a tantas veces en estas batallas, el flanco derecho de cada ej\u
233?rcito, donde se hallaban las mejores tropas, derrot\u243? al ala izquierda d
e su rival. El resultado del combate no qued\u243? claro, aunque Pompeyo mismo r
esult\u243? herido en una pierna y es posible que perdiera m\u225?s hombres que
su adversario. Al d\u237?a siguiente lleg\u243? Metelo con sus refuerzos, y al v
erse en inferioridad num\u233?rica, Sertorio se retir\u243? de all\u237?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
En esa misma campa\u241?a todav\u237?a se libr\u243? una gran batalla cerca de S
agunto. Tampoco fue concluyente, aunque en ella muri\u243? Memio, el mejor legad
o de Pompeyo, y esta vez fue Metelo quien recibi\u243? un lanzazo.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Durante el invierno del 75-74, ambos bandos solicitaron ayuda exterior. Pompeyo
envi\u243? una carta al senado pidiendo refuerzos, dinero y provisiones. El tono
era bastante duro y a ratos insolente, pues el general nunca fue un maestro de
la diplomacia. Salustio nos transmite el texto de la misiva en uno de los fragme
ntos de sus {\i
Historias} (2.98): \u171?Por los dioses inmortales, \u191?es que pretend\u233?is
que yo haga de tesoro p\u250?blico? \u191?Cre\u233?is que puedo mantener a mi e
j\u233?rcito sin grano ni pagas?\u187?. Hab\u237?a tambi\u233?n algunas amenazas
veladas en la carta que hicieron reaccionar al senado, y por fin se decidi\u243
? enviar a Pompeyo dinero y dos legiones m\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, Sertorio hab\u237?a entrado en negociaciones con un viejo conocido
de los romanos, Mitr\u237?dates del Ponto. \u191?Con el cruel enemigo que hab\u
237?a hecho asesinar a ochenta mil romanos e it\u225?licos en las V\u237?speras
asi\u225?ticas? Pues s\u237?, con ese mismo. No era la primera vez que facciones
enfrentadas en Roma recurr\u237?an a ayuda extranjera. En la guerra civil, los
enemigos de Sila se hab\u237?an aliado con los samnitas a sabiendas de que estos
odiaban a Roma, y de no haber sido por la victoria de Sila en la puerta Colina
probablemente habr\u237?an saqueado la ciudad. El mismo Sila hab\u237?a firmado
una paz con Mitr\u237?dates que muchos ve\u237?an como un vergonzoso enjuague. M
\u225?s recientemente, Domicio Ahenobarbo hab\u237?a pactado con el rey n\u250?m
ida Hiarbas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En sus negociaciones, Mitr\u237?dates se comprometi\u243? a enviar a Sertorio cu
arenta naves de guerra y tres mil talentos de plata, una suma m\u225?s que consi
derable. A cambio, Sertorio deb\u237?a mandarle soldados y asesores militares y
reconocer sus posesiones en Asia. Sertorio accedi\u243? a que el rey se apropias
e de nuevo de Bitinia y Capadocia, pero se neg\u243? a que pusiera las manos en
la provincia de Asia, ya que era propiedad de Roma desde hac\u237?a d\u233?cadas
, y \u233?l no se consideraba ning\u250?n traidor a su patria.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
A Mitr\u237?dates le sorprendi\u243? que un hombre en la situaci\u243?n de Serto

rio, cada vez m\u225?s escaso de medios, fuera tan puntilloso. \u171?\u191?Qu\u2
33? condiciones me pondr\u225? si alguna vez controla Roma, si estando acorralad
o junto a las orillas del Atl\u225?ntico pone l\u237?mites a mi reino y me amena
za con la guerra si intento reconquistar Asia?\u187?, coment\u243?. No obstante,
el pacto se sell\u243? y Sertorio recibi\u243? el dinero y los barcos prometido
s. A Mitr\u237?dates, que tampoco era hombre que sintiera un gran respeto por su
propia palabra, le daba igual: si Sertorio consegu\u237?a que los esfuerzos de
la Rep\u250?blica se concentraran en el oeste, ya le llegar\u237?a el momento de
poner de nuevo sus manos sobre la provincia de Asia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, el pacto lleg\u243? demasiado tarde para Sertorio. Pompeyo y
Metelo, con m\u225?s recursos que el a\u241?o anterior, decidieron que no ten\u2
37?an por qu\u233? enfrentarse en campo abierto a su enemigo y que les bastaba c
on desgastarlo poco a poco rindiendo sus fortalezas. Durante el a\u241?o 74 logr
aron apoderarse de Coca, B\u237?lbilis (Calatayud) y Seg\u243?briga. Sertorio lo
gr\u243? frustrar los ataques sobre Palantia (Palencia) y Calagurris, pero no de
jaba de perder terreno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y no solo lo perd\u237?a en el campo de batalla. Su popularidad entre sus propio
s hombres tambi\u233?n estaba cayendo en picado. A los elementos romanos de su e
j\u233?rcito les molestaba que se rodeara de aquella guardia de celt\u237?beros
juramentados, como si fuera un caudillo b\u225?rbaro. Perperna, que nunca hab\u2
37?a aceptado de buen grado la autoridad de Sertorio, empez\u243? a esparcir rum
ores contra \u233?l, y los rumores pronto se convirtieron en una conspiraci\u243
?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los conflictos entre romanos e hispanos no dejaban de agravarse: los primeros se
dedicaban a hostigar a los segundos extorsion\u225?ndolos y someti\u233?ndolos
a castigos muy duros por cualquier supuesta infracci\u243?n. Como resultado, muc
hos pueblos y ciudades empezaron a desertar del bando de Sertorio. A estas altur
as, los hispanos deb\u237?an comprender ya que sus objetivos no eran los mismos.
Ellos quer\u237?an librarse del yugo de Roma, mientras que Sertorio, aunque alg
unos historiadores lo hayan presentado como un adalid de la independencia de His
pania, segu\u237?a siendo un romano que luchaba por cambiar el gobierno de la Re
p\u250?blica, no por liberar de su imperio a ning\u250?n pueblo.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
En las campa\u241?as de los a\u241?os 73 y 72, Sertorio sigui\u243? perdiendo ci
udades y territorios ante el avance de Pompeyo y Metelo. En cuanto a las deserci
ones de sus aliados, que le dol\u237?an todav\u237?a m\u225?s, trat\u243? de rep
rimirlas con una brutalidad que hasta entonces no hab\u237?a empleado, y lleg\u2
43? hasta el punto de ejecutar a algunos j\u243?venes que se educaban en su acad
emia de Osca y a vender como esclavos a otros en represalia por supuestas faltas
cometidas por sus padres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su buena estrella lo hab\u237?a abandonado. Sertorio se sent\u237?a cada vez m\u
225?s desesperado, pues comprend\u237?a finalmente que la suya era una causa per
dida. Seg\u250?n Apiano, para evadirse pasaba el tiempo en banquetes, refugi\u22
5?ndose en la bebida y en el sexo cuando hasta entonces hab\u237?a sido un hombr
e frugal y moderado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En uno de esos banquetes, Perperna y otros nueve conjurados aprovecharon el mome
nto en que su general y sus guardaespaldas estaban m\u225?s ebrios y lo asesinar
on. Es posible que en esta conspiraci\u243?n influyera el hecho de que Metelo P\
u237?o, imitando el ejemplo de su padre con Yugurta, hab\u237?a ofrecido una gra
n recompensa a quien le trajera la cabeza de Sertorio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La muerte de Sertorio provoc\u243? que muchos de sus partidarios abandonaran def
initivamente la lucha. Perperna, en cambio, se empe\u241?\u243? en resistir ahor
a que por fin pod\u237?a ostentar el mando supremo. Pero pocos estaban dispuesto
s a seguirlo, y en la primera batalla que libr\u243? fue derrotado y capturado p
or Pompeyo. Para salvarse de la ejecuci\u243?n, Perperna le ofreci\u243? cartas
y documentos secretos de Sertorio que supuestamente demostraban que ten\u237?a u
n buen n\u250?mero de c\u243?mplices en Roma. Pompeyo, pensando que aquella info
rmaci\u243?n podr\u237?a avivar otra vez la discordia en la ciudad, los quem\u24
3? todos y orden\u243? matar a Perperna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con la muerte de Sertorio la guerra civil terminaba por fin, diez a\u241?os desp

u\u233?s del desembarco de Sila en Italia. Tras su larga estancia en Hispania, M

etelo P\u237?o regres\u243? a Roma para celebrar su triunfo.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Pompeyo, por el contrario, se qued\u243? unos meses all\u237?. Tras someter los
\u250?ltimos focos de resistencia ind\u237?gena de la provincia Citerior, abando
n\u243? su papel de general duro y adopt\u243? el de conciliador, gracias a lo c
ual aument\u243? su prestigio y su influencia en la pen\u237?nsula. Am\u233?n de
fundar varias ciudades, como Pompaelo (Pamplona), firm\u243? pactos de clientel
a con los principales caudillos de las tribus que le hab\u237?an sido fieles, y
a cambio los recompens\u243? con tierras y ampli\u225?ndoles las fronteras.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los c\u243?nsules de ese a\u241?o, adem\u225?s, presentaron la {\i
lex Gellia Cornelia} que permit\u237?a a Pompeyo otorgar la ciudadan\u237?a roma
na, si lo consideraba oportuno, a aquellos hispanos que hubieran luchado a su la
do contra Sertorio. Pompeyo us\u243? esta ley con generosidad, lo que le gan\u24
3? muchos m\u225?s partidarios, algo que se puede atestiguar en las inscripcione
s posteriores, donde el nombre \u171?Pompeyo\u187? aparece muchas veces, ya que
los nuevos ciudadanos adoptaban el nombre de su benefactor.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Pompeyo, como se demostrar\u237?a m\u225?s tarde, no era un gran orador ni se se
nt\u237?a a gusto en los debates del senado. Sin embargo, maniobrando sobre el t
erreno no hab\u237?a otro como \u233?l. Cuando dej\u243? Hispania en la primaver
a del a\u241?o 71, sab\u237?a que aquel vasto pa\u237?s se hab\u237?a convertido
en su territorio particular, y as\u237? se demostr\u243? m\u225?s de veinte a\u
241?os despu\u233?s cuando estall\u243? la segunda guerra civil de Roma.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras Pompeyo se dedicaba a sembrar para su propio futuro, los campos de Ital
ia sufr\u237?an la devastaci\u243?n de un ej\u233?rcito enemigo. En este caso no
ven\u237?a del norte, sino que hab\u237?a surgido en la misma Italia, pr\u225?c
ticamente del suelo, pues eran los esclavos que trabajaban los campos quienes se
hab\u237?an rebelado. Pero el n\u250?cleo de aquella revuelta ten\u237?a su ori
gen en unos hombres que manejaban las armas, aunque no para servir a la Rep\u250
?blica sino para divertir a sus ciudadanos. Eran gladiadores, y su l\u237?der, p
or supuesto, no era otro que Espartaco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA REVUELTA DE ESPARTACO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Espartaco, uno de los personajes m\u225?s famosos de la historia de Roma y todo
un s\u237?mbolo, era de origen tracio. Probablemente hab\u237?a nacido en una tr
ibu conocida como los medos (el nombre coincide con el de un importante pueblo i
ranio, pero es pura casualidad), que habitaba en la zona monta\u241?osa situada
entre el sur de Bulgaria y el norte de Grecia. Como era habitual en las tierras
altas, Espartaco empez\u243? dedic\u225?ndose al pastoreo, pero cuando surg\u237
?a la ocasi\u243?n combinaba esa actividad con incursiones en las llanuras, lo q
ue lo familiariz\u243? con las armas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hasta aqu\u237?, su historia recuerda mucho a la de Viriato. Pero en una de esas
razias, Espartaco fue capturado por los romanos. Al menos, as\u237? lo cuenta A
piano. Seg\u250?n el relato de Floro (3.20) las cosas ocurrieron de forma difere
nte: Espartaco fue primero mercenario, despu\u233?s se alist\u243? como soldado
auxiliar de las legiones romanas, m\u225?s tarde desert\u243? y por fin fue apre
sado. En cualquier caso, ambas versiones terminan igual: al observar que pose\u2
37?a una gran fuerza f\u237?sica y una sorprendente habilidad con las armas, sus
captores decidieron convertirlo no en un esclavo sin m\u225?s, sino en gladiado
r.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los juegos de gladiadores constituyen uno de los aspectos m\u225?s pol\u233?mico
s de la civilizaci\u243?n romana, y tambi\u233?n de los m\u225?s populares graci
as a pel\u237?culas, novelas y en los \u250?ltimos tiempos una serie de televisi
\u243?n protagonizada precisamente por Espartaco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos cre\u237?an que estos espect\u225?culos, como tantos otros elementos

de su cultura, eran una herencia de los etruscos. El primer combate de este tip
o que se celebr\u243? en Roma fue organizado por D\u233?cimo Junio Pera como hom
enaje a su padre fallecido, y consisti\u243? en una pelea entre tres parejas de
esclavos en el Foro Boario. De alguna forma, se trataba de un sustituto de los s
acrificios humanos que muchos pueblos antiguos ofrec\u237?an a los muertos. Esto
s se alimentaban de sangre, como se ve en la escena de la {\i
Odisea} en que Ulises visita el reino de Hades y usa la sangre para convocar a l
os esp\u237?ritus;{\super
[28]} pero en ocasiones los difuntos no se conformaban con la de ovejas o cabras
, sino que exig\u237?an beber la que corr\u237?a por venas humanas.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
La diferencia entre un sacrificio y un combate de gladiadores estribaba en que e
n el segundo no se sab\u237?a con seguridad cu\u225?l de los luchadores iba a mo
rir y cu\u225?l iba a sobrevivir. Al principio, estos duelos eran m\u225?s un ri
tual religioso que un espect\u225?culo; pero ese elemento de emoci\u243?n e ince
rtidumbre prendi\u243? entre los romanos, que empezaron a apretujarse en el Foro
Boario para presenciar las peleas y cruzar apuestas entre ellos.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
En el siglo I a.C., los {\i
munera} o juegos de gladiadores se hab\u237?an popularizado tanto que muy pocos
recordaban ya sus or\u237?genes religiosos, y se celebraban por toda Italia. En
esta \u233?poca todav\u237?a no exist\u237?a la amplia variedad de armas que exh
ibir\u237?an los luchadores en \u233?poca imperial, y la mayor\u237?a combat\u23
7?an empu\u241?ando una simple espada, el {\i
gladius,} que les daba su nombre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre los gladiadores hab\u237?a muchos esclavos, prisioneros de guerra y crimin
ales. Pero tambi\u233?n se encontraban hombres libres que mediante el juramento
conocido como {\i
auctoramentum gladiatorium} renunciaban a sus derechos c\u237?vicos para huir de
condiciones de vida precarias, por alcanzar la gloria o por cualquier otra raz\
u243?n (en \u233?poca imperial hubo incluso miembros del orden senatorial que se
hicieron gladiadores). Todos ellos entrenaban en escuelas llamadas {\i
ludi}, a las \u243?rdenes de un empresario y adiestrados por veteranos conocidos
como {\i
lanistae} y tambi\u233?n como {\i
doctores}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Puesto que los gladiadores supon\u237?an una inversi\u243?n cara, no era aconsej
able ni habitual que en cada pelea muriera el perdedor, de modo que hab\u237?a e
n sus duelos algo de danza ensayada. Cuando uno de los dos contendientes ca\u237
?a y no quer\u237?a seguir combatiendo, levantaba desde el suelo el \u237?ndice
de su mano izquierda en se\u241?al de rendici\u243?n. Quien decid\u237?a si viv\
u237?a o mor\u237?a era el magistrado que presid\u237?a los juegos, aunque sol\u
237?a atender a la opini\u243?n del p\u250?blico. Un pulgar extendido hacia arri
ba \u8212?{\i
pollicem vertere}\u8212?, aunque nos parezca antiintuitivo, era un gesto de desa
probaci\u243?n y significaba que el perdedor deb\u237?a morir. Juntar el pulgar
con el \u237?ndice quer\u237?a decir lo contrario, y extenderlo hacia abajo era
una indicaci\u243?n para que el vencedor dejase caer la espada sin matar a su ri
val. En ocasiones, el p\u250?blico actuaba como en las plazas de toros y agitaba
trapos o pa\u241?uelos para pedir clemencia por el gladiador ca\u237?do.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Hablando de toros, es inevitable pensar en festejos actuales leyendo esta inscri
pci\u243?n encontrada en Pompeya:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\qc
{
LA BANDA DE GLADIADORES DEL EDIL AULO SUETIO CERTO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
LUCHAR\u193? EN POMPEYA LA V\u205?SPERA DE LAS KALENDAS DE JUNIO\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
[31 de mayo]. HABR\u193? CAZA DE BESTIAS SALVAJES Y TOLDOS.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {

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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} } {
En el caso de Espartaco, \u233?l pertenec\u237?a al {\i
ludus} de L\u233?ntulo Batiato, en la ciudad de Capua. En esa escuela hab\u237?a
gladiadores de dos grupos \u233?tnicos principales, galos y tracios. Espartaco,
como hemos visto, pertenec\u237?a a los \u250?ltimos, aunque Plutarco se\u241?a
la que por su cultura y su inteligencia era m\u225?s griego que tracio. El mismo
autor relata que, cuando lo llevaron a Roma para ser vendido junto a su mujer,
una serpiente se enrosc\u243? alrededor de su cabeza. Su esposa, que ten\u237?a
arrebatos m\u237?sticos de profetisa, interpret\u243? aquello como se\u241?al de
que Espartaco llegar\u237?a a detentar un poder grande y terrible que le traer\
u237?a buena suerte.{\super
[29]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las condiciones en el {\i
ludus} de Batiato eran extremadamente duras. De todos modos, tiene l\u243?gica q
ue los gladiadores estuvieran tan vigilados como en una c\u225?rcel, ya que eran
hombres peligrosos y en esa escuela hab\u237?a m\u225?s de doscientos.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema que no parec\u237?a captar ni Batiato ni nadie en la comarca era que
ese grupo de prisioneros expertos en manejar armas se hallaba en el coraz\u243?
n de un territorio donde hab\u237?a cientos de miles de esclavos. La mayor\u237?
a de ellos trabajaban en el campo, el destino m\u225?s duro despu\u233?s de las
minas. Si en el siglo II, como ya comentamos en el cap\u237?tulo de los hermanos
Graco, exist\u237?a la tendencia a concentrar propiedades agr\u237?colas y a ex
plotarlas con mano de obra esclava, dicha tendencia se hab\u237?a acentuado dura
nte el siglo I. Eso significaba que los gladiadores del {\i
ludus} de Batiato eran como una mecha extendida sobre un enorme barril de p\u243
?lvora.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Solo hac\u237?a falta que alguien la encendiera. Y ese alguien, por supuesto, fu
e Espartaco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No debemos pensar que Espartaco tom\u243? conciencia de repente de la explotaci\
u243?n que sufr\u237?an los esclavos como colectivo. Tampoco ser\u237?a apropiad
o describirlo como un representante genuino del antiguo proletariado, tal como h
izo Marx en una carta donde comentaba a Engels {\i
Las guerras civiles} de Apiano. Como la mayor\u237?a de la gente en la Antig\u25
2?edad, Espartaco no se planteaba abolir la esclavitud, y de hecho su ej\u233?rc
ito hizo sus propios esclavos. Lo que anhelaba personalmente, como casi todos lo
s que sufr\u237?an aquel terrible destino, era conseguir su libertad y la de sus
allegados y mejorar sus condiciones de vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La revuelta estall\u243? en el a\u241?o 73. Espartaco hab\u237?a planeado escapa
r con los doscientos internos del {\i
ludus}, pero su plan fue descubierto y se vieron obligados a apresurar la huida.
Tan solo setenta y ocho gladiadores lograron salir del recinto. Tras asaltar un
a taberna, se apoderaron de los cuchillos y los espetones. Eran armas m\u225?s q
ue peligrosas en manos de tipos entrenados, y con ellas consiguieron librarse de

los guardianes de las puertas de Capua y huir de la ciudad. En el camino, se en

contraron por azar con unas carretas en las que transportaban armas para otro {\
i
ludus}. Aprovechando el golpe de suerte, se apoderaron de ellas y se alejaron de
la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El lugar que escogieron para establecer su campamento no pod\u237?a ser m\u225?s
espectacular: el cr\u225?ter del monte Vesubio, del que en aquella \u233?poca s
e ignoraba que era un volc\u225?n. All\u237? eligieron a otros dos gladiadores d
e origen celta o germano como lugartenientes de Espartaco. Sus nombres eran Crix
o y Enomao.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pronto corri\u243? la voz y empezaron a un\u237?rseles m\u225?s esclavos, e incl
uso jornaleros libres de las fincas cercanas. Usando como base el Vesubio, la ba
nda de Espartaco se dedic\u243? a saquear los alrededores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Al enterarse, el pretor Claudio Glabro reuni\u243? a toda prisa una fuerza de tr
es mil hombres. No se trataba de legionarios con experiencia, sino de una especi
e de milicia: los romanos no ve\u237?an aquel conflicto como una guerra sino com
o una revuelta de esclavos que hab\u237?a que reprimir, pero de la que no se pod
\u237?a sacar gloria ninguna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Glabro intent\u243? asediar a los hombres de Espartaco para que no pudieran sali
r del volc\u225?n. Pero con sus tres mil soldados no pod\u237?a cubrir toda la f
alda, de modo que dej\u243? sin vigilancia una ladera tan escarpada que parec\u2
37?a imposible bajar por ella. Los rebeldes trenzaron escalas usando parras silv
estres y con ellas descendieron por un tramo de pared pr\u225?cticamente vertica
l. Cuando llegaron a la base, un compa\u241?ero que se hab\u237?a quedado arriba
les arroj\u243? las armas. Con ellas, bajaron el resto de la ladera y atacaron
por la espalda a los hombres de Glabro, a los que derrotaron con facilidad.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al apoderarse del campamento del pretor, Espartaco y sus hombres consiguieron ar
mas suficientes para equiparse como un peque\u241?o ej\u233?rcito. La noticia de
su victoria se propag\u243?, y acudieron a unirse a ellos cada vez m\u225?s seg
uidores. Pronto se convirtieron en miles, y despu\u233?s en decenas de miles, ha
sta que a finales del a\u241?o 73 Espartaco acaudillaba un aut\u233?ntico ej\u23
3?rcito de cuarenta mil hombres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con esas improvisadas tropas, Espartaco se dedic\u243? a saquear toda la regi\u2
43?n de Campania, incluidas ciudades como Nola y Nuceria. Un segundo pretor, Pub
lio Varinio, acudi\u243? a detenerlo. En esta ocasi\u243?n, llevaba dos legiones
, pero segu\u237?an estando formadas por soldados biso\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Espartaco se burl\u243? de \u233?l con un truco que explica Frontino en sus {\i
Estratagemas} (1.5.22). El tracio plant\u243? ante la puerta de su propio campam
ento estacas separadas por peque\u241?os intervalos, y apoy\u243? en ellas cad\u
225?veres vestidos y armados para que de lejos parecieran centinelas. Mientras e
n el campamento segu\u237?an ardiendo cientos de antorchas y hogueras como si no
pasara nada, \u233?l y sus hombres abandonaron el lugar en silencio ampar\u225?
ndose en la oscuridad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, Varinio volvi\u243? a enfrentarse a Espartaco en Lucani
a. El resultado fue una derrota humillante en la que el pretor perdi\u243? el ca
ballo y las insignias de su mando. El \u233?xito de los rebeldes atrajo todav\u2
37?a a m\u225?s fugitivos, de manera que a principios de 72 sus fuerzas ascend\u
237?an a setenta mil hombres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pronto surgieron diferencias en el seno de su ej\u233?rcito. A esas alturas, Eno
mao hab\u237?a muerto en combate, y Crixo se separ\u243? del grueso del ej\u233?
rcito llev\u225?ndose consigo a treinta mil guerreros celtas y germanos. El pret
or Quinto Arrio le dio alcance y lo derrot\u243? junto al monte Gargano. En la b
atalla perecieron Crixo y dos tercios de sus seguidores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Espartaco, mientras tanto, se dirigi\u243? al Piceno, en la costa noreste de Ita
lia. All\u237? supo que al norte del r\u237?o Po lo aguardaba un ej\u233?rcito c
onsular mandado por Cornelio L\u233?ntulo, mientras que por el sur le segu\u237?

a los pasos el otro c\u243?nsul, Gelio Publ\u237?cola. El tracio, demostrando su

talento como general, los derrot\u243? a ambos en dos batallas sucesivas. Despu
\u233?s, con justiciera iron\u237?a, oblig\u243? a trescientos prisioneros roman
os a combatir entre ellos como gladiadores delante de una pira funeraria encendi
da en honor de Crixo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La intenci\u243?n original de Espartaco era viajar al norte, cruzar los Alpes y
luego dividirse por contingentes tribales, unos hacia la Galia \u8212?que todav\
u237?a no estaba sojuzgada por los romanos\u8212? y otros, incluido \u233?l, a T
racia. All\u237? habr\u237?a podido vivir en libertad con su esposa, que lo hab\
u237?a acompa\u241?ado en la huida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, la mayor\u237?a de los rebeldes prefer\u237?a seguir saqueando las
f\u233?rtiles tierras de Italia en lugar de emprender el largo camino al fr\u237
?o y brumoso norte. Al fin y al cabo, acababan de vencer a dos ej\u233?rcitos co
nsulares. \u191?Qui\u233?n se les pod\u237?a oponer mientras los mandara Esparta
co, un l\u237?der carism\u225?tico y un genio de la estrategia?\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Ese mismo a\u241?o, Espartaco todav\u237?a consigui\u243? otras dos victorias. D
espu\u233?s, como sus hombres se negaban a proseguir hacia el norte, tom\u243? d
e nuevo el camino del sur. All\u237?, entre el tac\u243?n y la punta de la bota,
se apoderaron de la ciudad de Turios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Roma los senadores, como es l\u243?gico, ve\u237?an la situaci\u243?n cada ve
z m\u225?s preocupados. La Guerra Servil de Sicilia hab\u237?a supuesto un probl
ema grave, pero lo de Espartaco era mucho peor: ten\u237?an a aquel criminal en
Italia, campando a sus anchas, y en cualquier momento pod\u237?a decidir atacar
la misma urbe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Nadie quer\u237?a presentarse voluntario como general para combatir contra Espar
taco, que hab\u237?a demostrado su val\u237?a humillando a pretores y c\u243?nsu
les. Por otra parte, si alguien consegu\u237?a vencerlo, \u250?nicamente podr\u2
37?a alardear de haber sometido a una horda de esclavos, algo que se daba por de
scontado. Para colmo, los mejores generales de Roma se hallaban combatiendo en o
tros escenarios: Pompeyo y Metelo P\u237?o guerreaban en Hispania contra Sertori
o, y L\u250?culo en Asia contra Mitr\u237?dates.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella dif\u237?cil tesitura el \u250?nico que dio un paso al frente fue Mar
co Licinio Craso. A esas alturas, Craso era considerado el hombre m\u225?s rico
de Roma. Parte de su fortuna la hab\u237?a amasado durante las proscripciones de
Sila, confiscando las propiedades de los hombres asesinados. Su abanico de nego
cios, no obstante, era amplio: explotaba minas de plata, adquir\u237?a fincas y
tambi\u233?n compraba esclavos especializados cuyo trabajo era muy valorado, com
o orfebres, escribas o gram\u225?ticos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una de sus maneras de enriquecerse demuestra que Craso era un hombre con tanto i
ngenio como pocos escr\u250?pulos. Hab\u237?a reunido un peque\u241?o ej\u233?rc
ito de quinientos esclavos, arquitectos y alba\u241?iles. Cuando se declaraba un
incendio en un bloque de pisos, Craso acud\u237?a a toda prisa y compraba a pre
cio de ganga no solo la {\i
insula} en llamas, sino tambi\u233?n los edificios aleda\u241?os, cuyos due\u241
?os tem\u237?an que el fuego se propagase y redujese sus propiedades a la nada.
Solo entonces enviaba a sus quinientos operarios a extinguir el incendio. Normal
mente lo hac\u237?an derrumbando el edificio donde hab\u237?a empezado el fuego,
con lo cual Craso se quedaba con el solar y con los bloques circundantes, pr\u2
25?cticamente intactos. Por supuesto, el alquiler que pasaba a los inquilinos er
a m\u225?s alto que el que cobraban los anteriores caseros.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Este mismo Craso, el hombre que aseguraba que nadie pod\u237?a llamarse a s\u237
? mismo rico hasta que no fuera capaz de pagarse su propio ej\u233?rcito, fue qu
ien se hizo cargo de la guerra contra Espartaco en el a\u241?o 71. Una vez nombr
ado pretor, reclut\u243? seis legiones y se dirigi\u243? con ellas hacia el Pice
no, por donde andaban haciendo correr\u237?as los gladiadores. Al acercarse al t
eatro de la guerra, a\u241?adi\u243? a esas seis legiones otras dos, los restos
de los ej\u233?rcitos consulares del 72.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una de las primeras medidas que tom\u243? Craso fue restaurar la disciplina en l

as unidades desmoralizadas que hab\u237?a heredado de los c\u243?nsules anterior

es. Para ello, escogi\u243? a quinientos soldados y los dividi\u243? en cincuent
a grupos de diez. Despu\u233?s, los hombres de cada uno de estos grupos tuvieron
que elegir por sorteo a uno de ellos y lo mataron a golpes. Puesto que con este
atroz castigo mor\u237?a uno de cada diez hombres, era conocido con el nombre d
e {\i
decimatio}, \u171?acci\u243?n de diezmar\u187?.{\super
[30]} Pero Craso consigui\u243? lo que pretend\u237?a: los legionarios que serv\
u237?an bajo su estandarte comprendieron que deb\u237?an temerlo m\u225?s a \u23
3?l que al enemigo. Desde entonces rein\u243? una disciplina de acero y a nadie
se le pas\u243? por la cabeza abandonar el puesto o arrojar las armas ante el en
emigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A partir de ese momento, las tornas empezaron a cambiar. Craso tal vez no fuese
un estratega tan brillante como su antiguo mentor Sila o incluso como Pompeyo, p
ero s\u237? un jefe met\u243?dico, persistente y, sobre todo, absolutamente impl
acable. En primer lugar, derrot\u243? a diez mil rebeldes que hab\u237?an acampa
do separados del grueso de las fuerzas de Espartaco. Despu\u233?s march\u243? co
ntra este y lo venci\u243? en campo abierto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por primera vez, el gladiador tracio hab\u237?a sufrido una derrota como general
. Sin embargo, no fue aplastante, ya que pudo retirarse con casi todas sus tropa
s. Espartaco comprendi\u243? enseguida que ahora se las ten\u237?a con un rival
mucho m\u225?s peligroso que los anteriores, y decidi\u243? que lo mejor era aba
ndonar Italia cuanto antes. As\u237? pues, se dirigi\u243? con sus rebeldes a Re
gio, en la punta de la bota italiana, donde ten\u237?a Sicilia a la vista. La gr
an isla parec\u237?a un lugar excelente para instalarse: all\u237? hab\u237?a bu
en clima, tierras f\u233?rtiles que saquear y decenas de miles de esclavos que e
n el pasado ya se hab\u237?an sublevado dos veces contra sus amos.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Para empezar, Espartaco plane\u243? llevar dos mil hombres a Sicilia como n\u250
?cleo de una nueva rebeli\u243?n. Puesto que ellos no ten\u237?an barcos, se enc
argar\u237?an de transportarlos unos piratas cilicios con los que hab\u237?a con
tactado previamente. Para su desgracia, los piratas no se presentaron en la fech
a convenida, aunque ya hab\u237?an cobrado por adelantado. \u191?Los hab\u237?a
sobornado Craso con sus ingentes riquezas? Es una hip\u243?tesis veros\u237?mil.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, Craso hab\u237?a cercado a los rebeldes en la punta de la bota c
on zanjas, terraplenes y empalizadas que se extend\u237?an m\u225?s de cincuenta
kil\u243?metros. Si a sus soldados les pareci\u243? un trabajo duro, nadie se a
trevi\u243? a rechistar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los sublevados empezaron a quedarse sin provisiones, intentaron abrirse p
aso luchando. Pero en dos enfrentamientos consecutivos, Espartaco perdi\u243? do
ce mil hombres. A partir de ese momento, el gladiador tracio lanz\u243? ataques
m\u225?s limitados en puntos dispersos como maniobras de distracci\u243?n. Por f
in, aprovechando una noche de tormenta, sus hombres rellenaron la zanja en una z
ona con troncos y ramas y treparon a la empalizada. De este modo, consiguieron e
scapar y huyeron hacia Brindisi, en el tac\u243?n de la bota.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Seg\u250?n Plutarco, a estas alturas, Craso hab\u237?a escrito al senado para so
licitar que hicieran venir a Pompeyo desde Hispania y a L\u250?culo desde Tracia
(no se trataba del L\u250?culo que estaba guerreando contra Mitr\u237?dates, si
no de su hermano Marco).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conociendo al personaje, resulta dif\u237?cil de creer. Como buen general romano
, Craso prefer\u237?a quedarse la gloria para s\u237? y no compartirla con nadie
m\u225?s. Adem\u225?s, la campa\u241?a contra aquellos esclavos, aunque fuese d
if\u237?cil, estaba empezando a rendir frutos. Por eso quer\u237?a acabar con el
la antes de que llegaran Pompeyo y L\u250?culo, a quienes seguramente avisaron o
tros senadores y no el propio Craso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los \u250?ltimos reveses hab\u237?an minado tanto el prestigio de Espartaco que
estall\u243? un mot\u237?n entre sus tropas. Treinta mil galos eligieron como l\
u237?deres a dos hombres llamados Gr\u225?nico y Casto y se dirigieron por su cu

enta a Lucania. All\u237? Craso los sorprendi\u243? junto a un lago del que se c
ontaba que sus aguas eran a veces saladas y a veces salobres (Plutarco, {\i
Craso}, 11). Los romanos derrotaron a los rebeldes y si no los masacraron del to
do fue porque Espartaco apareci\u243? a tiempo de proteger a los que hu\u237?an.
Aparte de la victoria, Craso logr\u243? recuperar las \u225?guilas y las fasces
que los esclavos hab\u237?an arrebatado a los romanos en anteriores batallas.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Espartaco demostr\u243? que todav\u237?a no estaba acabado, pues consigui\u243?
vencer a un ej\u233?rcito mandado por el cuestor Tremelio Escrofas. Despu\u233?s
de eso, sabiendo que ven\u237?an refuerzos, intent\u243? entrar en tratos con C
raso. Fue en vano: los romanos jam\u225?s negociar\u237?an con esclavos. Aquella
rebeli\u243?n ten\u237?a que ser aplastada de forma tan brutal que jam\u225?s s
e volviera a repetir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Espartaco se dirigi\u243? entonces a Brindisi con la intenci\u243?n de embarcar
hacia el norte del Adri\u225?tico y regresar a Tracia. Pero cuando le informaron
de que las legiones de L\u250?culo acababan de desembarcar all\u237?, dio media
vuelta. Al llegar cerca del r\u237?o Silaro, se encontr\u243? con el ej\u233?rc
ito de Craso, que ven\u237?a tras sus talones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A estas alturas, Espartaco sospechaba que se encontraba ante su \u250?ltima bata
lla. Los n\u250?meros deb\u237?an de estar parejos, unos cuarenta mil hombres po
r cada bando, pero los soldados de Craso pose\u237?an mucha m\u225?s moral y exp
eriencia que los ej\u233?rcitos a los que el tracio hab\u237?a derrotado durante
los dos primeros a\u241?os de campa\u241?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para demostrar que su destino se hallaba indisolublemente unido al de sus compa\
u241?eros en aquella larga aventura y que triunfar\u237?a o morir\u237?a con ell
os, Espartaco desmont\u243? de su caballo y lo mat\u243? delante de todos. \u171
?Si vencemos, nos apoderaremos de los caballos del enemigo. Si perdemos, no quie
ro tener montura\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No existen descripciones detalladas de la batalla. Sabemos que Espartaco intent\
u243? abrirse paso hasta Craso para batirse con \u233?l y que en el camino logr\
u243? matar a dos centuriones. Considerando que los centuriones eran la \u233?li
te guerrera de los legionarios, no fue peque\u241?a gesta. En ese momento, un {\
i
pilum} lo hiri\u243? en el muslo y tuvo que doblar la rodilla, pero sigui\u243?
luchando. Por fin, cuando hasta el \u250?ltimo de los compa\u241?eros que lo rod
eaban hubo ca\u237?do, Espartaco se vio rodeado por una multitud de enemigos y p
ereci\u243?. Su muerte termin\u243? de cambiar el curso de la batalla, que culmi
n\u243? en una rotunda victoria para las tropas de Craso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
El desprecio que sent\u237?an los romanos por aquella horda de seres a los que c
onsideraban m\u225?s animales que personas se mezclaba con cierta admiraci\u243?
n a rega\u241?adientes. Como se\u241?ala Floro, los rebeldes \u171?alcanzaron un
fin digno de hombres, luchando a muerte y sin rendici\u243?n, como corresponde
a quienes combat\u237?an a las \u243?rdenes de un gladiador. El propio Espartaco
muri\u243? combatiendo con extremo valor en la primera l\u237?nea, como corresp
onde a un general\u187? (3.2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Curiosamente, el cad\u225?ver de Espartaco nunca apareci\u243?.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Los romanos pensaban que aquello no deb\u237?a volver a repetirse. Por eso, no b
astaba con devolver a los prisioneros a la esclavitud. Como ejemplo para todos a
quellos que albergaran planes de escapar de sus amos en el futuro, Craso hizo cr
ucificar a los seis mil supervivientes a lo largo de la v\u237?a Apia, entre Cap
ua y Roma. Durante d\u237?as, aquellos infortunados agonizaron a la intemperie d
e treinta en treinta metros, como siniestras farolas que alumbraran la calzada.
Sin duda, un espect\u225?culo t\u233?trico, que Stanley Kubrick adapt\u243? a su
magistral manera al final de su pel\u237?cula {\i
Espartaco.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El resultado final de esta guerra le dej\u243? un sabor amargo a Craso. Un conti
ngente de cinco mil rebeldes huy\u243? hacia el norte, donde se encontraron con
el ej\u233?rcito de Pompeyo. Este los barri\u243? del mapa sin despeinarse. Desp

u\u233?s escribi\u243? al senado en su habitual tono pomposo para decir que, si

bien Craso hab\u237?a vencido a los esclavos fugitivos en una brillante batalla,
era \u233?l quien hab\u237?a extirpado las ra\u237?ces de la rebeli\u243?n.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Espartaco hab\u237?a derrotado a los romanos hasta nueve veces en campo abierto.
De todos modos, su hueste de desclasados no se consideraba un enemigo de bastan
te categor\u237?a como para otorgar un triunfo. Mientras que Pompeyo celebraba c
on gran pompa su victoria sobre Sertorio en Hispania, Craso se tuvo que contenta
r con el triunfo de segunda categor\u237?a conocido como {\i
ovatio}, \u171?ovaci\u243?n\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El hecho de que Pompeyo no se conformara con sus victorias hispanas y tratara de
robarle a Craso parte del m\u233?rito abri\u243? una brecha entre los dos hombr
es, que en realidad nunca se hab\u237?an llevado bien. No obstante, eran los h\u
233?roes del momento, y los votantes lo reconocieron eligi\u233?ndolos como c\u2
43?nsules para el a\u241?o 70. Pompeyo, con treinta y seis a\u241?os, segu\u237?
a sin tener la edad exigida por las normas que hab\u237?a reforzado Sila, pero \
u191?qu\u233? m\u225?s daba otra irregularidad en su carrera?\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Por intereses diversos, Pompeyo y Craso tuvieron que olvidar su antipat\u237?a m
utua y aunar fuerzas en m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n. No tardar\u237?a mucho en
acercarse a ellos un patricio de treinta a\u241?os que empezaba a conquistar cie
rta notoriedad, pero de quien nadie pod\u237?a sospechar a\u250?n que llegar\u23
7?a tan lejos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, hablamos de Julio C\u233?sar. Y a estas horas creo que ha llegado
el momento de present\u225?rselo a los lectores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\p
ard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
VIII\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LOS PRINCIPIOS DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
FAMILIA Y CAR\u193?CTER\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Como sugiere su segundo nombre, Cayo Julio C\u233?sar pertenec\u237?a a la {\i
gens} Julia. Los miembros de esta estirpe dec\u237?an remontarse a Julo, otro no
mbre de Ascanio, el hijo de Eneas y nieto de Venus. Estos Julios no se instalaro
n en Roma con R\u243?mulo, sino que llegaron a la ciudad despu\u233?s de que el
tercer rey, el belicoso Tulo Hostilio, destruyera Alba Longa (precisamente funda
da por Julo).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era un linaje patricio que, por tanto, gozaba de gran prestigio, pero que no des
empe\u241?\u243? un papel tan importante en la Rep\u250?blica como los Cornelios
, los Claudios o los Emilios, por poner alg\u250?n ejemplo.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Dentro de esa estirpe hab\u237?a una rama, la de los C\u233?sares, que es la que
nos interesa. No se sabe en qu\u233? momento apareci\u243? este {\i
cognomen}, pero el primer personaje conocido que lo llev\u243? fue Sexto Julio C
\u233?sar, pretor en el a\u241?o 208.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sobre el origen del nombre C\u233?sar corr\u237?an diversas historias. Algunos a
seguraban que uno de la familia naci\u243? tras haber sido \u171?cortado\u187?,
{\i
caesus}, del vientre de su madre.{\super
[31]} Otros lo relacionaban con el sustantivo {\i
caesaries}, \u171?cabellera\u187?; algo que no dejaba de ser una iron\u237?a par
a nuestro personaje, puesto que C\u233?sar empez\u243? a quedarse calvo bastante
pronto y siempre trat\u243? de disimularlo como pudo. Incluso un texto tard\u23
7?o, la {\i

Historia Augusta}, relataba que el primero que llev\u243? sobrenombre de C\u233?

sar se lo gan\u243? por matar a un elefante, pues en lengua bereber el nombre pa
ra este paquidermo era {\i
caesai}. En este mismo pasaje se presenta otra conjetura: que el primer C\u233?s
ar tuviera los ojos {\i
caesi}, esto es, de un azul celeste, pues el adjetivo deriva de la misma ra\u237
?z que {\i
caelum}, \u171?cielo\u187? ({\i
Historia Augusta, Elio}, 2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como se ve, una larga historia para un nombre que, a su vez, ha engendrado sus p
ropios descendientes, como el t\u233?rmino \u171?c\u233?sar\u187? en espa\u241?o
l, {\i
Kaiser} en alem\u225?n o {\i
Tzar} en ruso. De todas estas hip\u243?tesis, la que parece m\u225?s probable es
la relativa a la cabellera, pues era muy frecuente que el {\i
cognomen} o tercer nombre proviniera en origen de una caracter\u237?stica f\u237
?sica, que en ocasiones era tambi\u233?n un defecto: Estrab\u243?n, \u171?bizco\
u187?; Rufo, \u171?pelirrojo\u187?; Bruto, \u171?pesado\u187?; Calvo, lo mismo q
ue en espa\u241?ol; Cicer\u243?n, \u171?garbanzo\u187? (\u191?por culpa de una v
erruga tal vez?).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La familia se hab\u237?a dividido a principios del siglo II en dos ramas. Ambas,
para confusi\u243?n de los lectores, se llamaban Julio C\u233?sar. Aquella de l
a que no descend\u237?a {\i
nuestro} C\u233?sar tuvo algo m\u225?s de \u233?xito, con un c\u243?nsul en 157
y un pretor en 123. En la rama que nos interesa no hubo ning\u250?n c\u243?nsul
hasta el a\u241?o 91, en que recibi\u243? tal honor Sexto Julio C\u233?sar, prob
ablemente el t\u237?o de Cayo Julio C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, aunque no era propiamente un {\i
homo novus}, C\u233?sar no proced\u237?a de una familia que pudiera garantizarle
una carrera pol\u237?tica tan exitosa como la que finalmente recorri\u243?, sin
o de una situada, por as\u237? decirlo, en el segundo escal\u243?n del p\u243?di
um. Aparte de su talento indiscutible \u8212?basta leer sus obras hist\u243?rica
s para comprender que aquel hombre pose\u237?a una inteligencia penetrante y una
gran claridad de ideas\u8212?, le ayud\u243? mucho que su t\u237?a paterna Juli
a estuviera casada con Cayo Mario. En ese enlace, Julia pon\u237?a la sangre azu
l y Mario el poder y probablemente el dinero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a la madre de C\u233?sar, proven\u237?a de los Aurelio Cota, una famil
ia plebeya que gracias a sus cuatro antepasados c\u243?nsules hab\u237?a entrado
en la nobleza. Como era de esperar, se llamaba Aurelia. Era una mujer inteligen
te y culta, y de personalidad fuerte. Su papel en la educaci\u243?n de C\u233?sa
r y de sus hermanas (ambas llamadas Julia) tuvo que ser por fuerza importante, y
a que su marido muri\u243? en el a\u241?o 84 mientras se vest\u237?a, lo que hac
e pensar en un infarto fulminante o en un derrame cerebral. Casi dos siglos m\u2
25?s tarde, el historiador T\u225?cito elogi\u243? a Aurelia por encargarse pers
onalmente de la formaci\u243?n de C\u233?sar, a diferencia de otros ni\u241?os q
ue se criaban pr\u225?cticamente en manos de nodrizas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar naci\u243? el 13 de quintil del a\u241?o 100 a.C., un a\u241?o redond
o del que, obviamente, no pod\u237?an ser conscientes en la \u233?poca.{\super
[32]} Era c\u243?nsul por sexta vez su t\u237?o Mario. Un a\u241?o muy revuelto:
cuando era todav\u237?a un beb\u233?, se produjeron los des\u243?rdenes que aca
baron con los asesinatos del tribuno Saturnino y del pretor Glaucia.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Por esta alianza pol\u237?tica, C\u233?sar tendi\u243? siempre a alinearse con l
os llamados populares. Que se preocupara m\u225?s por el bienestar de la plebe u
rbana que otros patricios puede deberse tambi\u233?n al lugar donde se cri\u243?
: no en el Celio o el Palatino, donde se levantaban las mansiones de los arist\u
243?cratas, sino en la Suburra, un barrio popular situado entre la ladera sur de
l Viminal y la falda oeste del Esquilinio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? resid\u237?an muchos extranjeros, entre ellos una nutrida colonia de j
ud\u237?os, y tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a bastantes casas de prostituci\u243?n. La m

ayor\u237?a de los vecinos viv\u237?an en {\i

insulae}, pero no da la impresi\u243?n de que los padres de C\u233?sar se vieran
obligados a alquilar una planta baja a modo de mansi\u243?n como hizo Sila. Seg
uramente pose\u237?an una {\i
domus}, una casa individual, aunque fuera modesta, que se encontrar\u237?a rodea
da de tiendas, tabernas y bloques de apartamentos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como hijo de una familia noble, C\u233?sar recibi\u243? una esmerada educaci\u24
3?n. Aprendi\u243? griego muy joven con un gram\u225?tico liberto de origen galo
llamado Marco Antonio Gnifo. Gnifo hab\u237?a estudiado en Alejandr\u237?a y si
n duda le habl\u243? de esa ciudad con la que con el tiempo C\u233?sar tendr\u23
7?a una relaci\u243?n tan especial. M\u225?s tarde, C\u233?sar perfeccion\u243?
sus conocimientos de la lengua helena en Atenas y Rodas. En sus primeros tiempos
, como tantos otros j\u243?venes de la \u233?lite, compuso ejercicios literarios
, entre ellos un elogio de H\u233?rcules en verso y una tragedia titulada {\i
Edipo}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La mayor\u237?a de los arist\u243?cratas romanos hac\u237?an carrera en el ej\u2
33?rcito, aunque en las postrimer\u237?as de la Rep\u250?blica ya no era la \u25
0?nica forma de ascender en pol\u237?tica: poseer una buena oratoria y hacer de
abogado en procesos judiciales eran otra buena forma de alcanzar reputaci\u243?n
. De esa manera logr\u243? destacar Cicer\u243?n, al que el dios Marte no hab\u2
37?a dotado con grandes virtudes militares.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, que s\u237? las pose\u237?a, se ejercit\u243? desde muy joven, como
tantos otros romanos, en el Campo de Marte, la explanada situada entre la ciudad
y la curva del T\u237?ber. All\u237? practic\u243? nataci\u243?n y aprendi\u243
? a manejar las armas y a montar a caballo. Su dominio de la equitaci\u243?n le
permit\u237?a cabalgar a pelo y con las manos a la espalda incluso a galope tend
ido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
F\u237?sicamente C\u233?sar era alto, de piel blanca, complexi\u243?n delgada, f
acciones afiladas como si las hubieran tallado a cincel y ojos negros y penetran
tes. Algunos autores aseguran que su salud era delicada; pero viendo c\u243?mo c
ompart\u237?a las marchas de sus soldados bien pasados los cuarenta e incluso lo
s cincuenta a\u241?os, est\u225? claro que por naturaleza o por entrenamiento po
se\u237?a una gran resistencia f\u237?sica. Ello se deb\u237?a en parte a que er
a un hombre de costumbres moderadas, que ni com\u237?a ni beb\u237?a en exceso.
Otra cosa era que con la edad padeciera de problemas concretos como dolores de c
abeza, insomnio e incluso ataques de epilepsia, que sin embargo deb\u237?an de s
er poco frecuentes (y es posible que en realidad fueran lipotimias o ataques de
migra\u241?a).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Debido a lo famoso e influyente que llegar\u237?a a ser, sabemos m\u225?s cosas
de \u233?l que de otros personajes antiguos, aunque no tantas como nos gustar\u2
37?an. Pose\u237?a atractivo y procuraba explotarlo, pues era muy coqueto. Se af
eitaba y cortaba el pelo a menudo, y tambi\u233?n se depilaba el vello corporal.
Su estilo vistiendo era muy personal. En lugar de llevar la t\u250?nica de mang
a corta habitual en los dem\u225?s senadores, \u233?l usaba otra prenda de manga
larga con ribetes a la altura de las mu\u241?ecas. Adem\u225?s, llevaba el cint
ur\u243?n m\u225?s suelto de lo habitual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por influencia de su familia y, sobre todo, de su t\u237?o Mario, C\u233?sar se
relacion\u243? desde el principio de su carrera con las tendencias populares. De
ni\u241?o estuvo prometido a Cosutia, una joven cuya familia pertenec\u237?a al
orden ecuestre y ten\u237?a mucho dinero. Pero en el mismo a\u241?o en que muri
\u243? su padre, el 84, rompi\u243? este compromiso y se cas\u243? con la hija d
e Cinna, que a la saz\u243?n era c\u243?nsul por cuarta vez consecutiva. Como co
rrespond\u237?a a una mujer de la familia de los Cornelios, ella se llamaba Corn
elia, y con el tiempo alumbr\u243? a la \u250?nica hija de C\u233?sar. A estas a
lturas, a los lectores no les sorprender\u225? que esa ni\u241?a se llamara igua
l que la t\u237?a de C\u233?sar y sus dos hermanas, Julia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
El matrimonio de C\u233?sar y Cornelia obedec\u237?a a causas pol\u237?ticas. En
aquel momento hab\u237?a quedado vacante el puesto de {\i
flamen dialis} o sumo sacerdote de J\u250?piter,{\super

[33]} que solo pod\u237?a desempe\u241?ar un patricio y que gracias a Cinna se l

e ofreci\u243? a C\u233?sar. Este cargo supon\u237?a un gran honor, pero conllev
aba a cambio muchos tab\u250?es y limitaciones. Uno de ellos era que el {\i
flamen dialis} deb\u237?a casarse para toda la vida por el ritual conocido como
{\i
confarreatio}, que \u250?nicamente pod\u237?a unir a patricios. Puesto que Cosut
ia era plebeya, no resultaba adecuada para este matrimonio. De paso, se sellaba
la alianza entre Cinna y el sobrino del difunto Mario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para un joven de diecis\u233?is a\u241?os este sacerdocio supon\u237?a un gran h
onor, pues el cargo le permit\u237?a llevar un lictor y sentarse en el senado. A
cambio, las restricciones que implicaba le cortaban las alas de una futura carr
era pol\u237?tica. El {\i
flamen dialis} era depositario de un poder m\u225?gico y ten\u237?a que evitar c
ualquier cosa que pudiera deteriorarlo. Simb\u243?licamente se manifestaba por e
l {\i
apex}, un gorro que m\u225?s parec\u237?a un casco puntiagudo atado bajo la barb
illa. Tambi\u233?n deb\u237?a vestir en toda ocasi\u243?n un manto tejido por su
propia esposa, y no pod\u237?a llevar un solo nudo en la ropa.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Algunas restricciones eran comprensibles, como la de no tocar cad\u225?veres ni
asistir a entierros, pues la muerte siempre comportaba una impureza. Otras resul
taban m\u225?s extra\u241?as: ten\u237?a prohibido montar a caballo, comer pan s
in levadura, no se le pod\u237?a poner delante una mesa que no tuviera comida, l
e ten\u237?a que cortar el pelo un hombre libre con una cuchilla de bronce\u8230
? En teor\u237?a, tampoco deb\u237?a desempe\u241?ar una magistratura, aunque el
\u250?ltimo {\i
flamen dialis}, Cornelio M\u233?rula, hab\u237?a llegado a c\u243?nsul; pero no
se le hab\u237?a asignado ninguna provincia, ya que no le era l\u237?cito salir
de la ciudad ni una sola noche, como tampoco ver hombres armados.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Como se ve, a poco habr\u237?a llegado C\u233?sar con este cargo. Pero por el mo
mento no estaba mal. Al fin y al cabo, su padre \u250?nicamente hab\u237?a alcan
zado el segundo escal\u243?n, el de pretor. \u191?C\u243?mo vaticinar qu\u233? c
onseguir\u237?a su hijo?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un a\u241?o despu\u233?s de la boda de C\u233?sar, Sila desembarc\u243? en Brind
isi, y al a\u241?o siguiente, tras la cr\u237?tica batalla de la puerta Colina,
entr\u243? en Roma y empezaron las purgas pol\u237?ticas. A esas alturas, Cinna
ya hab\u237?a muerto. C\u233?sar, siendo su yerno y adem\u225?s sobrino pol\u237
?tico de Mario, resultaba un candidato perfecto para ver su nombre en las infame
s proscripciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A su edad, C\u233?sar no pod\u237?a haber participado realmente en las luchas in
testinas de los \u250?ltimos a\u241?os. No obstante, eso no serv\u237?a de excus
a, pues las proscripciones afectaban tambi\u233?n a los descendientes. Si de ent
rada C\u233?sar se salv\u243? probablemente se debi\u243? a que nadie codiciaba
su casa de la Suburra \u8212?recordemos a Quinto Aurelio viendo su nombre en una
lista y diciendo: \u171?\u161?Ay de m\u237?! Mi finca en Alba me ha matado\u187
?\u8212?. Tambi\u233?n a que su familia, pese a las inclinaciones populares de l
os \u250?ltimos tiempos, no dejaba de ser un antiguo linaje patricio y ten\u237?
a buenas agarraderas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero Sila no estaba dispuesto a permitir que C\u233?sar continuara casado con la
hija de Cinna, un personaje al que aborrec\u237?a, de modo que le exigi\u243? q
ue se divorciara de ella.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y C\u233?sar se neg\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Considerando la situaci\u243?n, el valor del joven no deja de ser admirable. Sil
a se hab\u237?a convertido en una especie de Stalin de la \u233?poca (salvando l
as distancias). Nadie se atrev\u237?a a oponerse a \u233?l. Pompeyo, por ejemplo
, se hab\u237?a separado de su esposa estando embarazada para casarse con una hi
jastra de Sila; claro que, en este caso, el divorcio y posterior matrimonio comp
ortaban ventajas pol\u237?ticas que a C\u233?sar no se le ofrecieron. De todos m
odos, el dictador ante el que tantos se doblegaban debi\u243? de quedarse estupe

facto cuando aquel jovenzuelo pr\u225?cticamente imberbe se atrevi\u243? a plant

arle cara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? se arriesg\u243? de esa manera C\u233?sar? Puede ser que estu
viera en su forma de ser, que amara sinceramente a su esposa Cornelia o que cons
ideraba que el matrimonio {\i
per confarreationem} era indisoluble y si lo romp\u237?a incurrir\u237?a en la i
ra de los dioses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las represalias de Sila contra C\u233?sar fueron inmediatas: le confisc\u243? la
herencia de su padre, la dote de su mujer y lo despoj\u243? del cargo de {\i
flamen dialis}, que no hab\u237?a llegado a ejercer (en esto seguramente le hizo
un favor para el futuro). Y, por supuesto, su nombre apareci\u243? escrito en l
as listas malditas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una cosa era ser testarudo y otra suicida. C\u233?sar se march\u243? de Roma y s
e dirigi\u243? a las monta\u241?as del pa\u237?s de los sabinos. Pero todos los
lugares se hallaban atestados de soldados licenciados por Sila y, aunque en la \
u233?poca no hubiera Internet, no resultaba f\u225?cil para un miembro de la nob
leza pasar desapercibido. C\u233?sar se trasladaba cada noche a un escondrijo di
ferente para no caer en manos del dictador. Para colmo, contrajo la malaria, que
era end\u233?mica de aquellas tierras. Aquejado por las fiebres, un esbirro de
Sila llamado Cornelio Fagites lo encontr\u243?. C\u233?sar tuvo que pagar a aque
l hombre dos talentos, un buen dineral, para que fingiera no haberlo visto.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, los contactos de C\u233?sar en la ciudad imploraron por \u233?l.
Entre ellos se hallaban las v\u237?rgenes vestales, custodias del fuego sagrado
de la ciudad, y un hermano de su madre, Aurelio Cota.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No eran malas influencias: Sila no solo le perdon\u243? la vida, sino que consin
ti\u243? en que llevara una carrera p\u250?blica, a diferencia de los hijos de o
tros proscritos. Se cuenta, eso s\u237?, que ante la insistencia de sus allegado
s exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Hab\u233?is ganado! \u161?Quedaos con \u233?l! Pero
quiero que sep\u225?is una cosa: ese al que quer\u233?is salvar como sea ser\u22
5? la perdici\u243?n para el bando de los optimates que hab\u233?is defendido co
nmigo. \u161?Pues C\u233?sar solo vale como muchos Marios!\u187?.{\super
[34]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, es posible que esta \u250?ltima frase sea el t\u237?pico a\u241?ad
ido de la tradici\u243?n posterior, igual que esta otra: \u171?Tened cuidado con
el chico del cintur\u243?n flojo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA JUVENTUD DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar hab\u237?a salvado la vida por el momento, pero era lo bastante sensa
to para saber que no conven\u237?a tentar a la fortuna, esa aliada de Sila, as\u
237? que se march\u243? de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora que ya no ten\u237?a que cumplir con los tab\u250?es del sacerdocio, nada
le imped\u237?a emprender una carrera militar. Con diecinueve a\u241?os se alist
\u243? bajo el mando de Marco Termo, propretor en la provincia de Asia, y sirvi\
u243? cerca de \u233?l como uno de sus contubernales. El t\u233?rmino se aplicab
a a los legionarios que compart\u237?an una tienda y formaban una especie de pel
ot\u243?n, pero tambi\u233?n a los j\u243?venes de la aristocracia que acompa\u2
41?aban a un general a modo de s\u233?quito, le ayudaban en todo lo que les mand
ara y as\u237? iniciaban su aprendizaje para convertirse en futuros mandos.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Marco Termo estaba asediando la ciudad de Mitilene, en la isla de Lesbos, que tr
as las V\u237?speras asi\u225?ticas todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a vuelto al redil r
omano. C\u233?sar, como Sila, ten\u237?a carisma y encanto personal, de modo que
el propretor decidi\u243? encargarle una misi\u243?n diplom\u225?tica. C\u233?s
ar viaj\u243? a Bitinia para pedir a Nicomedes que, como amigo y aliado del pueb
lo romano, enviara a Termo barcos de guerra para terminar el asedio.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar cumpli\u243? bien la misi\u243?n. Demasiado bien para su reputaci\u24

3?n. Entabl\u243? tanta amistad con Nicomedes que empezaron a correr rumores de
que se hab\u237?a convertido en su amante. Estos comentarios se adornaron con el
tiempo con detalles como que C\u233?sar le hab\u237?a servido de copero en un b
anquete delante de invitados romanos o que hab\u237?a dejado que unos soldados l
o llevaran a la alcoba de Nicomedes, le pusieran un vestido p\u250?rpura y lo ac
ostaran en un lecho dorado esperando al rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello era un esc\u225?ndalo para los romanos. No porque se tratara de relacion
es homosexuales, sino porque se supon\u237?a que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a adoptado
claramente un papel pasivo que \u250?nicamente correspond\u237?a a mujeres o a e
sclavos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las hablillas lo persiguieron toda su vida. Sus propios soldados hac\u237?an chi
stes sobre el tema, y al celebrar el triunfo sobre los galos cantaban:\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {\i
{
C\u233?sar conquist\u243? las Galias, pero Nicomedes conquist\u243? a C\u233?sar
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u161?Mirad c\u243?mo ahora triunfa C\u233?sar por someter a las Galias,\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
mientras que no triunfa Nicomedes, que someti\u243? a C\u233?sar!\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} } {
Es imposible saber si hab\u237?a algo de verdad en los comentarios sobre esta re
laci\u243?n. Se juntaban demasiados t\u243?picos: un rey \u8212?los romanos abor
rec\u237?an a los reyes\u8212?, que adem\u225?s reinaba en Oriente \u8212?todos
los orientales eran unos afeminados\u8212?, y para colmo C\u233?sar llevaba el c
intur\u243?n flojo, mangas largas como una mujer y se depilaba todo el cuerpo. E
n mi opini\u243?n, no era m\u225?s que un rumor propalado por sus enemigos. No s
er\u237?a extra\u241?o que C\u233?sar hubiera mantenido a lo largo de su vida re
laciones que podr\u237?amos calificar de homosexuales, pero que desde el punto d
e vista romano ser\u237?an activas y, por tanto, no menoscababan su virilidad.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pullas aparte sobre su presunta relaci\u243?n con el rey de Bitinia, la sexualid
ad de C\u233?sar fue un asunto muy comentado en su tiempo. Ten\u237?a un gran ga
ncho con las mujeres. Estuvo casado tres veces, pero eso no cuenta tanto como su
n\u250?mero de amantes. La m\u225?s conocida de ellas fue Servilia, nieta de Se
rvilio Cepi\u243?n, el general derrotado en el desastre de Arausio al que acusab
an de haber robado el oro de Tolosa. Servilia era la madre de Marco Junio Bruto,
uno de los conjurados de los idus de marzo. C\u233?sar sent\u237?a un gran apre
cio por el joven, lo que hizo que se llegara a comentar que en realidad era su h
ijo natural. Algo m\u225?s que dudoso, porque cuando naci\u243?, C\u233?sar solo
ten\u237?a quince a\u241?os (Servilia era mayor que \u233?l).\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Am\u233?n de su prolongada relaci\u243?n con Servilia, C\u233?sar parec\u237?a s
entir un placer especial en acostarse con mujeres de otros senadores, y lo hizo
con las de Gabinio y sus socios de triunvirato, Craso y Pompeyo. Su romance con
Cleopatra es bien conocido, y m\u225?s tarde todav\u237?a tuvo uno con Eunoe, la
esposa del rey Bogud de Mauritania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sus amor\u237?os con romanas casadas no nos hablan solo de la sexualidad del pro
pio C\u233?sar, sino de la de esas mujeres. Las esposas de los nobles pasaban gr
an parte del tiempo sin sus maridos, ya que estos pod\u237?an ausentarse de Roma
durante a\u241?os enteros para desempe\u241?ar puestos en el extranjero. A fina
les de la Rep\u250?blica, para esc\u225?ndalo un tanto hip\u243?crita de los mor
alistas, muchas de esas mujeres gozaban de bastante libertad y tomaban la inicia
tiva en asuntos sexuales. La an\u233?cdota de Valeria arrancando una pelusa de l
a toga de Sila nos habla de una sociedad en la que las mujeres tambi\u233?n usab
an sus recursos para \u171?ligar\u187?, por usar t\u233?rminos actuales. La obra
{\i
El arte de amar} de Ovidio, escrita no mucho despu\u233?s del final de la Rep\u2
50?blica, no es otra cosa que un manual de seducci\u243?n para ambos sexos. Pers
onalmente, me agrada saber que en la sociedad romana las mujeres gozaban de una
libertad mucho mayor de la que ten\u237?an, por ejemplo, en la Atenas cl\u225?si

ca.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por terminar con esta digresi\u243?n sobre el sexo y los sexos en una historia d
onde las mujeres desempe\u241?an un papel tan callado, no me resisto a copiar el
retrato que hace Salustio de una mujer noble de la \u233?poca, porque ofrece un
a visi\u243?n de aquellas cualidades que a la vez atra\u237?an y asustaban a un
hombre como \u233?l:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre estas mujeres se contaba Sempronia. [\u8230?] Por su linaje y su belleza,
as\u237? como por su marido y por sus hijos, era bastante afortunada. Estaba ins
truida en la literatura griega y latina, sab\u237?a tocar la lira y bailaba con
m\u225?s elegancia de lo que una mujer decente necesitar\u237?a, y tambi\u233?n
pose\u237?a otros dones que sirven como herramientas de la sensualidad. [\u8230?
] Era tan apasionada que seduc\u237?a a los hombres m\u225?s a menudo de lo que
la seduc\u237?an a ella. [\u8230?] Ciertamente, pose\u237?a cualidades extraordi
narias: sab\u237?a escribir versos, hacer bromas, mantener una conversaci\u243?n
seria, relajada o incluso p\u237?cara; pose\u237?a, en fin, mucha gracia y un g
ran encanto.{\super
[35]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Volviendo a la controvertida misi\u243?n de C\u233?sar en Bitinia, finalmente ll
ev\u243? a Lesbos las naves que Termo le hab\u237?a pedido. Gracias a ellas los
romanos pudieron lanzar el asalto contra la ciudad. En el combate, C\u233?sar se
destac\u243? tanto que se le concedi\u243? la corona c\u237?vica, condecoraci\u
243?n trenzada con hojas de roble que se otorgaba a quien salvara la vida de otr
o ciudadano camarada. No val\u237?a hacerlo en cualquier circunstancia, sino mat
ando al enemigo que amenazaba al ciudadano y manteniendo el terreno sin retroced
er.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se valoraba tanto a quien pose\u237?a la corona c\u237?vica que, cuando aparec\u
237?a en unos juegos o una festividad religiosa, todos, incluso los senadores, s
e levantaban en se\u241?al de respeto. Obviamente, esto hac\u237?a que el condec
orado llamara mucho la atenci\u243?n en las reuniones p\u250?blicas y que empeza
ra a ser conocido por los dem\u225?s ciudadanos; algo que le ven\u237?a muy bien
a alguien como C\u233?sar que quer\u237?a hacer carrera pol\u237?tica ante los
votantes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la ca\u237?da de Mitilene, C\u233?sar continu\u243? sirviendo en Oriente. E
n el a\u241?o 78, se encontraba en Cilicia, al servicio del gobernador Servilio
Vatia. Cilicia segu\u237?a siendo una regi\u243?n infestada de piratas, y Vatia
hab\u237?a recibido la orden de combatir contra ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue entonces cuando C\u233?sar se enter\u243? de que Sila hab\u237?a fallecido.
\u171?Muerto el perro, se acab\u243? la rabia\u187?, debi\u243? de pensar, y se
traslad\u243? a Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s de las haza\u241?as militares, otra forma de hacerse conocido para a
scender en pol\u237?tica era participar en juicios, como abogado o acusador. No
es que existiera la abogac\u237?a profesional realmente. Quienes actuaban como a
bogados lo hac\u237?an gracias sobre todo a su habilidad como oradores, aunque t
ambi\u233?n era importante que conocieran el laberinto de leyes que constitu\u23
7?an el derecho en Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En su origen, el t\u233?rmino {\i
advocatus}, \u171?persona a la que se llama\u187?, se aplicaba a cualquiera que
ayudase a otro en negocios o cuestiones legales, incluso haciendo de testigo. El
papel m\u225?s parecido al de nuestros abogados correspond\u237?a al del llamad
o {\i
patronus}. Sus clientes realmente no lo contrataban. Si eran ciudadanos romanos,
le ped\u237?an como un favor personal que los ayudara en el juicio, y si no era
n ciudadanos le rogaban que los representara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al no ser profesionales, a los abogados no se les permit\u237?a cobrar por sus s
ervicios; algo que habr\u237?a sido impensable, por otra parte, en miembros de l
a \u233?lite que ve\u237?an recibir un salario como algo servil. Sin embargo, es
evidente que quien hac\u237?a de {\i
patronus} por un cliente algo sacaba a cambio, bien fuera bajo cuerda o bien en
forma de favores posteriores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los juicios de la \u233?poca eran aut\u233?nticos espect\u225?culos que se celeb

raban en dos estrados permanentes erigidos en el Foro o en las bas\u237?licas ce

rcanas. El p\u250?blico asist\u237?a en gran n\u250?mero para admirar las facult
ades oratorias de los participantes. Los discursos pod\u237?an ser muy largos, t
anto que cuando Pompeyo fue c\u243?nsul intent\u243? limitar los alegatos de la
defensa a {\i
solo} tres horas y los de la acusaci\u243?n a dos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero \u191?la gente se entreten\u237?a con estas cosas?, podr\u237?amos pregunta
rnos hoy d\u237?a. Pues s\u237?. Para los antiguos el poder de la palabra era ca
si m\u225?gico. As\u237? lo demuestra que en griego el mismo adjetivo {\i
dein\u243?s} que significaba \u171?temible, espantoso\u187?, indicando algo que
produc\u237?a estupor, se aplicaba tambi\u233?n a los oradores h\u225?biles debi
do al trance que provocaban en sus oyentes. Por otra parte, hay que tener en cue
nta que la gente dispon\u237?a de menos actividades con las que divertirse.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar empez\u243? su carrera en el Foro actuando contra un partidario de Si
la, Cornelio Dolabela, al que acus\u243? de haber extorsionado a los habitantes
de Macedonia mientras hab\u237?a sido gobernador de la provincia. Aunque perdi\u
243? el caso, el hecho de haberse enfrentado al abogado m\u225?s famoso del mome
nto, Quinto Hortensio \u8212?Cicer\u243?n todav\u237?a no era el n\u250?mero uno
\u8212?, le report\u243? a C\u233?sar un enorme prestigio, y su discurso todav\u
237?a se segu\u237?a leyendo para estudiarlo dos siglos despu\u233?s.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Curiosamente, otro de los defensores de Dolabela fue Aurelio Cota, t\u237?o de C
\u233?sar, el mismo que hab\u237?a intercedido por \u233?l ante Sila. Eso no sig
nifica que estuvieran enfrentados. A veces, da la impresi\u243?n de que los comp
etitivos arist\u243?cratas romanos se tomaban estos procesos como un deporte. Au
nque no lo era para los acusados: normalmente, la condena para alguien acusado d
e extorsi\u243?n era el destierro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar repiti\u243? despu\u233?s la jugada: clientes griegos contra otro par
tidario de Sila, Cayo Antonio H\u237?brida, que hab\u237?a aprovechado la guerra
de Mitr\u237?dates para saquear sin escr\u250?pulos. El procesado se libr\u243?
de la condena \u250?nicamente porque ten\u237?a de su parte a varios tribunos d
e la plebe que interpusieron su veto y anularon el juicio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Despu\u233?s de aquellos dos juicios, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? marcharse por segu
nda vez de Roma. Seg\u250?n Suetonio, lo hizo porque con sus acusaciones hab\u23
7?a despertado hostilidades entre gente poderosa. Otra raz\u243?n quiz\u225? m\u
225?s convincente es que sus dos primeras intervenciones forenses le hab\u237?an
hecho comprender que necesitaba mejorar como orador. El mejor lugar para perfec
cionar sus habilidades era Rodas, donde ense\u241?aba el profesor m\u225?s famos
o de la \u233?poca, Apolonio Mol\u243?n, con quien tambi\u233?n estudi\u243? Cic
er\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, cuando su nave pasaba junto a la peque\u241?a isla de Farmacusa, a
unos diez kil\u243?metros de Mileto, fue atacada por piratas cilicios. La pirate
r\u237?a era una plaga que en cierto modo se hab\u237?an buscado los romanos al
reducir o neutralizar el poder naval de grandes potencias como el reino sel\u233
?ucida, Macedonia o incluso Rodas, que durante mucho tiempo hab\u237?an ejercido
de gendarmes de los mares. Por otra parte, la exagerada demanda de esclavos de
Roma e Italia hab\u237?a provocado que muchos piratas se dedicaran a la lucrativ
a profesi\u243?n de atacar barcos y poblaciones costeras para raptar personas y
venderlas en mercados como Delos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el caso de alguien como C\u233?sar, venderlo como esclavo no ten\u237?a senti
do. Trat\u225?ndose de un miembro de la \u233?lite, era mucho mejor pedir rescat
e por \u233?l. Los piratas liberaron a los acompa\u241?antes de C\u233?sar y los
enviaron por diversos lugares de la costa para que reunieran un rescate de vein
te talentos, casi medio mill\u243?n de sestercios. El joven se carcaje\u243? con
desd\u233?n y dijo el equivalente en lat\u237?n de \u171?Usted no sabe con qui\
u233?n est\u225? hablando\u187?. Veinte talentos eran una miseria, les explic\u2
43?: deb\u237?an pedir por lo menos cincuenta por alguien como \u233?l.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {

Durante casi cuarenta d\u237?as C\u233?sar permaneci\u243? en poder de los pirat

as, acompa\u241?ado por dos sirvientes y un amigo, que al parecer tambi\u233?n e
ra m\u233?dico. Durante ese tiempo se comport\u243? como si los piratas fueran s
us criados. Les mandaba callar cuando quer\u237?a dormir, practicaba deporte con
ellos, los usaba como audiencia para sus poemas y discursos y si alguno no apre
ciaba su arte lo llamaba \u171?b\u225?rbaro analfabeto\u187?. A veces los amenaz
aba con ahorcarlos, algo que seguramente se tomaban a broma, pues parece que se
llevaban bien con su prisionero y hasta lo admiraban, como si sufrieran un s\u23
7?ndrome de Estocolmo invertido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, la \u250?nica fuente posible de esta historia es el mismo Julio C\
u233?sar, as\u237? que los detalles que m\u225?s lo realzan a \u233?l conviene t
omarlos con un poco de escepticismo o, como dir\u237?an los latinos, {\i
mica cum salis}. Pero si hay dos cosas que demuestran todos los hechos de C\u233
?sar desde el momento en que os\u243? oponerse a la voluntad Sila es que jam\u22
5?s le faltaron seguridad en s\u237? mismo ni audacia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los amigos de C\u233?sar reunieron el rescate recurriendo a las \u233?lites y a
los dirigentes de las poblaciones costeras, que al fin y al cabo depend\u237?an
de Roma. Para evitar que los secuestradores se quedaran con el dinero y mataran
al prisionero, los piratas dejaron en las ciudades que aportaban los fondos sus
propios rehenes, que deb\u237?an ser liberados cuando C\u233?sar estuviera sano
y salvo. Como se ve, exist\u237?a cierto c\u243?digo de honor en estas transacci
ones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez libre, C\u233?sar viaj\u243? a Mileto. All\u237? equip\u243? barcos con
hombres armados, se dirigi\u243? a la isla donde lo hab\u237?an tenido prisioner
o y captur\u243? a los piratas junto con el rescate y el resto del bot\u237?n de
sus depredaciones. Al hacerlo as\u237? actu\u243? como {\i
privatus}; no era algo tan raro considerando que Pompeyo hab\u237?a obrado de ig
ual manera reclutando nada menos que tres legiones para Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
La historia no lo cuenta, pero es de suponer que C\u233?sar devolvi\u243? los ci
ncuenta talentos a las ciudades que hab\u237?an puesto dinero para su rescate, d
escontando los gastos de armar esa peque\u241?a flota. A los piratas se los llev
\u243? a P\u233?rgamo, y exigi\u243? a Marco Junco, gobernador de Asia, que los
ejecutara. Este gobernador, por cierto, se encontraba en Bitinia, donde el rey N
icomedes, presunto amante de C\u233?sar, acababa de morir legando su reino a Rom
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Junco no se mostr\u243? por la labor, ya que, en un curioso giro de las cosas, p
retend\u237?a actuar a su manera como un pirata vendiendo a los prisioneros o co
brando rescate por ellos. C\u233?sar se neg\u243? a compincharse con \u233?l, re
gres\u243? a P\u233?rgamo e hizo crucificar a los piratas tal como les hab\u237?
a prometido. Pero como se hab\u237?a llevado bien con ellos, para ahorrarles lar
gas horas de agon\u237?a hizo que les cortaran el cuello. Este pormenor lo refie
re su bi\u243?grafo Suetonio como ejemplo de la famosa clemencia de C\u233?sar,
aunque en otros muchos pasajes de {\i
Los doce c\u233?sares} no tiene el menor empacho en criticarlo con dureza ({\i
C\u233?sar}, 74).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
PRIMEROS HONORES\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de este incidente, C\u233?sar lleg\u243? por fin a Rodas y estudi\u
243? con Apolonio, tal como pretend\u237?a. Mientras estaba all\u237?, Mitr\u237
?dates volvi\u243? a las andadas y envi\u243? tropas a Asia con la intenci\u243?
n de saquear y provocar una revuelta contra Roma. C\u233?sar, que ten\u237?a vei
ntis\u233?is a\u241?os y segu\u237?a siendo un simple ciudadano privado, reclut\
u243? tropas entre las ciudades de la zona y rechaz\u243? a los invasores, que n
o deb\u237?an de constituir un gran ej\u233?rcito. No obstante, la guerra contra
Mitr\u237?dates que acababa de empezar se enconar\u237?a y complicar\u237?a en
otros escenarios hasta prolongarse durante otros diez a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {

En el 73, tras sus aventuras en Oriente, C\u233?sar regres\u243? a Roma. Los mie
mbros del colegio de pont\u237?fices, quince sacerdotes, lo hab\u237?an elegido
por cooptaci\u243?n para cubrir una vacante entre ellos, que precisamente era la
de su t\u237?o Aurelio Cota. Eso demuestra que C\u233?sar ten\u237?a buenos con
tactos. Como sol\u237?a ocurrir en la \u233?lite romana, sus tent\u225?culos se
extend\u237?an en diversas direcciones, y gozaba de amistades con algunos person
ajes cercanos al bando optimate y otros de tendencias m\u225?s populares. Para e
l nombramiento de pont\u237?fice en concreto, la influencia de su madre Aurelia
fue fundamental.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este cargo no era algo meramente simb\u243?lico. Los pont\u237?fices eran los qu
e organizaban el calendario. Como este era lunar, hab\u237?a que intercalar cada
cierto tiempo meses adicionales. Esta decisi\u243?n la tomaban los pont\u237?fi
ces, por lo que depend\u237?a de ellos que el mando de un magistrado se prolonga
ra m\u225?s o menos tiempo. Asimismo ellos decid\u237?an cu\u225?les eran los d\
u237?as fastos y nefastos, o sea, cu\u225?ndo se pod\u237?an celebrar asambleas
y votaciones y cu\u225?ndo no.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s de obtener ese importante puesto, despu\u233?s de su regreso C\u233?
sar fue elegido tribuno militar. Para su satisfacci\u243?n, qued\u243? el primer
o entre los veinticuatro votados por los ciudadanos. (En aquella \u233?poca hab\
u237?a muchos m\u225?s tribunos a los que se nombraba directamente, ya que el n\
u250?mero de legiones que se movilizaba era muy superior al de los primeros tiem
pos de la Rep\u250?blica).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su tribunado coincidi\u243? con la \u233?poca de la sublevaci\u243?n de Espartac
o. Se ignora d\u243?nde sirvi\u243? C\u233?sar; pero, teniendo en cuenta que m\u
225?s tarde mantuvo una estrecha relaci\u243?n con Craso, es probable que lo asi
gnaran a su plana mayor en la campa\u241?a contra los esclavos.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, C\u233?sar empez\u243? su ascenso por los pelda\u241?os
inferiores del {\i
cursus honorum}, y result\u243? elegido cuestor para el 69. En ese mismo a\u241?
o falleci\u243? su t\u237?a Julia. Puesto que tanto su marido Cayo Mario como su
hijo Mario el Joven estaban muertos, recay\u243? en C\u233?sar, como pariente v
ar\u243?n m\u225?s cercano, la tarea de pronunciar un elogio f\u250?nebre por la
difunta. El pasaje m\u225?s conocido de este discurso es aquel en el que el tod
av\u237?a joven cuestor presume del linaje de la hermana de su padre y, de paso,
del suyo:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El linaje materno de mi t\u237?a Julia desciende de reyes, mientras que el pater
no est\u225? unido a los dioses inmortales. Pues los Marcios Reges, cuyo nombre
llevaba su madre, descend\u237?an de Anco Marcio, y los Julios de Venus, a cuya
estirpe pertenece nuestra familia. As\u237? pues, en nuestro linaje se re\u250?n
en la majestad de los reyes, que poseen el poder supremo entre los hombres, y la
santidad de los dioses, bajo cuya potestad se hallan los propios reyes. (Sueton
io, {\i
C\u233?sar}, 6).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El pasaje est\u225? elegido con bastante mala intenci\u243?n. El autor que lo tr
ansmite es Suetonio, que suele criticar a C\u233?sar m\u225?s a menudo que lo al
aba y aqu\u237? insiste en relacionarlo con los reyes a sabiendas de lo mal vist
o que estaba aspirar a la corona entre los romanos. De hecho, ni en \u233?poca d
el propio Suetonio los emperadores osaban utilizar el t\u237?tulo de reyes para
s\u237? mismos a pesar del enorme poder que acaparaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Si bien es cierto que en este discurso C\u233?sar se permiti\u243? alardear de s
u linaje paterno, el elogio de su t\u237?a Julia ten\u237?a un objetivo pol\u237
?tico de m\u225?s alcance. C\u233?sar manifest\u243? cu\u225?l era cuando en el
cortejo exhibi\u243? los trofeos militares del esposo de Julia, el gran Mario, y
un actor se puso su {\i
imago} o su m\u225?scara funeraria.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era la primera vez que la imagen de Mario volv\u237?a a las calles de Roma despu
\u233?s del triunfo de Sila, que hab\u237?a intentado borrar a su odiado enemigo
incluso del recuerdo. A algunos asistentes partidarios de los optimates les des

agrad\u243? aquella exhibici\u243?n. Pero la mayor\u237?a de la gente guardaba m

\u225?s la memoria del vencedor de Yugurta y de los cimbrios y teutones que del
anciano trastornado que hab\u237?a terminado sus d\u237?as entregado a la violen
cia y el rencor. Sobre todo, Mario segu\u237?a siendo popular entre el pueblo ll
ano, y por eso los aplausos que escuch\u243? C\u233?sar fueron mucho m\u225?s so
noros que los abucheos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Elogiando a su t\u237?a y, sobre todo, sacando a la luz los trofeos de su t\u237
?o pol\u237?tico C\u233?sar hac\u237?a una declaraci\u243?n de intenciones: aunq
ue se sintiera orgulloso de ser un Julio, descendiente de Venus, su verdadero ca
pital pol\u237?tico lo hab\u237?a recibido de su t\u237?o Mario, y estaba procla
mando ante toda Roma que \u233?l era su aut\u233?ntico heredero.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
{\qc
LAS M\u193?SCARAS DE LOS ANTEPASADOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Las muertes de miembros de la familia, sobre todo si ya ten\u237?an cierta edad,
supon\u237?an una ocasi\u243?n para enaltecer a todo el linaje recordando las p
roezas de los antepasados. Estos participaban tambi\u233?n simb\u243?licamente,
en la forma de actores que desfilaban llevando sus {\i
imagines}. Dichas im\u225?genes eran m\u225?scaras moldeadas con cera directamen
te sobre los rasgos de los difuntos. Despu\u233?s la cera se pintaba, o se sacab
a una copia en otro material, y la m\u225?scara ya terminada se exhib\u237?a en
el atrio de la casa en unos nichos o armarios dispuestos para tal fin. Debajo de
cada m\u225?scara hab\u237?a un r\u243?tulo en el que se detallaban de forma me
ticulosa el nombre y los hechos del antepasado en cuesti\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Cuando llegaba el d\u237?a de una fiesta especial o un nuevo funeral, los miembr
os de la familia o los allegados sacaban estas m\u225?scaras de sus nichos y las
llevaban en el cortejo, como una fantasmal procesi\u243?n que por unas horas ve
n\u237?a del otro mundo para acompa\u241?ar a los vivos. El derecho a poseer y e
xhibir estas m\u225?scaras, denominado {\i
ius imaginum}, estaba restringido a las familias de la aristocracia que ten\u237
?an entre sus antepasados alg\u250?n miembro que hubiese desempe\u241?ado una ma
gistratura curul: un c\u243?nsul, un pretor o al menos un edil curul.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s de su t\u237?a Julia muri\u243? tambi\u233?n su esposa Corneli
a. C\u233?sar volvi\u243? a pronunciar un discurso funerario por ella, un honor
m\u225?s desusado para una mujer tan joven. A la gente le agrad\u243? que C\u233
?sar se mostrara como un esposo amante, y a \u233?l le sirvi\u243? de paso para
subrayar sus v\u237?nculos con su suegro Cinna, otro pol\u237?tico popular.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, C\u233?sar viaj\u243? a Hispania Ulterior acompa\u241?a
ndo como cuestor al gobernador Antistio Veto. Deb\u237?a de tener buena relaci\u
243?n con \u233?l, porque a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde, siendo \u233?l mismo goberna
dor, eligi\u243? como cuestor al hijo de Veto. La misi\u243?n principal de C\u23
3?sar fue recorrer la provincia y administrar justicia. Cumpli\u243? bien su lab
or, o al menos \u233?l lo pensaba as\u237?. M\u225?s de veinte a\u241?os despu\u
233?s, en un discurso del que he extra\u237?do la cita que aparece al principio
del libro, C\u233?sar recordar\u237?a a los ciudadanos de H\u237?spalis los favo
res que les hab\u237?a hecho y les reprochar\u237?a su ingratitud. Pues, como ha
b\u237?a hecho Pompeyo durante la guerra de Sertorio, \u233?l tambi\u233?n procu
r\u243? crear su propia red de amigos y clientes para el futuro.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Una an\u233?cdota muy conocida cuenta que C\u233?sar visit\u243? el templo de H\
u233?rcules en la ciudad de Gades y all\u237? vio un busto de Alejandro Magno. T
ras contemplarlo pensativo durante un rato, se lament\u243? de que a la misma ed
ad que ten\u237?a \u233?l, algo m\u225?s de treinta a\u241?os, el macedonio ya h
ab\u237?a conquistado medio mundo conocido. En cambio, \u233?l no hab\u237?a hec
ho nada de provecho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La historia es tan c\u233?lebre que no he querido pasarla por alto, pero seguram
ente sea espuria. Exceptuando el caso de Pompeyo o en un pasado m\u225?s lejano
el de Escipi\u243?n Africano, ning\u250?n romano pod\u237?a esperar alcanzar la
gloria como general a una edad tan temprana como Alejandro. C\u233?sar segu\u237
?a su camino al paso que marcaban las leyes, consiguiendo las magistraturas {\i
suo anno,} es decir, en la edad m\u237?nima estipulada.{\super
[36]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al regresar de Hispania, C\u233?sar pas\u243? alg\u250?n tiempo en la Galia Cisa
lpina. Sus habitantes eran una mezcla de romanos, it\u225?licos y celtas ya muy
romanizados. Las poblaciones al sur del Po disfrutaban de la ciudadan\u237?a rom
ana, mientras que al norte solo pose\u237?an la latina. All\u237? se estaban rec
lutando tropas para la guerra que se libraba en Oriente, por lo que los habitant
es de esas comunidades estaban protestando para que se les concediera tambi\u233
?n la plena ciudadan\u237?a. C\u233?sar apoy\u243? su causa, aunque las acusacio
nes de algunos enemigos de que incit\u243? a la revuelta a los habitantes del lu
gar no resultan veros\u237?miles. C\u233?sar nunca se sum\u243? a una revoluci\u
243?n violenta, aun cuando tuvo ocasiones de unirse a L\u233?pido, a Sertorio o
a Catilina. Si bien sus simpat\u237?as se inclinaban hacia el bando popular, \u2

33?l prefer\u237?a hacer las cosas desde dentro del sistema. Sobre todo, no esta
ba dispuesto a embarcarse en las guerras de otro pudiendo librar las suyas propi
as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
IX\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
HACIA EL PRIMER TRIUNVIRATO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CAMPA\u209?A DE POMPEYO CONTRA LOS PIRATAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s de llegar a Roma, C\u233?sar volvi\u243? a contraer matrimonio
en el a\u241?o 68 o en el 67. Su nueva esposa se llamaba Pompeya. Era nieta, po
r parte de padre, de Quinto Pompeyo, el colega consular de Sila que hab\u237?a m
uerto asesinado en un mot\u237?n, y por parte materna del mism\u237?simo dictado
r. Despu\u233?s de haberse jugado la vida ante Sila por no querer divorciarse de
Cornelia, resulta sorprendente que C\u233?sar se casara ahora con su nieta. Per
o las relaciones familiares, amistosas y pol\u237?ticas de la \u233?lite romana
dibujaban un aut\u233?ntico laberinto en el que resultaba dif\u237?cil orientars
e, ya que los enlaces que se establec\u237?an entre los diversos individuos no s
olo se ramificaban en una complicada red, sino que adem\u225?s esos v\u237?nculo
s no dejaban de moverse, romperse y repararse constantemente.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Una buena raz\u243?n para casarse con Pompeya era que su familia pose\u237?a una
gran fortuna. A esas alturas de su carrera, C\u233?sar ya acumulaba enormes deu
das. Por un lado, ascender en pol\u237?tica supon\u237?a invertir mucho dinero e
n imagen, en favores o directamente en sobornos. Por otra parte, C\u233?sar era
hombre de gustos caros. Como buen arist\u243?crata de esmerada educaci\u243?n, c
oleccionaba estatuas, pinturas, joyas y grabados, y sus ropas no eran baratas. S
e dec\u237?a de \u233?l que para presumir de esclavos excepcionalmente apuestos
pagaba tales precios que despu\u233?s le daba verg\u252?enza anotarlos en sus li
bros de contabilidad, y que en sus campa\u241?as hac\u237?a transportar suelos e
nteros de mosaico para ponerlos en la tienda de mando. Seg\u250?n otra an\u233?c
dota, en una ocasi\u243?n hizo demoler una casa que le hab\u237?an construido ju
nto al lago de Nemi cuando ya estaba terminada porque no le agradaba el efecto q
ue produc\u237?a a la vista. En estas historias siempre hay un punto de exagerac
i\u243?n, pero revelan algo sobre el car\u225?cter del personaje, que era un per
feccionista.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque los nombres coincidan, su esposa Pompeya solo era pariente lejana de Pomp
eyo el Grande, por lo que aquel matrimonio no sirvi\u243? para relacionarlo con
C\u233?sar. Sin embargo, ambos se conoc\u237?an: la \u233?lite romana no era un
grupo tan numeroso y, adem\u225?s, los dos formaban parte del senado.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, a Pompeyo el senado le aburr\u237?a mortalmente. No era buen orador
, las sutilezas de la {\i
nobilitas} se le escapaban y no ten\u237?a paciencia para las altas intrigas de
la pol\u237?tica. Durante su consulado en el a\u241?o 70, ya que deb\u237?a pres
idir el senado, Pompeyo hab\u237?a encargado al erudito Marco Terencio Varr\u243
?n que le escribiese un breviario para explicarle c\u243?mo funcionaba, una espe
cie de {\i
Manual del perfecto senador para dummies}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al terminar aquel consulado, cuyo principal hito fue recuperar las atribuciones
de los tribunos que les hab\u237?a arrebatado Sila, ni Pompeyo ni Craso solicita
ron el gobierno de una provincia. No les interesaba. Justo antes de ser c\u243?n
sules ambos hab\u237?an servido en campa\u241?as militares importantes, uno cont
ra Sertorio y otro contra Espartaco; por otra parte, los dos ten\u237?an much\u2
37?simo dinero, de modo que no les era necesario esquilmar a los s\u250?bditos d

e una provincia para pagar deudas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Craso prefer\u237?a seguir en Roma, dedicado a sus negocios y a aumentar su red
de influencias entre los senadores y los \u233?quites. B\u225?sicamente, las con
segu\u237?a prest\u225?ndoles dinero a bajo inter\u233?s, como hizo con C\u233?s
ar en m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n. Lo curioso es que a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde,
cuando ya era sesent\u243?n, a Craso le invadi\u243? un irresistible deseo de co
nquistar la gloria militar, y ese deseo lo llev\u243? a hacer la guerra en la le
jana Mesopotamia, como ya contaremos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Pompeyo, estaba deseando conseguir un mandato militar, ya que donde
se sent\u237?a como pez en el agua era dirigiendo tropas. Adem\u225?s, pasada la
emoci\u243?n de su segundo triunfo, percib\u237?a que la admiraci\u243?n que el
pueblo romano sent\u237?a por \u233?l empezaba a marchitarse, y quer\u237?a hac
erla reverdecer. Pero no estaba dispuesto a conformarse con un mando militar de
medio pelo en una guerra de segunda librada contra alguna tribu monta\u241?esa d
e nombre impronunciable. Alguien como \u233?l, que hab\u237?a entrado por la pue
rta Triunfal antes de cumplir los treinta a\u241?os, necesitaba una campa\u241?a
espectacular, y lo que m\u225?s le atra\u237?a en aquel momento era el se\u241?
uelo de Oriente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? se estaba librando la llamada Tercera Guerra Mitrid\u225?tica. La prim
era, como ya vimos, la gan\u243? Sila, pero la situaci\u243?n en Roma le forz\u2
43? a negociar unas condiciones muy ventajosas para el enemigo. La segunda, que
dur\u243? del a\u241?o 83 al 81, fue cosa de su legado Murena, quien hab\u237?a
invadido por su cuenta y riesgo los territorios de Mitr\u237?dates. Tras ser der
rotado, a Murena no le qued\u243? otro remedio que retirarse y firmar la paz por
orden del propio Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El origen de este tercer enfrentamiento arrancaba de la guerra contra Sertorio.
Para llevar a cabo sus planes, el rey del Ponto hab\u237?a aprovechado que la Re
p\u250?blica ten\u237?a un buen n\u250?mero de legiones ocupadas en Hispania. Tr
as cinco a\u241?os de paz, Mitr\u237?dates hab\u237?a conseguido reunir un ej\u2
33?rcito muy numeroso, entrenado y equipado al modo romano gracias en buena part
e a los asesores enviados por Sertorio. Seg\u250?n Apiano, contaba con ciento cu
arenta mil soldados de infanter\u237?a y diecis\u233?is mil de caballer\u237?a (
unas cifras hinchadas, para variar). Con esas tropas, Mitr\u237?dates atac\u243?
Paflagonia y Bitinia a principios del a\u241?o 74, decidido a recuperar el impe
rio que hab\u237?a conquistado durante su primera campa\u241?a.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
En el 73, el senado envi\u243? a los dos c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o, Licinio L\u
250?culo y Aurelio Cota, para frenar la nueva amenaza. Sin embargo, primero la g
uerra contra Sertorio y despu\u233?s la amenaza de Espartaco no permitieron empl
ear suficientes recursos en el conflicto. En el a\u241?o 70, Aurelio Cota regres
\u243? a Roma y L\u250?culo se qued\u243? al cargo de aquella guerra. L\u250?cul
o era un buen general que ya hab\u237?a demostrado sus dotes de mando durante el
primer conflicto contra Mitr\u237?dates cuando se encarg\u243? de reunir una fl
ota para Sila. De todos modos, no pose\u237?a el don de su antiguo superior para
ganarse el afecto de las tropas, que se quejaban de que no recib\u237?an sufici
ente bot\u237?n. Para empeorar las cosas, L\u250?culo se hab\u237?a enemistado c
on los influyentes publicanos de Asia por tratar de poner coto a sus abusos.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 67, la guerra se hab\u237?a estancado. Las tropas de L\u250?culo
se negaron a seguir luchando para \u233?l, mientras los \u233?quites que control
aban los tributos asi\u225?ticos lo acusaban de prolongar a prop\u243?sito la gu
erra para que no le quitaran el {\i
imperium}. Pompeyo empezaba a frotarse las manos pensando en recibir el mando de
esa campa\u241?a. Pero entonces le surgi\u243? otra oportunidad gracias a una p
laga end\u233?mica del Mediterr\u225?neo que hab\u237?a sufrido, entre otros, el
mismo C\u233?sar: los piratas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el Mediterr\u225?neo exist\u237?an piratas desde que se ten\u237?a noticia. E
l mismo Ulises se hab\u237?a dedicado a la pirater\u237?a durante su largo regre
so de Troya, atacando el pa\u237?s de los cicones y la isla de los fabulosos les
trigones con fortuna desigual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Normalmente, la pirater\u237?a se hallaba m\u225?s o menos limitada, pues hab\u2

37?a reinos poderosos que pose\u237?an grandes flotas de guerra con las que mant
en\u237?an limpios los mares. Pero a lo largo del siglo II, Roma derrot\u243? a
los grandes estados de la zona, como el imperio sel\u233?ucida, o caus\u243? de
forma directa la decadencia de otras potencias navales como Rodas o Egipto. Eso
dej\u243? un vac\u237?o de poder en los mares que ella misma no se molest\u243?
en llenar y que provoc\u243? un nuevo auge de la pirater\u237?a. Por otra parte,
la econom\u237?a romana e italiana demandaba cada vez m\u225?s esclavos, y eso
animaba a mucha gente a dedicarse a la lucrativa profesi\u243?n de pirata para t
raficar con seres humanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A partir de la Primera Guerra Mitrid\u225?tica, la pirater\u237?a se dispar\u243
? fuera de todo control. En realidad, podr\u237?a decirse que el colectivo de lo
s piratas lleg\u243? a convertirse en una especie de estado propio. Muchas de la
s personas que se dedicaban a ello no ten\u237?an otra forma de ganarse la vida,
pues las guerras hab\u237?an devastado sus pa\u237?ses y por eso, como se\u241?
ala Apiano, se dedicaban \u171?a cosechar el mar en lugar de la tierra\u187? (BM
, 92).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si los primeros piratas utilizaban naves peque\u241?as y ligeras, los de la \u23
3?poca de Pompeyo y C\u233?sar usaban ya birremes y trirremes de combate. Y no a
ctuaban precisamente de inc\u243?gnito: muchos exhib\u237?an con orgullo su reci
ente prosperidad luciendo remos plateados, toldillas de color p\u250?rpura y vel
as doradas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchos piratas se organizaban en flotas comandadas por aut\u233?nticos almirante
s. Con ellas asaltaron islas como Delos y Egina, y ni siquiera los santuarios de
Hera en Samos y Asclepio en Epidauro se libraron de sus depredaciones. Cualquie
r ciudad cercana al litoral, aunque estuviese amurallada, corr\u237?a peligro. E
n los \u250?ltimos a\u241?os cuatrocientas poblaciones hab\u237?an sufrido su pi
llaje, y el temor por los piratas llegaba hasta tal punto que en muchos lugares
la gente hu\u237?a de la costa donde llevaba generaciones viviendo.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
La principal base de operaciones de los piratas era la regi\u243?n de Cilicia, y
en particular la llamada Cilicia Traquea o \u171?abrupta\u187?. All\u237? las m
onta\u241?as llegaban hasta el mar creando escarpados salientes rocosos separado
s por peque\u241?as ensenadas ocultas. En ellas los piratas ten\u237?an sus guar
idas, donde reten\u237?an encadenados a miles de artesanos de todo tipo para que
fabricaran sus naves y sus armas con la madera, el hierro y el cobre que les tr
a\u237?an de todas partes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La comunicaci\u243?n lateral entre las calas y promontorios donde se cobijaban l
os piratas resultaba pr\u225?cticamente imposible, sobre todo para ej\u233?rcito
s numerosos. La \u250?nica forma de asaltar esos bastiones era llegando por mar.
Pero eso tampoco bastaba, pues si una flota atacaba una de sus bases, los pirat
as no ten\u237?an m\u225?s que retirarse hacia las monta\u241?as del interior, d
onde contaban con aliados que los proteg\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos llevaban m\u225?s de una generaci\u243?n combatiendo en vano contra
esta plaga. En el a\u241?o 102, Marco Antonio llev\u243? a cabo la primera opera
ci\u243?n destinada a acabar con la pirater\u237?a, y dos a\u241?os despu\u233?s
se aprob\u243? una {\i
lex piratica} que no sirvi\u243? de gran cosa. En torno al a\u241?o 80 se cre\u2
43? la peque\u241?a provincia de Cilicia, y desde ella su gobernador Servilio Va
tia lanz\u243? varias campa\u241?as para someter las monta\u241?as del interior,
que le valieron el sobrenombre de Is\u225?urico. Pero el enclave principal de C
ilicia Traquea segu\u237?a sin conquistar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n hab\u237?a empeorado todav\u237?a m\u225?s debido a las guerra
s contra Mitr\u237?dates, que no dudaba en utilizar a los piratas como aliados p
ag\u225?ndoles y entreg\u225?ndoles barcos. En las d\u233?cadas de los 70 y 60 h
ab\u237?a decenas de miles de ellos repartidos desde Levante hasta las Columnas
de H\u233?rcules, y sus naves ya asaltaban incluso las costas de Italia. As\u237
?, cerca de Miseno raptaron a Antonia, precisamente la hija del general que hab\
u237?a intentado combatirlos por primera vez, y pidieron un enorme rescate por e
lla. La audacia de los piratas llegaba a tal extremo que incluso secuestraron a

dos pretores junto con sus lictores. Al menos, estos dos pretores se salvaron; o
tros prisioneros corrieron peor suerte, ya que sus captores los hac\u237?an cami
nar por el tabl\u243?n para que cayeran al mar adelant\u225?ndose a las costumbr
es de piratas m\u225?s modernos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las incursiones de aquellos bandoleros de los mares estaban perjudicando al come
rcio de todo el Mediterr\u225?neo. Roma, que superaba de largo el medio mill\u24
3?n de habitantes y no dejaba de crecer, necesitaba el trigo que llegaba de Sici
lia, del norte de \u193?frica y de lugares m\u225?s lejanos como Egipto. Pero ya
no era seguro ni el puerto de Ostia, pues all\u237?, a pocos kil\u243?metros de
la mism\u237?sima Roma, los piratas se hab\u237?an atrevido a atacar a una flot
a consular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando la situaci\u243?n lleg\u243? a un punto insostenible en el a\u241?o 67, a
nte la amenaza de que la ciudad de Roma sufriera una hambruna, el tribuno Aulo G
abinio propuso una ley destinada a acabar definitivamente con la pirater\u237?a.
Su idea era escoger a un senador consular para dirigir la tarea y poner bajo su
autoridad a quince legados con rango de pretores. Para combatir contra los pira
tas, aquel magistrado especial contar\u237?a con doscientos barcos y su mandato
durar\u237?a tres a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gabinio no mencion\u243? a Pompeyo por su nombre, pero ambos eran amigos y todo
el mundo supo para qui\u233?n estaba destinado ese puesto. En el senado se susci
t\u243? una gran oposici\u243?n, ya que los poderes que la ley conced\u237?a era
n inusitados. Uno de los pocos que habl\u243? a favor de la medida fue precisame
nte C\u233?sar, algo de lo que Pompeyo tom\u243? buena nota.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Despu\u233?s de muchas discusiones aderezadas con dosis de violencia e intimidac
i\u243?n, Gabinio llev\u243? la propuesta a la asamblea. Finalmente, el pueblo c
oncedi\u243? el mando a Pompeyo y le otorg\u243? incluso m\u225?s medios de los
que preve\u237?a la primera propuesta del tribuno. Pompeyo tendr\u237?a a su dis
posici\u243?n quinientos barcos, veinticuatro legados, ciento veinte mil soldado
s de infanter\u237?a y cinco mil de caballer\u237?a. Asimismo se le asignaron fo
ndos y provisiones suficientes para mantener una flota y un ej\u233?rcito tan gr
andes. El {\i
imperium} de Pompeyo abarcaba todo el Mediterr\u225?neo y una amplia franja cost
era que se internaba setenta y cinco kil\u243?metros tierra adentro, y en ese te
rritorio su autoridad prevalec\u237?a sobre la de cualquier otro magistrado.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La tit\u225?nica labor de coordinar todos esos medios de un extremo a otro del M
editerr\u225?neo habr\u237?a intimidado a cualquiera, pero no a Pompeyo, que pos
e\u237?a una singular aptitud para organizar operaciones a enorme escala. La gen
te confiaba tanto en \u233?l que, en cuanto se supo que le hab\u237?an otorgado
aquel mando, el precio del pan baj\u243?, ya que todos estaban convencidos de qu
e el suministro de trigo no tardar\u237?a en reanudarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Pompeyo se puso manos a la obra enseguida. Pens\u243? que si persegu\u237?a a lo
s piratas en Cilicia, correr\u237?an a buscar nuevas guaridas en las costas de \
u193?frica o Dalmacia, y viceversa. La manera de acabar con ellos era actuar sim
ult\u225?neamente en todo el Mediterr\u225?neo. Para tal fin, Pompeyo, que era u
n hombre meticuloso, dividi\u243? el mar en trece regiones, seis en el este y si
ete en el oeste. Al mando de cada una de ellas puso a un legado cuya misi\u243?n
era perseguir a los piratas de su zona y expugnar las fortalezas donde se cobij
aban. Ninguno de ellos deb\u237?a sobrepasar los l\u237?mites que se le hab\u237
?an asignado. En cuanto a los once legados restantes, se cree que Pompeyo los pu
so al cargo de flotas m\u243?viles que s\u237? pod\u237?an cruzar de una zona a
otra para perseguir a los barcos piratas que escapaban del cerco. El hecho de no
mbrar tantos legados, de paso, le permiti\u243? crear nuevos v\u237?nculos de cl
iente-patr\u243?n y aumentar su poder.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a arranc\u243? a principios de la primavera del a\u241?o 67, con a
taques simult\u225?neos en todas las zonas del Mediterr\u225?neo occidental, mie
ntras el propio Pompeyo hac\u237?a una labor de barrido de oeste a este con una
flota de sesenta barcos. En tan solo cuarenta d\u237?as, aquella mitad del Medit

err\u225?neo qued\u243? libre de piratas y el tr\u225?fico entre Roma y sus prin

cipales suministradores de grano se restableci\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s le toc\u243? el turno a la mitad oriental, tarea que se preve\u237?
a m\u225?s complicada. Sin embargo, Pompeyo la llev\u243? a cabo con una sorpren
dente facilidad. Aquel a quien hab\u237?an llamado \u171?el carnicero adolescent
e\u187? demostr\u243? que sab\u237?a ser humano y clemente, y que comprend\u237?
a que las causas principales de la pirater\u237?a eran la miseria y la falta de
otros medios para ganarse la vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En lugar de crucificar a los piratas como hab\u237?a hecho C\u233?sar, Pompeyo l
es entreg\u243? tierras en el interior de Asia Menor \u8212?bien lejos del mar p
ara evitar que cayeran en la tentaci\u243?n de volver a la pirater\u237?a\u8212?
, o los instal\u243? en ciudades que hab\u237?an quedado casi despobladas por la
s guerras mitrid\u225?ticas. Una de ellas, Soli, fue rebautizada con el sonoro n
ombre de \u171?Pompey\u243?polis\u187?. Curiosamente, la poblaci\u243?n que m\u2
25?s nuevos colonos recibi\u243? no se hallaba en Asia Menor sino en Grecia, y f
ue Dime, en la comarca de Acaya. En total, Pompeyo reasent\u243? de ese modo a v
einte mil antiguos piratas. Era algo que los romanos ya hab\u237?an probado con
\u233?xito trasladando a muchas tribus ligures al sur de Italia.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a progres\u243? con rapidez. Sabiendo que si se rend\u237?an obten
dr\u237?an el perd\u243?n, tripulaciones enteras arrojaban las armas al agua y a
plaud\u237?an en se\u241?al de rendici\u243?n cuando las naves romanas se acerca
ban para abordarlas. Pompeyo dej\u243? para el final la ofensiva contra el coraz
\u243?n del problema, la escarpada costa de Cilicia. All\u237? libr\u243? una ba
talla naval en la que derrot\u243? a la principal flota pirata, y luego puso sit
io a la fortaleza de Coracesio. Con la rendici\u243?n de esta termin\u243? una g
uerra que apenas hab\u237?a durado seis meses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, la pirater\u237?a no desapareci\u243? por completo, aunque algunos
, como Cicer\u243?n, se dejaron llevar tanto por el entusiasmo que dijeron que y
a no quedaba un solo pirata en las costas de Asia. Pero lo cierto es que la plag
a como tal dej\u243? de asolar el Mediterr\u225?neo gracias la eficacia de Pompe
yo. Aquello de por s\u237? le habr\u237?a valido un triunfo, pero a Pompeyo toda
v\u237?a le quedaba por delante la campa\u241?a que lo har\u237?a verdaderamente
grande.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA GUERRA CONTRA MITR\u205?DATES Y LA CONQUISTA DE ORIENTE\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras su \u233?xito contra los piratas, Pompeyo y el grueso de sus tropas pasaron
el invierno en la provincia de Cilicia. Mientras en Roma, en enero del 66, uno
de sus aliados, el tribuno Cayo Manilio Crispo, present\u243? una propuesta para
entregarle el mando de la guerra contra Mitr\u237?dates y su aliado Tigranes de
Armenia. No solo a Pompeyo no se le quitaba el {\i
imperium} que se le hab\u237?a otorgado para la campa\u241?a de limpieza de los
mares, sino que se le a\u241?ad\u237?an las provincias de Bitinia y Cilicia. Tod
o ello por tiempo indefinido y con plenos poderes para dirigir seg\u250?n su pro
pio criterio las operaciones y la pol\u237?tica exterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Ning\u250?n magistrado o promagistrado hab\u237?a acaparado jam\u225?s tanto pod
er. En el senado se oyeron voces en contra que advert\u237?an de que una concent
raci\u243?n de poderes como esa supon\u237?a una amenaza para la libertad de la
Rep\u250?blica, ya que Pompeyo podr\u237?a tener la tentaci\u243?n de convertirs
e en tirano o rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero hab\u237?a muchos m\u225?s interesados en concederle el mando a Pompeyo. A
los \u233?quites que manejaban las sociedades de publicanos y cobraban los tribu
tos de Asia les conven\u237?a que la situaci\u243?n de la zona, castigada ya por
tres guerras contra Mitr\u237?dates, se asentara de una vez. No lo pensaban sol
o ellos, sino muchos senadores: Asia deb\u237?a ser pacificada, y para ello hab\
u237?a que acabar de una vez con Mitr\u237?dates. Pompeyo pod\u237?a caerles mej
or o peor, pero sab\u237?an que era un general eficaz.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Entre los senadores que hablaron a favor de la {\i

lex Manilia} estaba C\u233?sar, y tambi\u233?n Cicer\u243?n, que pronunci\u243?
un elocuente discurso. En \u233?l asegur\u243? que Pompeyo pose\u237?a las cuatr
o cualidades de un general eficaz: dominio de la ciencia militar, valor, autorid
ad y buena suerte. Es de suponer que en nuestros d\u237?as un orador habr\u237?a
suprimido esa \u250?ltima cualidad, la {\i
felicitas} de la que tan orgulloso se sent\u237?a Sila; pero para los romanos er
a muy importante saber que los dioses en general y la Fortuna en particular esta
ban de parte de los hombres a los que le confiaban el mando.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Una vez aprobada la moci\u243?n, el senado envi\u243? una carta al interesado pa
ra comunicarle su nombramiento. Al recibirla, seg\u250?n Plutarco, Pompeyo se qu
ej\u243?: \u171?\u161?Ay de m\u237?, mis trabajos no tienen fin! Mejor me ir\u23
7?a en la vida si fuese alguien desconocido. As\u237?, en cambio, nunca dejar\u2
33? de servir en el ej\u233?rcito ni me librar\u233? de la envidia que me persig
ue, y jam\u225?s podr\u233? retirarme a vivir al campo con mi mujer\u187? ({\i
Pompeyo}, 30).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella hipocres\u237?a hizo sonrojarse incluso a sus amigos: todos sab\u237?an
que Pompeyo llevaba mucho tiempo intrigando para quitarle el mando a L\u250?culo
. Este, de hecho, lo compar\u243? con un buitre que ven\u237?a a devorar los res
tos de un cad\u225?ver al que ya hab\u237?a matado otra fiera.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
L\u250?culo habr\u237?a podido ganar aquella guerra, que hab\u237?a librado con
efectivos m\u225?s bien escasos y combatiendo al mismo tiempo contra dos reyes,
Mitr\u237?dates y Tigranes. Este \u250?ltimo, que hab\u237?a engrandecido tanto
el reino de Armenia que recib\u237?a el t\u237?tulo de \u171?rey de reyes\u187?,
se hab\u237?a re\u237?do de L\u250?culo comentando que sus hombres eran muy poc
os para ser un ej\u233?rcito, pero demasiados para ser una embajada. La risa no
le dur\u243? demasiado, ya que poco despu\u233?s de hacer aquel chiste, L\u250?c
ulo y sus tropas lo aplastaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema era que L\u250?culo era impopular tanto entre los \u233?quites como
entre muchos senadores. Sobre todo, sus soldados no lo pod\u237?an ni ver. Por n
o apoyarlo, el Estado hab\u237?a permitido que Mitr\u237?dates contraatacara y q
ue tanto \u233?l como Tigranes recuperaran parte del territorio que hab\u237?an
perdido en esos a\u241?os. Eso le ven\u237?a bien a Pompeyo, evidentemente: cuan
do peor estuviera la situaci\u243?n, m\u225?s gloria para \u233?l.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo no fue nada generoso con L\u250?culo. Pese a que \u233?l tra\u237?a ya m
uchos efectivos, cuando tom\u243? el relevo de las tropas de su antecesor, le de
j\u243? \u250?nicamente mil seiscientos hombres para que lo acompa\u241?aran a R
oma a celebrar el triunfo, y adem\u225?s procur\u243? seleccionarlos entre los m
\u225?s proclives a amotinarse. Por otra parte, no cej\u243? hasta anular todos
los acuerdos que hab\u237?a firmado L\u250?culo, pues quer\u237?a que los reyes
y dinastas de la regi\u243?n estuvieran atados a \u233?l por acuerdos personales
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de ponerse en marcha, Pompeyo inici\u243? una ofensiva diplom\u225?tica pa
ra aislar a sus enemigos. Prefer\u237?a no tener que guerrear contra Mitr\u237?d
ates y Tigranes a la vez, de modo que se puso en contacto con el rey parto Fraat
es. Tras pactar que la l\u237?nea divisoria entre Roma y Partia estar\u237?a en
el \u201?ufrates, Fraates prometi\u243? a Pompeyo que atacar\u237?a la frontera
oriental de Armenia con el fin de tener entretenido a Tigranes mientras los roma
nos invad\u237?an el Ponto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Mitr\u237?dates se enter\u243? de las maniobras pol\u237?ticas y militare
s de Pompeyo, comprendi\u243? que iba a verse en graves apuros y envi\u243? emba
jadores al general romano para negociar la paz. A Pompeyo no le interesaba que a
quella campa\u241?a terminara sin batallas ni saqueos, as\u237? que respondi\u24
3? que, si Mitr\u237?dates quer\u237?a la paz, deb\u237?a entregarse sin condici
ones en una {\i
deditio ad fidem}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Obviamente, Mitr\u237?dates no pod\u237?a aceptar algo as\u237?. Rotas las breve

s negociaciones, Pompeyo se puso en marcha hacia el norte con treinta mil soldad
os de infanter\u237?a y dos mil de caballer\u237?a. Mitr\u237?dates dispon\u237?
a de los mismos efectivos de infanter\u237?a y de tres mil jinetes, y con ellos
se dirigi\u243? a la cabecera del r\u237?o Lico, junto a la fortaleza de Dastira
, para detener al invasor. El rey, que estaba a punto de cumplir setenta a\u241?
os, segu\u237?a combatiendo personalmente; poco tiempo antes hab\u237?a recibido
una herida de espada en un muslo de la que no muri\u243? gracias a que su m\u23
3?dico personal Timoteo consigui\u243? detener la hemorragia.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
La zona que hab\u237?a elegido Mitr\u237?dates, situada en Armenia Menor, ofrec\
u237?a un relieve muy agreste, id\u243?neo para defenderse. Pero el rey ten\u237
?a un problema: por culpa de las campa\u241?as de L\u250?culo, que hab\u237?an a
solado toda la regi\u243?n, resultaba complicado conseguir provisiones por los a
lrededores. Debido a eso y a los \u250?ltimos reveses, la moral en el ej\u233?rc
ito del Ponto era baja y se produc\u237?a un flujo constante de desertores, a pe
sar de que a los pr\u243?fugos se les castigaba crucific\u225?ndolos, sac\u225?n
doles los ojos o quem\u225?ndolos vivos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? al valle del Lico y comprob\u243? que Dastira era casi imposib
le de asaltar, Pompeyo decidi\u243? asediar la fortaleza. Aunque el relieve de l
a zona imped\u237?a rodear al enemigo con un cerco perfecto, los hombres de Pomp
eyo levantaron un per\u237?metro de treinta kil\u243?metros provisto de fuertes
y empalizadas, una obra comparable a la que hab\u237?a llevado a cabo Craso en l
a punta de la bota italiana para encerrar a Espartaco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de que el sistema log\u237?stico de Pompeyo era muy superior al de su en
emigo, sus forrajeadores sufr\u237?an por los ataques de la caballer\u237?a de M
itr\u237?dates, que superaba a la de Pompeyo. Este decidi\u243? tender una tramp
a al enemigo, y una noche apost\u243? a tres mil soldados de infanter\u237?a lig
era y quinientos jinetes entre la espesura de un valle que se abr\u237?a entre s
u campamento y la fortaleza de Dastira.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto amaneci\u243?, Pompeyo mand\u243? al resto de los jinetes contra el en
emigo. Al verlo, Mitr\u237?dates reaccion\u243? enviando contra \u233?l al grues
o de su caballer\u237?a. Los jinetes de Pompeyo no esperaron a resistir la carga
, sino que volvieron grupas en una retirada fingida. Esta no dur\u243? mucho: cu
ando vieron que hab\u237?an sobrepasado el punto donde se hallaban sus compa\u24
1?eros emboscados, volvieron a dar media vuelta y embistieron contra la vanguard
ia de la caballer\u237?a enemiga, que los ven\u237?a siguiendo.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
En ese momento, la caballer\u237?a de Mitr\u237?dates se vio atacada simult\u225
?neamente de frente y por los flancos. Encerrados y sin poder dar impulso a sus
monturas, los jinetes p\u243?nticos fueron presa f\u225?cil de los soldados de i
nfanter\u237?a ligera, que se dedicaron a acuchillar sin piedad los costados de
los caballos. Tras esta batalla, Mitr\u237?dates perdi\u243? la \u250?nica venta
ja que pose\u237?a sobre Pompeyo, su caballer\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta emboscada demostr\u243? que Sertorio llevaba raz\u243?n cuando dijo que le
iba a ense\u241?ar una lecci\u243?n al pupilo de Sila: Pompeyo la hab\u237?a apr
endido y aplicado a la perfecci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, Mitr\u237?dates renunci\u243? al combate. Para empeorar
su situaci\u243?n, Pompeyo recibi\u243? refuerzos de Cilicia, con lo que sus ef
ectivos ascend\u237?an ya a m\u225?s de cuarenta mil legionarios.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Cuando sus hombres empezaron a matar a las bestias de carga para alimentarse, Mi
tr\u237?dates decidi\u243? que no le conven\u237?a esperar a que empezaran a pas
ar hambre. Una noche, mientras los fuegos de su campamento segu\u237?an ardiendo
, huy\u243? con el grueso de sus tropas por senderos escarpados m\u225?s apropia
dos para cabras que para humanos. Eso demuestra, l\u243?gicamente, que Pompeyo n
o hab\u237?a podido completar la circunvalaci\u243?n de Dastira.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Cuando descubri\u243? que la presa hab\u237?a escapado, Pompeyo parti\u243? en s
u persecuci\u243?n. Su caballer\u237?a no dejaba de hostigar a la retaguardia de
Mitr\u237?dates, pero este segu\u237?a adelante sin detenerse a luchar, siempre

hacia el este. El rey del Ponto procuraba viajar de noche, aprovechando que \u2
33?l y sus hombres conoc\u237?an bien la zona, y gracias a que aquellos parajes
eran monta\u241?osos siempre encontraban posiciones elevadas donde acampar.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo no quer\u237?a que Mitr\u237?dates cruzara el \u201?ufrates y penetrara
en territorio armenio, as\u237? que una noche decidi\u243? atacar su campamento,
pese al riesgo que implicaban siempre las operaciones nocturnas. Mientras sus h
ombres avanzaban con todo el sigilo posible, Mitr\u237?dates tuvo un sue\u241?o,
o as\u237? lo cont\u243? (la oniromancia o interpretaci\u243?n de los sue\u241?
os era una de sus grandes aficiones). En su visi\u243?n, estaba navegando por el
mar Negro con viento propicio y ya ten\u237?a a la vista el B\u243?sforo. Pero
cuando se volv\u237?a para saludar a sus compa\u241?eros de traves\u237?a y cong
ratularse con ellos de haber llegado a salvo al final del viaje, descubr\u237?a
de pronto que estaba solo, flotando en el agua y agarrado a un madero flotante.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel sue\u241?o predec\u237?a su futuro inmediato y a largo plazo, como ensegui
da veremos. Sus sirvientes lo despertaron entonces y le avisaron de que el enemi
go atacaba. Mitr\u237?dates se levant\u243? para organizar a sus tropas en la de
fensa del campamento, pero ya era demasiado tarde. Plutarco ofrece un detalle mu
y sensorial sobre esta batalla: como los romanos ven\u237?an con la luna a sus e
spaldas y estaba a punto de ponerse, sus sombras se ve\u237?an tan alargadas que
enga\u241?aban a los defensores y les hac\u237?an calcular mal las distancias y
errar los disparos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con ayuda de la luna o no, los romanos destrozaron al ej\u233?rcito de Mitr\u237
?dates, que perdi\u243? diez mil hombres en aquel ataque. El rey logr\u243? esca
par en la oscuridad con ochocientos jinetes y tres mil soldados de infanter\u237
?a, y se dirigi\u243? a una fortaleza llamada Sinora o Sinorega, cerca de la fro
ntera armenia. All\u237? guardaba abundantes tesoros con los que recompens\u243?
y despach\u243? a muchos de sus hombres. \u201?l mismo cogi\u243? seis mil tale
ntos para el viaje, una suma que no era precisamente calderilla, pues equival\u2
37?a a casi doscientas toneladas de plata. (Es de suponer que una buena parte se
r\u237?a en forma de monedas y objetos de oro, con m\u225?s valor por menos peso
).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con una fuerza m\u225?s reducida y m\u243?vil, Mitr\u237?dates march\u243? hacia
las fuentes del \u201?ufrates. Junto a las tropas que lo acompa\u241?aban viaja
ba una de sus concubinas. Su nombre era Hipsicracia, pero el rey la llamaba en b
roma Hips\u237?crates, masculinizando su nombre porque cabalgaba como un persa y
combat\u237?a con el valor y la energ\u237?a de un hombre.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Al llegar al \u201?ufrates, Mitr\u237?dates descubri\u243? que no solo se hab\u2
37?a convertido en persona {\i
non grata} en Armenia, sino que adem\u225?s su antiguo aliado Tigranes hab\u237?
a puesto precio a su cabeza. R\u225?pidamente, cambi\u243? de planes y se dirigi
\u243? al norte, a la C\u243?lquide. Pas\u243? el invierno en la ciudad de Diosc
urias, donde las estribaciones del C\u225?ucaso llegaban pr\u225?cticamente hast
a el mar. Seg\u250?n el mito, era en aquellas monta\u241?as donde Zeus encaden\u
243? a Prometeo y un \u225?guila devoraba el h\u237?gado del tit\u225?n todos lo
s d\u237?as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En primavera, Mitr\u237?dates cruz\u243? las monta\u241?as hasta llegar a las es
tepas costeras, que recorri\u243? a una distancia de la costa siempre prudencial
para que la naves romanas que patrullaban el mar Negro no lo encontraran. Tras
rodear el lago Meotis lleg\u243? al Quersoneso T\u225?urico (hoy d\u237?a son el
mar de Azov y la pen\u237?nsula de Crimea). All\u237?, en su fortaleza de Panti
capeo, se hallaba uno de sus hijos, Macares, que se hab\u237?a rebelado contra \
u233?l. Ahora, al saber que su padre ven\u237?a y sabiendo c\u243?mo se las gast
aba, Macares se suicid\u243?; al menos, eso le permit\u237?a elegir la forma de
morir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Pompeyo, tras su victoria, pens\u243? que Mitr\u237?dates estaba aca
bado y no se esforz\u243? en seguirlo, ya que prefer\u237?a ocuparse antes de Ti
granes. En aquel momento, el monarca armenio se ve\u237?a acosado por los partos

en su frontera oriental, y adem\u225?s su hijo y tocayo Tigranes se hab\u237?a

sublevado contra \u233?l; considerando que el rey ten\u237?a setenta y cuatro a\
u241?os, parece l\u243?gico que el joven Tigranes empezara a pensar en jubilarlo
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Tigranes se enter\u243? de que los romanos hab\u237?an cruzado su fronter
a occidental, decidi\u243? que lo m\u225?s sabio era rendirse. Mientras Pompeyo
se acercaba por el curso superior del \u201?ufrates a la capital, Artaxata, Tigr
anes sali\u243? a su encuentro y se present\u243? en su campamento. Para demostr
ar su sumisi\u243?n, dej\u243? su tiara real a los pies del general romano y se
postr\u243? ante \u233?l en el ritual de la {\i
prosk\u253?nesis}, que era tradicional en esas tierras y que Alejandro hab\u237?
a intentado imponer a sus oficiales macedonios con bastante pol\u233?mica.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo se agach\u243?, ayud\u243? a levantarse al anciano rey y volvi\u243? a p
onerle la diadema; la diplomacia de gestos grandiosos y munificentes se le daba
mucho mejor que las intrigas senatoriales y la intrincada sintaxis de los discur
sos ret\u243?ricos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo permiti\u243? que Tigranes se quedara con el reino que hab\u237?a hereda
do, pero le arrebat\u243? las conquistas que hab\u237?a hecho durante su reinado
y con las que hab\u237?a creado una especie de Gran Armenia. Al joven Tigranes,
que se estaba frotando las manos pensando en que los romanos ejecutar\u237?an o
al menos derrocar\u237?an a su padre, Pompeyo le entreg\u243? tan solo el peque
\u241?o territorio de Sofene.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esa ser\u237?a la pol\u237?tica de Pompeyo en los pa\u237?ses de Oriente: manten
er a los dinastas locales siempre que aceptaran ser \u171?amigos y aliados del p
ueblo romano\u187?, es decir, vasallos. Por supuesto, mantener el trono no sal\u
237?a gratis. Tigranes pag\u243? seis mil talentos a Pompeyo, y los oficiales y
soldados del ej\u233?rcito romano recibieron tambi\u233?n sus correspondientes b
onificaciones. Gracias a eso, el rey evit\u243? que saquearan Artaxata. Recordab
a bien el destino sufrido por su otra gran capital, Tigranocerta, que \u233?l mi
smo hab\u237?a fundado. L\u250?culo y sus hombres la hab\u237?an saqueado y hab\
u237?an obtenido un bot\u237?n de m\u225?s de ocho mil talentos.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Durante el invierno del 66-65, Pompeyo reparti\u243? sus fuerzas en tres campame
ntos, una medida que habitualmente se tomaba para dividir entre varias poblacion
es la carga de alimentar a las tropas. Aprovechando aquello, el rey albano Oroec
es cruz\u243? con sus fuerzas el r\u237?o Ciro (Kur\u225?), que desemboca en el
Caspio, y atac\u243? a los romanos. La ofensiva fracas\u243?, y Pompeyo lo persi
gui\u243? hasta el r\u237?o. All\u237? alcanz\u243? a su retaguardia y mat\u243?
a muchos de sus hombres. Cuando Oroeces le pidi\u243? una tregua, Pompeyo se co
nform\u243? con eso y no se intern\u243? en su territorio, pues no le parec\u237
?a aconsejable hacerlo en invierno (el territorio de los albanos se correspond\u
237?a m\u225?s o menos con Azerbaiy\u225?n).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya en primavera, las legiones se adentraron en el pa\u237?s de los iberos, un pu
eblo situado en el territorio de la actual Georgia. Seg\u250?n hab\u237?an infor
mado a Pompeyo los esp\u237?as, su rey Artoces pensaba seguir el ejemplo de Oroe
ces, de modo que decidi\u243? que quien golpea primero da dos veces. Tras ser de
rrotado, Artoces pidi\u243? tambi\u233?n la paz y entreg\u243? a sus propios hij
os como rehenes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la batalla, Pompeyo y sus tropas prosiguieron su avance por el v
alle del Fasis, que atravesaba la C\u243?lquide hasta desembocar en el mar Negro
junto a la ciudad del mismo nombre. Aquel r\u237?o era tan sinuoso y su valle t
an angosto que, seg\u250?n cuenta Estrab\u243?n, hab\u237?a que cruzar hasta cie
nto veinte puentes para salvar sus constantes meandros (11.3.4)\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
En Fasis se reuni\u243? con su legado naval Servilio, que hab\u237?a atracado en
la ciudad con parte de la flota. Al saber que Mitr\u237?dates se dirig\u237?a a
l B\u243?sforo Cimerio, Pompeyo pens\u243? que por el momento no representaba ni
ng\u250?n peligro. Tras encargar a Servilio que mantuviera vigilado al rey para
que no escapara por mar, regres\u243? a Armenia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Cuando las noticias llegaron a Roma, sus adversarios empezaron a criticarlo por
haber dejado escapar una vez m\u225?s a Mitr\u237?dates. \u191?Acaso Pompeyo ign
oraba que aquel tipo era igual que la m\u237?tica ave F\u233?nix? Pero \u233?l a
segur\u243? en tono un tanto desde\u241?oso que hab\u237?a dejado al rey del Pon
to solo ante un enemigo peor que un ej\u233?rcito romano: el hambre. En eso no p
arec\u237?a estar muy bien informado, ya que las llanuras al norte del mar Negro
eran uno de los principales graneros del mundo antiguo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
En el camino de regreso a Armenia, Pompeyo decidi\u243? que era buen momento par
a tomar represalias contra los albanos por el ataque del invierno anterior. Mien
tras se adentraba en su territorio, se enter\u243? de que Oroeces hab\u237?a mov
ilizado un ej\u233?rcito de sesenta mil infantes y doce mil jinetes. Los primero
s, si es que en verdad hab\u237?a tantos, ser\u237?an milicias reclutadas a toda
prisa y de poca calidad. Pero la caballer\u237?a s\u237? le preocupaba, sobre t
odo porque en ella hab\u237?a catafractos, guerreros expertos y blindados de pie
s a cabeza al igual que sus caballos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde la guerra contra Sertorio, Pompeyo hab\u237?a adquirido afici\u243?n a las
estratagemas y los enga\u241?os, y as\u237? lo demostrar\u237?a en Dirraquio du
rante la guerra civil. En esta ocasi\u243?n escondi\u243? un buen n\u250?mero de
cohortes en el terreno que hab\u237?a elegido para la batalla: apost\u243? algu
nas a ambos lados de un valle, en las laderas sembradas de vegetaci\u243?n, y ot
ras al fondo, detr\u225?s de la caballer\u237?a y de rodillas para que no destac
aran. Adem\u225?s, instruy\u243? a sus soldados para que se cubrieran con telas
los yelmos, la parte de su equipo donde m\u225?s se reflejaba el sol.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Tendida la trampa, Pompeyo envi\u243? el cebo, que era su propia caballer\u237?a
. Tras una breve refriega los jinetes fingieron retirarse ante el empuje enemigo
. Los catafractos los persiguieron sin temor, ya que no parec\u237?a haber grand
es contingentes de infanter\u237?a a la vista. Pero a continuaci\u243?n, los jin
etes romanos se dividieron por escuadrones y se colaron por los huecos abiertos
entre las cohortes que hab\u237?an permanecido ocultas tras ellos. Los legionari
os se levantaron y cargaron contra la caballer\u237?a albana, mientras sus compa
\u241?eros emboscados por ambos flancos hac\u237?an lo propio.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Como era de esperar, los romanos causaron una gran mortandad entre sus enemigos.
Seg\u250?n Plutarco, Pompeyo luch\u243? en aquella ocasi\u243?n en combate indi
vidual contra Cosis, hermano del rey. Pero la trayectoria militar de Pompeyo sug
iere que no era muy dado a lanzarse personalmente a lo m\u225?s duro de la refri
ega, por lo que probablemente se trate de una an\u233?cdota inventada por sus cr
onistas para glorificarlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante toda esta campa\u241?a, el propio Pompeyo procur\u243? venderse a s\u237
? mismo como un nuevo Alejandro, y la imagen de s\u237? mismo cargando a caballo
contra los caudillos enemigos era perfecta para recalcar esa semejanza. En ese
sentido resulta muy reveladora otra an\u233?cdota que tambi\u233?n refiere Pluta
rco. Cuando Pompeyo venci\u243? a Mitr\u237?dates y tom\u243? su campamento, sus
hombres llevaron a su presencia a varias concubinas reales a las que hab\u237?a
n hecho prisioneras. Pompeyo no solo no las toc\u243?, sino que las envi\u243? d
e vuelta con sus familias. Era la misma conducta caballerosa que Alejandro hab\u
237?a tenido con la familia del rey persa Dar\u237?o. Esto no significa que al o
brar as\u237? no fuese sincero, pues Pompeyo ten\u237?a fama de ser muy galante
y cort\u233?s con las mujeres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con duelo singular o no, Pompeyo consigui\u243? tambi\u233?n que los albanos se
le sometieran y le entregaran rehenes. Desde su pa\u237?s se dirigi\u243? al Cas
pio, pero avanzar por aquellos parajes era tan penoso que renunci\u243? a la emp
resa y decidi\u243? regresar a Armenia Menor y el Ponto. Desde ese momento, su e
j\u233?rcito pr\u225?cticamente no lleg\u243? a combatir. Poco a poco, las forta
lezas de la regi\u243?n que a\u250?n resist\u237?an se fueron rindiendo. La tare
a m\u225?s fatigosa que tuvieron que llevar a cabo los hombres de Pompeyo fue ll
evar la contabilidad de los enormes tesoros del rey Mitr\u237?dates. Solo en su
castillo de Talaura pasaron treinta d\u237?as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

En total, Pompeyo se apropi\u243? de treinta y seis mil talentos, la mayor\u237?

a en moneda acu\u241?ada. Sus escribas y cuestores tomaban nota de todo para que
nadie pudiera acusarlo de corrupci\u243?n al volver a Roma. En las diversas for
talezas encontraron adem\u225?s valiosas obras de arte; los nobles romanos se ma
taban por las antig\u252?edades orientales, como se puede comprobar leyendo las
cartas de Cicer\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A prop\u243?sito de cartas, Pompeyo tambi\u233?n encontr\u243? muchas escritas p
or Mitr\u237?dates. Aparte de la relaci\u243?n de sus envenenamientos y las inte
rpretaciones de sus sue\u241?os y los de sus esposas, un tema que parec\u237?a a
pasionar al rey del Ponto, Pompeyo pudo leer varias cartas de tono muy er\u243?t
ico que Mitr\u237?dates hab\u237?a intercambiado con Monime, una de sus esposas.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s de hacer acopio de bot\u237?n, Pompeyo y sus legados se dedicaron a
reorganizar toda la regi\u243?n. Para ello firmaron pactos con los numerosos rey
es y caudillos de las diversas naciones de Anatolia, y tambi\u233?n con el rey p
arto Fraates, aunque en este caso los t\u233?rminos eran de igualdad. Emulando d
e nuevo a Alejandro, Pompeyo tambi\u233?n fund\u243? varias ciudades. Una de ell
as, levantada en el lugar donde venci\u243? a Mitr\u237?dates, se llam\u243? Nic
\u243?polis, \u171?ciudad de la victoria\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya terminado el invierno, Pompeyo viaj\u243? hacia el sur, atraves\u243? Capadoc
ia y Cilicia y entr\u243? en Siria. Ant\u237?oco XIII, el \u250?ltimo sel\u233?u
cida, cuyo reino se hab\u237?a quedado pr\u225?cticamente reducido a la ciudad d
e Antioqu\u237?a, se present\u243? ante \u233?l para pedirle que lo mantuviera c
omo rey aliado y amigo de Roma. Pero Pompeyo decidi\u243? convertir Siria en pro
vincia romana, ya que quer\u237?a evitar que siguiera sufriendo razias de \u225?
rabes y jud\u237?os, algo que ven\u237?a ocurriendo desde que el imperio sel\u23
3?ucida se desmoron\u243? ante los partos. En general, fue lo que hizo en aquell
a regi\u243?n cuando no encontr\u243? ning\u250?n gobernante local que le pareci
era fiable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, Pompeyo prosigui\u243? su avance hacia el sur. En Judea
se estaba librando una guerra civil entre los hermanos Arist\u243?bulo e Hircan
o, que se disputaban el trono y el sumo sacerdocio. Pompeyo se decidi\u243? por
Hircano y puso sitio a Jerusal\u233?n, donde se hab\u237?a hecho fuerte su rival
. A principios de octubre, tras un asedio de tres meses, la ciudad cay\u243? en
poder de los romanos. Pompeyo se dio el capricho de entrar en el sanctasanct\u24
3?rum del templo sagrado, algo que muchos jud\u237?os consideraron un sacrilegio
, pero no se apoder\u243? de ning\u250?n tesoro por respeto. A Hircano lo nombr\
u243? sumo sacerdote y etnarca, un t\u237?tulo distinto de rey, lo que satisfizo
sobre todo al clero, que no quer\u237?a obedecer a un monarca secular. En cuant
o a su hermano Arist\u243?bulo, se lo llev\u243? prisionero a Roma.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s al sur quedaba otro reducto problem\u225?tico: el reino de los \u225?ra
bes nabateos, cuya capital era la famosa ciudad de Petra. Su rey Aretas no dejab
a de lanzar incursiones contra Siria y Judea. Pero en el a\u241?o 62, cuando Pom
peyo y sus tropas se dispon\u237?an a atravesar la llamada Arabia P\u233?trea, l
legaron noticias del norte relativas a Mitr\u237?dates. Pompeyo emprendi\u243? e
l regreso al Ponto y dej\u243? que su legado Emilio Escauro se encargara de la c
ampa\u241?a contra los nabateos. Escauro hizo algunas incursiones en sus territo
rios y despu\u233?s lleg\u243? a un acuerdo con Aretas. Este se someti\u243? de
palabra y entreg\u243? trescientos talentos al legado para que no siguiera adela
nte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mitr\u237?dates hab\u237?a llegado a Panticapeo en el verano del 65. Una vez all
\u237?, descubri\u243? que estaba rodeado de intrigas familiares. Cuando se ente
r\u243? de que uno de sus hijos, Xifares, intentaba desertar con los romanos, lo
hizo ejecutar sin contemplaciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el B\u243?sforo, Mitr\u237?dates traz\u243? planes para recuperar su poder, c
omo ya hab\u237?a hecho m\u225?s de una vez en el pasado. A sus setenta a\u241?o
s, segu\u237?a concibiendo planes grandiosos, como si le quedara por delante tod
o el tiempo del mundo. Seg\u250?n Apiano, ten\u237?a pensado organizar un gran e
j\u233?rcito para remontar el curso del Danubio hasta las tierras de Tracia y de

sde all\u237? invadir el territorio romano. El mismo Apiano a\u241?ade que era u
n plan quim\u233?rico; en griego, una {\i
paradoxolog\u237?a}, t\u233?rmino que se utilizaba para referirse a los relatos
fant\u225?sticos (BM, 101-102).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si es verdad que baraj\u243? ese plan, pronto debi\u243? descartarlo por las eno
rmes dificultades pr\u225?cticas que conllevaba. En realidad, Mitr\u237?dates se
hallaba pr\u225?cticamente encerrado en su reino, mientras los barcos romanos r
ecorr\u237?an impunemente el mar Negro. Intent\u243? negociar de nuevo, pero la
respuesta que recibi\u243? de Pompeyo fue que solo tratar\u237?a con \u233?l si
se presentaba en persona en la ciudad de Amiso y se entregaba a \u233?l.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Sospechando que era inminente una invasi\u243?n, el rey trat\u243? de reforzar c
on guarniciones las ciudades vecinas. Pero todo se desmoronaba a su alrededor. S
u hijo Farnaces se rebel\u243?, y si Mitr\u237?dates no lo ejecut\u243? fue porq
ue un consejero intercedi\u243? por \u233?l. En otra de sus ciudades, Fanagoria,
la guarnici\u243?n se rebel\u243? y entreg\u243? a los romanos a cuatro de sus
hijos y una hija que se alojaban all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin saber a qu\u233? recurrir ya, el monarca del Ponto envi\u243? a algunas de s
us hijas solteras a las tribus escitas para entablar alianzas matrimoniales y co
nseguir refuerzos. Pero al salir de Panticapeo, los soldados de la escolta asesi
naron a los eunucos que las custodiaban y llevaron a sus hijas a los romanos.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las deserciones continuaban. Lleg\u243? un momento en que la propia guarnici\u24
3?n de Panticapeo se sublev\u243? contra \u233?l. Cuando Mitr\u237?dates intent\
u243? convencer a sus oficiales y soldados para que no lo abandonaran, le respon
dieron: \u171?Preferimos que tu hijo Farnaces sea el rey. Lo que queremos es un
hombre joven, no un viejo que se deja mandar por eunucos y que ha matado a mucho
s de sus hijos, sus generales y sus amigos\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La larga carrera de Mitr\u237?dates tocaba a su fin. Incluso los miembros de su
guardia personal lo abandonaron y acudieron al campamento donde se hab\u237?an h
echo fuertes los desertores. Estos dijeron que solo los admitir\u237?an si les t
ra\u237?an el cad\u225?ver del rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los guardias regresaron al palacio y, como no encontraron a Mitr\u237?dates, que
se hab\u237?a escondido, mataron a su caballo para que no pudiera huir. Despu\u
233?s localizaron a Farnaces y lo coronaron con una ancha hoja de papiro a modo
de corona.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mitr\u237?dates presenci\u243? la escena desde un p\u243?rtico elevado y compren
di\u243? que estaba perdido. Envi\u243? un mensaje a su hijo para pedirle que al
menos le dejar huir con vida, pero Farnaces no le respondi\u243?.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Por fin, el anciano rey decidi\u243? suicidarse ingiriendo un veneno que siempre
llevaba en una bolsita junto a la vaina de espada. Con \u233?l se hallaban en a
quel momento dos de sus hijas, Nisa y Mitr\u237?datis, que le pidieron que las e
nvenenara tambi\u233?n y que lo hiciera antes de beber la p\u243?cima, pues no q
uer\u237?an sobrevivirle. Mitr\u237?dates accedi\u243?, les dio el f\u225?rmaco
y las j\u243?venes no tardaron en morir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero cuando \u233?l mismo bebi\u243? el veneno, descubri\u243? que no le hac\u23
7?a efecto. Es de suponer que no se trataba de uno de los t\u243?xicos contra lo
s que se hab\u237?a inmunizado, porque no tendr\u237?a sentido que intentara mat
arse con \u233?l. Tal vez hab\u237?a tomado poco antes su famoso mitridatio, ese
ant\u237?doto \u171?de amplio espectro\u187? que \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a fabri
cado, o quiz\u225?s al dar parte del veneno a sus hijas le hab\u237?a quedado un
a dosis insuficiente, considerando que era un hombre de gran tama\u241?o.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Al comprender que as\u237? no iba a poder morir, habl\u243? con un escolta galo
llamado Bituito. El breve parlamento de Mitr\u237?dates es digno de una tragedia
griega o shakesperiana:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mucho me ha hecho ganar tu brazo derecho contra mis enemigos. Pero mucho m\u225?
s me har\u225? ganar si ahora me matas, pues corro el peligro de ser arrastrado
en un desfile triunfal. \u161?Yo, que he sido gobernante y rey de un imperio tan

grande, y que ahora no consigo morir envenenado por culpa de las necias precauc
iones que tom\u233? contra otros f\u225?rmacos! Pero, aunque vigil\u233? y me pr
ecav\u237? contra todos los venenos que uno puede ingerir, olvid\u233? protegerm
e del veneno m\u225?s mortal y cercano para un rey: la traici\u243?n de sus sold
ados, sus hijos y sus amigos. (BM, 111).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El galo, conmovido por las palabras del rey, lo mat\u243? con su espada. Tal fue
el final de Mitr\u237?dates, llamado el Grande, de quien Apiano a\u241?ade: \u1
71?Luch\u243? contra los mejores generales de su tiempo. Fue derrotado por Sila,
L\u250?culo y Pompeyo, pero m\u225?s de una vez los super\u243?. Su esp\u237?ri
tu fue siempre grandioso e indomable, incluso en los infortunios\u187? (BM, 112)
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando la noticia lleg\u243? a Roma, se festej\u243? el fin de aquel enemigo con
tra el que hab\u237?an luchado abuelos, padres e hijos. Farnaces embarc\u243? el
cuerpo del monarca en un trirreme y lo envi\u243? a S\u237?nope, junto con much
os rehenes, para pedir a Pompeyo que le dejara gobernar el reino de su padre, o
al menos el B\u243?sforo Cimerio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella fue la noticia que hizo que Pompeyo abandonara su campa\u241?a contra lo
s nabateos. Cuando lleg\u243? al Ponto y recibi\u243? el mensaje de Farnaces, ac
cedi\u243? a que conservara todo el B\u243?sforo con la salvedad de Fanagoria, c
iudad que recibi\u243? su libertad por haber ayudado a los romanos. A este Farna
ces, por cierto, lo encontraremos mucho m\u225?s adelante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Pompeyo fue generoso en la victoria, pues sab\u237?a que hab\u237?a vencido a un
enemigo legendario y que la posteridad lo medir\u237?a a \u233?l por la talla d
e sus adversarios. Por eso pag\u243? los funerales del rey e hizo que lo enterra
ran con honores en S\u237?nope, junto con sus antepasados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
La guerra hab\u237?a terminado. A decir verdad, Pompeyo la hab\u237?a liquidado
pr\u225?cticamente con la batalla en que venci\u243? al rey del Ponto en el mism
o lugar donde luego levant\u243? Nic\u243?polis. Los dem\u225?s a\u241?os se hab
\u237?a dedicado a reorganizar una zona en la que ya hab\u237?an realizado una l
abor de zapa antes que \u233?l otros generales, como L\u250?culo.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
\u191?Podr\u237?a haber continuado Pompeyo su campa\u241?a? M\u225?s all\u225? d
el \u201?ufrates se extend\u237?a el imperio parto. Aunque hab\u237?a llegado a
varios acuerdos con el rey Fraates, nadie como un romano para encontrar un {\i
casus belli} all\u237? donde hiciera falta. Pero seguramente Pompeyo pens\u243?
que eso ser\u237?a alejarse demasiado del Mediterr\u225?neo, y sab\u237?a asimis
mo que Partia era un rival mucho m\u225?s poderoso que los peque\u241?os reinos
con los que se hab\u237?a ido enfrentando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era hora de regresar a casa. A Pompeyo le aguardaba un triunfo que \u233?l sabr\
u237?a convertir en el m\u225?s espectacular de la historia, en esta ocasi\u243?
n sin necesidad de elefantes. Tambi\u233?n confiaba en que el senado atender\u23
7?a sus razonables peticiones: entregar tierras a sus soldados veteranos y ratif
icar los tratados que con tanto trabajo y atenci\u243?n al m\u237?nimo detalle h
ab\u237?a firmado con las naciones de Oriente. Todos, en fin, lo reconocer\u237?
an como el primer hombre de Roma, el general m\u225?s grande de su tiempo y de t
odos los tiempos (que lo fuera o no ya era otra cuesti\u243?n).\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
No tardar\u237?a en sufrir una amarga decepci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\
s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL ASCENSO DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras Pompeyo guerreaba en Oriente, C\u233?sar segu\u237?a subiendo en el {\i
cursus honorum}. En el a\u241?o 65 su edad le permiti\u243? presentarse a edil.
Hab\u237?a cuatro ediles, dos obligatoriamente plebeyos y dos que pod\u237?an se
r patricios o plebeyos, conocidos como \u171?curules\u187?. La llamada lucha de
los \u243?rdenes de principios de la Rep\u250?blica hab\u237?a dado lugar a una

especie de discriminaci\u243?n positiva, de modo que en la \u233?poca de C\u233?

sar a veces resultaba m\u225?s conveniente ser plebeyo que patricio: los plebeyo
s pod\u237?an ser tribunos de la plebe y ten\u237?an abiertas todas las dem\u225
?s magistraturas, mientras que los patricios no pod\u237?an ocupar m\u225?s de l
a mitad de los puestos de un a\u241?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si los c\u243?nsules gobernaban la Rep\u250?blica con may\u250?sculas y en abstr
acto, los ediles se encargaban de los detalles concretos: suministro de grano, a
limentos, limpieza de las calles, orden en los mercados\u8230? El puesto de edil
era un buen trampol\u237?n para las magistraturas superiores, ya que permit\u23
7?a organizar festejos y espect\u225?culos que serv\u237?an para entretener al p
ueblo y ofrecerle comilonas extra, y no hab\u237?a mejor manera que esa de ganar
votos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hab\u237?a al a\u241?o dos festivales muy esperados cuya organizaci\u243?n depen
d\u237?a de los ediles. En abril se celebraba una semana entera en honor de Cibe
les, los llamados {\i
Ludi Megalenses}, y en septiembre quince d\u237?as seguido dedicados a J\u250?pi
ter, los {\i
Ludi Romani}. El Estado contribu\u237?a con dinero para estos festivales, pero l
os ediles ambiciosos complementaban esta asignaci\u243?n gastando de su propio p
eculio para contratar m\u225?s gladiadores y mejores actores y para ofrecer banq
uetes m\u225?s abundantes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el caso de C\u233?sar, el dinero no era suyo sino de sus acreedores, pero eso
no le coart\u243?. El vig\u233?simo aniversario de la muerte de su padre le sir
vi\u243? como una excusa excelente para celebrar unos juegos en los que combatie
ron trescientas veinte parejas de gladiadores. El n\u250?mero era tan exagerado
que m\u225?s de un senador sinti\u243? escalofr\u237?os pensando en la rebeli\u2
43?n de Espartaco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s de aquellos juegos, C\u233?sar gast\u243? dinero a manos llenas en o
tras celebraciones. Su popularidad creci\u243? tanto durante aquel a\u241?o que
Marco Calpurnio B\u237?bulo, el otro edil curul, se quej\u243? con amargura de q
ue \u233?l tambi\u233?n pon\u237?a fondos y sin embargo C\u233?sar se llevaba to
do el m\u233?rito. \u171?Pasa como con el templo de C\u225?stor y P\u243?lux \u8
212?dec\u237?a B\u237?bulo\u8212?. Por abreviar, todo el mundo dice solo \u8220?
templo de C\u225?stor\u8221? y se olvida de P\u243?lux\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
No fue la primera vez que B\u237?bulo y C\u233?sar coincidieron en un cargo. Su
relaci\u243?n no era buena, y el hecho de ser colegas forzosos no hizo sino agri
arla m\u225?s. B\u237?bulo era un optimate convencido y, para colmo, yerno de Ca
t\u243?n el Joven, el autoproclamado \u171?guardi\u225?n de las esencias de la R
ep\u250?blica\u187? y uno de los enemigos m\u225?s implacables de C\u233?sar.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La acci\u243?n m\u225?s dram\u225?tica e impactante que llev\u243? a cabo C\u233
?sar siendo edil lo relacion\u243? de nuevo con Mario. Durante el entierro de su
t\u237?a Julia ya hab\u237?a mostrado la m\u225?scara funeraria del gran genera
l. Ahora, cuatro a\u241?os despu\u233?s, los romanos se asombraron al despertar
una ma\u241?ana y descubrir que los trofeos conquistados por Mario en su guerra
contra cimbrios y teutones y los monumentos erigidos para celebrar aquellos \u23
3?xitos militares se levantaban de nuevo a la vista de todos en el Capitolio, an
te el templo de J\u250?piter.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sila hab\u237?a ordenado retirar y destruir todos aquellos memoriales, por lo qu
e es evidente que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a tenido que reparar algunos y encargar im
itaciones de otros, todo ello en secreto. A la plebe de Roma le conmovi\u243? en
contrar aquellos s\u237?mbolos de sus victorias. Hab\u237?an pasado cuarenta a\u
241?os de las invasiones germanas, y muchos recordaban todav\u237?a el miedo que
hab\u237?a encogido el coraz\u243?n de la ciudad y c\u243?mo en la hora m\u225?
s oscura Mario se convirti\u243? en el escudo y la espada que salvaguardaron a l
a Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el senado hubo algunos que no se alegraron tanto de aquel gesto. Quinto Lutac
io Catulo, cuyo padre combati\u243? con Mario en Vercelas y acab\u243? suicid\u2
25?ndose por asfixia en una sala llena de carbones encendidos para evitar que su

excolega lo asesinara, se levant\u243? indignado. \u171?\u161?C\u233?sar ya no

est\u225? tratando de minar la Rep\u250?blica excavando t\u250?neles en secreto,
sino atac\u225?ndola directamente con m\u225?quinas de guerra!\u187?, protest\u
243?. La respuesta de C\u233?sar fue lo bastante mesurada como para convencer a
todo el mundo de que no era ning\u250?n revolucionario que tratara de socavar el
Estado. Solo quer\u237?a quedarse con lo mejor del pasado, vino a decir con evi
dente sentido com\u250?n. \u191?Por qu\u233? renunciar a las glorias de Aquae Se
xtiae y Vercelas?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todos aquellos festejos y exhibiciones representaron enormes desembolsos para C\
u233?sar. Antes incluso de entrar en el {\i
cursus honorum} se dec\u237?a que su deuda superaba ya los treinta millones de s
estercios, y a estas alturas se hab\u237?a acrecentado enormemente. Cuando termi
n\u243? su cargo de edil, los mayores interesados en que C\u233?sar saliera adel
ante en su carrera pol\u237?tica eran sus acreedores, y sobre todo el principal
de ellos, Craso, ya que era la \u250?nica forma de recobrar su inversi\u243?n. O
bviamente, repartirse los pedazos de C\u233?sar como permit\u237?an anta\u241?o
las Doce Tablas no era una soluci\u243?n muy provechosa. Como asegura un dicho:
\u171?Si le debes diez mil euros al banco, tienes un problema. Si le debes diez
mil millones de euros, el problema lo tiene el banco\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Mientras C\u233?sar contaba el tiempo que faltaba para presentarse a pretor, el
pen\u250?ltimo pelda\u241?o del {\i
cursus honorum}, y Pompeyo segu\u237?a cosechando victorias en Oriente, se produ
jo en Roma un oscuro complot conocido como \u171?la conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina
\u187?. Considerando lo convulso de la pol\u237?tica romana desde los tiempos de
los Gracos, esta conspiraci\u243?n no fue seguramente la mayor de las turbulenc
ias que agitaron a la Rep\u250?blica. Pese a ello, es muy conocida por dos razon
es. La primera es que Salustio escribi\u243? una monograf\u237?a sobre ella titu
lada, como era de esperar, {\i
La conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina}. La segunda, que el hombre que la sac\u243? a l
a luz no fue otro que Marco Tulio Cicer\u243?n, el mayor orador de Roma, cuyo m\
u225?s c\u233?lebre discurso, la {\i
Primera Catilinaria}, empieza precisamente: {\i
Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?}, \u171?\u191?Hasta cu\u22
5?ndo, Catilina, abusar\u225?s de nuestra paciencia?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Lucio Sergio Catilina, que hab\u237?a nacido en el a\u241?o 108, pertenec\u237?a
a una de las familias patricias m\u225?s antiguas de Roma, la {\i
gens} Sergia, que sin embargo hab\u237?a entrado en cierta decadencia y llevaba
siglos sin superar el cargo de pretor. Catilina hab\u237?a empezado su carrera m
ilitar en la Guerra Social sirviendo a las \u243?rdenes de Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n
, y despu\u233?s destac\u243? como oficial bajo el mando de Sila en la guerra ci
vil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La reputaci\u243?n de Catilina era funesta. Entre otros cr\u237?menes, se dec\u2
37?a que hab\u237?a matado a su cu\u241?ado Quinto Cecilio y que durante las pro
scripciones cort\u243? la cabeza de Mario Gratidino. M\u225?s adelante, en el a\
u241?o 73, se le acus\u243? de haberse acostado con la vestal Fabia, cu\u241?ada
de Cicer\u243?n, delito del que sali\u243? absuelto. Catilina estaba casado con
una mujer llamada Aurelia Orestila de la cual, seg\u250?n Salustio, \u171?ningu
na persona decente alab\u243? nada salvo su belleza\u187? ({\i
Cat}., 15,2). Se contaba que Orestila se hab\u237?a negado a contraer nupcias co
n Catilina porque este ten\u237?a un hijo adulto y ella no quer\u237?a compartir
la casa con \u233?l, y que Catilina, ni corto ni perezoso, hab\u237?a asesinado
a su propio hijo para complacerla. Como consecuencia de estos cr\u237?menes, el
hombre ten\u237?a la conciencia tan culpable que \u171?el color de su piel era
p\u225?lido, sus ojos terribles, su paso demasiado apresurado o demasiado lento;
en resumen, su figura y su rostro delataban su locura\u187? (ib\u237?d.)\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Considerando que tambi\u233?n se dec\u237?a que hab\u237?a mezclado sangre human
a con vino para juramentarse con los dem\u225?s conspiradores, al tal Catilina n

o le faltaba detalle. No quiero decir que en juramentos secretos no se llegara a

l extremo de beber sangre, sino que la acumulaci\u243?n de im\u225?genes negativ
as convierten a Catilina en una caricatura grotesca, lo que nos hace preguntarno
s c\u243?mo ser\u237?a en verdad el personaje. De entre la mara\u241?a de acusac
iones parece deducirse que se trataba de un hombre con carisma \u8212?algo que s
e demuestra en que tuvo muchos seguidores\u8212? y de gran valor f\u237?sico, pe
ro tambi\u233?n de un sujeto con pocos escr\u250?pulos, corrupto y manirroto. De
bido a esto \u250?ltimo estaba cargado de deudas como tantos otros arist\u243?cr
atas, un lastre del que intentaba librarse como fuese.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre los a\u241?os 68 y 66, Catilina gobern\u243? como propretor la provincia d
e \u193?frica, y a su regreso no se le permiti\u243? presentarse al consulado po
r una acusaci\u243?n de extorsi\u243?n. Cuando el juicio se celebr\u243? por fin
, qued\u243? absuelto; tal como Quinto Cicer\u243?n, hermano del orador, se\u241
?al\u243? con mucha gracia, se sospechaba que hab\u237?a conseguido librarse por
que \u171?sali\u243? del tribunal tan pobre como algunos de sus jueces lo eran a
ntes del juicio\u187? ({\i
Manual del candidato}, 3).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el 64, Catilina pudo por fin presentarse a las elecciones a c\u243?nsul del a
\u241?o siguiente, pero los elegidos fueron Antonio H\u237?brida y Cicer\u243?n.
Para Catilina fue un fracaso muy doloroso, ya que nadie hab\u237?a conseguido e
n su familia el puesto de c\u243?nsul desde hac\u237?a siglos, literalmente. En
cambio, para Cicer\u243?n supuso un \u233?xito enorme. Al igual que Cayo Mario,
Marco Tulio Cicer\u243?n era un {\i
homo novus} que hab\u237?a nacido en Arpino y pertenec\u237?a a la aristocracia
local. El sendero que hab\u237?a escogido para ascender en pol\u237?tica no era
el de las armas, como su paisano, sino el de la ret\u243?rica y la abogac\u237?a
, ya que nunca destac\u243? como militar. Se trataba de un camino m\u225?s lento
, pero Cicer\u243?n estaba m\u225?s que dotado para ello. Pose\u237?a uno de los
intelectos m\u225?s poderosos de su tiempo, aunque el hecho de ser capaz de sop
esar opciones contrapuestas y de no tener un gran valor personal le hizo nadar d
emasiadas veces entre dos aguas en una \u233?poca en que las posturas pol\u237?t
icas se estaban haciendo cada vez m\u225?s extremas y dif\u237?ciles de reconcil
iar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Catilina, no se rindi\u243? tras su derrota y decidi\u243? presentar
se de nuevo a la elecci\u243?n el a\u241?o siguiente. Su programa electoral se b
asaba en un \u250?nico punto: cancelar las deudas. En aquellos a\u241?os hab\u23
7?a una aut\u233?ntica crisis de cr\u233?dito que afectaba, como ya hab\u237?a o
currido en otras ocasiones, a peque\u241?os campesinos que sobreviv\u237?an como
pod\u237?an empe\u241?ando las cosechas futuras para poder comprar semillas, an
imales de labor, herramientas o simplemente comida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a en las ciudades, y sobre todo en Roma, muchos miemb
ros de la \u233?lite, tanto senadores como caballeros, que hab\u237?an adquirido
grandes pr\u233?stamos para llevar un tren de vida muy superior al que se pod\u
237?an permitir. Algunos lo hac\u237?an por medrar en pol\u237?tica, como C\u233
?sar, y otros por simple ostentaci\u243?n y amor al lujo. En aquel tiempo un ari
st\u243?crata que se preciara deb\u237?a poseer al menos una gran mansi\u243?n e
n Roma y una serie de villas de recreo por toda Italia, sobre todo en centros de
lujo y diversi\u243?n como Puteoli y Bayas, los aut\u233?nticos {\i
resorts} de la \u233?poca.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un s\u237?mbolo de aquellos tiempos era el \u233?quite Sergio Orata, que se enri
queci\u243? gracias al amor de los nobles romanos por la ostentaci\u243?n. Orata
desarroll\u243? un nuevo sistema para criar ostras en estanques, y se le daba t
an bien que Craso dijo de \u233?l que era capaz de hacer crecer ostras colgadas
del techo. Orata invent\u243? tambi\u233?n las llamadas {\i
balneae pensiles} o \u171?ba\u241?os colgantes\u187?, grandes ba\u241?eras levan
tadas sobre el suelo de tal manera que por debajo corr\u237?an conductos de aire
caliente que caldeaban el agua. Con ellas hizo buenas suma de dinero: Orata com
praba villas, las reformaba construyendo en ellas sus {\i
balneae pensiles} y luego las vend\u237?a por un precio mucho m\u225?s alto.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Otro de los ejemplos exagerados de amor al lujo era L\u250?culo. Cuando Pompeyo
le arrebat\u243? el mando de la campa\u241?a contra Mitr\u237?dates, L\u250?culo
abandon\u243? la pol\u237?tica y se dedic\u243? a disfrutar de las riquezas que
hab\u237?a amasado en Oriente. Era un aut\u233?ntico {\i
gourmet} de la \u233?poca, y para disfrutar de pescados de agua salada se hab\u2
37?a hecho construir una serie de estanques comunicados con el mar a trav\u233?s
de t\u250?neles que horadaban una monta\u241?a. Eso hizo que Pompeyo se riera d
e \u233?l y lo llamara \u171?Jerjes con toga\u187?, refiri\u233?ndose al canal q
ue hab\u237?a hecho excavar el rey persa para no tener que circunnavegar el peli
groso monte Athos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A no mucho tardar, el final de la guerra contra Mitr\u237?dates y la conquista d
e Oriente har\u237?an afluir a Roma un enorme caudal de dinero, pero en el a\u24
1?o 63 hab\u237?a una gran crisis de liquidez y muchos nobles se ve\u237?an en a
puros para pagar sus deudas. El programa de Catilina era muy atractivo para toda
esa gente, sobre todo para los j\u243?venes que se mov\u237?an en su c\u237?rcu
lo y que, sin tener grandes medios, viv\u237?an muy por encima de sus posibilida
des.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque esta vez no compet\u237?a contra Catilina, Cicer\u243?n utiliz\u243? sus
dotes ret\u243?ricas para presentarlo como un peligro para el Estado y la socied
ad, y consigui\u243? que fuera derrotado por segunda vez. Aquel nuevo fracaso fu
e demasiado para Catilina: no solo supon\u237?a un gran golpe para su orgullo, s
ino tambi\u233?n para su bolsillo, pues en noviembre se cumpl\u237?a el plazo en
que deber\u237?a pagar sus elevad\u237?simas deudas. Ya en las elecciones del 6
5 le hab\u237?an acusado de tramar una conspiraci\u243?n, probablemente sin moti
vos, pero en esta ocasi\u243?n decidi\u243? pasar a la acci\u243?n de verdad y t
omar por la fuerza el poder que no consegu\u237?a en las urnas.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Catilina sab\u237?a que hab\u237?a dos grupos principales en los que se pod\u237
?a apoyar: los nobles endeudados como \u233?l y los campesinos pr\u225?cticament
e arruinados. En particular, en Etruria exist\u237?a un nutrido colectivo de ant
iguos soldados de Sila que poco a poco se hab\u237?an empobrecido y que estaban
dispuestos a recurrir a la violencia para remediar su situaci\u243?n.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n el plan de Catilina, el 27 de octubre un ej\u233?rcito de diez mil ho
mbres mandados por Cayo Manlio, uno de los veteranos silanos, se levantar\u237?a
en Etruria y marchar\u237?a sobre Roma. Al mismo tiempo, en la ciudad, un grupo
de nobles provocar\u237?a varios incendios para crear confusi\u243?n y, aprovec
hando el caos, asesinar\u237?a a Cicer\u243?n y a otros senadores.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
El problema para Catilina era que hab\u237?a demasiada gente implicada en su tra
ma y muchos de ellos se fueron de la lengua, con lo que la conspiraci\u243?n se
desvel\u243? antes de tiempo. El levantamiento de Etruria se produjo como estaba
previsto, pero el ej\u233?rcito del proc\u243?nsul Marcio Rex, que estaba esper
ando celebrar su triunfo cerca de Roma, march\u243? a reprimirlo enseguida. En c
uanto a Roma, los disturbios previstos fueron abortados gracias a la vigilancia
de Cicer\u243?n, que estaba sobre aviso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, Catilina segu\u237?a asistiendo a las sesiones del senado con ca
ra de no haber roto un plato en su vida. Por fin, el 7 de noviembre Cicer\u243?n
estall\u243? en una reuni\u243?n del senado y pronunci\u243? su famoso discurso
. Tras recibir aquel furioso chaparr\u243?n dial\u233?ctico, Catilina tom\u243?
la palabra y neg\u243? estar implicado en ninguna trama. Sin embargo, por la noc
he huy\u243? de Roma y se dirigi\u243? al norte para unirse a Manlio y su ej\u23
3?rcito, reconociendo as\u237? su culpabilidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los dem\u225?s c\u243?mplices de Catilina en la urbe se pusieron en contacto con
unos enviados al\u243?broges \u8212?un pueblo celta que viv\u237?a en el extrem
o norte de la provincia de la Galia Transalpina\u8212? para convencerlos de que
se sublevaran como una maniobra de distracci\u243?n. En lugar de hacerlo, los al
\u243?broges acudieron r\u225?pidamente a informar a Cicer\u243?n, y el c\u243?n
sul hizo que detuvieran a los cinco principales implicados.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {

El 5 de diciembre, el senado se reuni\u243? para decidir qu\u233? hacer con los

conspiradores. Algunos enemigos de C\u233?sar y de Craso intentaron convencer a
Cicer\u243?n de que los dos estaban tambi\u233?n implicados y deb\u237?an ser ar
restados, pero el c\u243?nsul no les hizo caso. Aunque Craso hab\u237?a apoyado
a Catilina en el pasado, la acusaci\u243?n era patentemente absurda: si hab\u237
?a alguien en Roma a quien no le conven\u237?a que se abolieran las deudas era a
\u233?l, el mayor prestamista de la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A C\u233?sar no le habr\u237?a venido mal esa condonaci\u243?n, pero solo en teo
r\u237?a: su carrera pol\u237?tica marchaba seg\u250?n lo previsto, de modo que
pod\u237?a confiar en que con el tiempo devolver\u237?a sus d\u233?bitos. Ahora
bien, si estallaba una revoluci\u243?n como en tiempos de Sila, \u191?qui\u233?n
pod\u237?a saber lo que ocurrir\u237?a? Eso no significa que C\u233?sar no mant
uviera contactos con personas del grupo de conspiradores o con el propio Catilin
a; probablemente pens\u243? que no conven\u237?a poner todos los huevos en la mi
sma cesta y que si llegaba la revoluci\u243?n deb\u237?a estar preparado.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Por si acaso, Craso no asisti\u243? a aquella sesi\u243?n del senado. C\u233?sar
, a quien nunca le falt\u243? aplomo, s\u237? acudi\u243?. Cicer\u243?n expuso e
l caso ante los dem\u225?s senadores y solicit\u243? su parecer. \u191?Qu\u233?
deb\u237?an hacer con aquellos conspiradores? El primero en tomar la palabra fue
el c\u243?nsul electo para el a\u241?o siguiente, D\u233?cimo Silano, quien dij
o que deb\u237?an ser ejecutados cuanto antes. As\u237? se manifestaron tambi\u2
33?n los dem\u225?s senadores consulares.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando le toc\u243? el turno a C\u233?sar, que hab\u237?a sido elegido como pret
or para el a\u241?o siguiente, opin\u243? que no hab\u237?a que tomar decisiones
en el calor del momento y que era mejor mantener encerrados a los conspiradores
para juzgarlos con todas las garant\u237?as m\u225?s adelante, o enviarlos a di
versas ciudades de Italia y mantenerlos encerrados de por vida para que no comet
ieran m\u225?s desmanes. Lo contrario ser\u237?a ejecutar a ciudadanos sin permi
tir que presentaran su caso ante el pueblo, algo que todos sab\u237?an que atent
aba contra la constituci\u243?n romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado parec\u237?a decidido a hacer caso de C\u233?sar cuando se levant\u243
? a hablar Marco Porcio Cat\u243?n, que como ya dijimos era suegro de B\u237?bul
o. Cat\u243?n, llamado el Joven para distinguirlo de su c\u233?lebre bisabuelo C
at\u243?n el Censor, ten\u237?a poco m\u225?s de treinta a\u241?os y hasta el mo
mento solo hab\u237?a desempe\u241?ado el cargo de cuestor, pero hab\u237?a sido
elegido como tribuno de la plebe y estaba a punto de tomar posesi\u243?n de su
cargo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De todas formas, no hab\u237?a nadie m\u225?s alejado de los ideales populares q
ue Cat\u243?n, que pese a su juventud pose\u237?a tal convicci\u243?n en sus ide
as que no tard\u243? en convertirse en el l\u237?der espiritual de los optimates
. Si pertenec\u237?a a ese bando no era por desd\u233?n aristocr\u225?tico ni am
or a la riqueza o al lujo, sino porque estaba convencido de que el sistema tradi
cional de la Rep\u250?blica era perfecto y no hab\u237?a que cambiar ni una coma
. Los defectos del Estado se deb\u237?an a que los ciudadanos eran imperfectos y
corruptos, no al sistema en s\u237?. Convencido de que siempre ten\u237?a raz\u
243?n, Cat\u243?n era tan intransigente como su bisabuelo, al que admiraba profu
ndamente, y la idea de ponerse en la piel de otra persona ni se le pasaba por la
cabeza. Personalmente, no puedo evitar que este personaje, con su af\u225?n de
que el mundo fuese un lugar sencillo, de blancos y negros y sin matices, me recu
erde al integrismo gen\u233?rico que describe Bernard-Henry L\u233?vy en {\i
La pureza peligrosa}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cat\u243?n era un seguidor de la filosof\u237?a estoica y partidario de someter
a su mente y su cuerpo a una estricta disciplina. Ten\u237?a tanta resistencia f
\u237?sica que pod\u237?a tomar la palabra en el senado y hablar de pie y sin de
scanso hasta que se hiciera de noche y se suspendiera la sesi\u243?n, una t\u225
?ctica de obstruccionismo conocida hoy como \u171?filibusterismo parlamentario\u
187? con la que consigui\u243? impedir m\u225?s de una votaci\u243?n.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n, Cat\u243?n no recurri\u243? a ese expediente, ya que preci

samente quer\u237?a que el senado votara en el sentido que \u233?l propon\u237?a

: ejecutar a los conspiradores para que sirvieran de escarmiento. Pero mientras
hablaba se produjo un incidente bastante chusco. Mientras Cat\u243?n prosegu\u23
7?a con su soflama, alguien entr\u243? en la Curia y le llev\u243? una carta a C
\u233?sar, un hombre por quien Cat\u243?n sent\u237?a una antipat\u237?a viscera
l que, por cierto, era correspondida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cat\u243?n se\u241?al\u243? a C\u233?sar con un dedo acusador, afirm\u243? que a
quella carta era un mensaje secreto de su compinche Catilina y exigi\u243? que l
a leyera ante la c\u225?mara. C\u233?sar se limit\u243? a acercarse a Cat\u243?n
y, sin pronunciar palabra, le tendi\u243? la misiva. Cuando la ley\u243? en voz
baja \u8212?normalmente los antiguos le\u237?an moviendo los labios, pues aquel
la caligraf\u237?a sin espacios no resultaba f\u225?cil de descifrar\u8212?, Cat
\u243?n se dio cuenta de que se trataba de una carta de amor escrita por Servili
a, que precisamente era su hermanastra y adem\u225?s estaba casada con el c\u243
?nsul electo Silano, el primero que hab\u237?a hecho uso de la palabra.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s enojado si cabe, Cat\u243?n le arroj\u243? la carta a C\u233?sar y pros
igui\u243? con su discurso. Era un hombre de una sola pieza que jam\u225?s dudab
a de lo que dec\u237?a, y su convicci\u243?n y su dureza arrastraron a los dem\u
225?s senadores, que votaron la pena de muerte. Los conspiradores fueron llevado
s a la prisi\u243?n del Tuliano y ejecutados, salt\u225?ndose sus derechos const
itucionales, ya que como ciudadanos romanos podr\u237?an haber apelado al pueblo
. Cicer\u243?n tuvo su momento de gloria y se le aclam\u243? como padre de la pa
tria y salvador de la Rep\u250?blica; no obstante, el hecho de haber ejecutado a
aquellos hombres sin juicio le acarrear\u237?a m\u225?s de un dolor de cabeza e
n un futuro no muy lejano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Catilina, no sobrevivi\u243? demasiado tiempo a sus compa\u241?eros
conjurados. En febrero se enfrent\u243? en batalla contra el ej\u233?rcito de An
tonio H\u237?brida. Para entonces, de los diez mil hombres que se hab\u237?an le
vantado en Etruria \u250?nicamente quedaba la tercera parte, ya que los dem\u225
?s lo hab\u237?an abandonado. Consciente de que lo ten\u237?a todo perdido y dec
idido a tener un fin memorable, Catilina se arroj\u243? \u233?l solo contra los
enemigos. Su cad\u225?ver apareci\u243? muy por delante de la primera fila de lo
s suyos, y Floro coment\u243? de \u233?l: \u171?Habr\u237?a sido una muerte glor
iosa si hubiera perecido luchando por su patria\u187? (4.1.12).\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Como coment\u233? antes, la caricatura que hicieron de \u233?l sus adversarios h
ace que en realidad no sepamos qui\u233?n era Lucio Sergio Catilina, y si aparte
del inter\u233?s personal por librarse de sus deudas le mov\u237?a una genuina
preocupaci\u243?n por la suerte de los ciudadanos m\u225?s empobrecidos. En cual
quier caso, fuera un monstruo de maldad o no, como buen arist\u243?crata romano
amante de la gloria quiz\u225? con el tiempo le satisfizo comprobar desde el Ave
rno que su nombre se convert\u237?a en uno de los m\u225?s famosos de la histori
a gracias precisamente a su mortal enemigo:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
{\qc
Quousque tandem, Catilina?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de tantas convulsiones, en el 62 C\u233?sar se convirti\u243? en pr
etor. Ya antes de ese cargo hab\u237?a conseguido otro gran \u233?xito al ser no
mbrado {\i
pontifex maximus}, jefe del colegio de pont\u237?fices. Era, por tanto, la m\u22
5?xima autoridad religiosa de Roma, siempre que entendamos que su campo de acci\
u243?n se circunscrib\u237?a a la esfera ritual y que no era ning\u250?n l\u237?
der espiritual impartiendo dogmas morales ni de fe. Pues la religi\u243?n romana
, como la griega, era b\u225?sicamente un asunto pr\u225?ctico, una relaci\u243?
n de patronos y clientes entre dioses y hombres basada en el intercambio de favo
res.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El \u250?ltimo {\i
pontifex maximus} hab\u237?a sido Cecilio Metelo P\u237?o, a quien Sila le otorg

\u243? el puesto en agradecimiento a los servicios prestados. Cuando Metelo muri

\u243? en el a\u241?o 63, lo normal habr\u237?a sido que los dem\u225?s pont\u23
7?fices eligieran de entre ellos a uno de los m\u225?s veteranos y respetados. L
os principales candidatos eran Quinto Lutacio Catulo y Publio Servilio Is\u225?u
rico, ambos exc\u243?nsules y f\u233?rvidos optimates.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar estaba decidido a aprovechar una ocasi\u243?n que tal vez no volver\u
237?a a presentarse, ya que el puesto era de por vida. Normalmente, el {\i
pontifex maximus} se escog\u237?a por cooptaci\u243?n entre los miembros del col
egio de pont\u237?fices, lo que a \u233?l le otorgaba muy pocas posibilidades. N
o obstante, el tribuno de la plebe Tito Labieno, que a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde se
r\u237?a el principal legado de C\u233?sar en la Galia, propuso recuperar la {\i
lex Domitia} del a\u241?o 104 por la que el pueblo eleg\u237?a tambi\u233?n a lo
s sacerdotes del Estado y que, c\u243?mo no, hab\u237?a sido abolida por Sila. E
l procedimiento consist\u237?a en seleccionar por sorteo a diecisiete de las tre
inta y cinco tribus y que estas votaran al {\i
pontifex}. Ahora bien, el sorteo se llevaba a cabo el mismo d\u237?a, por lo que
no era posible sobornar a los miembros de las tribus selectas con antelaci\u243
?n: si uno decid\u237?a recurrir a esos m\u233?todos deleznables que usaban todo
s, ten\u237?a que untar las manos de gente de las treinta y cinco tribus.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Catulo vio que corr\u237?a peligro de perder ante C\u233?sar, le ofreci\u
243? una jugosa suma para que se retirara. C\u233?sar no solo no acept\u243?, si
no que pidi\u243? a su vez m\u225?s pr\u233?stamos para la campa\u241?a (una cam
pa\u241?a que consist\u237?a b\u225?sicamente en comprar votos). Sus deudas empe
zaban a ascender a niveles estratosf\u233?ricos, por lo que un fracaso habr\u237
?a supuesto una cat\u225?strofe. Pero C\u233?sar nunca retroced\u237?a si pod\u2
37?a evitarlo. En cierto modo, recuerda al personaje de Ethan Hawke en la pel\u2
37?cula {\i
Gattaca}, donde gana sistem\u225?ticamente a su hermano Jude Law en una competic
i\u243?n que consiste en nadar mar adentro hasta que uno de los dos desfallezca
y se rinda. Cuando Jude Law, que est\u225? mucho m\u225?s dotado f\u237?sicament
e que su hermano, le pregunta c\u243?mo consigue ganarle siempre, Ethan Hawke re
sponde: \u171?Porque nunca reservo fuerzas para la vuelta\u187?.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
As\u237? era C\u233?sar, y as\u237? lo veremos cruzar con sus flotas el Adri\u22
5?tico y el estrecho entre Sicilia y \u193?frica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al salir a la calle el d\u237?a de la votaci\u243?n le dio un beso a su madre, a
quien deb\u237?a su entrada en el colegio de pont\u237?fices, y dijo: \u171?Hoy
volver\u233? a casa como {\i
pontifex maximus} o me convertir\u233? en un desterrado\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
La apuesta sali\u243? bien, y C\u233?sar result\u243? elegido. Eso cambi\u243? s
u vida para siempre. Pese a su juventud, pas\u243? a ser una de las personas m\u
225?s influyentes y respetadas de Roma. De paso, se mud\u243? de su casa de la S
uburra a la {\i
domus publica}, su nueva residencia oficial, aleda\u241?a a la casa de las Vesta
les y situada en pleno Foro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ni en la pretura ni en el inicio del mandato de C\u233?sar como {\i
pontifex maximus} faltaron los sobresaltos. El d\u237?a 1 de enero, apenas tom\u
243? posesi\u243?n de su cargo, C\u233?sar emprendi\u243? un ataque contra Lutac
io Catulo. En el a\u241?o 83, durante la guerra civil, el templo de J\u250?piter
Capitolino hab\u237?a ardido en un incendio cuya autor\u237?a nunca se hab\u237
?a llegado a esclarecer. Cinco a\u241?os despu\u233?s, se hab\u237?a encargado a
Catulo, c\u243?nsul de aquel a\u241?o, la misi\u243?n de reconstruirlo. Hab\u23
7?an pasado ya quince a\u241?os y las obras iban muy atrasadas. C\u233?sar convo
c\u243? una {\i
contio} en el Foro. All\u237? acus\u243? a Catulo de negligencia y tambi\u233?n
de malversaci\u243?n de fondos. \u191?D\u243?nde estaba el dinero que el senado
le hab\u237?a concedido para las reparaciones? Desde luego, en el templo no se v
e\u237?a. Lo mejor, propuso C\u233?sar pensando en Pompeyo, era quitarle a Catul

o la comisi\u243?n y entreg\u225?rsela a otra persona que supiera cumplir mejor

la tarea.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Catulo quiso contestar, C\u233?sar no le permiti\u243? subir a la tribuna
y le oblig\u243? a hablar desde abajo; algo humillante para un senador consular
como \u233?l. C\u233?sar se la ten\u237?a jurada desde que Catulo lo acus\u243?
de peligroso revolucionario por exponer los trofeos de Mario, y m\u225?s por in
tentar implicarlo en la conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina. Sin embargo, cuando los am
igos del exc\u243?nsul acudieron en masa para apoyarlo, C\u233?sar dio marcha at
r\u225?s en su propuesta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, C\u233?sar se meti\u243? en un l\u237?o peor. Uno de lo
s tribunos, Metelo Nepote, convoc\u243? una asamblea para proponer que Pompeyo \
u8212?cu\u241?ado y superior suyo, dicho sea de paso\u8212? regresara a Italia p
ara imponer el orden con sus tropas despu\u233?s de los des\u243?rdenes causados
por Catilina. En realidad, esos des\u243?rdenes estaban ya m\u225?s que control
ados: a Catilina, como hemos visto, le quedaban apenas tres mil partidarios mal
armados. Se trataba de un simple pretexto para que Pompeyo pudiera volver sin ne
cesidad de desmovilizar su ej\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, que maniobraba ya para ganarse el favor de Pompeyo \u8212?lo cual no
le hab\u237?a impedido acostarse con su esposa Mucia, hermanastra de Nepote\u82
12?, hab\u237?a instalado su silla curul junto al tribuno para presidir la votac
i\u243?n como pretor. En ese momento apareci\u243? otro de los tribunos, que no
era otro que Cat\u243?n, acompa\u241?ado por uno de sus colegas. Cat\u243?n se a
bri\u243? paso hasta el estrado y subi\u243? las escaleras, pese a que Nepote ha
b\u237?a puesto a unos cuantos matones al pie para impedirlo.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Cuando el heraldo empez\u243? a leer con voz potente la propuesta que se deb\u23
7?a votar, Cat\u243?n interpuso su veto con voz no menos estent\u243?rea. El her
aldo, impresionado por el poder del veto tribunicio, se interrumpi\u243? como ca
b\u237?a esperar. Nepote, lejos de amilanarse por la actuaci\u243?n de su colega
, cogi\u243? el papiro con el decreto y lo ley\u243? en su lugar. Cat\u243?n se
lo quit\u243? de las manos; pero Nepote, que se lo sab\u237?a de memoria, sigui\
u243? recit\u225?ndolo. En ese momento el otro tribuno que acompa\u241?aba a Cat
\u243?n, Minucio Termo, plant\u243? su mano en la boca de Nepote para silenciarl
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cierto tipo de gestos que implican contacto f\u237?sico e invaden el espacio vit
al son detonantes infalibles para la violencia. Nepote hizo un gesto a sus maton
es, y estos subieron a la tribuna para llevarse a la fuerza a Cat\u243?n y a Min
ucio. Aparte de porras y piedras, salieron a relucir espadas y cuchillos. Cat\u2
43?n, tenaz como siempre, aguant\u243? el chaparr\u243?n de golpes sin bajar del
estrado, hasta que aparecieron unos cuantos partidarios suyos y la asamblea se
convirti\u243? en una batalla campal. Al cabo de un rato, apareci\u243? el c\u24
3?nsul del a\u241?o, Licinio Murena, y pese a que Cat\u243?n lo hab\u237?a acusa
do de soborno poco antes, lo envolvi\u243? con su manto y lo sac\u243? de all\u2
37?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El tumulto debi\u243? ser de consideraci\u243?n, porque la reacci\u243?n del sen
ado fue invocar el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}, encomendar a los c\u243?nsules a defender el estado
y suspender de sus cargos a Nepote y C\u233?sar. Nepote se march\u243? de Roma y
volvi\u243? con Pompeyo, lo que significaba que renunciaba a defender su puesto
de tribuno y de alguna manera se declaraba culpable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Resulta curioso c\u243?mo cambiar\u237?a todo con el tiempo, y c\u243?mo Cat\u24
3?n, que era quien con m\u225?s vehemencia se opon\u237?a a que Pompeyo regresar
a a Italia con tropas, se convertir\u237?a posteriormente en su aliado. Pero de
momento el senado ve\u237?a a Pompeyo como una amenaza por el inmenso poder que
hab\u237?a acaparado en Oriente, y a C\u233?sar como uno m\u225?s de los diverso
s agentes suyos que actuaban en la urbe trabajando por conseguir para Pompeyo al
go que pod\u237?a parecerse demasiado a una tiran\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
C\u233?sar, al principio, se neg\u243? a entregar su cargo y sigui\u243? mostran
do los s\u237?mbolos de su {\i

imperium}. Despu\u233?s, cuando comprendi\u243? que los c\u243?nsules ten\u237?a

n la intenci\u243?n de arrebat\u225?rselos por la fuerza, despidi\u243? a sus se
is lictores, se quit\u243? la toga p\u250?rpura que llevaba cuando actuaba como
pretor y se retir\u243? a su casa, que por entonces ya era la {\i
domus publica}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dos d\u237?as despu\u233?s, se congreg\u243? delante de la {\i
domus} una peque\u241?a multitud para exigir que se le devolviera el cargo. Cuan
do se supo que esta manifestaci\u243?n no dejaba de crecer, el senado se reuni\u
243? a toda prisa. \u191?Qu\u233? pensaba hacer C\u233?sar? Los que lo tildaban
de revolucionario tem\u237?an que pudiera llevar a esa turba enfurecida a asalta
r la Curia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero C\u233?sar sali\u243? a la puerta y convenci\u243? a los manifestantes de q
ue se dispersaran y regresaran a sus casas. Todo huele un poco a maniobra orques
tada, aunque no tuvo por qu\u233? ser as\u237? forzosamente: parece bastante obv
io que mucha gente ve\u237?a ya a C\u233?sar como el l\u237?der popular del mome
nto, y no es imposible que se hubieran indignado de forma espont\u225?nea al sab
er que lo hab\u237?an destituido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Maniobra o no, a C\u233?sar le sali\u243? bien. El hecho de calmar a la muchedum
bre en lugar de soliviantarla convenci\u243? a los dem\u225?s senadores de que e
ra un hombre responsable y no un l\u237?der insurgente. Gracias a eso, C\u233?sa
r fue restituido en el cargo y recuper\u243? todos los signos externos de su aut
oridad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No se sabe mucho m\u225?s de lo que hizo C\u233?sar durante este a\u241?o de pre
tor que hab\u237?a empezado tan movido. Pero cuando se acercaba el final de su m
andato se vio envuelto en un extra\u241?o esc\u225?ndalo. Todos los a\u241?os se
celebraba en Roma un festival religioso en el que \u250?nicamente participaban
las mujeres y en el que rend\u237?an culto a la {\i
Bona Dea}, la Buena Diosa. Se ignora qui\u233?n era esta diosa en concreto, aunq
ue hay teor\u237?as que la identifican con Ceres, con la Magna Mater o con la di
osa de la naturaleza Fauna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, la fiesta invernal que se conmemoraba en la noche del 3 al 4
de diciembre estaba restringida exclusivamente a mujeres. La ceremonia oficial e
n nombre de la ciudad, {\i
pro salute populi Romani}, ten\u237?a lugar en casa de uno de los magistrados co
n {\i
imperium}, un c\u243?nsul o un pretor. Pero no era \u233?l quien se encargaba de
los rituales, sino su esposa, acompa\u241?ada por varias matronas y por las v\u
237?rgenes vestales. Por eso, el paterfamilias deb\u237?a ausentarse de su hogar
, as\u237? como todos los varones que viv\u237?an en \u233?l. Incluso retiraban
las im\u225?genes de los antepasados masculinos y se llevaban a los animales mac
hos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 62, les correspondi\u243? celebrar la fiesta de la {\i
Bona Dea} a Aurelia y Pompeya, la madre y la esposa de C\u233?sar, por lo que es
te se march\u243? de la {\i
domus publica}. A muchos varones no les deb\u237?a hacer gracia que los excluyer
an de esta forma y otros fantaseaban sobre lo que podr\u237?a ocurrir en esas oc
asiones. \u191?Borracheras, org\u237?as sexuales? En el culto de la {\i
Bona Dea} estaba prohibido el vino, pero solo de nombre: las mujeres tra\u237?an
una jarra a la que llamaban \u171?tarro de miel\u187? y al vino que hab\u237?a
dentro y que beb\u237?an lo llamaban \u171?leche\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Estos elementos \u8212?las mujeres mandando en el culto, el vino que no es vino,
matronas que l\u243?gicamente han practicado el sexo junto a v\u237?rgenes vest
ales\u8212? son propios de rituales denominados de \u171?mundo al rev\u233?s\u18
7?, como las Saturnalias, donde por unos d\u237?as se fing\u237?a que los esclav
os eran los amos de la casa. Parad\u243?jicamente, una de las funciones de estas
ceremonias no era subvertir el mundo, sino mantenerlo como estaba.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
La mezcla de curiosidad y desconfianza de los varones ante estos ritos se puede
observar en la comedia ateniense {\i

Las tesmoforias} de Arist\u243?fanes, donde un tipo llamado Mnes\u237?loco se cu

ela vestido de mujer en una celebraci\u243?n tambi\u233?n vedada a los varones,
lo que provoca una serie de situaciones divertidas y absurdas.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que ocurri\u243? aquel a\u241?o tuvo su punto de absurdo, pero el resultado n
o fue tan divertido. Hab\u237?a un personaje llamado Publio Clodio Pulcro que ac
ababa de ser elegido para cuestor y era uno de los \u171?j\u243?venes salvajes\u
187? de la \u233?poca que escandalizaban a la ciudad con sus juergas y sus gambe
rradas. Clodio pertenec\u237?a a la {\i
gens} Claudia, una de las m\u225?s poderosas de Roma, que durante el siglo anter
ior hab\u237?a protagonizado la lucha de clanes en el senado. El cambio de Claud
io a Clodio ya manifestaba los gustos populares de este hombre, pues monoptongar
au en o era una tendencia fon\u233?tica del dialecto que se hablaba en las call
es. (Pensemos en c\u243?mo {\i

taurum} se convirti\u243? en espa\u241?ol en \u171?toro\u187? a partir del lat\u

237?n vulgar). Clodio, como tantos otros j\u243?venes de la \u233?poca, viv\u237
?a por encima de sus posibilidades gracias en parte a que sus hermanas se hab\u2
37?an casado bien. Se dec\u237?a que se acostaba con varias de ellas, cosa que t
al vez fuera cierta o tal vez no, pues en las rivalidades pol\u237?ticas de la \
u233?poca la calumnia era la herramienta m\u225?s utilizada.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Clodio manten\u237?a un romance con Pompeya, la esposa de C\u233?sar. Mientras e
ste viv\u237?a en la Suburra, Clodio deb\u237?a tener m\u225?s f\u225?cil encont
rarse con ella, pero ahora que la familia se hab\u237?a instalado en la {\i
domus publica}, en pleno Foro, hacerlo en secreto resultaba mucho m\u225?s compl
icado. La fiesta de la {\i
Bona Dea} le brind\u243? a Clodio la ocasi\u243?n de acostarse con Pompeya y de
paso a\u241?adir un poco m\u225?s de emoci\u243?n a una vida de por s\u237? trep
idante. Se disfraz\u243? de ta\u241?edora de arpa \u8212?obviamente, su f\u237?s
ico ten\u237?a que ser bastante fino para ello\u8212? y entr\u243? en la casa gr
acias a Habra, una criada de Pompeya que oficiaba de celestina en aquella cuesti
\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Habra le dijo a Clodio que esperara mientras su ama ven\u237?a, lo que permite s
uponer que el adulterio iba a consumarse f\u237?sicamente en el cub\u237?culo de
la esclava. \u161?Una mujer prudente Pompeya, que no quer\u237?a dejar pruebas
en su propia alcoba! Pero Clodio no pudo resistir la tentaci\u243?n de curiosear
y se dedic\u243? a vagar por la casa, lo m\u225?s lejos posible de las luces (t
engamos en cuenta que la iluminaci\u243?n proven\u237?a de antorchas y, sobre to
do, decenas o centenares de peque\u241?as llamitas en velas y l\u225?mparas). Un
a criada de Aurelia se acerc\u243? a \u233?l y le dijo que se reuniera con el re
sto de las mujeres. Como Clodio no consegu\u237?a librarse de ella \u8212?segura
mente la esclava estaba tir\u225?ndole de la mano para llev\u225?rselo con las d
em\u225?s\u8212?, al final habl\u243? y le dijo que ten\u237?a que quedarse all\
u237? porque estaba aguardando a Habra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su voz lo delat\u243?. La esclava empez\u243? a gritar: \u171?\u161?Hay un hombr
e en la casa!\u187?. Al o\u237?rlo, Aurelia detuvo la ceremonia y orden\u243? ta
par todos los objetos sagrados, mientras las criadas echaban las llaves a las pu
ertas para que no escapara nadie. A la luz de una antorcha, las mujeres registra
ron la casa hasta encontrar a Clodio escondido en el cub\u237?culo de Habra, y d
espu\u233?s de verificar qui\u233?n era lo echaron de casa.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
La fiesta se suspendi\u243? por aquella profanaci\u243?n, y las mujeres regresar
on a sus hogares para contarles a sus maridos lo sucedido. Pasados unos d\u237?a
s, C\u233?sar se divorci\u243? de Pompeya. En cuanto a Clodio, uno de los tribun
os de la plebe lo denunci\u243? por aquel sacrilegio. Cuando lleg\u243? el momen
to del juicio, C\u233?sar se neg\u243? a testificar contra \u233?l, ya que era u
n pol\u237?tico popular al que pensaba utilizar en un futuro.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Por supuesto, no fue esta la raz\u243?n que adujo para no declarar, sino que no
sab\u237?a nada de las actividades de Clodio ni ten\u237?a noticia de que se aco
stara con su esposa. Cuando le preguntaron por qu\u233? se hab\u237?a divorciado
de ella entonces, C\u233?sar respondi\u243?: \u171?Porque pens\u233? que de mi
mujer ni siquiera se deb\u237?a sospechar\u187?. La frase se ha convertido en pr
overbial con la forma \u171?La mujer de C\u233?sar no solo debe ser honrada, sin
o parecerlo\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Clodio, gozaba de muchos apoyos populares, as\u237? que despu\u233?s
de presiones y sobornos varios acab\u243? absuelto. No deja de ser curioso que
Pompeya enga\u241?ara a C\u233?sar, el hombre que ten\u237?a tantas amantes, y n
os da una idea de que exist\u237?a bastante tolerancia sexual entre los miembros
de la \u233?lite: C\u233?sar no pareci\u243? guardarle rencor a Clodio por lo o
currido, del mismo modo que Craso y Pompeyo har\u237?an negocios y pol\u237?tica
con \u233?l a pesar de que se hab\u237?a acostado con sus esposas.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Al finalizar su mandato como pretor, C\u233?sar recibi\u243? el gobierno de Hisp

ania Ulterior. Antes de partir, se vio obligado a recurrir a Craso, pues sus acr
eedores le exigieron el pago de parte de las deudas. El magnate lo aval\u243? po
r ochocientos treinta talentos, casi veinte millones de sestercios; una cifra qu
e parece enorme, pero que \u250?nicamente representaba una parte del total que d
eb\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De camino, mientras pasaban por una aldea de las monta\u241?as, un miembro del s
\u233?quito de C\u233?sar pregunt\u243? en broma si cre\u237?a que en aquel rinc
\u243?n perdido la gente se peleaba tambi\u233?n por el poder, y \u233?l respond
i\u243?: \u171?Preferir\u237?a ser el primer hombre aqu\u237? que el segundo en
Roma\u187?. Una de tantas frases anecd\u243?ticas que transmit\u237?an los bi\u2
43?grafos de la Antig\u252?edad para retratar el car\u225?cter de sus personajes
; sin embargo, los acontecimientos posteriores demuestran que a C\u233?sar no le
bastaba con convertirse en un romano poderoso m\u225?s, sino que quer\u237?a se
r el romano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora que ten\u237?a una provincia a su cargo, era el momento de hacer dinero pa
ra recuperar lo invertido y pagar a sus acreedores. Para eso, necesitaba una gue
rra, de modo que se volvi\u243? directamente contra los habitantes m\u225?s leva
ntiscos de la provincia, los lusitanos, que no estaban del todo sometidos. En lo
s montes Herminios, la actual sierra de la Estrella de Portugal, hab\u237?a trib
us que lanzaban razias constantes sobre las tierras de los vecinos, como ven\u23
7?an haciendo toda la vida los pueblos monta\u241?eses. C\u233?sar les orden\u24
3? que abandonaran sus hogares y se asentaran en las llanuras. Ellos se negaron
y as\u237? le dieron su {\i
casus belli}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la campa\u241?a contra ellos, entre batallas y emboscadas, C\u233?sar fue ale
j\u225?ndose cada vez m\u225?s al oeste, hasta llegar al Atl\u225?ntico. Cuando
los rebeldes huyeron a una isla cercana, C\u233?sar envi\u243? un contingente de
tropas en peque\u241?as embarcaciones. Sus hombres no contaban con que las mare
as all\u237? eran mucho m\u225?s fuertes que en el Mediterr\u225?neo, quedaron a
islados y fueron aniquilados por los hispanos. C\u233?sar hizo venir naves de gu
erra de Gades y finalmente tom\u243? la isla. Despu\u233?s recorri\u243? la cost
a hacia el norte, y cuando las tribus galaicas vieron c\u243?mo aquella flota de
guerra llegaba a Brigantium (Betanzos) se rindieron ante \u233?l.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Gracias a aquella campa\u241?a, sus hombres saludaron a C\u233?sar como {\i
imperator}, el t\u237?tulo que permit\u237?a a un general solicitar un triunfo.
C\u233?sar lo hizo, y el senado se lo concedi\u243? para cuando regresara de His
pania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras esto ocurr\u237?a, en Roma se celebraba otro triunfo, el m\u225?s espec
tacular que se hab\u237?a contemplado en la urbe en mucho tiempo. Pompeyo hab\u2
37?a vuelto por fin de su campa\u241?a en Oriente. Al principio, cuando se supo
que regresaba, rein\u243? cierta desconfianza en Roma. Al menos entre algunos se
nadores, que tem\u237?an que Pompeyo utilizara su ej\u233?rcito victorioso para
hacer lo mismo que Sila: entrar en Roma y hacerse con el poder. Craso, que no se
fiaba del victorioso general, adopt\u243? la precauci\u243?n de llevarse a sus
hijos de la ciudad y, por supuesto, todo el dinero que ten\u237?a en met\u225?li
co.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero Pompeyo sorprendi\u243? a todos al llegar a Brindisi licenciando a sus sold
ados y envi\u225?ndolos a sus hogares, no sin antes citarlos a las afueras de Ro
ma en las v\u237?speras del triunfo. Despu\u233?s march\u243? hacia la ciudad co
n un peque\u241?o s\u233?quito, pero por el camino se le fueron a\u241?adiendo a
dmiradores, hasta el punto de que lleg\u243? a Roma escoltado por una peque\u241
?a multitud.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su triunfo se celebr\u243? los d\u237?as 28 y 29 de septiembre del a\u241?o 61.
Era el tercero que llevaba a cabo, y el m\u225?s legal de todos, ya que lo hab\u
237?a obtenido contra pueblos extranjeros, como proc\u243?nsul y a los cuarenta
y cinco a\u241?os \u8212?precisamente los cumpl\u237?a el d\u237?a 29\u8212?, un
a edad razonable para ello. El bot\u237?n que exhib\u237?a era fabuloso, y en lo
s carteles que llevaban sus soldados se le\u237?an los nombres de las naciones q
ue hab\u237?a conquistado: Ponto, Armenia, Capadocia, Paflagonia, Media, C\u243?

lquide, Iberia, Albania, Siria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, Fenicia, Palestina, Judea

y Arabia, m\u225?s la vasta y dispersa naci\u243?n de los piratas. Tras el triun
fo, se celebr\u243? un enorme banquete para toda la ciudad y Pompeyo prometi\u24
3? construir un magn\u237?fico teatro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez terminados los fastos, Pompeyo licenci\u243? definitivamente a sus solda
dos, a los que hab\u237?a entregado una generosa bonificaci\u243?n de seis mil s
estercios. Les hab\u237?a prometido asimismo que les conceder\u237?a tierras, la
jubilaci\u243?n de los legionarios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A partir de ese momento, Pompeyo se convert\u237?a en un ciudadano privado. Pero
no pensaba ser un simple senador m\u225?s: como Mario antes que \u233?l, espera
ba que sus triunfos le otorgaran un aura especial, ese respeto que los romanos d
enominaban {\i
auctoritas}. Sin embargo, tampoco ahora lo logr\u243?. Segu\u237?a sin ser buen
orador y sin saber fajarse en la r\u225?pida esgrima parlamentaria.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo ten\u237?a dos metas fundamentales: conseguir tierras para sus veteranos
y que el Estado ratificara los tratados que hab\u237?a firmado en Oriente. Norm
almente dichos tratados los negociaban comisiones del senado, pero Pompeyo los h
ab\u237?a firmado por su cuenta y riesgo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado empez\u243? a dar largas a ambos asuntos. En el a\u241?o 60, Pompeyo s
e impacient\u243? y decidi\u243? recurrir al voto de la asamblea del pueblo. La
jugada tampoco le sali\u243? bien por diversas razones, y acab\u243? renunciando
a la lucha, al menos de momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por esas mismas fechas, Craso se sent\u237?a tan resentido con el senado como Po
mpeyo. Los publicanos hab\u237?an pujado en una subasta por la concesi\u243?n pa
ra recaudar tributos, pero al ingresar estos comprobaron que los r\u233?ditos ob
tenidos no cubr\u237?an el precio que se hab\u237?an comprometido a pagar. Por e
so quer\u237?an que el Estado renegociara su contrato a la baja. Craso apoyaba a
los publicanos por intereses personales y, probablemente, porque ten\u237?a acc
iones en sus compa\u241?\u237?as, aunque como senador no le estaba permitido en
teor\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado tambi\u233?n estaba bloqueando esa medida, sobre todo por la terca opo
sici\u243?n de Cat\u243?n. As\u237? pues, en el a\u241?o 60, Pompeyo y Craso emp
ezaban a descubrir que ten\u237?an algo en com\u250?n: les estaban haciendo la v
ida imposible, por lo que a ambos les conven\u237?a unir fuerzas contra la mayor
\u237?a que dominaba el senado. El problema era que no se soportaban mutuamente.
Necesitaban a alguien que ejerciera de mediador entre ellos, un pegamento para
unir a esos dos hombres tan distintos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese pegamento se encontraba en Hispania, pero estaba a punto de venir. Y, por su
edad, ya le correspond\u237?a presentarse al consulado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Se acercaba la hora de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL TRIUNVIRATO Y EL CONSULADO DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin esperar a que llegara su sucesor en el cargo de gobernador, C\u233?sar aband
on\u243? Hispania y lleg\u243? a Roma en junio del a\u241?o 60, dispuesto a pres
entarse a las elecciones a c\u243?nsul, para las que era evidente favorito. Pero
debido a las normas impuestas se ve\u237?a enfrentado a un dilema. Gracias a su
s campa\u241?as como propretor en Hispania hab\u237?a conseguido que el senado l
e concediera un triunfo. Era el mayor honor al que pod\u237?a aspirar un noble r
omano y la mejor propaganda posible para un candidato. Sin embargo, para celebra
rlo necesitaba retener su {\i
imperium}, cosa que solo pod\u237?a hacer si permanec\u237?a fuera del pomerio.
Si atravesaba el recinto sagrado antes del d\u237?a del triunfo, tendr\u237?a qu
e despedirse de \u233?l al perder autom\u225?ticamente ese {\i
imperium}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, una ley electoral en vigor exig\u237?a que los candidatos a las
magistraturas se presentaran personalmente en el Foro. La fecha estipulada para

esa comparecencia se acercaba, y era anterior a la que se le hab\u237?a asignado

a C\u233?sar para su triunfo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar solicit\u243? al senado una dispensa especial para acceder al consula
do {\i
in absentia}. Los senadores se reunieron la v\u237?spera de la proclamaci\u243?n
de candidatos para tratar el asunto, y muchos parec\u237?an dispuestos a su fav
or. Cat\u243?n, al ver que su odiado adversario iba a salir beneficiado, se leva
nt\u243? y empez\u243? a pronunciar un discurso en contra de la petici\u243?n de
C\u233?sar. Puesto que las normas establec\u237?an que un senador pod\u237?a in
tervenir todo el tiempo que quisiera, \u233?l sigui\u243? y sigui\u243?, peroran
do sin descanso hasta que se hizo de noche y se tuvo que suspender la sesi\u243?
n. Hay que reconocerle a Cat\u243?n su tenacidad y su energ\u237?a, pues no era
f\u225?cil aguantar tantas horas de pie y sin parar de hablar en un d\u237?a de
julio, cuando el sol tardaba mucho m\u225?s en ponerse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Aparentemente, Cat\u243?n y el resto de los optimates hab\u237?an vencido: el se
nado no hab\u237?a podido votar la dispensa y ya no podr\u237?a hacerlo, porque
era al d\u237?a siguiente cuando los candidatos ten\u237?an que comparecer en el
Foro. A C\u233?sar no le quedaba m\u225?s remedio que conformarse con su triunf
o y esperar un a\u241?o mano sobre mano a que llegase otra ocasi\u243?n de prese
ntarse a c\u243?nsul. \u191?Qu\u233? inter\u233?s ten\u237?a Cat\u243?n en retra
sar el consulado de C\u233?sar doce meses, si al final iba a tener que tragar co
n aquel sapo de todos modos? La raz\u243?n m\u225?s veros\u237?mil es que ese a\
u241?o se presentaba a las elecciones su yerno B\u237?bulo, a quien C\u233?sar y
a hab\u237?a eclipsado como edil. Cat\u243?n quer\u237?a evitar que eso mismo oc
urriese con el consulado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, C\u233?sar sorprendi\u243? a todos apareciendo en el Foro
vestido con la blanca toga de candidato. El rumor se propag\u243? por toda Roma
. \u161?C\u233?sar hab\u237?a renunciado a un triunfo! \u191?Qui\u233?n hac\u237
?a algo as\u237??\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Evidentemente, solo alguien que se sent\u237?a tan seguro de s\u237? mismo que n
o dudaba de que obtendr\u237?a mayores victorias militares en el futuro y podr\u
237?a resarcirse por aquel triunfo al que hab\u237?a renunciado.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Los optimates hab\u237?an perdido una mano, pero no la partida entera. Por una l
ey de Cayo Graco que a\u250?n estaba en vigor, antes de la elecci\u243?n de los
c\u243?nsules el senado deb\u237?a asignar las provincias que recibir\u237?an un
a vez terminado su mandato. Para los c\u243?nsules del a\u241?o 59 se decidi\u24
3? que en el 58 ambos se encargar\u237?an de supervisar {\i
silvae callesque}, los bosques y las sendas rurales de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Se trataba de una decisi\u243?n rid\u237?cula e ins\u243?lita, una especie de de
claraci\u243?n de guerra preventiva. Puesto que todo el mundo daba por hecho que
C\u233?sar iba a ganar, el decreto apuntaba directamente contra \u233?l, tan ce
rtero y letal como el proyectil de un escorpi\u243?n. Aquel absurdo nombramiento
asegurar\u237?a que C\u233?sar no tuviera tropas a su mando, que no celebrara n
ing\u250?n triunfo y que tampoco pudiera enriquecerse en una guerra como hac\u23
7?an todos; algo que, considerando el montante de sus deudas, era imperioso para
\u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es evidente que detr\u225?s de esta maniobra andaban los optimates. En su odio a
C\u233?sar, Cat\u243?n llegaba al extremo de perjudicar incluso a su propio yer
no. B\u237?bulo tambi\u233?n detestaba a C\u233?sar, pero \u191?tanto como para
resignarse a cuidar de los bosques y los senderos rurales?\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Como era de esperar, C\u233?sar fue el candidato m\u225?s votado y B\u237?bulo e
l segundo. Una vez nombrado c\u243?nsul electo, a C\u233?sar todav\u237?a le que
daban unos meses para entrar en el cargo. Era el momento de maniobrar para adela
ntarse a sus enemigos y, sobre todo, para anular aquel grotesco mandato del sena
do y conseguir que se le concediera una provincia de verdad.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {

C\u233?sar necesitaba aliados poderosos que se sintieran tan molestos como \u233
?l con la oligarqu\u237?a que dominaba el senado. Hab\u237?a dos personas as\u23
7? en Roma con las que ya hab\u237?a tratado. Una de ellas era Craso, que hab\u2
37?a financiado buena parte de su carrera pol\u237?tica. Craso estaba resentido
con el senado porque este se negaba a reducir el precio que pagaban las sociedad
es de publicanos por la concesi\u243?n de los tributos de Asia. En la sombra, Cr
aso estaba detr\u225?s de esas sociedades, lo que significaba que la negativa de
l senado le hac\u237?a perder mucho dinero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar no tuvo problemas para pactar con Craso, a quien ya le un\u237?a una
buena relaci\u243?n. De hecho, si el magnate hab\u237?a decidido subvencionar la
carrera de C\u233?sar era porque le parec\u237?a un pol\u237?tico prometedor y
pensaba que con el tiempo recuperar\u237?a lo gastado m\u225?s los r\u233?ditos.
Ahora hab\u237?a llegado el momento de rentabilizar su inversi\u243?n.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
El otro posible aliado era Pompeyo, que llevaba tiempo intentando conseguir que
el senado concediera tierras a sus veteranos y confirmara la organizaci\u243?n d
e las provincias de Oriente que hab\u237?a pactado por su cuenta. Pero los senad
ores segu\u237?an mir\u225?ndolo por encima del hombro como si fuera un advenedi
zo y rechazando sus propuestas. A Pompeyo, acostumbrado a imponer su voluntad en
el ej\u233?rcito, no se le daban bien las sutilezas y componendas de la pol\u23
7?tica. Gracias a C\u233?sar, mucho m\u225?s fino en la ret\u243?rica y con cont
actos entre la nobleza \u8212?aunque muchos de sus miembros lo odiaran\u8212?, P
ompeyo esperaba que las leyes que necesitaba se aprobaran de una vez.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Da la impresi\u243?n de que ambos hombres congeniaron bien. Para reforzar su ali
anza pol\u237?tica, C\u233?sar le ofreci\u243? a Pompeyo la mano de su hija Juli
a. Ella se hallaba prometida a otro hombre, Servilio Cepi\u243?n, pero eso no fu
e obst\u225?culo: C\u233?sar, que por supuesto pose\u237?a la patria potestad so
bre ella, rompi\u243? el compromiso y se la entreg\u243? a Pompeyo. El matrimoni
o, pese a ser de conveniencia pol\u237?tica y a la gran diferencia de edad, func
ion\u243? muy bien y entre los esposos se desarroll\u243? un cari\u241?o sincero
no exento, seg\u250?n parece, de atracci\u243?n sexual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
El problema para C\u233?sar era que Pompeyo y Craso no se llevaban nada bien, so
bre todo desde que el primero hab\u237?a intentado arrebatarle al segundo los m\
u233?ritos por la victoria de Espartaco. C\u233?sar tuvo que recurrir a todas su
s dotes de persuasi\u243?n, que no eran pocas, y al final consigui\u243? que amb
os aceptaran llegar a un acuerdo con \u233?l. En aquel pacto, Craso y Pompeyo ej
erc\u237?an de hombres ya consagrados en el poder y C\u233?sar de pol\u237?tico
en ascenso que se compromet\u237?a a utilizar su cargo de c\u243?nsul para prese
ntar todas las leyes que fueran necesarias con el fin de favorecer a sus socios.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella alianza es conocida como Primer Triunvirato, pese a que no ten\u237?a ca
r\u225?cter formal. Al principio se trat\u243? de un pacto secreto, pero cuando
los tres empezaron a actuar de forma conjunta se descubri\u243? la jugada, y se
oyeron voces de indignaci\u243?n. El erudito Varr\u243?n, que unos a\u241?os ant
es hab\u237?a preparado para Pompeyo aquel manual para comprender el senado, esc
ribi\u243? ahora un panfleto vitri\u243?lico titulado {\i
El monstruo de las tres cabezas.} Muchos historiadores posteriores, como Livio o
Suetonio, opinaban que era una especie de conspiraci\u243?n para adue\u241?arse
ilegalmente del poder, casi un golpe de estado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo curioso es que el triunvirato podr\u237?a haber sido un cuadrunvirato. C\u233
?sar propuso a Cicer\u243?n que se uniera al pacto y pusiera su afamada oratoria
al servicio del grupo. Cicer\u243?n se lo pens\u243?, como le explica a su amig
o \u193?tico en una de sus numerosas cartas. \u191?Qu\u233? deb\u237?a hacer? \u
191?Oponerse a la ley agraria que iba a presentar C\u233?sar para beneficiar a l
os veteranos de Pompeyo \u8212?aquella ser\u237?a una gloriosa discusi\u243?n pa
rlamentaria, en su opini\u243?n\u8212?, abstenerse de hablar o apoyarla? Esto \u
250?ltimo era lo que quer\u237?a C\u233?sar de \u233?l, pero Cicer\u243?n al fin
al decidi\u243? no comprometerse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Aparte del apoyo de Craso y Pompeyo, C\u233?sar sab\u237?a que necesitaba algo m
\u225?s: un tribuno de la plebe \u8212?al menos uno; si eran m\u225?s mucho mejo
r\u8212? que pudiera bloquear con su veto las iniciativas de sus adversarios y c
on influencia en la asamblea popular para aprobar las leyes all\u237? si C\u233?
sar no consegu\u237?a hacerlo en el senado. El hombre al que capt\u243? para tal
fin fue Publio Vatinio, que en efecto lo apoy\u243?, pero se cobr\u243? su ayud
a a peso de oro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El 1 de enero del a\u241?o 59, C\u233?sar y B\u237?bulo entraron en posesi\u243?
n de sus cargos. C\u233?sar, que ya ten\u237?a bien meditadas sus medidas, empez
\u243? aprobando una norma por la que a partir de ese momento unos escribas anot
ar\u237?an todas las deliberaciones del senado y las publicar\u237?an en el Foro
. Era una forma de demostrar a sus enemigos que no ten\u237?a nada que ocultar y
tambi\u233?n una advertencia para los senadores: si insist\u237?an en llevar un
a pol\u237?tica contraria a los intereses del pueblo romano, este no iba a tarda
r en enterarse de qu\u233? pie cojeaba cada uno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo siguiente que hizo C\u233?sar fue presentar la ley agraria que tanto tiempo l
levaba pidiendo Pompeyo. Era un proyecto muy meditado y detallado para evitar po
sibles objeciones. Se distribuir\u237?an tierras a los veteranos de Pompeyo, per
o tambi\u233?n a padres de familia de la plebe urbana que se hallaran en estado
de necesidad. Aquellas parcelas no ser\u237?an confiscadas, sino que se comprar\
u237?an \u250?nicamente a aquellos propietarios que las quisieran vender. El Est
ado se encargar\u237?a de pagar a los due\u241?os recurriendo para ello al inmen
so bot\u237?n que hab\u237?a tra\u237?do Pompeyo de su campa\u241?a en Oriente y
a los tributos aportados por las provincias. Para evitar la especulaci\u243?n,
quienes recibieran un terreno no podr\u237?an venderlo hasta pasados veinte a\u2
41?os. Por \u250?ltimo, con el fin de supervisar el reparto de tierras se nombra
r\u237?a una comisi\u243?n formada por veinte miembros. C\u233?sar no formar\u23
7?a parte de ella para evitar sospechas de corrupci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Era un proyecto razonable, y adem\u225?s C\u233?sar lo present\u243? en tono sum
amente respetuoso. Al terminar, anunci\u243? que aceptar\u237?a aportaciones y c
r\u237?ticas de los senadores y que estaba dispuesto a cambiar o eliminar cualqu
ier cl\u225?usula si se demostraba que la sugerencia era pertinente.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Los primeros en intervenir fueron Craso y Pompeyo, como exc\u243?nsules, y se mo
straron a favor. A continuaci\u243?n hablaron otros, que, con mayor o menor entu
siasmo, apoyaron la ley. Pero cuando le toc\u243? el turno a Cat\u243?n, este re
curri\u243? a su manido truco de hablar sin parar para conseguir que se hiciera
de noche y la sesi\u243?n se suspendiera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El recurso que estaba utilizando Cat\u243?n era legal, pero resulta comprensible
que acabara con la paciencia de cualquiera, como ocurre con esos irritantes jue
gos infantiles en que uno repite lo que el otro dice o a\u241?ade la coda: \u171
?Y t\u250? m\u225?s\u187?. Por los antecedentes, C\u233?sar ya deb\u237?a sospec
har que Cat\u243?n iba a actuar de esa forma, pero no hab\u237?a gran cosa que p
udiera hacer. Como era imposible acallarlo, mand\u243? a sus lictores que lo arr
estaran y se lo llevaran a prisi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel fue un error t\u225?ctico. Pocos minutos despu\u233?s, un senador llamado
Marco Petreyo se levant\u243? y se dirigi\u243? hacia la salida. Cuando C\u233?s
ar le pregunt\u243? por qu\u233? se marchaba, Petreyo respondi\u243?: \u171?Pref
iero estar encerrado en la c\u225?rcel con Cat\u243?n que aqu\u237? contigo\u187
?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando m\u225?s senadores siguieron el ejemplo de Petreyo, C\u233?sar se dio cue
nta de su patinazo, recul\u243? y orden\u243? que soltaran a Cat\u243?n para no
convertirlo en un m\u225?rtir. Para su desgracia, ya era tarde y la sesi\u243?n
termin\u243? sin que se pudiera votar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los optimates debieron de re\u237?rse mucho esa noche pensando que se hab\u237?a
n burlado de C\u233?sar. Pero al d\u237?a siguiente se encontraron con una desag
radable sorpresa cuando el flamante c\u243?nsul convoc\u243? una asamblea y apel
\u243? directamente al pueblo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta fue, desde el punto de vista de los optimates, la mayor revoluci\u243?n de

C\u233?sar: utilizar los comicios para sacar adelante las leyes populares que el
senado se negaba a aprobar. Hasta entonces solo hab\u237?an actuado as\u237? lo
s tribunos de la plebe, no todo un c\u243?nsul de Roma. Si antes los optimates d
esconfiaban de C\u233?sar, a partir de ese momento lo vieron poco menos que como
un enemigo de clase y decidieron que ten\u237?an que destruirlo como fuera. Era
como un nuevo Saturnino o un Sulpicio redivivo, con la diferencia de que pose\u
237?a el {\i
imperium} consular y dos poderosos aliados, Craso y Pompeyo.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Los optimates no pod\u237?an contar con Cat\u243?n para que reventara las asambl
eas del pueblo como hac\u237?a con las sesiones del senado. Aquel a\u241?o no os
tentaba ning\u250?n cargo p\u250?blico y, por otra parte, si trataba de usar la
t\u225?ctica del filibusterismo ante miles de ciudadanos, lo m\u225?s probable e
ra que lo apearan de la Rostra a pedradas. Decidieron, as\u237? pues, recurrir a
l otro c\u243?nsul, B\u237?bulo. Cuando C\u233?sar le pidi\u243? que subiera a l
a tribuna y le pregunt\u243? delante del pueblo qu\u233? opinaba de la ley agrar
ia, su colega respondi\u243? que, aunque el proyecto ten\u237?a algunos m\u233?r
itos, \u233?l se opon\u237?a a que aquel a\u241?o se introdujera ninguna reforma
legislativa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar invoc\u243? entonces a la multitud. \u171?\u161?Pedidle a B\u237?bulo
que apruebe la ley! \u8212?les dijo\u8212?. \u161?De lo contrario, no saldr\u22
5? adelante!\u187?. Cuando empez\u243? a o\u237?r los gritos de la gente, B\u237
?bulo mont\u243? en c\u243?lera y exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?No tendr\u233?is esa
ley durante este a\u241?o aunque os empe\u241?\u233?is todos juntos!\u187?. Des
pu\u233?s, como aconsejaba la prudencia despu\u233?s de dirigirse as\u237? a mil
es de ciudadanos, se march\u243? a toda prisa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A un pol\u237?tico que actuara de esta forma hoy d\u237?a se le exigir\u237?a la
dimisi\u243?n por no respetar la voluntad de los votantes. Pero un c\u243?nsul
no representaba a nadie: una vez que los ciudadanos lo eleg\u237?an, el {\i
imperium}, ese poder sagrado, le pertenec\u237?a solo a \u233?l. Sin embargo, B\
u237?bulo hab\u237?a cometido un grave error al demostrarle al pueblo romano a l
a cara que lo despreciaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, C\u233?sar solicit\u243? a Pompeyo y a Craso que defendiera
n el proyecto delante del pueblo. Quien m\u225?s v\u237?tores consigui\u243? fue
el conquistador de Oriente cuando afirm\u243? que si alguien intentaba desenvai
nar una espada contra esa ley, \u233?l la defender\u237?a embrazando su escudo.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la reuni\u243?n, que era una {\i
contio} o asamblea informativa, se decidi\u243? el d\u237?a para la votaci\u243?
n, a finales de enero. Era evidente cu\u225?l ser\u237?a el resultado, pero los
optimates no se rindieron. Uno de los problemas de la compleja constituci\u243?n
romana radicaba en que exist\u237?an muchas herramientas para obstaculizar las
iniciativas pol\u237?ticas. El filibusterismo era una y el veto de los tribunos
otra. Pero tambi\u233?n se pod\u237?a echar mano de la religi\u243?n, y eso fue
lo que hizo B\u237?bulo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como c\u243?nsul, una de sus funciones era tomar los auspicios, esto es, comprob
ar si los dioses estaban de acuerdo con las actuaciones de magistrados y general
es. B\u237?bulo anunci\u243? que a partir de ese momento se iba a dedicar a obse
rvar el cielo para escrutar la voluntad de los dioses. Mientras no encontrara pr
esagios favorables \u8212?y todos sab\u237?an que no los iba a encontrar\u8212?,
eso significar\u237?a que la votaci\u243?n propuesta por C\u233?sar no contaba
con la aprobaci\u243?n divina y que, por consiguiente, no se pod\u237?a llevar a
cabo. Por si fuera poco, declar\u243? que el resto de los d\u237?as comiciales
del a\u241?o, aquellos en que se pod\u237?an convocar asambleas, quedaban conver
tidos en d\u237?as sagrados. De ese modo, se aseguraba de que no se celebrara ni
una sola asamblea popular m\u225?s durante el consulado de C\u233?sar.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
O eso cre\u237?a \u233?l. C\u233?sar no desconvoc\u243? la asamblea, como era de
esperar. Cuando lleg\u243? la fecha fijada, el Foro era un hervidero repleto de
partidarios de los tres triunviros; sobre todo, hab\u237?a muchos veteranos de

Pompeyo, que eran los m\u225?s interesados en que la ley saliera adelante. Se ha
b\u237?a congregado tal multitud que la asamblea se celebr\u243?, como sol\u237?
a hacerse en esos casos, delante del templo de los Di\u243?scuros, C\u225?stor y
P\u243?lux, ya que all\u237? hab\u237?a m\u225?s espacio que junto a la Rostra.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar acab\u243? de pronunciar su discurso defendiendo la ley, apare
ci\u243? B\u237?bulo escoltado por sus doce lictores, por Cat\u243?n y por tres
tribunos de la plebe. Al principio la gente le abri\u243? paso, pues las {\i
fasces} que escoltaban a un c\u243?nsul despertaban un respeto reverencial. Pero
cuando lleg\u243? al estrado donde estaba C\u233?sar y trat\u243? de disolver l
a asamblea, se organiz\u243? el alboroto que cab\u237?a esperar. La gente empez\
u243? a abuchear y zarandear a B\u237?bulo y a sus acompa\u241?antes. Alguien tr
ajo un capacho lleno de esti\u233?rcol y se lo ech\u243? al c\u243?nsul por enci
ma de la cabeza, mientras que otros les quitaban las {\i
fasces} a los lictores y las romp\u237?an contra el suelo. B\u237?bulo comprendi
\u243? que era mejor dejarlo por aquel d\u237?a y se march\u243? del Foro, segui
do por los suyos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque hubo heridos, el hecho de que no muriese nadie indica que la violencia ha
b\u237?a estado muy medida y que hab\u237?a sido preparada por C\u233?sar y los
otros dos triunviros. Por fin, despu\u233?s de todas estas vicisitudes, la ley a
graria fue aprobada. C\u233?sar le a\u241?adi\u243? una cl\u225?usula que obliga
ba a los senadores a acatarla y no tratar de derogarla. Si no juraban hacerlo, s
er\u237?an desterrados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se trataba de una repetici\u243?n de la jugada de Saturnino en el a\u241?o 100,
con la salvedad de que en esta ocasi\u243?n su promotor era un c\u243?nsul. Pero
C\u233?sar no era un exaltado como Saturnino, y adem\u225?s, entre \u233?l, Pom
peyo y Craso contaban con un buen n\u250?mero de aliados en el senado. Finalment
e, los senadores juraron, Cat\u243?n incluido, y acabaron tragando con la ley.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
B\u237?bulo lleg\u243? a intentar que los senadores aprobaran el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}, pero no lo consigui\u243?. Frustrado y rabioso por s
u fracaso, se encerr\u243? en su casa anunciando que iba a dedicarse a consultar
los augurios el resto del a\u241?o y no volvi\u243? a salir en todo lo que qued
aba de mandato.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, todos los presagios que ve\u237?a B\u237?bulo eran negativos, y no
dejaba de enviar mandaderos que as\u237? lo anunciaran para suspender todas las
actividades de C\u233?sar. Este hizo caso omiso de su colega y gobern\u243? por
su cuenta, hasta el punto de que los chistosos aseguraban que aquel era el a\u2
41?o \u171?del consulado de Julio y de C\u233?sar\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Como {\i
pontifex maximus}, C\u233?sar entend\u237?a lo bastante de cuestiones religiosas
para saber que el magistrado que observaba los cielos deb\u237?a estar presente
cuando anunciaba el augurio. Seg\u250?n las estrictas reglas de la religi\u243?
n romana, aquella {\i
obnuntiatio} a distancia que hac\u237?a B\u237?bulo desde su casa no val\u237?a
nada. No obstante, C\u233?sar tampoco las ten\u237?a todas consigo, pues sab\u23
7?a que cuando terminara su consulado sus enemigos podr\u237?an tratar de anular
sus leyes alegando, en una interpretaci\u243?n forzada del ritual, que se hab\u
237?an aprobado contra la voluntad de los dioses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y no faltaron leyes ese a\u241?o. Tras la reforma agraria, C\u233?sar convenci\u
243? a la asamblea para que aprobara por fin los tratados que Pompeyo hab\u237?a
firmado en Oriente. Con el fin de favorecer a su otro socio de triunvirato y de
paso a los \u233?quites, consigui\u243? asimismo que el dinero que deb\u237?an
pagar los publicanos por la concesi\u243?n de los tributos asi\u225?ticos se red
ujera en un 33 por ciento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar tambi\u233?n modific\u243? las leyes sobre el gobierno de las provinc
ias para disminuir la corrupci\u243?n, y las medidas que propuso eran tan sensat
as que incluso Cicer\u243?n, reacio a alabarlo, dijo que eran excelentes. Pero q
ue quisiera atajar la corrupci\u243?n ajena no quiere decir que fuera inmune a e

lla. Ese mismo a\u241?o Ptolomeo Auletes, rey de Egipto al que sus s\u250?bditos
hab\u237?an derrocado y sustituido por su hija Berenice, consigui\u243? que el
senado y el pueblo de Roma lo reconocieran como leg\u237?timo soberano del pa\u2
37?s. Para ello tuvo que sobornar a varios senadores y magistrados, y quienes se
llevaron la parte del le\u243?n fueron los triunviros. Aquello tendr\u237?a con
secuencias a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde, durante la segunda guerra civil de Roma.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar hab\u237?a cumplido sus compromisos con sus socios de triunvirato. Ah
ora ten\u237?a que mirar por sus propios intereses. Seg\u250?n el decreto del se
nado, cuando terminara su mandato le tocar\u237?a cuidar durante un a\u241?o de
los bosques, los pastos y los senderos de Italia. Una vez agotado ese plazo, se
convertir\u237?a en ciudadano privado y sus enemigos podr\u237?an denunciarlo po
r las actuaciones llevadas a cabo durante su consulado. Aunque moralmente estaba
convencido de que hab\u237?a obrado como deb\u237?a, sab\u237?a que arrestar a
un tribuno, gobernar a espaldas del senado y hacer caso omiso de los augurios de
un colega c\u243?nsul \u8212?por no hablar de incitar a la violencia excrementi
cia contra \u233?l\u8212? pod\u237?an dar material para mil denuncias y procesos
contra \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Necesitaba un mandato como proc\u243?nsul m\u225?s largo y, sobre todo, m\u225?s
importante. Alguna provincia donde pudiera llevar a cabo campa\u241?as militare
s que le reportaran bot\u237?n y prestigio. Si dicha provincia se hallaba junto
a una frontera comprometida, el senado tendr\u237?a que asignarle muchas tropas
para defenderla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En teor\u237?a, como c\u243?nsul, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a escalado a lo m\u225?s a
lto del {\i
cursus honorum}. En la pr\u225?ctica, sab\u237?a que se pod\u237?a llegar mucho
m\u225?s arriba. Si consegu\u237?a mandar durante a\u241?os un ej\u233?rcito pod
eroso y convertirlo en una prolongaci\u243?n de su voluntad como hab\u237?a hech
o Sila, se convertir\u237?a en un aut\u233?ntico se\u241?or de la guerra y se as
egurar\u237?a de que sus reformas pol\u237?ticas y \u233?l mismo sobrevivieran.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aqu\u237? fue donde entr\u243? en acci\u243?n Publio Vatinio y demostr\u243? que
val\u237?a el precio que pagaba por \u233?l. El tribuno present\u243? ante la a
samblea una propuesta para entregarle a C\u233?sar el gobierno de las provincias
de Iliria y Galia Cisalpina, junto con tres legiones y fondos para mantenerlas.
Adem\u225?s, no se nombrar\u237?a a su sucesor como proc\u243?nsul al menos has
ta el 1 de marzo del a\u241?o 54. Pompeyo apoy\u243? la llamada {\i
lex Vatinia}, y la asamblea la aprob\u243? ante la ira impotente de buena parte
del senado, que ve\u237?a c\u243?mo de nuevo un l\u237?der popular, y para colmo
un c\u243?nsul, ignoraba sus atribuciones tradicionales en pol\u237?tica exteri
or.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a la {\i
lex Vatinia}, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a conseguido m\u225?s de cuatro a\u241?os de b
lindaje pol\u237?tico contra sus adversarios: como proc\u243?nsul en ejercicio n
o se le pod\u237?a procesar. Por otra parte, las dos provincias que le hab\u237?
an asignado eran muy interesantes, ya que ambas ten\u237?an vecinos peligrosos.
No muy lejos de Iliria, el rey dacio Burebista estaba expandiendo sus dominios.
Parec\u237?a evidente que no tardar\u237?a en provocar problemas militares en la
s fronteras romanas, y si hab\u237?a algo que C\u233?sar deseaba era verse envue
lto en ese tipo de problemas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La Galia Cisalpina resultaba incluso m\u225?s apropiada para sus fines. Era la p
uerta de entrada de Italia, y pod\u237?a verse amenazada tanto por los celtas de
l oeste como por los germanos que viv\u237?an al norte de los Alpes o las tribus
que moraban junto al Danubio. Al mismo tiempo, su frontera sur era el punto m\u
225?s cercano a Roma donde un gobernador pod\u237?a tener legiones, lo que impli
caba la posibilidad de dominar Italia si surg\u237?a la necesidad. Hab\u237?a qu
e tener en cuenta, asimismo, que la f\u233?rtil llanura del Po era un excelente
vivero donde reclutar legionarios. C\u233?sar ya hab\u237?a empezado a ganarse a
sus habitantes desde que pas\u243? por all\u237? tras servir de cuestor en Hisp
ania, y ahora volvi\u243? a manifestar que los consideraba romanos y que procura

r\u237?a que incluso los que viv\u237?an al norte del r\u237?o Po se convirtiera
n en ciudadanos de la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En abril, la suerte le hizo otro gui\u241?o a C\u233?sar. Metelo C\u233?ler, que
hab\u237?a sido nombrado gobernador de la Galia Transalpina, falleci\u243? en a
bril sin tan siquiera haber abandonado Roma. Algunos comentaron que hab\u237?a m
uerto envenenado por su esposa Clodia, a la que acusaban de acostarse con media
ciudad, incluido su hermano Clodio, el del esc\u225?ndalo de la {\i
Bona Dea}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, C\u233?sar maniobr\u243? con agilidad. Actuando en nombre de
su aliado, Pompeyo propuso que se concediera a C\u233?sar como provincia adicion
al la Galia Transalpina. Cat\u243?n se levant\u243? y declar\u243? que los dos s
ocios eran unos inmorales que se dedicaban a cambiar hijas por provincias, aludi
endo al matrimonio de Pompeyo con Julia. No obstante, los senadores, a sabiendas
de que C\u233?sar recurrir\u237?a de nuevo a la asamblea si se negaban y los de
jar\u237?a en evidencia ante el pueblo, aceptaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El a\u241?o termin\u243? bien para los triunviros. En las elecciones consulares
celebradas en octubre ganaron los dos candidatos que ellos quer\u237?an, Aulo Ga
binio y Calpurnio Pis\u243?n. Por otra parte, Clodio se convirti\u243? a finales
de a\u241?o en tribuno de la plebe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el caso de Clodio, los triunviros acabar\u237?an comprendiendo que estaban in
tentando dome\u241?ar a una fuerza incontrolable. Pero de momento C\u233?sar no
pudo evitar sentir una \u237?ntima satisfacci\u243?n con una de sus primeras act
uaciones como tribuno. El \u250?ltimo d\u237?a del a\u241?o, el c\u243?nsul B\u2
37?bulo sali\u243? de su encierro para presentarse ante la asamblea. Cuando, sig
uiendo la tradici\u243?n, intent\u243? dirigirse al pueblo para jurar que hab\u2
37?a cumplido con su deber como c\u243?nsul \u8212?un juramento que C\u233?sar a
cababa de prestar\u8212?, Clodio se levant\u243? gritando: \u171?\u161?Veto! \u1
61?Veto!\u187?, y B\u237?bulo no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que callarse.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Aquel fue el \u250?ltimo d\u237?a de C\u233?sar como c\u243?nsul. A partir de en
tonces empez\u243? una vida completamente distinta para \u233?l. Hasta finales d
el a\u241?o 59, muchos romanos pod\u237?an verlo como una versi\u243?n, m\u225?s
refinada tal vez, de l\u237?deres populares como Sulpicio o Saturnino, o inclus
o de los hermanos Graco. Cierto que C\u233?sar era el sobrino de Cayo Mario, y a
eso le deb\u237?a buena parte de su gancho pol\u237?tico con el pueblo. Pero, p
ese a que sus campa\u241?as en Hispania le hab\u237?an otorgado el derecho a un
triunfo, nadie se lo tomaba demasiado en serio como militar.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Era el momento de demostrarles a todos que se equivocaban. Cuando C\u233?sar y P
ompeyo se despidieron, podemos apostar a que este le ofreci\u243? a su suegro un
a buena lista de consejos de t\u225?ctica, estrategia y disciplina. C\u233?sar s
eguramente los escuch\u243? con una sonrisa paciente. Pero en su fuero interno,
estaba convencido de que el presunto aprendiz no tardar\u237?a en superar al mae
stro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
X\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LA GUERRA DE LAS GALIAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA GALIA Y SUS PUEBLOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
En la dedicatoria de {\i
Roma victoriosa} ya mencion\u233? la primera frase de {\i
La guerra de las Galias}, una de las m\u225?s c\u233?lebres de la literatura uni
versal:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i

Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquit
ani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli apellantur}.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
La Galia entera se divide en tres partes. De ellas, una la habitan los belgas, o
tra los aquitanos y la tercera los que en su propia lengua se llaman celtas y en
la nuestra galos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, para ser exactos la Galia se divid\u237?a en cinco partes. Lo que o
curre es que hay dos que no menciona C\u233?sar y que ya se hallaban en poder de
los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La primera en orden de anexi\u243?n era la Galia Cisalpina, la gran llanura que
se extend\u237?a desde la orilla norte del r\u237?o Po hasta los Alpes. All\u237
? se hab\u237?an instalado tribus celtas desde principios del siglo IV, coincidi
endo con el saqueo de Roma por Breno. A estas alturas del siglo I, esos pueblos
se hallaban muy romanizados. C\u233?sar llevaba tiempo tendiendo en esa regi\u24
3?n su propia red de clientelas y presionando para que se concediera a sus habit
antes la ciudadan\u237?a romana. De all\u237? salieron una gran parte de los rec
lutas de sus legiones, muchos de los cuales seguramente ten\u237?an m\u225?s asp
ecto de celtas que de it\u225?licos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La segunda Galia era la Transalpina, que C\u233?sar denominaba simplemente \u171
?Provincia\u187?. Se trataba de la larga franja costera que se hab\u237?an anexi
onado los romanos para disponer de un paso seguro desde Italia hasta Hispania. S
e hallaba encerrada entre monta\u241?as: al este los Alpes, al oeste los Pirineo
s y por el norte las diversas estribaciones del Macizo Central franc\u233?s, com
o las Cevenas. No obstante, desde la Provincia se abr\u237?an dos amplios pasill
os que conduc\u237?an hacia el interior del continente: por un lado, el R\u243?d
ano, de norte a sur, y por otro el corredor del Aude y el Garona, que llevaba ha
sta el Atl\u225?ntico. En esta Galia sometida hac\u237?a unos sesenta a\u241?os
habitaban pueblos como los tect\u243?sages y los al\u243?broges, que llevaban ya
bastante tiempo en contacto con la civilizaci\u243?n grecorromana.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
M\u225?s al norte empezaba la Galia que C\u233?sar menciona con la frase {\i
tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli apellantur}. Por distinguirla de
las otras dos Galias ya anexionadas, los romanos llamaban a esta {\i
Comata} o \u171?Melenuda\u187?, ya que sus habitantes se dejaban crecer mucho el
cabello. Era la regi\u243?n m\u225?s extensa de todas, limitada por el Atl\u225
?ntico al oeste y por los r\u237?os Garona al sur, Sena al norte y Rin al oeste.
All\u237? habitaban tantos pueblos que resulta muy f\u225?cil perderse con sus
nombres. De entre ellos encontraremos mencionados a menudo en las campa\u241?as
de C\u233?sar a los eduos y los secuanos, que viv\u237?an en el este; a los arve
rnos, tan situados al sur que pr\u225?cticamente limitaban con la Provincia; a l
os carnutos, enclavados en pleno centro de la Galia; y tambi\u233?n a los v\u233
?netos, que moraban en las costas de Breta\u241?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La poblaci\u243?n predominante en las regiones que he enumerado hasta ahora era
celta. Pero no solo hab\u237?a celtas en las tres Galias. A partir del siglo V s
e hab\u237?a producido una gran expansi\u243?n de los pueblos c\u233?lticos desd
e su n\u250?cleo originario, que estaba situado en las regiones del Marne, el Mo
sela y Bohemia. Por el este dicha expansi\u243?n los hab\u237?a llevado hasta el
coraz\u243?n de Asia Menor, en la regi\u243?n conocida como Galacia (el parecid
o con el nombre de la Galia no es casual). Por el suroeste los celtas hab\u237?a
n penetrado en Hispania, y por el noroeste hab\u237?an llegado hasta Britania e
Irlanda.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? ten\u237?an en com\u250?n las diversas tribus celtas para recibir
esta denominaci\u243?n? B\u225?sicamente, la lengua. O mejor habr\u237?a que de
cir \u171?las lenguas\u187?. Los idiomas que hablaban todos esos pueblos pertene
c\u237?an al grupo c\u233?ltico, una gran rama que a su vez pertenec\u237?a a un
\u225?rbol de lenguas mucho mayor conocido como \u171?indoeuropeo\u187?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Los idiomas de una misma rama se parec\u237?an entre s\u237?, de tal manera que
tambi\u233?n podr\u237?amos considerarlos dialectos. Eso no significa que un g\u
225?lata de Asia Menor pudiera entenderse con un britano: cuanto m\u225?s separa

dos en el tiempo y en el espacio se hallaban dos dialectos, m\u225?s dif\u237?ci

l era que sus hablantes pudieran comunicarse entre ellos. As\u237? y todo, hab\u
237?a suficientes elementos comunes como para que un observador externo, griego
o romano, juzgara que estaba oyendo idiomas emparentados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
La lengua no era el \u250?nico elemento com\u250?n que caracterizaba a los celta
s. Compart\u237?an tambi\u233?n divinidades como Lugus o Lug, al que los romanos
identificaban con Mercurio; la diosa de la fertilidad Epona, que tambi\u233?n e
staba relacionada con los caballos; o Cernunnos, el dios con cuernos de ciervo.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De rendir culto a estos dioses se ocupaban los sacerdotes conocidos como druidas
. Se cree que su nombre significa \u171?los que conocen el roble\u187?, puesto q
ue este era su \u225?rbol sagrado. Precisamente el conocimiento era lo que disti
ngu\u237?a a los druidas del com\u250?n de los mortales: para dominar sus secret
os estudiaban durante veinte a\u241?os y pasaban una serie de pruebas muy exigen
tes. Todo lo aprend\u237?an de forma oral, ya que pensaban, como Plat\u243?n, qu
e plasmar los conocimientos por escrito era una forma de debilitar la memoria. S
eguro que ese ejercicio mnemot\u233?cnico les ven\u237?a muy bien a sus neuronas
; pero, por desgracia para nosotros, significa que pr\u225?cticamente no nos ha
llegado nada de la sabidur\u237?a de los druidas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos acusaban a los druidas de realizar sacrificios humanos. El mismo C\u
233?sar menciona que a veces introduc\u237?an a prisioneros dentro de figuras de
mimbre y les prend\u237?an fuego. Aunque los romanos consideraran esto como una
costumbre b\u225?rbara, hay que recordar que en ocasiones de emergencia como la
guerra contra An\u237?bal ellos tambi\u233?n hab\u237?an inmolado a personas en
pleno Foro para aplacar a los dioses, siguiendo las instrucciones de los libros
sibilinos. Por otra parte, \u191?qu\u233? eran las luchas de gladiadores sino s
acrificios humanos que poco a poco se hab\u237?an desprendido de sus rasgos ritu
ales para convertirse en mero espect\u225?culo?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los druidas pose\u237?an una enorme influencia en la sociedad celta. No solo eje
rc\u237?an como sacerdotes, sino que tambi\u233?n juzgaban cr\u237?menes, sacril
egios e incluso disputas por lindes y herencias. El castigo m\u225?s habitual qu
e impon\u237?an era prohibir al condenado que participara en los ritos y sacrifi
cios de la comunidad, una mezcla de comuni\u243?n y ostracismo que supon\u237?a
apartar a una persona de la sociedad y convertirla en una especie de paria.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todos los a\u241?os, los druidas celtas se reun\u237?an en concilio en el pa\u23
7?s de los carnutos, que se consideraba el coraz\u243?n sagrado de la Galia. Ade
m\u225?s, exist\u237?a entre ellos un druida supremo, una especie de autoridad e
spiritual que manten\u237?a este puesto de por vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Este concilio de druidas era lo m\u225?s parecido a una organizaci\u243?n intern
acional que compart\u237?an los pueblos celtas de la Galia. A primera vista, par
ece extra\u241?o que existiera m\u225?s unidad religiosa que pol\u237?tica, pero
en realidad no lo es. Podemos encontrar paralelos en Grecia, que en la Antig\u2
52?edad nunca lleg\u243? a unificarse: all\u237? aparecieron desde muy pronto in
stituciones religiosas con representantes de varias ciudades, como la llamada An
fiction\u237?a que administraba el or\u225?culo de Delfos. Otro ejemplo es el de
los Juegos Ol\u237?mpicos, en los que participaban todos los griegos y que serv
\u237?an para imponer unos cuantos d\u237?as de tregua entre pueblos que no deja
ban de guerrear entre s\u237? el resto del tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cierto modo, la sociedad de la Galia en los tiempos de C\u233?sar estaba atra
vesando una evoluci\u243?n parecida a la de Grecia o Italia unos cuantos siglos
antes. Por lo que sabemos, muchas tribus celtas hab\u237?an tenido reyes hasta n
o hac\u237?a mucho. Pero esas monarqu\u237?as estaban siendo paulatinamente sust
ituidas por aristocracias, formadas por nobles que se consideraban iguales entre
s\u237? y se reun\u237?an en consejos similares al senado de la Rep\u250?blica.
Incluso ten\u237?an gobernantes que eleg\u237?an todos los a\u241?os, como el l
lamado \u171?vergobreto\u187? de la tribu de los eduos, un magistrado que pose\u
237?a amplios poderes judiciales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los nobles galos compart\u237?an otros rasgos con los de Roma. B\u225?sicamente,

su ocupaci\u243?n era la guerra, donde ellos mismos combat\u237?an en la caball

er\u237?a. Sus l\u237?deres m\u225?s destacados, al igual que los generales roma
nos, buscaban las victorias militares para obtener prestigio personal y, de paso
, repartir bot\u237?n entre sus seguidores. Exist\u237?a entre estos y sus caudi
llos una relaci\u243?n similar a la de patrono-cliente que hab\u237?a en Roma: e
l noble galo se compromet\u237?a a proteger a los miembros de su s\u233?quito y
ellos a seguirlo a la guerra, prest\u225?ndole un juramento de fidelidad persona
l. L\u243?gicamente, el prestigio de un caudillo se med\u237?a por el n\u250?mer
o de sus partidarios. Los m\u225?s importantes, como el helvecio Orget\u243?rix,
pod\u237?an movilizar hasta diez mil seguidores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por debajo de la \u233?lite formada por druidas y nobles se hallaba el pueblo ll
ano, que viv\u237?a en aldeas y fincas dispersas y se dedicaba sobre todo a la a
gricultura. Pero aunque la mayor\u237?a de los galos fueran campesinos, exist\u2
37?an muchas otras actividades que iban ocupando cada vez a m\u225?s gente confo
rme la sociedad gala evolucionaba, como los diversos oficios artesanos, el comer
cio, la pesca o la miner\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los t\u243?picos griegos y romanos presentaban a los galos como b\u225?rbaros in
cultos y sanguinarios que cortaban las cabezas de los enemigos y las colgaban en
el umbral de su puerta. F\u237?sicamente eran altos, de piel clara y cabello ru
bio o pelirrojo, con largos bigotes siempre manchados de restos de comida o de c
erveza. Eran muy valientes en el combate; tanto que algunos, por demostrar su de
sprecio al enemigo, incluso peleaban desnudos. A cambio, les faltaba disciplina;
en parte debido a que, seg\u250?n los romanos, eran unos borrachuzos que pagaba
n lo que fuera por un \u225?nfora de vino. Para vencerlos, lo importante era sup
erar el miedo que despertaban su estatura y sus gritos de guerra en la primera a
rremetida. Si se les aguantaba un rato, se desanimaban enseguida, puesto que les
faltaban resistencia f\u237?sica y constancia mental.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una lista de t\u243?picos, como he dicho. Algunos se basaban en la realidad, com
o el de la gran estatura y la piel muy blanca, al menos como promedio (aunque ha
y que a\u241?adir que en las legiones de C\u233?sar reclutadas en el valle del P
o deb\u237?an verse tambi\u233?n muchos cabellos rubios y ojos claros). Otros, c
omo el del bigote, mezclaban una caracter\u237?stica existente con un juicio est
\u233?tico y moral. Es cierto que exist\u237?a en algunas tribus la costumbre de
cortar cabezas a modo de trofeos, pero poco pod\u237?an criticarla los romanos
que hab\u237?an rellenado de plomo el cr\u225?neo de Cayo Graco para cobrar su p
eso en oro o que hab\u237?an exhibido cabezas de enemigos pol\u237?ticos clavada
s en la Rostra de los oradores en pleno Foro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, como ya comentamos hablando de los cimbrios y los teutones, los
ej\u233?rcitos de estos supuestos b\u225?rbaros mostraban m\u225?s disciplina de
la que se suele dar a entender. Desplegaban estandartes como las legiones, lo q
ue indica que se organizaban en unidades, y su armamento no era muy distinto del
de los romanos. De hecho, la cota de malla con que se proteg\u237?an los legion
arios romanos era un invento galo, y la espada hispana un desarrollo de los herr
eros celtas, cuyo dominio de la metalurgia era proverbial.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
No era el \u250?nico campo tecnol\u243?gico en el que destacaban los celtas. Gra
cias a su ingenio, llegaron a fabricar un curioso artefacto descrito por Plinio
y conocido como {\i
Gallicus vallus}: se trataba de un carro empujado por bueyes que llevaba incorpo
rado delante una especie de rastrillo. Las p\u250?as de este arrancaban los gran
os de trigo de las espigas y los hac\u237?an caer en un recipiente. En suma, se
trataba de una primitiva cosechadora que separaba el grano de la paja y ahorraba
mucho trabajo a los campesinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los celtas tambi\u233?n eran maestros fabricando ruedas con llantas curvadas al
fuego y protegidas por aros integrales de hierro. Eso explica que la palabra lat
ina para carro, {\i
carpentum}, sea de origen celta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los carros de los galos, por cierto, se desplazaban por sus propias calzadas. La
s constru\u237?an con planchas de roble atravesadas sobre gu\u237?as de otra mad
era m\u225?s flexible, como abedul, y muchas eran tan anchas que pod\u237?an cru

zarse dos carros. La mayor\u237?a de esas v\u237?as han desaparecido, bien porqu
e los romanos aprovecharon el tendido para construir encima sus calzadas o porqu
e la madera se ha podrido. Pero han llegado algunas muestras en rincones m\u225?
s apartados del mundo romano, como el {\i
togher} de Corlea, en Irlanda: el estudio dendrocronol\u243?gico ha demostrado q
ue los robles de sus tablas fueron talados entre el a\u241?o 148 y el 146 a.C.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Otra muestra de que la sociedad gala estaba evolucionando, aunque con algo de re
traso respecto a la romana, era su desarrollo urbano. Desde principios del siglo
II hab\u237?an ido apareciendo cada vez m\u225?s ciudades en la Galia. El t\u23
3?rmino que utilizaban los romanos para ellas era {\i
oppidum}, que se refer\u237?a a una poblaci\u243?n amurallada. Es cierto que muc
has eran poco m\u225?s que fortalezas situadas sobre colinas f\u225?ciles de def
ender, pero hab\u237?a tambi\u233?n aut\u233?nticas ciudades como Bibracte, Veso
ntio o Gergovia que ten\u237?an muchos habitantes y serv\u237?an como centros co
merciales y administrativos, lo que explica que en ellas se acu\u241?aran moneda
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Toda esta evoluci\u243?n estaba m\u225?s avanzada en el centro y en el sur, dond
e las rutas comerciales pon\u237?an en contacto a los galos con la ciudad de Mas
alia y con los {\i
negotiatores} romanos. Pero C\u233?sar, como hemos visto, menciona a otros dos g
randes grupos \u233?tnicos aparte de los celtas: los aquitanos y los belgas. Est
os pueblos se hallaban en un estadio social anterior, por lo que entre ellos a\u
250?n gobernaban reyes, su econom\u237?a estaba menos desarrollada y sus centros
urbanos eran m\u225?s escasos y de menor tama\u241?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La regi\u243?n de Aquitania aparecer\u225? de una forma m\u225?s tangencial en e
ste relato, puesto que el mismo C\u233?sar no se implic\u243? apenas en su conqu
ista, sino que la dej\u243? en manos de sus legados. Las tribus que moraban all\
u237? se diferenciaban de los galos por sus costumbres y su aspecto, y sobre tod
o por su lengua. Los aquitanos hablaban un idioma que podr\u237?amos llamar eusk
era o protoeuskera. Seg\u250?n varias teor\u237?as, la lengua que conocemos como
vasca no se habr\u237?a desarrollado originariamente en el Pa\u237?s Vasco, sin
o en tierras de Aquitania. Despu\u233?s, durante los \u250?ltimos siglos de la R
ep\u250?blica y los primeros del Imperio, sus hablantes se habr\u237?an ido desp
lazando hacia el sur, m\u225?s all\u225? de los Pirineos, precisamente por la pr
esi\u243?n romana.{\super
[37]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los belgas s\u237? ocupan un lugar importante en {\i
La guerra de las Galias}, porque fueron un hueso duro de roer para C\u233?sar. D
e hecho, pudo muy bien haber perdido un ej\u233?rcito entero y su propia vida en
una batalla contra su tribu m\u225?s belicosa, la de los nervios.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Los belgas, que habitaban m\u225?s o menos entre el Sena y el Rin, no se ve\u237
?an a s\u237? mismos como galos. Aunque su lengua era c\u233?ltica, parece que e
llos mismos eran una mezcla de germanos y celtas. Su sociedad se hallaba menos c
entralizada que la del centro de la Galia, sus poblaciones eran m\u225?s fortale
zas que ciudades y en lugar de magistrados segu\u237?an teniendo reyes o caudill
os similares a reyes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La raz\u243?n de que estuvieran m\u225?s atrasados y al mismo tiempo fuesen m\u2
25?s aguerridos la explica el propio C\u233?sar: \u171?De todos [los galos], los
m\u225?s valientes son los belgas, porque son los que se encuentran m\u225?s le
jos de la civilizaci\u243?n y la cultura de la Provincia. Tambi\u233?n se debe a
que son vecinos de los germanos que habitan al otro lado del Rin, con los que s
ostienen guerras constantes\u187? (BG, 1.1).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hemos mencionado a los germanos. Los romanos ten\u237?an una gradaci\u243?n de u
na cualidad que podr\u237?amos denominar \u171?bruticie\u187? \u8212?espero que
se me perdone el neologismo\u8212? y en la que se mezclaban algunos rasgos posit
ivos, como el valor guerrero y la vida sencilla, con otros negativos, como el sa
lvajismo y el atraso. En dicha gradaci\u243?n, el puesto m\u225?s bajo lo ocupab
an los galos de la Provincia, que a fuerza de disfrutar de los lujos de la civil

izaci\u243?n se hab\u237?an ablandado. Despu\u233?s ven\u237?an los habitantes d

e la Galia central, por encima se hallaban los belgas y en lo m\u225?s alto se e
ncontraban los germanos, que eran, por as\u237? decirlo, los b\u225?rbaros de lo
s b\u225?rbaros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ling\u252?\u237?sticamente, los germanos se diferenciaban de los celtas porque s
us dialectos proced\u237?an de otra rama del indoeuropeo. De todas formas, en zo
nas de contacto como el pa\u237?s de los belgas, las lenguas, las costumbres y l
a sangre se mezclaban tanto que a veces resultaba dif\u237?cil saber si una trib
u era germana, celta o un h\u237?brido (algo que ya sali\u243? a colaci\u243?n a
prop\u243?sito del discutido origen de los cimbrios).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A los romanos, sin embargo, les gustaban las diferencias claras y las fronteras
n\u237?tidas. Desde el punto de vista de C\u233?sar, germanos eran b\u225?sicame
nte los pueblos que moraban al otro lado del Rin. As\u237? hab\u237?a sido y as\
u237? deb\u237?a seguir siendo. Por eso, si alguna tribu germana osaba cruzar la
divisoria, hab\u237?a que tomar cartas en el asunto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A no ser, claro est\u225?, que lo hicieran para servir en el ej\u233?rcito de C\
u233?sar, quien los valoraba mucho como mercenarios. Ten\u237?a sus razones. Dur
ante las campa\u241?as de C\u233?sar, los jinetes germanos pusieron en fuga una
y otra vez a tropas de caballer\u237?a gala muy superiores en n\u250?mero.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?A qu\u233? se deb\u237?a esto? No resulta f\u225?cil de comprender. Desde
luego, no era por los caballos germanos. Cuando en el a\u241?o 52 C\u233?sar hiz
o venir a jinetes del otro lado del Rin, cambi\u243? sus monturas por los corcel
es de sus propios tribunos y oficiales porque eran muy peque\u241?as; tanto que
debajo de los enormes germanos deb\u237?an de parecer m\u225?s ponis que caballo
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tampoco da la impresi\u243?n de que el dominio de la equitaci\u243?n de los germ
anos fuera superior al de los galos. Cuando el combate se complicaba mucho desmo
ntaban \u8212?lo cual no les resultaba dif\u237?cil dada su estatura\u8212?, se
met\u237?an bajo las patas de los caballos enemigos sin temor a ser aplastados,
los acuchillaban en el vientre y levantaban a sus jinetes con ambos brazos para
derribarlos. Los indicios sugieren que la superioridad de los germanos era moral
, y se deb\u237?a a su extremada ferocidad y al pavor que infund\u237?an en sus
adversarios. Del mismo modo que algunos equipos de f\u250?tbol juegan peor con c
iertos rivales a los que son incapaces de ganar, los jinetes galos parec\u237?an
tener perdida la guerra psicol\u243?gica con los germanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA MIGRACI\u211?N DE LOS HELVECIOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Precisamente los germanos tuvieron mucho que ver con la forma en que se desarrol
laron las campa\u241?as galas de C\u233?sar, primero indirectamente y unos meses
despu\u233?s con un choque frontal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el a\u241?o 61, mientras \u233?l se encontraba en Hispania Ulterior como prop
retor, empezaron a producirse movimientos pol\u237?ticos entre los helvecios. Es
te pueblo ocupaba un precioso valle verde que se les empezaba a quedar peque\u24
1?o. Dicho valle se hallaba encajonado entre los Alpes y la cadena monta\u241?os
a del Jura. Por su extremo nordeste limitaba con el Rin, haciendo frontera con l
os germanos, y por el suroeste con el lago Lem\u225?n y el r\u237?o R\u243?dano,
colindantes con la provincia romana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los helvecios estaban hartos de combatir contra los germanos, que no hac\u237?an
m\u225?s que presionarlos desde el norte. Ellos, por su parte, no ten\u237?an l
a salida f\u225?cil de otras tribus galas, que era hacer incursiones en el terri
torio de los vecinos, pues se lo imped\u237?an las monta\u241?as. Tan solo pod\u
237?an atacar el territorio de los al\u243?broges; pero estos eran aliados y ami
gos de la Rep\u250?blica, lo que significaba que meterse con ellos era molestar
a los romanos, algo que no resultaba demasiado conveniente.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Al parecer, la situaci\u243?n de los helvecios se estaba agravando por un consta

nte aumento de poblaci\u243?n. El estrecho valle donde viv\u237?an apenas pod\u2

37?a sustentarlos, as\u237? que un noble llamado Orget\u243?rix propuso una sali
da dr\u225?stica: una emigraci\u243?n en masa. La idea era cruzar la Galia y lle
gar hasta el Atl\u225?ntico para instalarse en el territorio de los santones, ju
nto a la desembocadura del Garona. Aquel era un pa\u237?s mucho m\u225?s llano y
con una interesante salida al mar. \u191?Qu\u233? pensaban hacer con los santon
es? Es de suponer que conquistarlos, expulsarlos o directamente aniquilarlos, pu
es los helvecios confiaban mucho en sus fuerzas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Orget\u243?rix propuso que se tomaran un plazo de dos a\u241?os con el fin de re
unir carros y animales de tiro y hacer acopio de provisiones \u8212?sobre todo g
rano\u8212? para aquel viaje de quinientos cincuenta kil\u243?metros a vuelo de
p\u225?jaro. Mientras los dem\u225?s llevaban a cabo estos preparativos, \u233?l
se puso en contacto con aquellos pueblos cuyas tierras deb\u237?an atravesar. U
na cosa era aplastar a los santones y otra enfrentarse por el camino con dos de
las tribus m\u225?s poderosas de la Galia, los secuanos y los eduos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Orget\u243?rix no trat\u243? con los consejos de nobles que gobernaban esos pueb
los, sino con dos individuos que, como \u233?l, pretend\u237?an alcanzar el mayo
r poder posible entre los suyos: C\u225?stico, un caudillo secuano, y Dumn\u243?
rix, un l\u237?der de los eduos. Seg\u250?n explica C\u233?sar, no solo les pidi
\u243? permiso para pasar por sus tierras, sino que les ofreci\u243? el apoyo de
los guerreros helvecios. \u191?Para qu\u233?? Para volver a tiempos anteriores
y m\u225?s felices \u8212?para ellos\u8212? y convertirse en reyes. Juntos los t
res, formando una especie de triunvirato como el de C\u233?sar, Pompeyo y Craso,
podr\u237?an convertirse en los amos de la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tanto a C\u225?stico como a Dumn\u243?rix la idea les son\u243? a m\u250?sica ce
lestial. Sin remontarse mucho en el tiempo, el padre de C\u225?stico hab\u237?a
sido rey de los secuanos. En cuanto a Dumn\u243?rix, aunque la tribu de los eduo
s era la principal aliada de Roma en la Galia central, \u233?l se sent\u237?a ta
n rabiosamente antirromano como prorromano era su hermano mayor, el druida Divic
iaco. Para reforzar esta alianza, Orget\u243?rix entreg\u243? a su hija en matri
monio a Dumn\u243?rix.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero las tribus galas que hab\u237?an dejado atr\u225?s la \u233?poca de la mona
rqu\u237?a no quer\u237?an regresar a ella. Sobre todo los nobles, que, como los
senadores de Roma, estaban dispuestos a cortar la cabeza de todo aquel que dest
acara demasiado entre ellos. Cuando los arist\u243?cratas helvecios se enteraron
de que Orget\u243?rix pretend\u237?a convertirse en rey, tirano o algo similar,
le ordenaron acudir ante un tribunal para ser juzgado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
El juicio deb\u237?a celebrarse con el acusado cargado de cadenas, de modo que n
o pudiera escapar. Si el veredicto era culpable, su condena consistir\u237?a en
ser quemado vivo. Orget\u243?rix, que no estaba dispuesto a pasar ni por las cad
enas ni por las llamas, se present\u243? el d\u237?a fijado para el proceso con
un enorme s\u233?quito de partidarios: nada menos que diez mil seg\u250?n C\u233
?sar, aunque estas cifras tan perfectas siempre hacen sospechar que la fuente qu
e informa redondea al alza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El juicio no se pudo celebrar por la presi\u243?n de los partidarios de Orget\u2
43?rix. Pese a ello, para oponerse a \u233?l y evitar que asaltara el poder, el
resto de los nobles empezaron a congregar a sus propios seguidores en n\u250?mer
os a\u250?n mayores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La guerra civil parec\u237?a inminente cuando se supo que Orget\u243?rix hab\u23
7?a muerto. Entre los helvecios corri\u243? el rumor de que se hab\u237?a suicid
ado debido al fracaso de su plan. Pero una parte de su proyecto sigui\u243? adel
ante, pues los helvecios pensaron que la idea de emigrar era buena y continuaron
con los preparativos. Cuando consideraron que ya ten\u237?an suficientes provis
iones para el viaje, decidieron privarse ellos mismos de cualquier posibilidad d
e volverse atr\u225?s. Para ello quemaron todos los lugares habitables: doce ciu
dades, cuatrocientas aldeas y todas las alquer\u237?as aisladas. No contentos co
n eso, tambi\u233?n prendieron fuego a los silos con todo el grano que no pod\u2
37?an llevar encima.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Dispon\u237?an de dos rutas para salir de su valle. Hab\u237?a una que atravesab
a las monta\u241?as del Jura por el paso de l\u8217?Ecluse y llegaba hasta el te
rritorio de los secuanos. Aquel camino era tan estrecho que en muchos puntos \u2
50?nicamente pod\u237?a pasar un carro. Los helvecios llevaban miles o decenas d
e miles de veh\u237?culos, de modo que el Jura parec\u237?a una elecci\u243?n de
saconsejable. Adem\u225?s, cualquier tribu enemiga que se apostara en las altura
s podr\u237?a impedirles el paso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La segunda opci\u243?n se antojaba mucho m\u225?s c\u243?moda. Consist\u237?a en
dirigirse hacia el sur, cruzar el R\u243?dano por el puente y atravesar el terr
itorio de sus vecinos al\u243?broges. A estos pod\u237?an convencerlos o vencerl
os, seg\u250?n plantearan resistencia o no.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema, por supuesto, eran los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando a C\u233?sar le lleg\u243? la noticia de que un pueblo entero se pon\u237
?a en marcha hacia una de las provincias que ten\u237?a asignada \u8212?la Provi
ncia\u8212?, le pill\u243? con el pie cambiado. Al parecer, el objetivo que ten\
u237?a pensado para su primera campa\u241?a era el rey dacio Burebista, que hab\
u237?a ampliado sus fronteras m\u225?s all\u225? del Danubio y empezaba a acerca
rse al Adri\u225?tico y al nordeste de Italia. Una prueba de ello es que de las
cuatro legiones que ten\u237?a bajo su mando solo una (probablemente la D\u233?c
ima) se hallaba en la Galia, mientras que las otras tres (S\u233?ptima, Octava y
Novena) estaban acampadas junto a la ciudad de Aquilea, a orillas del Adri\u225
?tico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era el mes de marzo cuando C\u233?sar sali\u243? de Roma y se dirigi\u243? hacia
el norte. Por el momento no se tom\u243? demasiado en serio la amenaza y mantuv
o a las tres legiones en Aquilea. Pero tampoco se demor\u243? en el camino, sino
que recorri\u243? setecientos kil\u243?metros en tan solo ocho d\u237?as. Siemp
re fue muy r\u225?pido tanto de pensamiento como de obra, y al convertirse en ge
neral acentu\u243? esa cualidad, procurando adelantarse a sus enemigos y aparece
r cuando no se le esperaba y por donde no se le aguardaba. Como \u233?l mismo ex
plic\u243? a sus hombres a punto de cruzar el mar en pleno mes de enero: \u171?E
l arma m\u225?s poderosa en la guerra es la sorpresa\u187?. No obstante, a veces
esta rapidez pod\u237?a convertirse en apresuramiento e imprudencia, como le oc
urri\u243? junto al r\u237?o Sabis en una batalla con los nervios.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? a Genava (actual Ginebra) una ciudad de los aliados al\u243?br
oges construida a orillas del lago Lem\u225?n, C\u233?sar comprob\u243? que la s
ituaci\u243?n era m\u225?s grave de lo que sospechaba. Al otro lado del R\u243?d
ano se estaba congregando una inmensa multitud que superaba con mucho a sus mode
stos efectivos, tan solo una legi\u243?n. C\u233?sar orden\u243? a sus hombres q
ue cortaran el puente que cruzaba el r\u237?o y al mismo tiempo reclut\u243? fue
rzas auxiliares en la comarca para reforzar a la D\u233?cima.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s lleg\u243? una embajada de los helvecios, dirigida por los nob
les Nameyo y Veruclecio. Seg\u250?n le explicaron, no quer\u237?an causar ning\u
250?n da\u241?o a los romanos ni a sus aliados, sino \u250?nicamente pasar por s
us tierras de camino al oeste, lejos de las fronteras de la Rep\u250?blica.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar respondi\u243? que ten\u237?a que pens\u225?rselo, y que volvieran el
13 de abril para conocer su decisi\u243?n. En realidad, ya la hab\u237?a tomado
, como \u233?l mismo confiesa sin el menor pudor en su libro: no estaba dispuest
o a dejar pasar a los helvecios de ning\u250?n modo; lo \u250?nico que pretend\u
237?a era ganar tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Habr\u237?a podido permitir a los helvecios que atravesaran las tierras de
los al\u243?broges? Tal vez, pero exist\u237?an razones poderosas para no hacer
lo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La primera era que no quer\u237?a. C\u233?sar hab\u237?a presionado todo lo posi
ble para librarse de aquel humillante mando de \u171?bosques y caminos\u187? que
el senado hab\u237?a procurado endilgarle, porque deseaba llevar a cabo una gra
n campa\u241?a militar que le concediera prestigio y riquezas. Ahora se le ofrec
\u237?a la ocasi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Adem\u225?s, una de las subtribus que formaba el contingente helvecio era la de

los tigurinos, que casi cincuenta a\u241?os antes hab\u237?an humillado a un ej\
u233?rcito romano haciendo pasar a los soldados bajo el yugo despu\u233?s de mat
ar al c\u243?nsul Lucio Casio. Si C\u233?sar les daba su merecido, podr\u237?a p
resentar ese triunfo ante el pueblo romano como una revancha \u8212?\u171?El pla
to de la venganza es mejor servirlo fr\u237?o\u187?, como dir\u237?a Khan\u8212?
. De paso, lo enlazar\u237?a simb\u243?licamente con los de su t\u237?o Mario, q
ue hasta ahora hab\u237?a sido su principal baza para conseguir popularidad.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cr\u237?ticos de C\u233?sar que piensan que esta guerra era innecesaria tal
vez se detendr\u237?an aqu\u237?. Pero exist\u237?an otros motivos ajenos a su p
ersona. Cuando los helvecios desfilaran por la Provincia en una interminable car
avana durante d\u237?as y d\u237?as, \u191?qui\u233?n iba a controlar que nadie
se desmandara y se dedicara a saquear la comarca? Eso ocurr\u237?a incluso con e
j\u233?rcitos disciplinados, conque mucho m\u225?s con una horda como aquella. P
or otra parte, los helvecios aseguraban que se iban a instalar en las tierras de
los santones, a orillas del Atl\u225?ntico. Eso estaba lejos de Genava, pero no
tan lejos de Tolosa y de la frontera oeste de la Provincia.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Todav\u237?a exist\u237?a un motivo ulterior. Hasta finales del siglo II, los he
lvecios hab\u237?an vivido al norte del Rin, pero la presi\u243?n constante de l
os germanos los hab\u237?a empujado hasta el sitio donde habitaban. Si ahora se
marchaban de all\u237? y dejaban desierto el valle, los germanos no tardar\u237?
an en ocupar su lugar. C\u233?sar pretend\u237?a que los helvecios siguieran don
de estaban a modo de colch\u243?n; la opini\u243?n de los romanos \u8212?y de mu
chos galos\u8212? era que los germanos pod\u237?an ser unos vecinos tan molestos
como unos estudiantes de alquiler en el piso de arriba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Mientras transcurr\u237?a el plazo estipulado, unas dos semanas, C\u233?sar orde
n\u243? a sus hombres que construyeran un muro de tierra entre el lago Lem\u225?
n y las monta\u241?as del Jura. Fue la primera vez que puso a sus legionarios a
trabajar, pero no la \u250?ltima. En pocos d\u237?as levantaron una muralla de c
asi treinta kil\u243?metros de longitud y m\u225?s de cinco metros de altura, do
tada de fuertes y torres de vigilancia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los embajadores regresaron, seguramente se dieron cuenta de que C\u233?sa
r los hab\u237?a enga\u241?ado. No obstante, tuvieron que o\u237?r de sus labios
que, obedeciendo a las costumbres y ejemplos del pueblo romano \u8212?{\i
more et exemplo populi Romani}\u8212?, no pod\u237?a dejarles pasar. Es llamativ
o que C\u233?sar mencione en su libro hasta cuarenta y una veces al pueblo roman
o, muchas m\u225?s que al senado: eso parece dejar claro d\u243?nde estaban sus
simpat\u237?as, d\u243?nde sab\u237?a que ten\u237?a su apoyo y a qui\u233?n dir
ig\u237?a sus {\i
Comentarios}. Podemos imaginarnos a los ciudadanos de clase media y baja escucha
ndo una lectura p\u250?blica en Roma, apretando los pu\u241?os y mascullando: \u
171?\u161?C\u233?sar hizo bien en no dejar pasar a esos bastardos!\u187?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
El consejo de nobles de las tribus decidi\u243? que, si no quedaba otra opci\u24
3?n, tomar\u237?an el otro camino atravesando el Jura. Pero no todos los helveci
os estaban de acuerdo ni eran tan pacientes, y muchos intentaron cruzar el R\u24
3?dano en balsas o saltar la muralla de tierra. No obstante, los hombres de C\u2
33?sar se las arreglaron para rechazarlos y evitar que nadie pasara por all\u237
?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, el grueso de los helvecios dio media vuelta y se dirigi\u243? hac
ia las monta\u241?as. A esas alturas, C\u233?sar no ten\u237?a forma de saber cu
\u225?ntos eran. M\u225?s adelante se apoder\u243? de unos documentos escritos e
n caracteres griegos, seg\u250?n los cuales los helvecios que hab\u237?an abando
nado sus tierras eran trescientos sesenta y ocho mil. Considerando que uno de ca
da cuatro era un var\u243?n en edad militar, eso significaba m\u225?s de noventa
mil potenciales guerreros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La cifra parece exageradamente alta. El historiador militar Hans Delbr\u252?ck,

siguiendo a Napole\u243?n III en sus comentarios sobre C\u233?sar, calcul\u243?

que en la hip\u243?tesis m\u225?s optimista el convoy de los helvecios habr\u237
?a medido al menos ciento veinticinco kil\u243?metros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, el contingente helvecio era muy superior en n\u250?mero a las
tropas que C\u233?sar ten\u237?a en la Provincia. Previendo ulteriores problema
s \u8212?o quiz\u225? queriendo buscarlos\u8212?, el proc\u243?nsul dej\u243? al
mando de su \u250?nica legi\u243?n al m\u225?s dotado de sus legados, Tito Labi
eno, un veterano que ya hab\u237?a combatido con Pompeyo en la guerra civil.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, \u233?l mismo viaj\u243? a toda prisa a la Galia Cisalpina
para traerse a las otras tres legiones. Pero no se conform\u243? con esto, sino
que reclut\u243? otras dos legiones que numer\u243? Und\u233?cima y Duod\u233?ci
ma. As\u237? lo cuenta \u233?l, como de pasada. Obviamente, alistar una legi\u24
3?n no era un procedimiento tan sencillo, lo que hace pensar que en su primer pa
so por la Galia Cisalpina camino de Genava ya hab\u237?a dado \u243?rdenes a ese
respecto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El mandato proconsular de C\u233?sar no lo autorizaba a reclutar nuevas legiones
sin pedir permiso al senado, pero \u233?l no se preocup\u243?. Cuantos m\u225?s
soldados tuviera bajo su mando no solo le ser\u237?a m\u225?s f\u225?cil vencer
a los helvecios y otros potenciales enemigos, sino que dispondr\u237?a de una b
ase de poder para el futuro mucho m\u225?s amplia. El \u250?nico problema era qu
e, al no haber recibido la venia del senado, tampoco pod\u237?a contar con fondo
s p\u250?blicos, de modo que era \u233?l mismo quien deb\u237?a pagar a aquellas
dos nuevas legiones. Por eso, cuanto antes se asegurase un buen bot\u237?n, muc
ho mejor para \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto tuvo listas esas dos legiones, se puso en camino hacia la Provincia pa
ra reunirse con Labieno. El camino m\u225?s sencillo era recorrer la costa hasta
Masalia y desde ah\u237? remontar el curso del R\u243?dano hacia el norte hasta
llegar a Genava. Pero C\u233?sar no era hombre de senderos f\u225?ciles ni de t
omarse las cosas con calma, de modo que se dirigi\u243? a una ruta m\u225?s dire
cta atravesando los Alpes por pasos que en muchos puntos segu\u237?an nevados. M
ientras cruzaba las monta\u241?as, diversas tribus locales que no hab\u237?an si
do sometidas atacaron a sus tropas. Las marchas duras y las escaramuzas contra a
quellos enemigos sirvieron de entrenamiento para desanquilosar a los veteranos y
endurecer a los biso\u241?os de la Und\u233?cima y la Duod\u233?cima.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? junto al lago Lem\u225?n y se reuni\u243? con Labieno, C\u233?
sar contaba ya con seis legiones, de la S\u233?ptima a la Duod\u233?cima. Eso su
pon\u237?a entre veinticinco mil y treinta mil soldados. Era una cifra m\u225?s
que respetable que aument\u243? pidiendo cuatro mil efectivos de caballer\u237?a
a los aliados galos, sobre todo a los eduos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Precisamente los eduos fueron quienes le brindaron la excusa perfecta para conti
nuar la campa\u241?a. Hasta entonces, puesto que los helvecios hab\u237?an renun
ciado a atravesar la Provincia, C\u233?sar no ten\u237?a realmente un {\i
casus belli}, un motivo justo para declararles la guerra. Pero despu\u233?s de c
ruzar las monta\u241?as del Jura y el territorio de los secuanos \u8212?con perm
iso de estos\u8212?, los helvecios entraron en tierras de los eduos y empezaron
a saquearlas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como amigos y aliados del pueblo romano, los eduos enviaron embajadores a C\u233
?sar para solicitar que interviniera. No era justo, le dijeron, que a la vista d
el ej\u233?rcito romano ellos tuvieran que contemplar impotentes c\u243?mo sus c
ampos eran devastados, sus hijos raptados y convertidos en esclavos y sus ciudad
es asaltadas. De lo mismo se quejaron los al\u243?broges, lament\u225?ndose de q
ue aquella plaga de langosta no les hab\u237?a dejado m\u225?s que el suelo pela
do.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Puesto que Roma ten\u237?a un pacto de alianza y amistad con los eduos, a C\u233
?sar, el leg\u237?timo proc\u243?nsul de la zona, no le quedaba m\u225?s remedio
que defenderlos. As\u237?, al menos, lo explica \u233?l en sus {\i
Comentarios}. Casi nos lo podemos imaginar frot\u225?ndose las manos al recibir
esas noticias. Pero \u191?hasta qu\u233? punto se trataba de una guerra justa?\p

ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo depende de c\u243?mo interpretemos lo que estaba ocurriendo. Tal como lo ex
presaban los eduos, da la impresi\u243?n de que los helvecios estaban dejando a
su paso un reguero de sangre y fuego. Sin embargo, es posible que tan solo estuv
ieran actuando grupos aislados de saqueadores. En cuanto a la queja de los al\u2
43?broges sobre c\u243?mo les hab\u237?an dejado los campos, se antoja algo exag
erada. El mismo C\u233?sar afirma m\u225?s tarde que las cosechas de cereal a\u2
50?n no estaban maduras, porque el clima es m\u225?s fr\u237?o en la Galia que e
n Italia. \u191?Qu\u233? habr\u237?an ganado los helvecios segando un trigo toda
v\u237?a verde?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s, cuando C\u233?sar se refiere a \u171?los eduos\u187? parece que est
os hablaran con una \u250?nica voz, y no era as\u237?. Hab\u237?a entre ellos pa
rtidarios de seguir pactando con los romanos, como el influyente druida Diviciac
o, que magnificar\u237?an cualquier incidente para decirle justo lo que quer\u23
7?a o\u237?r \u8212?\u171?\u161?Tienes que defendernos de los helvecios!\u187?\u
8212?. Y, por supuesto, delante de testigos que informaran por carta al senado.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a muchos eduos que no se mostraban tan entusiastas de
aliarse con Roma. Uno de ellos era Dumn\u243?rix, el hermano de Diviciaco. Mien
tras que este representaba a la aristocracia que en los \u250?ltimos tiempos se
hab\u237?a hecho con el poder, Dumn\u243?rix era un l\u237?der m\u225?s populist
a que pretend\u237?a convertirse en rey de su pueblo y, a poder ser, en el l\u23
7?der m\u225?s importante de la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Curiosamente, era Dumn\u243?rix quien se hallaba al mando de los cuatro mil jine
tes galos que acompa\u241?aban al ej\u233?rcito romano. Sin que C\u233?sar lo su
piera, el noble eduo llevaba un doble juego, pues era \u233?l quien hab\u237?a a
ctuado como intermediario entre los helvecios y los secuanos para que intercambi
aran rehenes y se aseguraran de no hacerse da\u241?o los unos a los otros.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Que C\u233?sar tal vez exagerara la devastaci\u243?n causada por los helvecios n
o significa que estos fueran unas v\u237?ctimas inocentes; se trataba de un pueb
lo que se jactaba de sus virtudes guerreras y que estaba dispuesto a apoderarse
de las tierras donde viv\u237?a otra tribu, la de los santones. En la Antig\u252
?edad las cosas funcionaban as\u237?: si uno observaba que su vecino pose\u237?a
tierras f\u233?rtiles, tesoros valiosos o ambas cosas y percib\u237?a debilidad
en \u233?l, atacaba como el lobo al olor de la sangre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
En esta forma de actuar los romanos se diferenciaban de otros pueblos por dos co
sas. La primera, porque eran mucho m\u225?s eficaces combatiendo y destruyendo g
racias a su organizaci\u243?n y a la cantidad de efectivos que pod\u237?an reclu
tar \u8212?el {\i
manpower} del que hablaba en {\i
Roma victoriosa}\u8212?. La segunda, porque maximizaban los beneficios: en lugar
de saquear una vez y retirarse, sol\u237?an quedarse como conquistadores y nomb
raban gobernadores y publicanos que se encargaran de cobrar impuestos, convirtie
ndo el pillaje en una instituci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar y su ej\u233?rcito se pusieron en marcha r\u225?pidamente para alcanz
ar a los helvecios. No les result\u243? dif\u237?cil, puesto que un pueblo enter
o en marcha como aquel, con sus familias, sus bestias de carga y sus carromatos,
avanzaba muy despacio y cada vez que deb\u237?a atravesar alg\u250?n paso estre
cho se formaban atascos y cuellos de botella.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando dieron alcance a los helvecios, tres cuartas partes de estos hab\u237?an
cruzado el r\u237?o Saona, un afluente del R\u243?dano que en aquella zona discu
rr\u237?a tan despacio que resultaba dif\u237?cil distinguir a simple vista en q
u\u233? direcci\u243?n flu\u237?a la corriente. Aun as\u237?, los helvecios llev
aban veinte d\u237?as cruz\u225?ndolo a bordo de botes y balsas, lo que sugiere
que no se desplazaban en un \u250?nico convoy sino en multitud de grupos.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre los que quedaban por cruzar el r\u237?o sin saber lo que se les avecinaba
por la espalda estaban la mayor\u237?a de los tigurinos, los mismos que hab\u237

?an hecho pasar por el yugo al ej\u233?rcito romano en Burdigala. Aquello, seg\u
250?n C\u233?sar, se debi\u243? a la casualidad o a la voluntad de los dioses in
mortales (se trata de una de las pocas ocasiones en que los menciona en su obra,
por cierto).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para pillarlos a\u250?n m\u225?s desprevenidos, C\u233?sar los atac\u243? de noc
he, saliendo del campamento con tres legiones a medianoche, en la tercera guardi
a. M\u225?s que una batalla, aquella primera acci\u243?n b\u233?lica del flamant
e proc\u243?nsul fue una carnicer\u237?a. La mayor\u237?a de los helvecios que s
egu\u237?an en la orilla oriental del r\u237?o fueron masacrados. Los pocos supe
rvivientes huyeron dejando atr\u225?s sus carromatos y se refugiaron en los bosq
ues cercanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar explicar\u237?a m\u225?s tarde que aquello no fue \u250?nicamente una
venganza en nombre de Roma, sino tambi\u233?n en el de la familia de su esposa
Cornelia, ya que el abuelo de su suegro, Cornelio Pis\u243?n, hab\u237?a muerto
a manos de los tigurinos en aquella infausta batalla del a\u241?o 107.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Tras el combate, C\u233?sar orden\u243? tender un puente para cruzar el r\u237?o
. Sus pontoneros lo construyeron en tan solo un d\u237?a ante el asombro de los
helvecios, que hab\u237?an tardado veinte en atravesar la corriente. Preocupados
, enviaron una embajada encabezada por un noble llamado Divic\u243?n. Cincuenta
a\u241?os antes, Divic\u243?n hab\u237?a sido uno de los generales de los tiguri
nos en la batalla de Burdigala, lo que implica que al menos deb\u237?a de ser ya
octogenario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El anciano le dijo a C\u233?sar que estaban dispuestos a instalarse donde \u233?
l les ordenara y a firmar un tratado con Roma. Pero todo por las buenas, a\u241?
adi\u243?; por las malas, segu\u237?an siendo un pueblo poderoso. Si C\u233?sar
hab\u237?a aniquilado a una parte de ellos se deb\u237?a \u250?nicamente a que l
os hab\u237?a atacado a traici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar respondi\u243? que deb\u237?an regresar al valle del que hab\u237?an
salido y, por si acaso, entregar rehenes a los romanos para garantizar que no vo
lver\u237?an a abandonar sus tierras. Por supuesto, aquella contrapropuesta resu
lt\u243? inaceptable para los helvecios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Rotas las conversaciones, los helvecios continuaron su viaje, esta vez tomando m
uchas m\u225?s precauciones para proteger su retaguardia. C\u233?sar los sigui\u
243? a cierta distancia y envi\u243? por delante a la caballer\u237?a gala para
que le informara del camino que tomaban los enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante la marcha, los jinetes de C\u233?sar se acercaron demasiado a la retagua
rdia de los helvecios. Estos se revolvieron, los atacaron con tan solo quiniento
s jinetes y los pusieron en fuga, pese a que los eduos eran ocho veces m\u225?s.
Considerando que el jefe de la caballer\u237?a aliada era Dumn\u243?rix, el inc
idente ol\u237?a a trampa por todas partes. Pero C\u233?sar todav\u237?a no sosp
echaba que Dumn\u243?rix era m\u225?s enemigo que amigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
A partir de esa escaramuza la moral de los helvecios mejor\u243? tanto que de cu
ando en cuando desplegaban a sus guerreros para retar a los romanos al combate.
C\u233?sar, por el momento, conten\u237?a a sus hombres. Se hallaba en inferiori
dad num\u233?rica y no quer\u237?a entablar batalla hasta que encontrara un luga
r apropiado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, lo acuciaba un grave problema: empezaban a quedarse sin provisiones
. Durante varios d\u237?as los romanos hab\u237?an recibido suministros en embar
caciones que sub\u237?an por el Saona. Pero ahora los helvecios se hab\u237?an a
lejado del r\u237?o. C\u233?sar, que no quer\u237?a perderlos de vista, depend\u
237?a ahora de los aliados eduos para alimentar a sus soldados. Los eduos no dej
aban de darle largas con diversas excusas y el trigo que le hab\u237?an prometid
o nunca llegaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar empez\u243? a sospechar que la alianza de los eduos no era tan fiable
, de modo que reuni\u243? a sus principales jefes en consejo y les pregunt\u243?
qu\u233? estaba ocurriendo. El vergobreto, magistrado principal de los eduos, l
e insinu\u243? que hab\u237?a nobles muy poderosos que no deseaban la alianza co
n los romanos y que adem\u225?s estaban revelando todos los planes y movimientos

de C\u233?sar a los helvecios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

El proc\u243?nsul despidi\u243? a todos los dem\u225?s para quedarse a solas con
el vergobreto, que se llamaba Lisc\u243?n. Este, ya en confianza, le confes\u24
3? que su verdadero enemigo era Dumn\u243?rix: era \u233?l quien hab\u237?a caus
ado la huida y derrota de sus jinetes ante una fuerza enemiga muy inferior en n\
u250?mero. Cuando C\u233?sar se entrevist\u243? despu\u233?s con Diviciaco, el h
ermano de Dumn\u243?rix, el noble druida le confirm\u243? lo que hab\u237?a cont
ado Lisc\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, C\u233?sar hizo venir a su presencia a Dumn\u243?rix y le d
ijo que se hab\u237?a enterado de su doble juego. \u218?nicamente le perdonaba l
a vida por el respeto que sent\u237?a por Diviciaco, a\u241?adi\u243?, pero a pa
rtir de entonces lo tendr\u237?a vigilado. Si no lo elimin\u243? directamente er
a porque Dumn\u243?rix pose\u237?a mucha influencia entre los eduos, y C\u233?sa
r no se sent\u237?a todav\u237?a lo bastante fuerte como para enemistarse con el
los.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A todo esto, el problema de las provisiones segu\u237?a sin solucionarse. C\u233
?sar empezaba a necesitar una batalla decisiva para derrotar a los helvecios y a
poderarse de su grano. La ocasi\u243?n se le present\u243? cuando los explorador
es le informaron de que el enemigo hab\u237?a acampado a unas ocho millas al pie
de una colina que no se hab\u237?an molestado en tomar. Dejar desprotegida una
posici\u243?n que se alzaba sobre sus cabezas, descuidando el abec\u233? de la s
abidur\u237?a militar, demuestra que en su migraci\u243?n actuaban m\u225?s como
una horda que como un ej\u233?rcito organizado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por la noche, C\u233?sar envi\u243? a Labieno con dos legiones para que describi
era un rodeo y subiera a esa colina por la ladera oculta a los helvecios. Su ide
a era atacarlos al d\u237?a siguiente de frente con el grueso del ej\u233?rcito
y que al mismo tiempo las tropas de Labieno cayeran sobre ellos bajando por la f
alda del monte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de los problemas de la guerra es que sobre el terreno las cosas no se ven ta
n claras como en los mapas o en la mente. Al amanecer C\u233?sar mand\u243? por
delante a uno de sus oficiales, Publio Considio, y le dijo que averiguara si Lab
ieno hab\u237?a tomado la colina. Al poco rato Considio regres\u243? y le inform
\u243? de que la cima estaba ocupada, pero por tropas enemigas.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Se supone que Considio lo sab\u237?a porque hab\u237?a divisado de lejos los est
andartes y armaduras de los enemigos. Por desgracia, los ej\u233?rcitos de los g
alos y de los romanos no se diferenciaban tanto como se suele creer y Considio s
e hab\u237?a equivocado: eran las dos legiones de Labieno las que dominaban la c
olina y aguardaban la ofensiva general de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel malentendido hizo que C\u233?sar perdiera una magn\u237?fica ocasi\u243?n,
pues los helvecios levantaron el campamento y prosiguieron viaje mientras \u233
?l segu\u237?a esperando noticias de Labieno y Labieno de \u233?l. Publio Consid
io pag\u243? su error principalmente ante la posteridad. Aunque muchos historiad
ores lo mencionan como un hombre experto en cuestiones militares, lo que dice C\
u233?sar de \u233?l no es eso exactamente, sino {\i
Qui rei militaris peritissimus habebatur}, es decir, \u171?Que estaba considerad
o un grand\u237?simo experto en cuestiones militares\u187?. En ese verbo {\i
habebatur}, \u171?estaba considerado\u187?, se encuentra la pulla con la que C\u
233?sar se veng\u243? del error de su subordinado, pues se sobreentiende: \u171?
Pero en realidad era un inepto\u187?. Hay que a\u241?adir que cuando C\u233?sar
mencionaba por su nombre a oficiales o centuriones \u8212?sobre todo a centurion
es\u8212? era casi siempre para alabarlos, no para criticarlos de manera tan sib
ilina como en este caso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, el error deb\u237?a asumirlo el jefe, no el subordinado. Segu
ro que a C\u233?sar, que a esas alturas no era m\u225?s que un general novato (s
u experiencia en Hispania apenas contaba), le pitaron los o\u237?dos durante uno
s cuantos d\u237?as. Sobre todo por la parte de Tito Labieno, al que hab\u237?a
dejado tirado en lo alto de aquella colina. Labieno, que era natural del Piceno
como su patr\u243?n Pompeyo, ten\u237?a m\u225?s o menos la misma edad de C\u233
?sar y todo hace pensar que en su fuero interno se consideraba mejor militar que

\u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Faltaban dos d\u237?as nada m\u225?s para la fecha en que se deb\u237?a repartir
grano a los soldados, lo que significa que a estos apenas les quedaba comida. C
\u233?sar decidi\u243? desviarse del camino y dirigirse a Bibracte, la principal
ciudad de los eduos, donde estaba seguro de que encontrar\u237?a provisiones po
r las buenas o por las malas. Al fin y al cabo, la larga caravana de los helveci
os se mov\u237?a tan despacio que no le resultar\u237?a dif\u237?cil alcanzarla
de nuevo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto las legiones tomaron el camino de Bibracte, unos miembros de la caball
er\u237?a gala desertaron y partieron al galope para informar a los helvecios de
lo que ocurr\u237?a. Los helvecios, que estaban ya hartos de tener tras sus esp
aldas a esos t\u225?banos romanos, decidieron pagarles con su misma moneda, dier
on media vuelta y emprendieron su persecuci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? actuaron as\u237?? Es posible que ellos mismos sufrieran prob
lemas de abastecimiento. Por otra parte, deb\u237?an de sentirse confiados en su
s fuerzas, puesto que C\u233?sar no hab\u237?a demostrado todav\u237?a nada como
general. Cierto es que hab\u237?a masacrado a miles de helvecios, pero porque l
os que hab\u237?a sorprendido por la espalda a las orillas del r\u237?o. A la pr
imera ocasi\u243?n que hab\u237?a tenido de combatir de verdad, la hab\u237?a pi
fiado por indecisi\u243?n (es casi seguro que los desertores llevaban consigo la
informaci\u243?n sobre el fiasco de Considio).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar supo que el grueso de las tropas helvecias ven\u237?a tras sus
pasos, envi\u243? a la caballer\u237?a aliada contra ellas. Los jinetes galos y
a le hab\u237?an demostrado que no eran muy de fiar; pero por eso mismo sus baja
s no le importaban demasiado y esperaba de ellos que como m\u237?nimo refrenaran
el avance del enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Protegidos moment\u225?neamente por la caballer\u237?a, los romanos tomaron una
elevaci\u243?n cercana. All\u237? en lo alto, C\u233?sar apost\u243? a las legio
nes novatas, la Und\u233?cima y la Duod\u233?cima, junto con las provisiones y e
l equipo, y les orden\u243? que empezaran a cavar una trinchera. A media ladera
form\u243? a las otras cuatro legiones en la triple l\u237?nea habitual, con la
D\u233?cima en el flanco derecho, el lugar de honor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos tuvieron tiempo de desplegarse, pues los enemigos, que eran m\u225?s
que ellos, tambi\u233?n necesitaban organizarse. Los helvecios improvisaron un
campamento en la retaguardia con sus carros. Despu\u233?s de eso avanzaron, rech
azaron a la caballer\u237?a gala y formaron filas apretadas para avanzar contra
los romanos. Al describirlas C\u233?sar utiliza la palabra \u171?falange\u187?,
aunque seguramente los helvecios dejaban m\u225?s hueco entre guerrero y guerrer
o que los hoplitas griegos, pues combat\u237?an con espadas largas y necesitaban
espacio para blandirlas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De joven, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a librado escaramuzas con tropas reclutadas por su
cuenta, y como propretor hab\u237?a ganado refriegas sin demasiada importancia
en Hispania. Ahora, por primera vez, se enfrentaba a una batalla multitudinaria.
Todas las miradas reca\u237?an sobre \u233?l. Estaba por ver si aquel dandi que
llevaba el cintur\u243?n flojo y se depilaba el cuerpo ten\u237?a que ver con e
l gran Cayo Mario m\u225?s all\u225? del parentesco pol\u237?tico. M\u225?s cuen
ta les tra\u237?a a todos: si los helvecios los derrotaban all\u237?, lejos de l
as fronteras de la Provincia, muy pocos de los legionarios regresar\u237?an vivo
s a casa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muy consciente de aquellas miradas, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? que era un buen mome
nto para empezar a fabricar su leyenda como general. Ante la vista de sus hombre
s, desmont\u243? y exclam\u243?: \u171?Solo usar\u233? este caballo para persegu
ir al enemigo cuando haya vencido. Ahora, \u161?carguemos contra ellos!\u187?.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era una forma de comunicar a sus soldados, como hab\u237?a hecho Espartaco ante
su \u250?ltima batalla, que su general iba a compartir su mismo destino. De la m
isma forma hab\u237?a actuado Cayo Mario en Aquae Sextiae en una situaci\u243?n
similar, con las tropas desplegadas en la ladera. C\u233?sar no ten\u237?a mejor
forma de convencer a los soldados de que era uno de ellos. Al combatir a pie co
n los dem\u225?s, perd\u237?a la visi\u243?n y la movilidad que le otorgaba el c

aballo. Pero si obten\u237?a la victoria, estaba convencido de que los legionari

os comer\u237?an en su mano a partir de ese momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Igual que hab\u237?an hecho los teutones en Aquae Sextiae, los helvecios, confia
dos en su vigor y en su superioridad num\u233?rica, cargaron contra los romanos
cuesta arriba. Los legionarios de C\u233?sar, siguiendo la mec\u225?nica habitua
l de combate, dispararon sus {\i
pila}. Cierto porcentaje de venablos hiri\u243? a los enemigos y muchos m\u225?s
se clavaron en los escudos y los inutilizaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, los legionarios desenvainaron y cargaron colina abajo. Desp
u\u233?s de una breve refriega, los helvecios, cuyas filas se hab\u237?an descom
puesto por las andanadas de {\i
pila}, no pudieron aguantar y empezaron a retroceder hacia el valle, hasta topar
se con una ladera ascendente situada a kil\u243?metro y medio. Los romanos conti
nuaron presionando tras ellos sin desorganizarse demasiado.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
En ese momento, el flanco derecho de C\u233?sar recibi\u243? el ataque de quince
mil boyos y tulingios, pueblos aliados que se hab\u237?an unido a la migraci\u2
43?n de los helvecios. Ven\u237?an frescos, seguramente por pura casualidad, no
porque se hubieran mantenido a la espera. En cambio, los romanos, siguiendo su d
octrina t\u225?ctica habitual, manten\u237?an como reserva las cohortes de la te
rcera l\u237?nea, que formaron r\u225?pidamente una l\u237?nea para enfrentarse
a aquellos nuevos enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla, que hab\u237?a empezado pasado el mediod\u237?a, se prolong\u243? du
rante horas. Cuando empez\u243? a oscurecer, los helvecios no aguantaron m\u225?
s y rompieron filas. Muchos de ellos, los que no perecieron en el sitio, huyeron
a los bosques. Otros se retiraron a los carromatos, donde se desat\u243? una lu
cha tan fiera como la que se hab\u237?a librado en circunstancias similares en l
a batalla de Vercelas. Pero al final el campamento cay\u243? en poder de los rom
anos. All\u237? hicieron prisioneros al hijo y a la hija del difunto Orget\u243?
rix.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue una victoria importante, pero nada f\u225?cil. Aunque se ignora cu\u225?ntas
bajas sufri\u243? C\u233?sar, no debieron de ser pocas. Hab\u237?a tantos herid
os que, en lugar de perseguir a los helvecios, las legiones se quedaron en aquel
sitio tres d\u237?as para atenderlos y tambi\u233?n para enterrar a los muertos
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al menos ciento treinta mil helvecios, entre combatientes, ancianos, mujeres y n
i\u241?os huyeron hacia el norte, a las tierras de los lingones. C\u233?sar envi
\u243? mensajeros a esa tribu para advertir que si daban cobijo a los helvecios
los considerar\u237?a como enemigos. Tras la demostraci\u243?n de fuerza de sus
legiones en la reciente batalla, los lingones decidieron que no les conven\u237?
a malquistarse con C\u233?sar y obedecieron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los supervivientes helvecios, que hab\u237?an dejado atr\u225?s todas sus posesi
ones, enviaron embajadores. Al llegar ante C\u233?sar, se arrodillaron y le pidi
eron clemencia. \u201?l les exigi\u243? que entregaran sus armas y tambi\u233?n
un buen n\u250?mero de rehenes, y que despu\u233?s regresaran al valle del que h
ab\u237?an salido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue en el campamento helvecio donde los romanos encontraron tablillas grabadas e
n caracteres griegos que conten\u237?an un censo completo de la tribu. Gracias a
ellas averigu\u243? C\u233?sar que en la migraci\u243?n hab\u237?an participado
trescientas sesenta y ocho mil personas; cifra que, por muy exagerada que parez
ca, es la \u250?nica que nos ofrecen las fuentes. Seg\u250?n el mismo C\u233?sar
, de toda aquella gente \u250?nicamente regresaron a sus hogares ciento diez mil
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
ARIOVISTO Y LOS GERMANOS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta fue la primera gran batalla que libr\u243? Julio C\u233?sar. Quien hab\u237
?a sido conocido hasta entonces m\u225?s como pol\u237?tico populista y abogado,
y tambi\u233?n como vividor y mujeriego, dedic\u243? desde entonces tanto tiemp

o a la milicia que acabar\u237?a pasando a la posteridad principalmente como gen

eral. Seg\u250?n Plinio, C\u233?sar mand\u243? a sus tropas en cincuenta combate
s. En cambio, su t\u237?o Mario tan solo hab\u237?a llegado a dirigir dos combat
es de envergadura en la guerra de Yugurta y otros dos en la lucha contra los cim
brios y teutones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras esta gran victoria, C\u233?sar inform\u243? al senado de que la Provincia e
Italia ya no corr\u237?an peligro. Por su parte, la batalla le report\u243? un
buen bot\u237?n y, sobre todo, esclavos con los que pudo hacer caja: a partir de
entonces, no volver\u237?a a pasar estrecheces financieras personales.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de su triunfo, C\u233?sar recibi\u243? embajadas de diversas tribus
. En aquel momento, muchos galos deb\u237?an de sentirse satisfechos al ver c\u2
43?mo los helvecios supervivientes regresaban a su valle y dejaban de merodear p
or sus tierras. Todav\u237?a no pod\u237?an sospechar que C\u233?sar empezaba a
albergar planes de conquista. Al fin y al cabo, los romanos siempre se hab\u237?
an mantenido cerca del Mediterr\u225?neo, en tierras m\u225?s luminosas donde se
beb\u237?a vino al calor del sol. \u191?Qu\u233? se les hab\u237?a perdido en l
os fr\u237?os bosques del coraz\u243?n de la Galia?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Confiados en que los romanos no ten\u237?an intereses m\u225?s all\u225? de la P
rovincia, diversos notables galos recurrieron al druida Diviciaco para que ejerc
iera de mediador ante C\u233?sar. En una reuni\u243?n secreta, esos l\u237?deres
le pidieron ayuda contra Ariovisto, rey de la tribu germana de los suevos.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella historia se remontaba a unos a\u241?os atr\u225?s. En las luchas constan
tes por la supremac\u237?a en el centro de la Galia, los arvernos y los secuanos
se hab\u237?an unido contra los eduos, que en aquel momento eran los m\u225?s p
oderosos. Para derrotarlos, hab\u237?an buscado refuerzos allende el Rin. Atendi
endo a su llamada, Ariovisto hab\u237?a acudido con miles de guerreros y les hab
\u237?a ayudado a derrotar a los eduos y sus aliados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo malo era que despu\u233?s el rey suevo se hab\u237?a negado a regresar a Germ
ania y se hab\u237?a instalado en territorio secuano. Desde entonces, no dejaban
de llegar m\u225?s y m\u225?s germanos a la Galia. Ariovisto, seg\u250?n le exp
licaron a C\u233?sar, se hab\u237?a convertido en un tirano opresor que exig\u23
7?a rehenes al resto de las tribus. Si alguna no obedec\u237?a sus \u243?rdenes,
mataba a esos rehenes con espantosas torturas. Incluso los secuanos, que eran q
uienes hab\u237?an invitado a Ariovisto, estaban hartos de aquellos fastidiosos
hu\u233?spedes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a era verano. Hab\u237?a tiempo de sobra para una segunda campa\u241?
a y una nueva victoria. El problema para C\u233?sar era que Ariovisto y sus germ
anos se encontraban muy al nordeste, lejos de la frontera que se le hab\u237?a a
signado como proc\u243?nsul. Ya la hab\u237?a traspasado para luchar contra los
helvecios, pero en ese caso cab\u237?a aducir que lo hac\u237?a por defender las
fronteras de la Provincia. \u191?Qu\u233? pod\u237?a argumentar ahora? Como iro
n\u237?a, se daba la circunstancia de que Ariovisto hab\u237?a sido nombrado \u1
71?amigo y aliado del pueblo romano\u187? precisamente cuando C\u233?sar era c\u
243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a todo, C\u233?sar estaba decidido a emprender esa nueva campa\u241?a. Sab\
u237?a que sus enemigos en Roma, con Cat\u243?n al frente, lo acusar\u237?an de
extralimitarse. Por eso en sus {\i
Comentarios} se encuentran m\u225?s argumentos para justificar la guerra contra
Ariovisto que en cualquier otra de sus campa\u241?as. En primer lugar \u8212?raz
ona C\u233?sar\u8212?, \u233?l ten\u237?a que defender a sus aliados los galos,
y sobre todo a los eduos, que le hab\u237?an pedido ayuda. Por otra parte, no po
d\u237?a permitir que miles y miles de germanos siguieran cruzando el Rin, pues
eso provocar\u237?a movimientos masivos de galos hacia el sur, lo que supondr\u2
37?a para Italia una amenaza tan grave como la de los cimbrios y teutones.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Se trataba de una guerra justa? Depende del punto de vista de cada histori
ador. Los detractores de C\u233?sar piensan que sus argumentos eran c\u237?nicos
y propios del imperialismo m\u225?s descarnado. Sus defensores encuentran que t

en\u237?a raz\u243?n en atender las peticiones de los eduos y en hacer retrocede

r a los germanos m\u225?s all\u225? del Rin.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de ponerse en marcha, C\u233?sar envi\u243? embajadores a Ariovisto para p
edirle un encuentro a mitad de camino, en territorio neutral. El rey germano con
test\u243? que si C\u233?sar quer\u237?a pedirle algo, deb\u237?a acudir \u233?l
a su encuentro. El proc\u243?nsul respondi\u243? a su vez con otra carta en la
que exig\u237?a a Ariovisto tres condiciones: que dejara de traer germanos del o
tro lado del Rin, que devolviera a los rehenes que reten\u237?a en su poder y qu
e no declarara ninguna guerra m\u225?s a los galos, y en particular a los eduos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El tono de aquella conversaci\u243?n a distancia iba calent\u225?ndose. Ariovist
o respondi\u243? que \u233?l era tan conquistador como los romanos y que no esta
ba dispuesto a que C\u233?sar se entrometiese en sus asuntos. Que los romanos re
gresaran a sus dominios y le dejasen a \u233?l gobernar los suyos como mejor le
pareciese. En cualquier caso, que C\u233?sar no olvidase que sus guerreros germa
nos nunca hab\u237?an sido derrotados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al mismo tiempo que la carta de Ariovisto le lleg\u243? a C\u233?sar una noticia
preocupante. Seg\u250?n informaba la tribu de los tr\u233?veros, que habitaba c
erca del Rin, un enorme n\u250?mero de germanos, hasta cien clanes completos, se
estaba congregando al otro lado del r\u237?o para cruzar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
C\u233?sar se puso en camino hacia el norte con sus hombres, no sin antes asegur
arse de que ten\u237?a una l\u237?nea de suministro segura. Al saber que Ariovis
to quer\u237?a apoderarse de la importante ciudad de Vesontio \u8212?la actual B
esan\u231?on\u8212?, se dirigi\u243? hacia ella a marchas forzadas. Se trataba d
e una fortaleza casi inexpugnable donde hab\u237?a grandes reservas de provision
es. La descripci\u243?n que hace C\u233?sar de ella es muy interesante, porque s
e reconoce perfectamente en fotos a\u233?reas de Besan\u231?on, salvando que el
monte no parece tan alto como \u233?l dice.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Est\u225? tan fortificada por la naturaleza del terreno que ofrece una magn\u237
?fica base para dirigir la guerra. El r\u237?o Dubis rodea pr\u225?cticamente la
ciudad entera, como si lo hubieran dibujado con un comp\u225?s. En el hueco que
el r\u237?o no cierra, de unos quinientos metros, se levanta un monte de gran a
ltura, cuyas laderas llegan hasta la orilla del r\u237?o por ambos lados. Alrede
dor de este monte hay una muralla que lo convierte en ciudadela y lo conecta con
la ciudad. (BG, 1.38).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? en Vesontio, C\u233?sar se encontr\u243? por primera vez en problemas
con sus tropas. Durante los d\u237?as de descanso, empezaron a correr rumores es
calofriantes. Los germanos, aseguraban, eran gigantes invencibles, y tan extraor
dinariamente feroces que incluso su mirada dejaba paralizados a sus enemigos, co
mo la de las Gorgonas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Curiosamente, quienes propalaban esas historias no eran los soldados, sino los t
ribunos militares y otros miembros de la aristocracia que hab\u237?an venido de
Roma a adquirir experiencia militar, como hab\u237?a hecho el mismo C\u233?sar d
e joven en la isla de Lesbos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Muchos de ellos alegaron excusas para regresar a Roma, mientras que otros se esc
ond\u237?an a llorar de miedo en las tiendas. Puede sonar exagerado, pero debemo
s recordar que, por lo general, aquellos hombres conten\u237?an menos que nosotr
os la expresi\u243?n de sus emociones, tanto las buenas como las malas.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
El temor es una de las emociones que se contagia con m\u225?s rapidez en un ej\u
233?rcito. Pronto todos los soldados andaban tan asustados que muchos decidieron
dictar su testamento a los compa\u241?eros que sab\u237?an escribir.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar se dio cuenta de que hallaba al borde de la situaci\u243?n m\u225?s t
emida por un general: un mot\u237?n. La \u250?nica explicaci\u243?n que \u233?l
ofrece a esa inquietud es el miedo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero el historiador Di\u243?n Casio aduce otra causa para este conato de rebeli\
u243?n (38.35): C\u233?sar estaba a punto de llevar a sus legionarios a una guer
ra muy lejos de la provincia que le hab\u237?an asignado. Y no ten\u237?a autori

zaci\u243?n del senado para ello ni lo hac\u237?a por el inter\u233?s de la Rep\

u250?blica, sino por conseguir m\u225?s gloria personal. Todo esto parece m\u225
?s cre\u237?ble como opini\u243?n de algunos tribunos y miembros de la aristocra
cia; no tanto para los soldados, a los que les importaban menos los detalles leg
ales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar reuni\u243? a los tribunos y tambi\u233?n a los centuriones, pues sab
\u237?a que estos ten\u237?an m\u225?s contacto directo con la tropa y, por tant
o, influ\u237?an m\u225?s en ella. Primero les ech\u243? un buen rapapolvo. \u19
1?Qui\u233?nes se cre\u237?an que eran para cuestionar las \u243?rdenes de un pr
oc\u243?nsul con {\i
imperium}? Su misi\u243?n era callar y obedecer. Adem\u225?s, incluso si Ariovis
to no se aven\u237?a a razones y se ve\u237?an obligados a luchar contra \u233?l
, \u191?por qu\u233? le ten\u237?an tanto miedo? Su t\u237?o Cayo Mario hab\u237
?a derrotado a los cimbrios y teutones, que tambi\u233?n eran germanos (esa era
la opini\u243?n m\u225?s extendida en tiempo de C\u233?sar). Ellos mismos acabab
an de vencer a los helvecios, que se las hab\u237?an tenido tiesas con los germa
nos en m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, les dijo que, si tanto los encog\u237?a el pavor, estaba dispuesto a
seguir solo con la D\u233?cima, a la que en muy poco tiempo hab\u237?a cogido u
n cari\u241?o extraordinario.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La respuesta fue autom\u225?tica. La D\u233?cima legi\u243?n le dio las gracias
por esa deferencia y las dem\u225?s dijeron que no quer\u237?an quedarse atr\u22
5?s. Fue el \u250?ltimo incidente grave que sufri\u243? C\u233?sar con sus solda
dos hasta nueve a\u241?os despu\u233?s, en el 49.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esa misma noche el ej\u233?rcito se puso en camino, no sin antes dejar una guarn
ici\u243?n en Vesontio. C\u233?sar tuvo la precauci\u243?n de pedirle a Diviciac
o que los llevara hacia el norte por un camino casi cincuenta millas m\u225?s la
rgo, pero m\u225?s despejado. As\u237? se evitaban emboscadas, y por otra parte,
viajar a cielo abierto resultaba menos deprimente que abrirse paso entre aquell
os bosques densos, h\u250?medos y oscuros que minaban la moral de los hombres.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Siete d\u237?as despu\u233?s, en la regi\u243?n de la actual Alsacia, sus explor
adores le dijeron que hab\u237?an avistado el campamento de Ariovisto. Al saber
que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a venido, el rey germano pudo pensar que hab\u237?a hech
o caso a su primera petici\u243?n \u8212?\u171?Si tienes algo que decirme, ven t
\u250? a verme\u187?\u8212?, por lo que, una vez a salvo su honor, envi\u243? em
isarios para pedir otra entrevista en terreno neutral. Como condici\u243?n, Ario
visto estipul\u243? que no deb\u237?an traer infanter\u237?a, sino una escolta a
caballo \u250?nicamente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a anterior hab\u237?a provocado que C\u233?sar desconfiara de su c
aballer\u237?a gala. Para asegurarse de que no le tend\u237?an ninguna acechanza
, tom\u243? prestados sus caballos y mont\u243? en ellos a soldados escogidos de
la D\u233?cima. Estos bromearon diciendo que su general los hab\u237?a ascendid
o de repente a \u233?quites. Con el tiempo, esta unidad fue conocida como {\i
Legio X Equestris}; algunos atribuyeron tal t\u237?tulo a esta an\u233?cdota, au
nque no existen pruebas de ello.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La entrevista se llev\u243? a cabo en un otero aislado en la llanura, con tan so
lo diez jinetes por bando y sin desmontar de los caballos. Fue un di\u225?logo p
ara sordos, en el que ambos repitieron los mismos argumentos que hab\u237?an int
ercambiado por carta. En cierto momento, Ariovisto coment\u243? que, seg\u250?n
sus noticias, hab\u237?a muchos optimates en Roma deseando que \u233?l y sus ger
manos aplastaran a C\u233?sar para librarse de \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Sin llegar a ning\u250?n acuerdo, ambos se separaron. Dos d\u237?as despu\u233?s
, Ariovisto pidi\u243? una nueva entrevista. C\u233?sar envi\u243? a dos emisari
os de confianza y el rey germano los hizo encadenar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se hab\u237?a acabado el tiempo de los parlamentos. Durante cinco d\u237?as segu
idos, C\u233?sar sac\u243? a sus tropas del campamento y las despleg\u243? en ca
mpo abierto para presentar batalla. Sin embargo, Ariovisto, el mismo que hab\u23
7?a rechazado cualquier propuesta \u8212?llevaba raz\u243?n en que eran m\u225?s

bien imposiciones\u8212?, ahora se negaba a aceptar el combate. C\u233?sar podr

\u237?a haber atacado su campamento; pero lanzar una ofensiva contra una posici\
u243?n fortificada supon\u237?a muchas bajas, m\u225?xime si el enemigo conserva
ba sus tropas intactas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al sexto d\u237?a, C\u233?sar orden\u243? levantar el campamento y construir otr
o al oeste, pues los germanos estaban cortando su l\u237?nea de suministros y em
pezaban a escasear los v\u237?veres. Las legiones marcharon en triple l\u237?nea
hasta el nuevo emplazamiento, a poca distancia de los enemigos. Mientras las do
s primeras l\u237?neas adoptaban una formaci\u243?n defensiva, la tercera se ded
ic\u243? a excavar una zanja y levantar un terrapl\u233?n y una empalizada. Una
vez terminada la obra, C\u233?sar dej\u243? all\u237? dos legiones y volvi\u243?
con las otras cuatro al primer campamento. Gracias al segundo fort\u237?n, pod\
u237?a proteger los convoyes que le tra\u237?an provisiones desde el sur.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, Ariovisto rechaz\u243? de nuevo la batalla. Merced a unos
prisioneros, los romanos se enteraron por fin del motivo de su renuencia a comb
atir. Las mujeres que ejerc\u237?an de adivinas para el rey arrojando las {\i
sortes}, unos trozos de madera con signos grabados, le hab\u237?an dicho que par
a vencer a los romanos ten\u237?a que esperar hasta la luna llena.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar debi\u243? de pensar que, si luchaban antes del plenilunio, sus enemi
gos no se quitar\u237?an de su cabeza aquella profec\u237?a y eso minar\u237?a e
n parte su moral. Al d\u237?a siguiente sac\u243? a sus legiones de ambos campam
entos dejando una guarnici\u243?n m\u237?nima y march\u243? en formaci\u243?n de
combate contra la posici\u243?n enemiga.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n, los romanos se acercaron tanto que Ariovisto no pudo recha
zar el combate. Los germanos salieron del campamento repartidos por contingentes
tribales. Detr\u225?s de ellos se hallaban sus carromatos, desde los cuales las
mujeres los exhortaban a vencer en la batalla para que ellas no se convirtieran
en esclavas de los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar form\u243? en esta ocasi\u243?n con las seis legiones, incluidas la U
nd\u233?cima y la Duod\u233?cima, que a fuerza de marchas y escaramuzas ya estab
an preparadas para librar una batalla campal. \u201?l mismo form\u243? en el fla
nco derecho, ya que ve\u237?a que frente a \u233?l, en el ala izquierda del enem
igo, las l\u237?neas parec\u237?an m\u225?s d\u233?biles y exist\u237?an m\u225?
s posibilidades de romperlas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los estandartes y las trompetas dieron la se\u241?al de cargar, los legio
narios avanzaron a paso ligero. Los germanos, por su parte, se lanzaron contra e
llos a la carrera. Todo fue tan r\u225?pido que no hubo tiempo de lanzar los {\i
pila}, por lo que los soldados los dejaron caer al suelo para recogerlos m\u225?
s tarde y directamente desenvainaron las espadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El primer choque fue extraordinariamente violento. C\u233?sar cuenta c\u243?mo m
uchos de sus hombres saltaban sobre la falange enemiga, arrancaban los escudos d
e los germanos con las manos y luego los her\u237?an desde arriba, aprovechando
sin duda que la mayor\u237?a de sus adversarios no llevaban armadura como ellos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El ala izquierda de Ariovisto empez\u243? a perder terreno r\u225?pidamente. A c
ambio, el flanco izquierdo romano tambi\u233?n estaba sufriendo apuros, demasiad
o lejos de C\u233?sar como para que este pudiera acudir en su ayuda. En esta oca
si\u243?n lo sac\u243? del aprieto el joven hijo de Craso, que mandaba la caball
er\u237?a y ten\u237?a m\u225?s libertad de movimientos. Al percatarse de lo que
ocurr\u237?a, tom\u243? tropas de la tercera l\u237?nea de reserva y las mand\u
243? al flanco izquierdo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La llegada de estos refuerzos cambi\u243? el curso de la batalla. Cuando las mej
ores tropas germanas \u8212?probablemente los mismos suevos con su rey Ariovisto
\u8212? rompieron filas ante la acometida romana, el resto de sus l\u237?neas se
desplomaron sufriendo el habitual efecto domin\u243?. Los germanos huyeron en t
ropel hacia el Rin, que estaba a algo menos de ocho kil\u243?metros, perseguidos
por la caballer\u237?a de C\u233?sar. Algunos lo cruzaron a nado y otros lo hic
ieron en barcas. El propio Ariovisto se hallaba entre estos \u250?ltimos y logr\

u243? as\u237? salvar la vida. \u191?Qu\u233? ocurri\u243? con \u233?l despu\u23

3?s? No se le vuelve a mencionar hasta el libro quinto de {\i
La guerra de las Galias}, en un texto que hace suponer que debi\u243? de morir e
n el a\u241?o 54.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la matanza posterior a la batalla perecieron dos de sus esposas y una hija, m
ientras que otra hija cay\u243? prisionera de los romanos. En el campamento germ
ano se hallaban tambi\u233?n los dos emisarios que hab\u237?a enviado C\u233?sar
unos d\u237?as antes y a los que no esperaban encontrar con vida. Uno de ellos,
Valerio Procilo, le explic\u243? la raz\u243?n. Sus captores quer\u237?an quema
rlos; pero cuando las adivinas consultaron a los dioses arrojando las {\i
sortes}, estas respondieron hasta por tres veces que no lo hicieran. Quiz\u225?
los germanos pensaban sacrificarlos en el plenilunio; de ser as\u237?, C\u233?sa
r hab\u237?a salvado a sus mensajeros obligando a los germanos a adelantar la ba
talla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En una sola campa\u241?a C\u233?sar hab\u237?a obtenido dos victorias de prestig
io. Los germanos, al menos los de Ariovisto, hab\u237?an dejado de ser una amena
za para la Galia. En cuanto a las tribus congregadas junto al Rin para cruzarlo,
dieron media vuelta y regresaron a su pa\u237?s de origen, mientras que los ger
manos que ya lo hab\u237?an atravesado fueron atacados por los habitantes de la
regi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En octubre, C\u233?sar envi\u243? a sus legiones a los cuarteles de invierno en
territorio de los secuanos. Era una posici\u243?n estrat\u233?gica para vigilar
a estos y a los eduos, de cuya facci\u243?n antirromana no se fiaba, y tambi\u23
3?n para mantener un ojo atento al Rin. Pero aquello dio mucho que pensar a los
galos. \u191?Por qu\u233? los romanos no se retiraban a la Provincia? Muchos emp
ezaron a sospechar que las intenciones de C\u233?sar iban m\u225?s all\u225? de
mantener la seguridad de los territorios que gobernaba como proc\u243?nsul.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al cargo de aquellas tropas se qued\u243? Labieno, mientras que C\u233?sar viaj\
u243? al sur para pasar el invierno en la Galia Cisalpina. All\u237? ten\u237?a
tareas administrativas que cumplir, y de paso se encontraba m\u225?s cerca de Ro
ma para controlar a distancia lo que pasaba en la urbe.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Mientras estaba en la Cisalpina, C\u233?sar reclut\u243? dos legiones m\u225?s,
la Decimotercera y la Decimocuarta. De nuevo lo hizo sin permiso del senado. A e
sas alturas dispon\u237?a ya de ocho legiones, el doble que al empezar su mandat
o como proc\u243?nsul. Eso, y el hecho de haber dejado a sus legiones en territo
rio secuano, m\u225?s all\u225? de la frontera norte de la Provincia, sugieren q
ue ya ten\u237?a en mente la conquista de la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3
\afs28
{\b
{\ql
LOS {\i
COMENTARIOS} DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esa conquista deb\u237?a de estar pensando C\u233?sar cuando escribi\u243? aq
uella frase que ya mencionamos, {\i
Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres}. Seguramente fue en ese mismo invierno d
el 58-57 cuando empez\u243? a escribir el primer libro de los {\i
Comentarios sobre la guerra de las Galias}, la obra a la que solemos referirnos
como {\i
La guerra de las Galias} o, simplemente, como {\i
Comentarios}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En su forma definitiva, estos {\i
Comentarios} constan de ocho libros que narran las campa\u241?as anuales de C\u2
33?sar desde el a\u241?o 58. Los siete primeros los escribi\u243? \u233?l mismo.
En cambio, el \u250?ltimo es obra de un oficial y amigo suyo, Aulo Hircio, que
lo redact\u243? tras la muerte de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? los escribi\u243?? Siguiendo los modelos de los historiadores
griegos, muchos arist\u243?cratas romanos se hab\u237?an dedicado a componer su

s propios textos en prosa. Ya hemos hablado en diversas ocasiones de las memoria

s que redact\u243? Sila. En su caso, el dictador trataba de justificar una vida
entera y escrib\u237?a para la posteridad; al menos, para su posteridad inmediat
a, ya que mientras compon\u237?a los \u250?ltimos libros deb\u237?a de ser consc
iente de que le quedaba poco tiempo de vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que narraba C\u233?sar era m\u225?s cercano. \u201?l no escrib\u237?a tanto p
ara la posteridad como para sus contempor\u225?neos. Su obra era una justificaci
\u243?n en el momento, destinada a contrarrestar las acusaciones que Cat\u243?n
y otros enemigos vert\u237?an contra \u233?l en Roma afirmando que C\u233?sar ha
b\u237?a iniciado dos guerras innecesarias e injustas por su propio provecho. Es
o salta a la vista sobre todo en el primer libro, que es donde m\u225?s argument
os utiliza para razonar sus acciones militares.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n se trataba de una forma de hacerse propaganda. C\u233?sar sab\u237?
a que durante varios a\u241?os no iba a pisar Roma. Eso supon\u237?a una gran de
sventaja, pues su imagen pod\u237?a volverse cada vez m\u225?s borrosa en la mem
oria de los ciudadanos, que a cambio se dejar\u237?an influir por los pol\u237?t
icos que ten\u237?an m\u225?s a mano en el Foro. Los {\i
Comentarios}, enviados a Roma libro por libro para que se hicieran lecturas p\u2
50?blicas, tra\u237?an el recuerdo de C\u233?sar de nuevo a la memoria de los ci
udadanos. Adem\u225?s, ese recuerdo ven\u237?a ahora nimbado por una aureola nue
va y luminosa, la de gran general.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar procur\u243? ser muy cuidadoso en su tono para no caer en el paneg\u2
37?rico propio. No hay nada que estrague m\u225?s el paladar que escuchar o leer
el autobombo de otra persona. Es de sospechar, por ejemplo, que una cr\u243?nic
a de las conquistas del vanidoso Pompeyo escrita por \u233?l mismo habr\u237?a r
esultado insoportable (como no pose\u237?a la formaci\u243?n literaria de C\u233
?sar, Pompeyo hab\u237?a confiado esa tarea a Te\u243?fanes de Mitilene, que se
encarg\u243? de poner por escrito sus campa\u241?as en Asia).\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
C\u233?sar no cay\u243? en esa tentaci\u243?n. Al menos, no demasiado. Si hay al
go que puede aburrir al lector o al oyente es la repetici\u243?n constante del p
ronombre \u171?Yo, yo, yo\u8230?\u187?. \u201?l lo evit\u243? refiri\u233?ndose
a s\u237? mismo en tercera persona, hasta el punto de que, si no supi\u233?ramos
con certeza que \u233?l escribi\u243? {\i
La guerra de las Galias}, podr\u237?amos creer que se trata de una obra de otra
persona.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, C\u233?sar utiliz\u243? un estilo conciso, pr\u225?cticamente de
sprovisto de la ret\u243?rica a la que tan aficionados eran otros autores y que
tanto empalaga, por ejemplo, en los inacabables discursos de Di\u243?n Casio. Ci
cer\u243?n, rival suyo la mayor\u237?a de las veces, alab\u243? sus {\i
Comentarios (Bruto}, 262): \u171?Son sencillos, directos y elegantes, despojados
de todo adorno estil\u237?stico como un cuerpo desnudo\u187?. Decidido a que la
mayor\u237?a de la gente los entendiera, C\u233?sar limit\u243? de forma consci
ente su vocabulario a unas mil quinientas palabras. Salvando las distancias, es
algo parecido a lo que hac\u237?a Isaac Asimov como divulgador.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
La idea de C\u233?sar era mostrar solo hechos pr\u225?cticamente desprovistos de
opiniones. Con eso consegu\u237?a ofrecer impresi\u243?n de objetividad, aunque
por supuesto no alcanzaba la objetividad real, un ideal imposible. Al seleccion
ar qu\u233? hechos contaba u ocultaba, en cu\u225?les pon\u237?a el foco y cu\u2
25?les quedaban en segundo plano, C\u233?sar no dejaba de llevar a sus lectores
por donde quer\u237?a. Pensemos, por ejemplo, en la forma en que ech\u243? la cu
lpa a Considio por haber confundido a los hombres de Labieno con guerreros enemi
gos en aquella colina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como buen l\u237?der popular que quer\u237?a que su obra llegara al coraz\u243?n
de las clases sociales m\u225?s humildes, C\u233?sar destac\u243? a prop\u243?s
ito mucho m\u225?s el papel de la tropa y de los centuriones (especialmente esto
s) que el de los tribunos y legados que pertenec\u237?an a los \u243?rdenes ecue
stre y senatorial. Asimismo, mientras que \u233?l era siempre {\i
Caesar}, en tercera persona, los soldados eran {\i

nostri}, \u171?los nuestros\u187?, en primera persona del plural. Cuando en las

lecturas p\u250?blicas los ciudadanos de Roma y de otros lugares de Italia escuc
haban en relatos de victoria ese posesivo, \u171?los nuestros\u187?, se emociona
ban y se identificaban con aquella guerra que se libraba en el lejano norte.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se ha discutido mucho hasta qu\u233? punto podemos confiar en lo que nos cuenta
C\u233?sar. Sin duda, manipulaba la verdad como habr\u237?a hecho cualquier otro
, y probablemente se ment\u237?a a s\u237? mismo m\u225?s de una vez y se discul
paba ante sus propios ojos. Ahora bien, hay que tener en cuenta que sus {\i
Comentarios} se le\u237?an y se escuchaban en Roma. All\u237? hab\u237?a tribuno
s y legados que hab\u237?an participado en algunas de sus campa\u241?as y pod\u2
37?an contar de primera mano lo que hab\u237?an vivido en la Galia. Tambi\u233?n
se recib\u237?an muchas cartas de soldados, centuriones y oficiales que escrib\
u237?an a sus familiares. Si C\u233?sar hubiera contado mentiras palmarias, camb
iando las derrotas por victorias, invent\u225?ndose campa\u241?as o multiplicand
o por diez el n\u250?mero de enemigos, lo habr\u237?an dejado en evidencia al in
stante. Eso quiere decir que podemos estar seguros de que lo que cuenta C\u233?s
ar ocurri\u243? en realidad, y que ocurri\u243? m\u225?s o menos como \u233?l lo
narra, aunque a menudo haya que leer entre l\u237?neas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Con {\i
La guerra de las Galias} disfrutamos de una ventaja enorme sobre otro tipo de fu
entes hist\u243?ricas, como Apiano o Plutarco: se trata del relato de alguien qu
e lo vio todo con sus propios ojos. Y no solo eso, sino que estuvo en el meollo
de todas las decisiones, porque \u233?l era ese meollo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Pensemos en otros autores como Her\u243?doto. Cuando el llamado \u171?padre de l
a historia\u187? escrib\u237?a sobre las decisiones que tomaban los generales gr
iegos, lo que contaba a menudo no eran m\u225?s que las conjeturas que hac\u237?
an los soldados sobre lo que suced\u237?a, una especie de \u171?radio macuto\u18
7? convertido en historia porque el autor no dispon\u237?a de otras fuentes a ma
no.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con C\u233?sar es muy distinto. \u201?l era el general que tomaba las decisiones
y presid\u237?a los consejos, y el que desplegaba las legiones en el campo. \u2
01?l estuvo all\u237?, contemplando con sus propios ojos la batalla del r\u237?o
Sambre o el sitio de Alesia. Si adem\u225?s resulta que era un hombre excepcion
almente inteligente que sab\u237?a separar la paja del grano y organizar las ide
as con claridad y elegancia sin caer en tentaciones ret\u243?ricas, \u191?qu\u23
3? m\u225?s se puede pedir?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Est\u225? claro que hay que estudiar sus {\i
Comentarios} con ojo cr\u237?tico. Pero, al mismo tiempo, debemos dar gracias de
que nos hayan llegado pr\u225?cticamente intactos, pues son un aut\u233?ntico t
esoro. En el vasto campo de ruinas que es la literatura grecorromana, ojal\u225?
tuvi\u233?ramos m\u225?s monumentos intactos como {\i
La guerra de las Galias}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
CAMPA\u209?AS EN EL NORDESTE\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el invierno, mientras compon\u237?a el primer libro de sus {\i
Comentarios} y gobernaba sus provincias, C\u233?sar recibi\u243? informes preocu
pantes de Labieno: los belgas, los m\u225?s belicosos de los habitantes de la Ga
lia, consideraban una provocaci\u243?n que las legiones invernaran en el territo
rio de los secuanos y estaban haciendo preparativos b\u233?licos para prevenir u
na posible invasi\u243?n de su territorio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una profec\u237?a de autocumplimiento, pues esos preparativos fueron la excusa p
ara que C\u233?sar los invadiera. El motivo pretextado era el de casi siempre en
esos casos: proteger las fronteras. Para ello, Roma procuraba tener al otro lad
o de ellas a pueblos aliados a modo de colch\u243?n. Pero, como tambi\u233?n hab
\u237?a que proteger a esos {\i

socii} para que el colch\u243?n no se desinflara, los romanos se internaban en s

u territorio para guerrear contra los enemigos que los amenazaban.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Lo malo para los pueblos amigos y anta\u241?o independientes era que, una vez qu
e las legiones se plantaban en un sitio, no sol\u237?an retroceder. Pasado un ti
empo, como quien no quiere la cosa, los aliados descubr\u237?an que ya se encont
raban dentro del territorio romano y que las fronteras se hab\u237?an desplazado
m\u225?s lejos. Por supuesto, hab\u237?a que preservar los nuevos l\u237?mites,
pactar alianzas con otros pueblos, protegerlos de los agresores, mover de nuevo
las legiones\u8230? Un proceso de nunca acabar que solo se deten\u237?a ante ob
st\u225?culos f\u237?sicos insalvables, como el Sahara, o cuando Roma topaba con
enemigos duros de roer, como el imperio parto en el este.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
En ese sentido, C\u233?sar no se comport\u243? de manera muy distinta a otros ge
nerales antes que \u233?l. Lo que los diferenci\u243? a Pompeyo y a \u233?l fue
la enorme escala de sus conquistas. Pero quienes lo atacaban en Roma no lo hac\u
237?an porque pensaran que era un despiadado imperialista, sino porque eran enem
igos personales suyos y no soportaban que fuese \u233?l quien estuviese adquirie
ndo poder, riqueza y gloria en una escala tan desaforada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
A finales del invierno, C\u233?sar envi\u243? por delante a sus dos nuevas legio
nes para que se unieran al resto del ej\u233?rcito, bajo el mando del legado Qui
nto Pedio. Al no estar autorizadas por el senado, era \u233?l quien las pagaba:
eso demuestra que en un solo a\u241?o de campa\u241?a hab\u237?a conseguido bot\
u237?n suficiente como para que sus problemas financieros se convirtieran en un
recuerdo del pasado. A partir de ahora, C\u233?sar pod\u237?a hablar de t\u250?
a t\u250? a sus aliados Craso y Pompeyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u201?l mismo permaneci\u243? en la Cisalpina hasta que lleg\u243? la primavera
y supo que dispon\u237?a de forraje para la caballer\u237?a sobre el terreno. De
spu\u233?s viaj\u243? hasta Vesontio para asumir el mando de sus legiones y las
llev\u243? a marchas forzadas hacia el territorio belga, al que lleg\u243? en do
s semanas. Ten\u237?a en aquel momento entre treinta y dos mil y cuarenta mil so
ldados, m\u225?s tropas auxiliares de caballer\u237?a, y tambi\u233?n arqueros n
\u250?midas y cretenses y honderos baleares.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El ej\u233?rcito que hab\u237?an congregado las diversas tribus belgas era inmen
so, tanto que las hogueras de su campamento se extend\u237?an m\u225?s de trece
kil\u243?metros. Durante unos d\u237?as, romanos y belgas se miraron a distancia
. En ese tiempo se produjeron algunas escaramuzas de caballer\u237?a, y tambi\u2
33?n una refriega m\u225?s generalizada cuando los belgas intentaron destruir el
puente que cruzaba el r\u237?o Aisne (un afluente del Sena), lo que habr\u237?a
cortado la l\u237?nea de suministros de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El intento fracas\u243?, y los belgas sufrieron muchas bajas. A esas alturas les
resultaba imposible mantener reunido un ej\u233?rcito tan grande, pues ya no te
n\u237?an provisiones. Una de las grandes ventajas de los romanos sobre la mayor
\u237?a de sus enemigos era, precisamente, que pod\u237?an mantener sus ej\u233?
rcitos movilizados durante mucho m\u225?s tiempo que ellos gracias a una meticul
osa organizaci\u243?n log\u237?stica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, los belgas decidieron dividirse por tribus y regresar cada una a
su territorio para aguardar acontecimientos. Cuando los romanos atacaran a algun
a tribu, las dem\u225?s acudir\u237?an en su ayuda. Decidido esto, emprendieron
la retirada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al principio, C\u233?sar no se crey\u243? lo que pasaba, pensando que le tend\u2
37?an una trampa. Pero despu\u233?s los exploradores le confirmaron que los belg
as se estaban retirando sin plantar emboscadas y sin demasiadas precauciones. C\
u233?sar envi\u243? tras ellos a Labieno con la caballer\u237?a y tres legiones,
y la retaguardia belga sufri\u243? much\u237?simas bajas aquel d\u237?a.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de eso, las legiones siguieron a marchas forzadas el curso del r\u2
37?o Aisne. Primero atacaron a los suesiones en su fortaleza de Novioduno: al ve
r las m\u225?quinas de guerra de los romanos, los suesiones se impresionaron tan

to que se rindieron al instante. A continuaci\u243?n se dirigieron contra los be

l\u243?vacos, que se sometieron asimismo entregando seiscientos rehenes. El terc
er pueblo al que sojuzgaron fueron los ambianos. Todo eso lo hicieron con tal ra
pidez que ninguna tribu pudo acudir en auxilio de las dem\u225?s.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Posteriormente, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? al noroeste. All\u237? se encontraban
los nervios, que se hab\u237?an aliado con los atrebates y los viromanduos y te
n\u237?an al menos sesenta mil guerreros. Seg\u250?n C\u233?sar, los nervios era
n los m\u225?s belicosos de los belgas porque ten\u237?an prohibido a los comerc
iantes it\u225?licos adentrarse en su territorio y no compraban vino ni otros pr
oductos de lujo \u171?ya que cre\u237?an que estas cosas ablandaban sus esp\u237
?ritus y debilitaban su valor\u187? (BG, 2.15). El ge\u243?grafo Estrab\u243?n l
os consideraba un pueblo germano m\u225?s que galo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras una marcha de tres d\u237?as, C\u233?sar supo que se hallaba a unos catorce
kil\u243?metros del r\u237?o Sabis y que los nervios y sus aliados se encontrab
an al otro lado, en su orilla sur. La mayor\u237?a de los investigadores identif
ican este r\u237?o con el Sambre, aunque otros sugieren el Selle. En cualquier c
aso, los belgas estaban aguardando a los romanos, y para evitar una matanza entr
e sus familias como las que hab\u237?an sufrido los helvecios o los germanos de
Ariovisto, hab\u237?an enviado a sus mujeres y ni\u241?os a una zona pantanosa p
r\u225?cticamente inaccesible.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La inteligencia militar siempre funcionaba en doble sentido. Del mismo modo que
C\u233?sar averigu\u243? datos sobre los nervios mediante sus esp\u237?as, los n
ervios dispon\u237?an de informadores entre las filas de C\u233?sar. Gracias a e
so sab\u237?an que los romanos sol\u237?an viajar en una larga columna en la que
cada legi\u243?n marchaba seguida por su propia impedimenta. Eso significaba qu
e cada unidad estaba separada de las dem\u225?s por cierta distancia. El plan qu
e sugirieron aquellos informantes era sencillo: en cuanto apareciese la primera
legi\u243?n del convoy, la atacar\u237?an y saquear\u237?an sus provisiones ante
s de que las dem\u225?s tuvieran tiempo de acudir en su ayuda.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Aunque C\u233?sar todav\u237?a ignoraba que ten\u237?a esp\u237?as entre sus fil
as, al acercarse al r\u237?o Sabis orden\u243? modificar el orden de marcha, tal
como se hac\u237?a siempre cuando hab\u237?a enemigos cerca. En lugar de avanza
r legi\u243?n por legi\u243?n con carros y ac\u233?milas entre unidades, las sei
s legiones con experiencia de combate viajaban delante con la impedimenta m\u237
?nima, seguidos por el tren de suministros y las dos legiones biso\u241?as, la D
ecimotercera y la Decimocuarta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los nervios se encontraban al otro lado del r\u237?o, pero ocultos de la vista p
or una densa espesura que empezaba a unos doscientos metros del Sabis. Adem\u225
?s, los romanos se acercaban por una zona sembrada de abatidas, barreras a media
s naturales y a medias artificiales que los nervios hab\u237?an levantado con ar
bolillos j\u243?venes doblados y atados entre s\u237?, y reforzados con zarzas y
matorrales. Aquellos bardales tapaban la vista, evitaban las incursiones de la
caballer\u237?a enemiga \u8212?pues los nervios confiaban \u250?nicamente en su
infanter\u237?a\u8212?, y de paso conduc\u237?an a los posibles invasores por do
nde ellos quer\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se acercaba el final del d\u237?a, de modo que C\u233?sar escogi\u243? para acam
par una colina en la orilla opuesta del r\u237?o. Aunque no sab\u237?a que el gr
ueso de los nervios se ocultaba en el bosque, s\u237? sospechaba que hab\u237?a
enemigos cerca. Por eso envi\u243? a la caballer\u237?a y a la infanter\u237?a l
igera al otro lado del Sabis, que apenas cubr\u237?a un metro en aquella zona, c
on el fin de que formaran una barrera protectora mientras las seis legiones asce
nd\u237?an la ladera del monte y empezaban a construir el campamento.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Unos cuantos grupos de jinetes nervios salieron de entre los \u225?rboles y se d
edicaron a combatir contra los romanos, lanzando ataques r\u225?pidos y retir\u2
25?ndose enseguida hacia la espesura. Pero ni la caballer\u237?a ni la infanter\
u237?a ligera de C\u233?sar picaron el anzuelo, pues sab\u237?an que internarse
entre aquellos \u225?rboles pod\u237?a ser peligroso.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Mientras tanto, las seis legiones que marchaban por delante empezaron a construi
r el campamento. Como era habitual, dejaron sus {\i
furcae} con la impedimenta en el suelo y tambi\u233?n los escudos, bien guardado
s en sus fundas de piel, y se dedicaron a excavar, apilar tierra y clavar estaca
s para levantar la empalizada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque C\u233?sar no lo deja claro, da la impresi\u243?n de que no sospechaba qu
e el grueso de los enemigos se encontraba tan cerca, y que pensaba que aquellos
escuadrones de caballer\u237?a que estaban peleando contra sus hombres en la ori
lla del r\u237?o no eran m\u225?s que avanzadillas enviadas para hostigar. Por e
so se confi\u243? en exceso, y en lugar de plantar dos l\u237?neas defensivas de
lante de una tercera trabajando como hab\u237?a hecho ante los germanos de Ariov
isto, ahora ten\u237?a pr\u225?cticamente a todos sus hombres cavando trincheras
. Uno de los principios t\u225?cticos de C\u233?sar era actuar siempre muy depri
sa para adelantarse a los enemigos, pero en esta ocasi\u243?n la rapidez se conv
irti\u243? en precipitaci\u243?n e imprudencia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El hecho de que no sospechara que hab\u237?a decenas de miles de guerreros agaza
pados entre los \u225?rboles demuestra que los belgas sab\u237?an mantener una a
dmirable disciplina, equiparable a la de los hombres de An\u237?bal en la batall
a del lago Trasimeno. Al parecer, su jefe Boduognato se hab\u237?a empe\u241?ado
en su plan original, atacar el tren de suministros, aunque este no hab\u237?a a
parecido detr\u225?s de la primera legi\u243?n como esperaban. Por fin, en cuant
o vieron c\u243?mo se acercaba escoltado por las dos legiones nuevas, dieron la
se\u241?al de cargar y salieron de entre los \u225?rboles, pero no en tropel, si
no organizados por unidades.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Del bosque al r\u237?o hab\u237?a, como hemos dicho, apenas doscientos metros qu
e los atacantes debieron cubrir en menos de un minuto. Desde la colina, C\u233?s
ar vio c\u243?mo un enjambre de enemigos bajaba hacia el Sabis entre gritos de g
uerra. Su caballer\u237?a y su infanter\u237?a, sin ofrecer tan siquiera una res
istencia simb\u243?lica, huyeron despavoridos. Como dice C\u233?sar recurriendo
a un polis\u237?ndeton muy expresivo para recalcar la celeridad de aquella ofens
iva, \u171?casi al mismo tiempo los enemigos fueron vistos en el bosque y en el
r\u237?o y ya ante nosotros\u187? (BG, 2.19).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Normalmente, los generales romanos organizaban sus filas antes de la batalla. Au
nque cada legionario sab\u237?a d\u243?nde deb\u237?a acudir \u8212?all\u237? do
nde se alzaba el estandarte de su unidad\u8212?, colocarse en posici\u243?n siem
pre llevaba su tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora no lo ten\u237?an. No hubo despliegue cuidadoso, ni sacrificios a los dios
es ni arengas. \u171?C\u233?sar ten\u237?a que hacerlo todo simult\u225?neamente
: levantar el estandarte para dar la orden de acudir a las armas, dar la se\u241
?al con las trompetas, llamar a los soldados que se hab\u237?an alejado en busca
de material para el terrapl\u233?n, formar las l\u237?neas, arengar a los solda
dos e indicar la contrase\u241?a\u187? (BG, 2.20).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Se trata de un recurso estil\u237?stico que intenta comunicar una sensaci\u243?n
de atropello y urgencia. En realidad, C\u233?sar no pod\u237?a hacer todo esto
a la vez con las seis legiones. Fueron los legados, cada uno de los cuales se ha
b\u237?a quedado al mando de su unidad, quienes improvisaron las \u243?rdenes.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aun as\u237?, aquel ataque imprevisto sembr\u243? el caos. Lo admirable es que d
icho caos no se convirtiera en terror y en una desbandada general que, en aquell
os parajes tan frondosos y plagados de enemigos, habr\u237?a significado la aniq
uilaci\u243?n del ej\u233?rcito romano. Quiz\u225? los legionarios eran conscien
tes de ello y supieron controlar el p\u225?nico. Por otra parte, hay que tener e
n cuenta que todas esas legiones, salvo las dos que ven\u237?an por el r\u237?o
con el bagaje, pose\u237?an experiencia de combate contra enemigos muy duros.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los soldados, siguiendo \u243?rdenes de sus centuriones, trataron de formar unid
ades que en muchos casos eran improvisadas: los hombres que se hab\u237?an aleja
do para cortar le\u241?a se hallaban lejos de sus centurias, as\u237? que acud\u
237?an all\u237? donde ve\u237?an enarbolarse el estandarte m\u225?s cercano. Mi
entras tanto, C\u233?sar acudi\u243? primero al flanco izquierdo para arengar a

la D\u233?cima a toda prisa \u8212?\u171?\u161?Acordaos de vuestro antiguo valor

y resistid el ataque!\u187?\u8212?, y despu\u233?s se dirigi\u243? a otras unid
ades: ya que no pod\u237?a organizar la defensa, al menos quer\u237?a recordar a
sus soldados que estaba all\u237?, con ellos. Pues, por mucho que recalquemos e
l papel moral del general en combate, siempre nos quedaremos cortos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Si el propio C\u233?sar cuenta esta batalla de una forma tan impresionista que s
e ha convertido en uno de los pasajes m\u225?s c\u233?lebres de su obra,{\super
[38]} es porque \u233?l mismo tuvo grandes dificultades para percibir lo que est
aba ocurriendo. A la rapidez con que se desencaden\u243? la lucha se sumaba que
aquel paraje estaba sembrado de bosques y de aquellos setos levantados por los n
ervios que ocultaban la vista en muchos sitios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el ala izquierda, las cosas empezaron bien para los romanos. La Novena y la D
\u233?cima tuvieron tiempo de arrojar sus {\i
pila} y cargar contra la tribu de los atrebates, a los que hicieron retroceder l
adera abajo hasta el Sabis, donde mataron a muchos de ellos. Despu\u233?s cruzar
on la corriente y siguieron luchando con \u233?xito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el centro, la Octava y la Und\u233?cima rechazaron asimismo a sus enemigos, e
n este caso los viromanduos, y bajaron tambi\u233?n al r\u237?o. En la parte der
echa quedaban la S\u233?ptima y la Duod\u233?cima. All\u237? fue donde atac\u243
? Boduognato con el grueso de los nervios, la \u233?lite de aquel ej\u233?rcito.
Parte de sus hombres flanque\u243? a los legionarios por el lado izquierdo, que
hab\u237?a quedado desguarnecido debido al avance de la Octava y la Und\u233?ci
ma, y otra parte embisti\u243? de frente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n era cr\u237?tica. El campamento inacabado estaba a punto de se
r tomado por el enemigo, que despu\u233?s podr\u237?a cargar ladera abajo para a
trapar entre dos frentes a las cuatro legiones que combat\u237?an junto al r\u23
7?o. Rodeados y sin un lugar seguro al que poder retirarse, eso los habr\u237?a
condenado a todos sin remisi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los hombres del ala derecha de C\u233?sar se bat\u237?an como pod\u237?an, pero
la presi\u243?n de los nervios era tan fuerte que los soldados de la Duod\u233?c
ima estaban apelotonados y apenas pod\u237?an maniobrar. El primipilo de aquella
legi\u243?n, Sextio B\u225?culo, hab\u237?a recibido tantas heridas que ya no s
e ten\u237?a en pie. Tambi\u233?n cayeron muchos otros centuriones de la Duod\u2
33?cima, entre ellos todos los de la cuarta cohorte, que para colmo perdi\u243?
su estandarte. Los soldados de las \u250?ltimas filas, en lugar de apoyar a sus
compa\u241?eros, estaban empezando a recular para apartarse de los proyectiles e
nemigos, un movimiento evasivo que era el preludio de una huida general.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Viendo que todo pend\u237?a de un hilo y que se hallaban al borde del desastre,
C\u233?sar baj\u243? del caballo, le quit\u243? el escudo a un soldado de las \u
250?ltimas filas y se abri\u243? paso entre sus hombres braceando hasta el frent
e. All\u237?, en medio de una lluvia de proyectiles, llam\u243? por su nombre a
los centuriones y orden\u243? a los soldados que dejaran de apelotonarse y abrie
ran las filas a derecha e izquierda para poder usar las espadas.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Al ver que su general compart\u237?a el peligro con ellos en una situaci\u243?n
tan adversa, los legionarios de la Duod\u233?cima cobraron nuevos br\u237?os y c
ontuvieron el asalto de los nervios. Despu\u233?s, C\u233?sar orden\u243? que ce
rraran el hueco que los separaba de la S\u233?ptima para protegerse mutuamente l
a retaguardia, y la batalla se equilibr\u243? en lo alto de la colina.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? ocurr\u237?a entretanto con las legiones biso\u241?as que escolta
ban la impedimenta? Al ver en dificultades a sus camaradas, acudieron en su ayud
a, sorprendiendo a los nervios por un flanco. Al mismo tiempo, Tito Labieno, que
hab\u237?a trepado por la loma situada al otro lado del Sabis hasta tomar el ca
mpamento enemigo, vio desde las alturas los apuros que corr\u237?an C\u233?sar y
las dos legiones del flanco derecho. Sin perder tiempo, reorganiz\u243? a sus h
ombres, los hizo bajar al r\u237?o, cruzarlo de nuevo y atacar la retaguardia de
l enemigo. Aquel refuerzo subi\u243? el \u225?nimo de todo el ej\u233?rcito roma

no tanto que la caballer\u237?a y la infanter\u237?a ligera volvieron a la refri

ega, e incluso los sirvientes que se encargaban de la impedimenta se unieron a e
lla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuesti\u243?n de minutos, los nervios se encontraron rodeados. No obstante, s
iguieron combatiendo mientras una fila tras otra ca\u237?a, y los \u250?ltimos s
upervivientes trepaban sobre las pilas que formaban sus compa\u241?eros muertos
para disparar desde arriba. Como ocurr\u237?a siempre al final cuando la situaci
\u243?n se decantaba por un bando, la batalla se convirti\u243? en matanza.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al final, lo que anduvo al borde de ser una derrota desastrosa se transform\u243
? en una de las victorias m\u225?s renombradas del ej\u233?rcito de C\u233?sar.
Este, sin embargo, no pudo ocultar que hab\u237?a cometido una imprudencia que e
stuvo en un tris de provocar la aniquilaci\u243?n de ocho legiones. No es que en
su texto se criticara a s\u237? mismo ni reconociera error alguno, sino que la
mera narraci\u243?n de los hechos resultaba lo bastante elocuente como para que
cualquier oyente o lector de los {\i
Comentarios} con experiencia militar comprendiera lo que hab\u237?a ocurrido.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la batalla, las mujeres, ancianos y ni\u241?os refugiados en las
ci\u233?nagas enviaron emisarios para pedir la paz a C\u233?sar. Este podr\u237
?a haberlos convertido en esclavos, pero se apiad\u243? de ellos; era la famosa
clemencia de C\u233?sar, que sab\u237?a manejar como buen pol\u237?tico para obt
ener r\u233?ditos. No obstante, no todo deb\u237?a de ser c\u225?lculo, ya que l
os indicios sugieren que no era nunca m\u225?s cruel de lo que la situaci\u243?n
requer\u237?a. Incluso un autor tan hostil hacia \u233?l como Di\u243?n Casio d
ec\u237?a: \u171?C\u233?sar era de naturaleza bastante razonable, y no se dejaba
llevar f\u225?cilmente por la furia\u187? (38.11). Aunque enseguida a\u241?ade
que, pese a que no permit\u237?a la ira lo dominara nunca, sab\u237?a aguardar s
u oportunidad para vengarse sin que las v\u237?ctimas de su futura revancha lo s
ospecharan.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En este caso, C\u233?sar perdon\u243? a los supervivientes de los nervios, y ade
m\u225?s orden\u243? a las tribus lim\u237?trofes que no aprovecharan su debilid
ad para atacarlos. Seg\u250?n los informes de los propios nervios, de sus sesent
a mil guerreros \u250?nicamente hab\u237?an sobrevivido quinientos. Aquella bata
lla, en palabras del mismo C\u233?sar, hab\u237?a llevado al pueblo de los nervi
os al borde de la destrucci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Curiosamente, este comentario brinda una pista de que C\u233?sar redactaba sus {
\i
Comentarios} entre campa\u241?a o campa\u241?a. Si en el invierno del 57-56, mie
ntras narraba la espectacular batalla del Sabis, cre\u237?a que los nervios hab\
u237?an sido pr\u225?cticamente aniquilados, tres a\u241?os despu\u233?s comprob
ar\u237?a que no era as\u237?, cuando esa tribu atac\u243? un campamento romano.
C\u233?sar podr\u237?a haber vuelto atr\u225?s sobre su texto para retocarlo, p
ero no lo hizo: puede que no se acordara de sus palabras, o que le diera cierta
pereza desplegar el segundo rollo de sus {\i
Comentarios} para buscar el pasaje en cuesti\u243?n. Corregir en la Antig\u252?e
dad era una tarea mucho m\u225?s penosa que hoy d\u237?a, obviamente.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
La \u250?nica tribu belga que se resist\u237?a era la de los atuatucos, que se h
ab\u237?an refugiado en una fortaleza. Se dec\u237?a de ellos que eran los \u250
?ltimos descendientes de los cimbrios y teutones al sur del Rin. Ahora, al ver c
\u243?mo los romanos constru\u237?an m\u225?quinas de guerra para asaltar sus mu
rallas, se burlaron de ellos desde el parapeto preguntando c\u243?mo hombres tan
bajitos y peque\u241?os esperaban llevar hasta arriba una torre tan pesada. \u1
71?Pues la mayor\u237?a de los galos desprecian nuestra corta estatura por compa
raci\u243?n con el gran tama\u241?o de sus cuerpos\u187?, explica C\u233?sar. La
gran altura de los celtas y, sobre todo, de los germanos era un t\u243?pico ent
re los autores cl\u225?sicos. Eso no significa que no fuese cierto: hay cualidad
es opinables, como el valor o la inteligencia, pero la estatura no es una de ell
as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Altos o no, cuando los atuatucos vieron que aquella enorme mole se pon\u237?a en
movimiento entre traqueteo y rechinar de ruedas, les entr\u243? el p\u225?nico
y se apresuraron a rendirse. C\u233?sar les exigi\u243? que le entregaran las ar
mas y ellos las arrojaron por encima de la muralla con gran estr\u233?pito.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque aquella pila de lanzas y espadas era muy alta, los atuatucos se hab\u237?
an guardado la tercera parte de su armamento. Por la noche, esperando pillar des
prevenidos a los romanos, salieron del fuerte y los atacaron durante la tercera
guardia. Pero los centinelas dieron la alarma, y se libr\u243? una batalla en la
oscuridad en la que perecieron cuatro mil atuatucos. Los dem\u225?s se retiraro
n a la fortaleza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No les sirvi\u243? de nada. Al d\u237?a siguiente, los romanos atacaron. Esta ve
z los arietes tocaron el muro, lo que significaba que los defensores, que adem\u
225?s hab\u237?an traicionado la palabra dada, quedaban a disposici\u243?n del v
encedor. Como escarmiento para otras tribus, C\u233?sar vendi\u243? como esclavo
s a todos los supervivientes. Los compradores le informaron de que eran cincuent
a y tres mil. Un porcentaje de los beneficios iba a parar a los soldados y mando
s, pero la parte del le\u243?n se la quedaba C\u233?sar, que campa\u241?a a camp
a\u241?a ve\u237?a c\u243?mo su fortuna aumentaba. En cualquier caso, no era un
hombre aficionado al dinero {\i
per se}, sino a las influencias que pod\u237?a ganar gracias a \u233?l, y lo gas
taba casi a la misma velocidad con que lo ingresaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando las noticias de sus victorias sobre los belgas llegaron a Roma, el senado
decret\u243? quince d\u237?as de festejos para dar gracias a los dioses. Jam\u2
25?s se hab\u237?an concedido tantos, ni siquiera a Pompeyo, lo que demuestra el
temor que sent\u237?an los romanos por galos y germanos y el prestigio que otor
gaban a los \u233?xitos militares contra aquellos gigantescos b\u225?rbaros del
norte. Incluso muchas tribus del otro lado del Rin enviaron emisarios al proc\u2
43?nsul para aliarse con \u233?l y entregarle rehenes. De las tres partes de la
Galia que \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a enumerado, C\u233?sar pod\u237?a considerar q
ue hab\u237?a pacificado dos, B\u233?lgica y la Galia habitada por celtas.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL CONVENIO DE LUCA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Durante la ausencia de C\u233?sar, Roma no hab\u237?a sido precisamente una bals
a de aceite. En un cap\u237?tulo anterior ya conocimos a Publio Clodio, el perso
naje que provoc\u243? un esc\u225?ndalo col\u225?ndose en la fiesta de la {\i
Bona Dea} en casa de C\u233?sar y motiv\u243? que este se divorciara de su mujer
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los triunviros, para asegurarse su posici\u243?n y recuperar la popularidad entr
e los ciudadanos, recurrieron a Clodio a sabiendas de que era un elemento muy di
f\u237?cil de controlar. Clodio concurri\u243? a las elecciones de tribuno y fue
elegido para el a\u241?o 58.{\super
[39]} Apenas entr\u243? en el cargo, Clodio present\u243? una {\i
lex frumentaria} para restaurar los repartos de trigo a la plebe urbana. En este
caso, los ciudadanos humildes no ten\u237?an que pagar ni siquiera el precio qu
e hab\u237?a fijado en su momento Cayo Graco, sino que se les entregaba el grano
gratis. Por supuesto, los optimates pusieron el grito en el cielo clamando que
iba a arruinar a la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Su segunda actuaci\u243?n fue legalizar de nuevo los {\i
collegia}, una especie de gremios o colegios profesionales que hab\u237?an sido
prohibidos en el a\u241?o 64 por las actividades delictivas que llevaban a cabo
en muchos casos. Despu\u233?s, Clodio organiz\u243? varios de esos colegios y le
s reparti\u243? armas, convirti\u233?ndolos en grupos paramilitares que le serv\
u237?an de escolta y con los que a partir de ese momento domin\u243? las asamble
as populares por la fuerza. Sus bandas utilizaban una amplia gradaci\u243?n de m
edios de intimidaci\u243?n con los rivales de Clodio: los abucheaban, les arroja
ban excrementos encima, tiraban piedras contra las ventanas de sus casas o las i

ncendiaban, y si hac\u237?a falta los acuchillaban en los callejones.\par\pard\p

lain\hyphpar} {
El siguiente blanco de Clodio fue Cicer\u243?n, al que detestaba. El tribuno hiz
o aprobar una ley que condenaba a destierro a cualquier exmagistrado que hubiese
ejecutado sin juicio a ciudadanos romanos. Su objetivo era el orador, que cuatr
o a\u241?os antes hab\u237?a hecho matar a varios miembros de la conspiraci\u243
?n de Catilina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cicer\u243?n aleg\u243? que hab\u237?a actuado siguiendo el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}, y trat\u243? de recurrir a la ayuda de Pompeyo. Al c
omprobar que sus esfuerzos eran in\u250?tiles, opt\u243? por lo m\u225?s prudent
e y se autoexili\u243? a Macedonia. Eso no lo salv\u243? de las iras de Clodio,
que hizo aprobar una ley para confiscarle sus propiedades e incit\u243? a sus se
cuaces a incendiar la mansi\u243?n del orador en el Palatino, as\u237? como otra
s villas que ten\u237?a en el campo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de los opositores m\u225?s significados al triunvirato ya estaba fuera de ci
rculaci\u243?n. Pero a\u250?n segu\u237?a Cat\u243?n. Era demasiado popular para
actuar de la misma manera contra \u233?l, de modo que Clodio present\u243? un p
lebiscito por el que se arrebataba Chipre al rey egipcio Ptolomeo Auletes y se c
onvert\u237?a en provincia romana. Para organizar la anexi\u243?n, propuso que s
e nombrara gobernador a un ciudadano incorruptible. \u191?Qui\u233?n mejor que C
at\u243?n, el austero guardi\u225?n de las costumbres? Cat\u243?n no tuvo m\u225
?s remedio que aceptar y parti\u243? a Chipre. Era una patada hacia arriba para
librarse de un rival inc\u243?modo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello molest\u243? a Pompeyo, porque se trataba una injerencia en los asuntos
de Oriente, que consideraba su finca particular. Poco despu\u233?s, Clodio volvi
\u243? a ofenderle cuando organiz\u243? la huida de Tigranes, hijo del otro Tigr
anes rey de Armenia, que se hallaba como reh\u233?n en casa de Pompeyo.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo comprendi\u243? que Clodio no le conven\u237?a como aliado y trat\u243?
de ganarse el favor de Cicer\u243?n proponiendo que se revocara su exilio. El tr
ibuno, como era de esperar, vet\u243? la moci\u243?n. Un par de meses m\u225?s t
arde, un esclavo de Clodio trat\u243? de matar a Pompeyo. En realidad, fue m\u22
5?s una farsa que un aut\u233?ntico intento de asesinato, pero sirvi\u243? para
amedrentar a Pompeyo, que se refugi\u243? en su mansi\u243?n y no volvi\u243? a
actuar en p\u250?blico durante el resto del a\u241?o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Demostrando que era, en efecto, incontrolable e impredecible, Clodio se revolvi\
u243? tambi\u233?n contra C\u233?sar y propuso anular todas las leyes aprobadas
por este durante su consulado. \u191?Que eso pod\u237?a extenderse tambi\u233?n
a la adopci\u243?n que lo hab\u237?a convertido en plebeyo y, gracias a eso, en
tribuno? A Clodio le dio igual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras llevaba a cabo sus campa\u241?as en la Galia, C\u233?sar recib\u237?a n
oticias de todo lo que ocurr\u237?a en Roma. Al comprobar que Clodio le hab\u237
?a salido rana, se puso en contacto con Pompeyo para conseguir entre ambos el re
greso de Cicer\u243?n. A estas alturas, ya en el a\u241?o 57, Clodio era de nuev
o un ciudadano privado, pero sus {\i
collegia}, aut\u233?nticas bandas de g\u225?nsteres, segu\u237?an sembrando el t
error en la ciudad e imped\u237?an cualquier votaci\u243?n que a \u233?l no le c
onviniera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo decidi\u243? recurrir al mismo expediente y apoy\u243? a dos de los nuev
os tribunos, Sestio y Mil\u243?n. Este \u250?ltimo, especialmente, organiz\u243?
sus propias bandas, en las que hab\u237?a muchos exgladiadores.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Mientras la sangre corr\u237?a por las calles de Roma con toda impunidad,{\super
[40]} en verano se propuso de nuevo el regreso de Cicer\u243?n. Clodio intent\u2
43? impedirlo, pero sus matones fueron contrarrestados por los de Mil\u243?n y l
a propuesta se aprob\u243?. El 4 de septiembre del 57, Cicer\u243?n regres\u243?
a Roma y fue recibido como un triunfador.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El beneficiario de la vuelta de Cicer\u243?n no fue C\u233?sar, sino Pompeyo. A
propuesta del orador, se aprob\u243? un decreto por el que se otorgaba a Pompeyo
un mandato de cinco a\u241?os como proc\u243?nsul. Resultaba un tanto irregular

, porque no era para ninguna provincia en concreto, sino para asegurar el abaste
cimiento de trigo a la ciudad. Pero en caso de necesidad otorgaba a Pompeyo {\i
imperium} sobre cualquier gobernador provincial\u8230?, incluido C\u233?sar en l
a Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a eso, Pompeyo volvi\u243? al candelero y recuper\u243? popularidad en R
oma. A cambio, Craso se sent\u237?a celoso de \u233?l. A decir verdad, C\u233?sa
r era el \u250?nico v\u237?nculo entre los dos prohombres, que sent\u237?an una
profunda antipat\u237?a mutua.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel triunvirato extraoficial parec\u237?a a punto de romperse. Am\u233?n de lo
s roces de Pompeyo y Craso, el creciente prestigio de C\u233?sar no agradaba a P
ompeyo, que se consideraba a s\u237? mismo el hombre m\u225?s grande de Roma. \u
191?Quince d\u237?as de acci\u243?n de gracias cuando a \u233?l solo le hab\u237
?an concedido diez? \u191?D\u243?nde se hab\u237?a visto algo as\u237??\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Aprovechando su vanidad y sus celos, los optimates no dejaban de verter veneno e
n sus o\u237?dos, e incluso le suger\u237?an, como hizo un tal Terencio Cule\u24
3?n, que se divorciara de Julia. Siempre hab\u237?an despreciado a Pompeyo, un a
dvenedizo del Piceno que hab\u237?a empezado su carrera pol\u237?tica sin pasar
por el senado. Pero pensaban que a \u233?l lo pod\u237?an controlar mejor que a
un patricio como C\u233?sar, de modo que no vacilaban en utilizarlo. Para ello c
ontaban con la mejor herramienta posible: el propio ego de Pompeyo, que era desm
esurado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar era consciente de todo lo que pasaba, e interven\u237?a desde la dist
ancia empleando las riquezas obtenidas en la Galia para sobornar a todo aquel fu
turo tribuno o magistrado que lo apoyara. Lo que m\u225?s le preocupaba era que
se acercaba el momento en que su mandato se iba a acabar. Cuando eso ocurriera,
se convertir\u237?a en ciudadano privado cinco a\u241?os antes de que las leyes
de Sila le permitieran presentarse de nuevo al consulado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Era tiempo m\u225?s que de sobra para que sus enemigos intentaran juzgarlo y con
denarlo, o incluso asesinarlo. C\u233?sar quer\u237?a una nueva pr\u243?rroga de
su mandato para sentirse m\u225?s tranquilo. Con tal fin, convoc\u243? a Craso
a un encuentro en R\u225?vena, una ciudad situada a orillas del Adri\u225?tico e
n la provincia de la Galia Cisalpina. Despu\u233?s se reuni\u243? con Pompeyo al
otro lado de la pen\u237?nsula, en la peque\u241?a ciudad de Luca, en la costa
del mar Tirreno, asimismo dentro de su provincia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Estaba Craso presente en la reuni\u243?n de Luca? No se sabe a ciencia cie
rta; pero, en cualquier caso, C\u233?sar habl\u243? por su boca, pues le interes
aba que los tres llegaran a un acuerdo. Como resultado, Pompeyo y Craso accedier
on a presentarse juntos al consulado del a\u241?o 55. Ambos estaban legalmente c
apacitados, ya que hab\u237?a transcurrido una d\u233?cada y media desde su ante
rior consulado conjunto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar deb\u237?a contribuir con dinero y votantes a su campa\u241?a. A camb
io, los nuevos c\u243?nsules lo apoyar\u237?an para ampliar cinco a\u241?os su c
argo en la Galia. Ellos mismos, cuando dejaran de ser c\u243?nsules, recibir\u23
7?an mandatos proconsulares tambi\u233?n por cinco a\u241?os y podr\u237?an cont
rolar grandes ej\u233?rcitos y conquistar nuevas provincias. Quien m\u225?s inte
r\u233?s ten\u237?a en esto \u250?ltimo era Craso, que envidiaba los logros de s
us dos socios y anhelaba el triunfo que se le hab\u237?a negado tras su victoria
sobre Espartaco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la pr\u225?ctica, el acuerdo de Luca significaba que durante los pr\u243?ximo
s a\u241?os pr\u225?cticamente todas las fuerzas militares de Roma estar\u237?an
bajo el mando de tres hombres tan solo. Y a juzgar por c\u243?mo se hab\u237?a
comportado Pompeyo en el pasado y por c\u243?mo actuaba en el presente C\u233?sa
r, dirigiendo las operaciones en la Galia sin consultar con el senado, esas fuer
zas obedecer\u237?an exclusivamente a los intereses de los triunviros.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando poco a poco se fueron revelando los t\u233?rminos de este acuerdo, muchos
senadores se horrorizaron. A Cicer\u243?n no le hac\u237?a ninguna gracia la si
tuaci\u243?n, pero comprendi\u243? que deb\u237?a doblegarse como una ca\u241?a

al viento si quer\u237?a sobrevivir pol\u237?tica y tal vez f\u237?sicamente. En

mayo del 56, poco despu\u233?s de la reuni\u243?n de Luca, pronunci\u243? un di
scurso alabando a C\u233?sar por sus conquistas en la Galia. Por fin, dijo, un g
eneral se decid\u237?a a llevar la guerra a las tierras de los b\u225?rbaros en
lugar de esperar sus ataques a la defensiva como hab\u237?an hecho siempre los r
omanos. \u161?Aquello no lo hab\u237?a hecho ni el gran Cayo Mario!\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
El argumento no era tan descabellado, pues hay que recordar la psicosis colectiv
a que despertaba la amenaza celta y germana entre los romanos. Merced a la combi
naci\u243?n de las presiones de Pompeyo y Craso y la afamada ret\u243?rica de Ci
cer\u243?n, al final C\u233?sar consigui\u243? lo que quer\u237?a. No solo se le
prorrog\u243? el mando por cinco a\u241?os m\u225?s, sino que el senado se comp
rometi\u243? a financiar las legiones que el proc\u243?nsul hab\u237?a reclutado
por su cuenta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Pompeyo y Craso, tambi\u233?n obtuvieron lo que deseaban: ser elegid
os c\u243?nsules. No sin problemas, cierto es. El magistrado que deb\u237?a pres
idir los comicios, L\u233?ntulo Marcelino, se neg\u243? a aceptar sus candidatur
as por estar fuera de plazo. Cuando lleg\u243? el momento de las elecciones, se
produjeron disturbios callejeros tan graves que hubo que aplazarlas. Obviamente,
detr\u225?s de esos tumultos estaban los triunviros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya en enero, cuando L\u233?ntulo hab\u237?a vuelto a ser ciudadano privado, se l
levaron a cabo las elecciones y el {\i
interrex} nombrado para supervisarlas permiti\u243? que Craso y Pompeyo se prese
ntaran. Tras nuevas irregularidades y actos de violencia \u8212?uno de sus rival
es, Domicio Ahenobarbo, fue agredido\u8212?, ambos resultaron finalmente elegido
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aparte de las normas dictadas a favor de C\u233?sar, Craso y Pompeyo apenas legi
slaron. Al acercarse el final de su mandato, se les atribuyeron como provincias
proconsulares Hispania y Siria. En el sorteo \u8212?por llamarlo de alguna forma
\u8212?, la primera le correspondi\u243? a Pompeyo y la segunda a Craso. Este se
sent\u237?a tan impaciente por conseguir la gloria militar que ni siquiera espe
r\u243? a que terminara el a\u241?o para abandonar Roma, y en noviembre del 55 p
arti\u243? hacia Oriente para organizar una gran campa\u241?a contra los partos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Pompeyo, le bast\u243? con saber que dispon\u237?a de legiones fiele
s en Hispania, y se dedic\u243? a gobernar la provincia desde Roma. En sentido e
stricto, desde los suburbios de Roma, porque como proc\u243?nsul no pod\u237?a a
travesar el recinto del pomerio. Pero eso no supon\u237?a ning\u250?n \u243?bice
, porque cuando era necesario el senado se reun\u237?a en el Campo de Marte para
que Pompeyo pudiera asistir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA GUERRA NAVAL DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el \u237?nterin, C\u233?sar no hab\u237?a permanecido inactivo. Tras la reuni
\u243?n de Luca, parti\u243? hacia Iliria, la provincia que m\u225?s abandonada
ten\u237?a. Mientras estaba all\u237?, a finales de la primavera del 56, le lleg
aron malas noticias de la Galia. El informe proven\u237?a de Publio Craso, hijo
de su compa\u241?ero triunviro y uno de los oficiales m\u225?s capacitados de C\
u233?sar, el mismo que le hab\u237?a salvado los muebles en la batalla contra Ar
iovisto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El joven Craso y sus tropas estaban invernando en la orilla norte del r\u237?o L
oira, no lejos del Atl\u225?ntico. Los pueblos del lugar se hab\u237?an sometido
a los romanos y les hab\u237?an enviado rehenes. Pero cuando Craso despach\u243
? como emisarios a Quinto Velanio y Tito Silio para pedirles grano, los v\u233?n
etos, la tribu m\u225?s poderosa de la Breta\u241?a francesa, los aprisionaron.
Despu\u233?s le dijeron a Craso que, si quer\u237?a volver a ver a esos hombres,
les devolviera sus propios rehenes. Y, por supuesto, que se olvidara de las pro
visiones y del pacto de sumisi\u243?n. No contentos con eso, los v\u233?netos in
citaron a la rebeli\u243?n a otras tribus vecinas, como los osismos y los corios

olitas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar comprendi\u243? que no podr\u237?a derrotar a aquellos enemigos de la
misma forma en que hab\u237?a vencido a helvecios, germanos o belgas. Al igual
que los atenienses del siglo V, los v\u233?netos basaban su influencia en la reg
i\u243?n en que pose\u237?an una flota muy poderosa, y adem\u225?s controlaban l
os escasos puertos de aquella costa tan poco acogedora. Siendo un pueblo mariner
o, C\u233?sar sab\u237?a que no querr\u237?an enfrentarse en campo abierto contr
a sus legiones. Por otra parte, le era imposible cortar sus l\u237?neas de sumin
istro para obligarlos a combatir por la pura fuerza del hambre, ya que pod\u237?
an recibir provisiones por mar desde otros lugares de la Galia o desde Britania,
isla con la que manten\u237?an un floreciente comercio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
A sabiendas de que esta campa\u241?a iba a resultar diferente, C\u233?sar despac
h\u243? mensajeros para ordenar que se construyera una flota en el r\u237?o Loir
a y que se reclutaran marinos, pilotos y remeros en la Provincia. Asimismo impar
ti\u243? instrucciones a sus legados: Craso deb\u237?a llevar doce cohortes a Aq
uitania para evitar que sus habitantes mandaran refuerzos a los galos; Labieno s
eguir\u237?a controlando a los belgas y vigilando la frontera de Rin con el fin
de impedir invasiones germanas; y el legado Titurio Sabino se dirigir\u237?a a N
ormand\u237?a para atacar a los coriosolitas y otras tribus locales.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar en persona tom\u243? el mando de las dem\u225?s tropas y atac\u243? a
los v\u233?netos en su territorio, situado en los alrededores del golfo de Morb
ihan, una especie de mar interior no muy lejos de los famosos megalitos de Carna
c.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a, como hab\u237?a previsto, result\u243? desesperante. Los poblad
os de los v\u233?netos sol\u237?an estar situados en promontorios o pen\u237?nsu
las casi inexpugnables. En este punto, C\u233?sar habla de las mareas para sus l
ectores y oyentes it\u225?licos, puesto que en el Atl\u225?ntico son mucho m\u22
5?s fuertes que en el Mediterr\u225?neo. Con pleamar resultaba imposible acercar
se a pie a las fortalezas de los v\u233?netos; pero si se intentaba acceder con
trirremes y la marea retroced\u237?a, las naves se quedaban estancadas en los ba
j\u237?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para contener esas mareas, los ingenieros de C\u233?sar constru\u237?an enormes
terraplenes. Esta ingente tarea, no obstante, acababa siendo in\u250?til: en el
momento en que los v\u233?netos ve\u237?an que sus fortalezas estaban a punto de
ser asaltadas, recog\u237?an sus posesiones y sus v\u237?veres, se embarcaban c
on ellas y sus familias y se dirig\u237?an a otro poblado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
As\u237? transcurri\u243? el verano de una forma harto frustrante para C\u233?sa
r, que aguardaba la llegada del grueso de la flota que se estaba construyendo en
el Loira. Sin embargo, los combates con las pocas naves de guerra de las que di
spon\u237?a le hicieron sospechar que cuando llegaran las dem\u225?s iba a tener
problemas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos estaban armando su flota al estilo griego y fenicio, con trirremes y
quinquerremes de bordo bajo, m\u225?s adecuados para el Mediterr\u225?neo que p
ara el Atl\u225?ntico. En cuanto se levantaba una marejada m\u225?s fuerte, el a
gua inundaba la cubierta. Adem\u225?s, los barcos romanos depend\u237?an para ma
niobrar de los remos; pero manejar estos de forma coordinada era una tarea compl
icada que se convert\u237?a en imposible si las aguas se picaban y los bandazos
hac\u237?an que buena parte de los remos azotaran el aire en lugar del agua.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cambio, los nav\u237?os de los v\u233?netos se desplazaban usando \u250?nicam
ente las velas, y ten\u237?an costados tan altos que era imposible tomarlos al a
bordaje; adem\u225?s, sus tripulantes pod\u237?an disparar c\u243?modamente desd
e arriba contra los enemigos. Por otra parte, sus cascos estaban fabricados con
planchas de roble tan resistentes que los espolones de los barcos romanos apenas
les hac\u237?an cosquillas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En general, debido a que estos nav\u237?os ten\u237?an que soportar el embate de
los vientos y las olas del Atl\u225?ntico, toda su construcci\u243?n era m\u225

?s s\u243?lida, con velas de cuero y no de lino y con grandes anclas atadas por
cadenas en lugar de por sogas. Otra ventaja adicional era que, a pesar de la alt
ura de sus bordos, esos barcos ten\u237?an el fondo pr\u225?cticamente plano, po
r lo que pod\u237?an navegar por aguas muy someras en las que los trirremes y qu
inquerremes embarrancaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A finales del verano apareci\u243? por fin la flota del Loira, mandada por D\u23
3?cimo Bruto. Al verla, los v\u233?netos decidieron plantar batalla, puesto que
se sent\u237?an en su elemento, y se hicieron a la mar en la bah\u237?a de Quibe
r\u243?n con su propia armada, formada por doscientos veinte barcos.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Como ya hemos dicho, las t\u225?cticas de abordaje o embestida, las \u250?nicas
que se practicaban en el Mediterr\u225?neo desde hac\u237?a siglos, resultaban i
n\u250?tiles contra los s\u243?lidos nav\u237?os de los v\u233?netos. Pero C\u23
3?sar y sus hombres le hab\u237?an dado muchas vueltas a la cuesti\u243?n y hab\
u237?an comprendido que aquellos barcos ten\u237?an un \u250?nico punto d\u233?b
il: depend\u237?an por completo del viento. Por eso hab\u237?an fabricado largu\
u237?simas p\u233?rtigas provistas de hoces afiladas en sus extremos, parecidas
a las llamadas {\i
falces murales} que se utilizaban en los asedios para arrancar piedras de las mu
rallas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se trab\u243? el combate y las naves de v\u233?netos y romanos se acercar
on unas a otras, los hombres de C\u233?sar empezaron a extender esos largos ganc
hos por encima de sus bordas para alcanzar las jarcias que sosten\u237?an las ve
las. Una vez que hac\u237?an presa, tiraban con fuerza o directamente ciaban \u8
212?remaban hacia atr\u225?s, para entendernos\u8212? y cortaban los aparejos.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco a poco, la batalla se decant\u243? a favor de los romanos ante los ojos de
C\u233?sar, que observaba desde la costa igual que Jerjes hab\u237?a hecho en Sa
lamina, aunque con m\u225?s suerte. Con las jarcias cortadas, las velas ca\u237?
an fl\u225?cidas y las naves de los v\u233?netos se quedaban paradas. Los barcos
romanos las rodeaban como pira\u241?as y sus hombres tend\u237?an escalas para
abordarlas como si fueran murallas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los v\u233?netos vieron que varios de sus barcos sufr\u237?an este destin
o, intentaron retirarse. Pero en ese momento dej\u243? de soplar el viento \u821
2?empezaba a caer la tarde\u8212?, y los trirremes y quinquerremes romanos pudie
ron alcanzar a los veleros que tantas veces los hab\u237?an burlado. Muy pocos n
av\u237?os v\u233?netos lograron escapar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de m\u225?s de diez horas de lucha, la flota romana hab\u237?a alca
nzado una sufrida victoria. C\u233?sar pudo a\u241?adir a su hoja de m\u233?rito
s, cada vez m\u225?s extensa, que hab\u237?a prevalecido tambi\u233?n en una bat
alla naval contra una tribu de expertos marinos, aunque \u233?l no hubiese parti
cipado personalmente en la acci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin su flota, a los v\u233?netos no les qued\u243? otro remedio que rendirse. Pe
ro como se hab\u237?an rebelado despu\u233?s de intercambiar rehenes y adem\u225
?s hab\u237?an retenido como prisioneros a oficiales romanos, C\u233?sar decidi\
u243? darles un escarmiento ejemplar. Todos sus l\u237?deres \u8212?los miembros
de un consejo equivalente al senado romano\u8212? fueron decapitados, y a los {
\i
reliquos}, \u171?los restantes\u187?, se los vendi\u243? como esclavos. No est\u
225? claro si el t\u233?rmino se refiere a toda la poblaci\u243?n o a los varone
s en edad de combatir. En cualquier caso, se trat\u243? una represalia muy dura,
que autores como Luciano Canfora encuentran \u171?muy poco edificante\u187?. Co
mo se\u241?ala este mismo autor en su biograf\u237?a de C\u233?sar (p. 105), la
victoria sobre los v\u233?netos y el final de su flota cambiaron el equilibrio g
eopol\u237?tico de toda esa zona del Atl\u225?ntico e hicieron posible que C\u23
3?sar empezara a pensar en ir todav\u237?a un paso m\u225?s lejos para invadir B
ritania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El a\u241?o acab\u243? bien para los intereses romanos: Craso someti\u243? Aquit
ania y Sabino acab\u243? con la rebeli\u243?n m\u225?s al norte, en Normand\u237
?a. El mismo C\u233?sar termin\u243? la campa\u241?a anual sojuzgando a los mori

nos y los menapios, que habitaban en la costa belga y el paso de Calais.\par\par

d\plain\hyphpar} {
A estas alturas, las intenciones de conquista de C\u233?sar no eran un secreto p
ara nadie. Sus campa\u241?as los hab\u237?an llevado a \u233?l y a sus legados a
rodear toda la Galia. Tan solo hab\u237?an perdonado el centro, m\u225?s poblad
o y pr\u243?spero, seguramente con la esperanza de que tribus tan importantes co
mo los carnutos o los arvernos pidieran alianza a Roma sin recurrir a la guerra.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL CRUCE DEL RIN\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
El 55 era, como ya hemos visto, el a\u241?o del segundo consulado de Pompeyo y C
raso. Para esa campa\u241?a, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a previsto cruzar el canal de l
a Mancha y actuar contra los britanos, con el pretexto de que hab\u237?an enviad
o ayuda a los galos en sus luchas contra Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero en invierno, mientras planeaba la expedici\u243?n desde la Galia Cisalpina
y de paso manten\u237?a un ojo puesto en Roma, le llegaron malas noticias del no
rte. Dos tribus germanas, los t\u233?ncteros y los us\u237?petes, acababan de in
vadir la Galia. Era la vieja historia de las migraciones forzosas: los suevos lo
s hab\u237?an echado de sus tierras y ellos hab\u237?an cruzado el Rin para expu
lsar a su vez a los menapios.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? la primavera, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? a la Galia y convoc\u
243? una reuni\u243?n de los principales caudillos celtas con el fin de pedirles
grano y tropas de caballer\u237?a. Despu\u233?s reuni\u243? a sus tropas y se d
irigi\u243? al norte para abortar la invasi\u243?n, que se hab\u237?a extendido
al territorio de los eburones. Estos eran vasallos de los romanos, as\u237? que
C\u233?sar ya ten\u237?a su {\i
casus belli}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por el camino le llegaron enviados de los germanos para explicarle que hab\u237?
an cruzado el Rin por obligaci\u243?n. Tambi\u233?n le solicitaron tierras para
instalarse y se ofrecieron como aliados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar contest\u243? que no estaba en su mano permitir que se quedaran en la
Galia, pero que a cambio pod\u237?a ayudarlos a asentarse en la orilla oriental
del Rin, en los territorios de la tribu germana de los ubios. Juntos, los dos p
ueblos tal vez podr\u237?an resistir el acoso de los suevos.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Los enviados germanos pidieron tres d\u237?as para regresar con sus tribus y ref
lexionar. En el \u237?nterin, le rogaron que se quedara donde estaba y no siguie
ra avanzando. C\u233?sar se neg\u243?, seg\u250?n \u233?l mismo explica, porque
sab\u237?a que el grueso de sus jinetes estaban lejos de all\u237?, saqueando el
territorio de los menapios, y sospechaba que los embajadores \u250?nicamente qu
er\u237?an ganar tiempo a la espera de que su caballer\u237?a regresara.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Las legiones siguieron su marcha hasta detenerse a unos veinte kil\u243?metros d
el campamento principal de los germanos. All\u237? se encontraron con los mismos
enviados, que volvieron a pedir a C\u233?sar que se quedara all\u237? y les con
cediera tres d\u237?as de plazo mientras despachaban embajadores a los ubios. C\
u233?sar volvi\u243? a desconfiar, pero les respondi\u243? que avanzar\u237?a ta
n solo seis kil\u243?metros m\u225?s para tener acceso a agua potable.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, la caballer\u237?a de C\u233?sar, formada por cinco mil galos
, tuvo un encontronazo con los ochocientos jinetes que guardaban el campamento g
ermano. Pese a tal desproporci\u243?n, los germanos mataron a m\u225?s de setent
a galos y pusieron en fuga a los dem\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando vio llegar a su caballer\u237?a en desbandada, C\u233?sar comprendi\u243?
que no le quedaba m\u225?s remedio que luchar, pues era evidente que los german
os tan solo quer\u237?an ganar tiempo, y as\u237? se lo explic\u243? a sus ofici
ales. \u171?Evidente\u187? desde su punto de vista, claro est\u225?. Los cr\u237
?ticos de C\u233?sar alegan que los germanos quer\u237?an realmente un acuerdo y

que la supuesta derrota de su caballer\u237?a no hab\u237?a sido m\u225?s que u

na pantomima destinada a disponer de un pretexto para atacar.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Es dif\u237?cil o imposible saber la verdad. Como ya hemos comentado, por alguna
raz\u243?n, la caballer\u237?a germana sembraba el terror entre los galos pese
a que sus monturas ten\u237?an menos alzada. Lo cierto es que C\u233?sar confi\u
243? en ella para su escolta personal: germanos eran los jinetes que combatieron
en Farsalia a\u241?os m\u225?s tarde y tambi\u233?n los que se llev\u243? a Egi
pto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente lleg\u243? una nueva embajada germana a pedir disculpas po
r el ataque. En esta ocasi\u243?n ven\u237?an en ella los principales caudillos
de los t\u233?ncteros y los us\u237?petes. C\u233?sar se frot\u243? las manos al
ver que todo el alto mando enemigo se pon\u237?a a su merced, y orden\u243? a s
us hombres que aprisionaran a los germanos. Aquella era una violaci\u243?n del d
erecho de gentes equivalente a la que hab\u237?an cometido los v\u233?netos el a
\u241?o anterior. Pero C\u233?sar se sent\u237?a indignado por la doblez de los
germanos, o al menos eso dijo a todo el que le quiso o\u237?r o leer. Adem\u225?
s, aunque no lo reconociera abiertamente, no dejaba de pensar que no era lo mism
o detener a unos embajadores romanos que a otros b\u225?rbaros.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, C\u233?sar hizo formar a sus legiones en tres columnas y se
dirigi\u243? a marchas forzadas contra el campamento enemigo, que ni de lejos e
staba tan fortificado como un {\i
castra} romano. Aquello no fue una batalla, sino una masacre, pues los germanos
estaban desprevenidos y sin jefes. Los que no quedaron tendidos en el terreno hu
yeron, dejando atr\u225?s todas sus pertenencias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La noticia no tard\u243? en llegar a Roma, y no precisamente por la versi\u243?n
de C\u233?sar. Cuando se supo en el senado, Cat\u243?n se levant\u243? y dijo q
ue C\u233?sar hab\u237?a cometido un crimen de guerra al detener a los embajador
es. La \u250?nica forma de evitar que los dioses castigaran a Roma por ese sacri
legio era entregar a C\u233?sar a los germanos para que hicieran con \u233?l lo
que quisieran, igual que se hab\u237?a obrado con el c\u243?nsul Mancino en Numa
ncia en tiempos de sus bisabuelos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para los historiadores cr\u237?ticos con C\u233?sar, aquella fue una villan\u237
?a que manch\u243? para siempre su historial. Luciano Canfora resume algunas pos
turas en su obra {\i
Julio C\u233?sar. Un dictador democr\u225?tico}, desde las que lo inculpan por a
quella matanza a las que la pasan por alto o, desde un punto de vista nacionalis
ta italiano, defienden a C\u233?sar por \u171?inculcar en estas regiones un sano
temor a las armas romanas\u187?. El propio Canfora, aunque tambi\u233?n sea ita
liano, es bastante cr\u237?tico aqu\u237? con C\u233?sar, como en otros pasajes.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n Plutarco, en aquella masacre murieron cuatrocientos mil germanos. La
cifra, como suele ocurrir en estos casos, no se sostiene. Calculando r\u225?pida
mente, cada soldado del ej\u233?rcito de C\u233?sar habr\u237?a tenido que matar
al menos a diez personas, algo m\u225?s que improbable en una \u233?poca en que
se daba muerte en general con armas blancas, tan cerca que uno pod\u237?a ver l
as pupilas de su v\u237?ctima. Incluso los {\i
Einsatzgruppen} de Hitler (los comandos que buscaban y asesinaban a jud\u237?os
durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial), pese a que utilizaban armas de fuego, acabab
an sufriendo tal desgaste psicol\u243?gico por su infame tarea que los nazis tuv
ieron que buscar otras soluciones m\u225?s eficaces, como las tristemente c\u233
?lebres c\u225?maras de gas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, es imposible, por muchas razones, que cientos de miles de german
os se hacinaran en un solo campamento. Lo m\u225?s que podemos asegurar, as\u237
? pues, es que C\u233?sar descabez\u243? literalmente a los us\u237?petes y t\u2
33?ncteros al detener a sus cabecillas, que atac\u243? uno de sus campamentos ca
usando una gran mortandad y que el resto de los germanos debieron de dispersarse
y regresar al otro lado del Rin.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras esta victoria moralmente tan cuestionable, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? cruzar e

l Rin. Los ubios, el pueblo germano aliado con los romanos, propusieron al proc\
u243?nsul llevarlo al otro lado del r\u237?o con sus barcos. Pero \u233?l se neg
\u243?, pues, aparte de que no acababa de fiarse, no le parec\u237?a apropiado p
ara \u171?su dignidad ni la del pueblo romano\u187? (BG, 4.17), y decidi\u243? c
onstruir un puente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar se extiende durante un par de cap\u237?tulos en la descripci\u243?n d
e aquel puente, pues en su obra considera tan importantes las proezas de sus ing
enieros como las de sus soldados: estos domaban a los enemigos y aquellos a la m
isma naturaleza, un adversario a\u250?n m\u225?s poderoso. Se cree que el puente
se construy\u243? en el curso medio del Rin, al norte de Coblenza y al sur de A
ndernach, en una zona donde el r\u237?o med\u237?a entre trescientos y cuatrocie
ntos metros de ancho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En tan solo diez d\u237?as los pontoneros lograron terminar la obra. El ej\u233?
rcito romano cruz\u243? por primera vez el Rin, dejando guarniciones de defensa
en ambos extremos del puente. Al otro lado se extend\u237?an las tierras de los
sigambros, donde se hab\u237?an refugiado las tropas de caballer\u237?a de los u
s\u237?petes y t\u233?ncteros que no hab\u237?an llegado a entrar en combate. C\
u233?sar hab\u237?a exigido a los sigambros que les entregaran a aquellos jinete
s, y ellos hab\u237?an respondido con algunas bravatas. Ahora, al ver que las le
giones eran capaces de cruzar el r\u237?o, todos pusieron pies y cascos en polvo
rosa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar se dedic\u243? durante unos d\u237?as a saquear las tierras de los si
gambros, quemar sus aldeas y apoderarse de sus cosechas (es de suponer que no le
habr\u237?an dejado demasiado que rapi\u241?ar antes de huir). Despu\u233?s via
j\u243? al territorio de los ubios, a los que prometi\u243? ayuda si volv\u237?a
n a verse presionados por los suevos. Fueron los ubios quienes le informaron de
que precisamente los suevos hab\u237?an convocado a todos sus guerreros en el co
raz\u243?n de los bosques, dispuestos a librar una batalla decisiva contra los r
omanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por el momento, C\u233?sar no ten\u237?a intenci\u243?n de enfrentarse a ellos n
i entretenerse m\u225?s all\u225? del Rin. Hab\u237?a cumplido sus objetivos, qu
e eran limitados. Adem\u225?s, estaba pensando en dar otro golpe de efecto con B
ritania antes de que el tiempo empeorara demasiado e impidiese la navegaci\u243?
n. Por eso, tras dieciocho d\u237?as en Germania volvi\u243? a cruzar el r\u237?
o y orden\u243? destruir el puente para que ning\u250?n invasor pudiera utilizar
lo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? hab\u237?a cruzado C\u233?sar el Rin? No se trataba de una ex
pedici\u243?n de conquista, sino de una exhibici\u243?n de poder\u237?o, destina
da a demostrar a los germanos que era mejor para ellos quedarse en sus tierras y
no entrar en la Galia, ya que C\u233?sar pod\u237?a invadirlos cuando le vinier
a en gana. Tambi\u233?n era un golpe de efecto publicitario destinado a sus conc
iudadanos: mal que le pesara a Cat\u243?n, aquella campa\u241?a de castigo contr
a los germanos tuvo buena prensa en Roma. C\u233?sar hab\u237?a sido el primer g
eneral romano en penetrar en el territorio del enemigo m\u225?s temido, \u161?y
justo durante el consulado de Pompeyo y Craso!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para comprender c\u243?mo ve\u237?an los romanos lo que estaba ocurriendo en el
norte, es revelador este fragmento del discurso de Cicer\u243?n {\i
Sobre las provincias consulares} (34), que el gran orador pronunci\u243? en la \
u233?poca en que su relaci\u243?n pol\u237?tica con C\u233?sar era buena:\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Hasta ahora, padres conscriptos, de la Galia solo pose\u237?amos el camino de en
trada. Todo el resto de ella estaba en poder de pueblos que o bien eran hostiles
a nuestro imperio, o traicioneros, o {\i
desconocidos}, o a todos los efectos salvajes, b\u225?rbaros y belicosos. [\u823
0?] Mas por causa del poder y el n\u250?mero de esas tribus nunca antes hab\u237
?amos guerreado contra todas. Siempre nos hemos limitado a reaccionar cuando nos
atacan. Ahora por fin se ha conseguido que el l\u237?mite de nuestro imperio y
el de aquellas tierras sea el mismo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
He puesto en cursiva el adjetivo \u171?desconocidos\u187?, {\i
incognitis}, para subrayar su lugar entre otros claramente negativos como \u171?

traicioneros\u187? o \u171?salvajes\u187?. Nosotros, que hace muchas generacione

s que no vemos {\i
Terra ignota} escrito en ning\u250?n mapa, no podemos comprender la inquietud qu
e siembra en el esp\u237?ritu la amenaza de lo que no se conoce, ese umbral oscu
ro del que puede brotar cualquier cosa, y que para los romanos se identificaba c
on los bosques y ci\u233?nagas del norte. Ahora que C\u233?sar y sus legiones cr
uzaban el Rin, por primera vez la luz iluminaba aquella zona sumergida en la nie
bla de guerra, que dejaba de ser desconocida y, por tanto, pod\u237?a empezar a
ser controlada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA AVENTURA DE BRITANIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n cuenta C\u233?sar, quedaba poco para que acabase el verano, y adem\u2
25?s en aquellas latitudes el invierno llegaba antes. No obstante, quiz\u225? cr
ecido por sus \u233?xitos, decidi\u243? seguir adelante con su plan y cruzar a B
ritania. El motivo que alegaba era que los britanos hab\u237?an colaborado con l
os galos m\u225?s levantiscos y hab\u237?a que castigarlos. Sin embargo, da la i
mpresi\u243?n de que al llegar al Atl\u225?ntico le hab\u237?a invadido el mismo
{\i
p\u243?thos} que a Alejandro, un t\u233?rmino que los griegos utilizaban para re
ferirse al anhelo de llegar a algo que parece inalcanzable, de pisar all\u237? d
onde nadie lo ha hecho antes. Si C\u233?sar llevaba las \u225?guilas romanas a B
ritania, podr\u237?a mirar cara a cara a Pompeyo, o incluso por encima del hombr
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, no hay que olvidar que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a conseguido que le p
rorrogaran un mandato que todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a agotado. Si la Galia estaba
pacificada, \u191?de qu\u233? pretexto pod\u237?a servirse para seguir siendo p
roc\u243?nsul con tantas legiones bajo su mando? La conquista de Britania, o al
menos de parte de ella, pod\u237?a ser un buen proyecto para ocupar unos cuantos
a\u241?os. Es probable que en su mente lo complementara con una campa\u241?a en
Dacia que, debido a las circunstancias, nunca pudo llevar a cabo.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Britania era un pa\u237?s pr\u225?cticamente desconocido para los romanos, hasta
el punto de que algunos afirmaban que se trataba de un lugar fabuloso que ni si
quiera exist\u237?a. Entre los pocos marinos griegos que hab\u237?a visitado la
isla estaba Piteas de Masalia, que en el siglo IV viaj\u243? hasta Britania, Irl
anda y probablemente Islandia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar se reuni\u243? con mercaderes galos para recabar informaci\u24
3?n, comprob\u243? que incluso ellos \u250?nicamente conoc\u237?an la costa y la
regi\u243?n del sureste opuesta a la Galia. Por eso no pudo averiguar el tama\u
241?o de la isla ni cu\u225?ntas tribus la poblaban o qu\u233? nombres ten\u237?
an. Decidido a averiguar por s\u237? mismo todo lo que pudiera con vistas a una
expedici\u243?n mayor, a finales de agosto embarc\u243? a la S\u233?ptima y la D
\u233?cima en ochenta transportes y zarp\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Deber\u237?a haberlo seguido parte de la caballer\u237?a, un refuerzo indispensa
ble para explorar un territorio desconocido. Sin embargo, el tiempo cambi\u243?
de s\u250?bito y las dieciocho naves que llevaban a los jinetes se quedaron atr\
u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A mediod\u237?a, las naves romanas se acercaron a Dover, pero no pudieron atraca
r en su puerto natural porque los acantilados blancos que lo rodeaban estaban pl
agados de millares de guerreros britanos con evidentes intenciones hostiles. La
flota sigui\u243? costeando unos diez kil\u243?metros hacia el norte, en busca d
e una peque\u241?a playa que hab\u237?a localizado Cayo Voluseno, un oficial al
que C\u233?sar envi\u243? d\u237?as antes como explorador.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Cuando llegaron all\u237?, se encontraron con que los guerreros de los acantilad
os los hab\u237?an seguido. Sus jinetes y sus carros de combate, las tropas m\u2
25?s r\u225?pidas, estaban ya en la playa aguardando a los romanos y dispuestos
a combatir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Las naves de transporte de C\u233?sar ten\u237?an tanto calado que no tardaron e

n embarrancar a cierta distancia de la orilla, donde todav\u237?a cubr\u237?a ba
stante. Cuando los primeros soldados empezaron a desembarcar, comprobaron que el
agua les llegaba literalmente hasta el cuello y que estaban casi indefensos ant
e los proyectiles que les disparaban los britanos. Como era de esperar, al ver l
o que ocurr\u237?a con sus compa\u241?eros, los dem\u225?s legionarios se mostra
ron bastante remisos a saltar por la borda para afrontar una muerte segura.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Temiendo un fracaso que lo dejar\u237?a en rid\u237?culo, C\u233?sar orden\u243?
a sus naves de guerra, cuyo calado era menor, que se acercaran a la orilla. Los
soldados que viajaban en cubierta empezaron a disparar sus hondas y arcos y, so
bre todo, las mort\u237?feras piezas de artiller\u237?a, dotadas de una precisi\
u243?n, un alcance y una potencia como los britanos no hab\u237?an visto en su v
ida. Los proyectiles obligaron a recular a los defensores de la costa, dejando l
ibres los primeros metros de la playa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, los soldados segu\u237?an reacios a atacar. En ese momento el porta
estandarte de la D\u233?cima legi\u243?n llev\u243? a cabo uno de esos gestos he
roicos que quedan para la historia. Tras pedir a los dioses su bendici\u243?n, s
e encaram\u243? a la borda y exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Saltad, soldados, si no q
uer\u233?is que vuestra \u225?guila caiga en manos de los enemigos! \u161?Pues y
o pienso cumplir mi deber para con la Rep\u250?blica y mi general!\u187?.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Dicho esto, el portaestandarte salt\u243? del barco y, chapoteando entre el agua
y la espuma mientras levantaba el \u225?guila por encima de su cabeza, avanz\u2
43? en solitario hacia los britanos. Los hombres de la D\u233?cima no pod\u237?a
n consentir que su s\u237?mbolo cayera en manos del enemigo, pues eso habr\u237?
a significado la mayor desgracia posible para su unidad, de modo que por fin se
decidieron a lanzarse por la borda y corrieron hacia la playa.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
La batalla que se libr\u243? a continuaci\u243?n fue ca\u243?tica y sangrienta,
pues los soldados se congregaban en torno al primer estandarte que ve\u237?an, f
uera el suyo o no, como hab\u237?a ocurrido en la batalla del Sabis. Los britano
s, por su parte, atacaban a los grupos aislados cargando contra ellos con sus ca
ballos y carros, disparando sus venablos y retir\u225?ndose al instante. No obst
ante, poco a poco los legionarios fueron trabando escudos y formando una l\u237?
nea de combate, y tras sufrir bastantes bajas lograron poner en fuga a los enemi
gos y apoderarse de la playa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, que hab\u237?a dirigido la batalla desde la cubierta de su nave insi
gnia, baj\u243? por fin y puso los pies en Britania. Sus hombres levantaron un c
ampamento, pero no se internaron tierra adentro por falta de caballer\u237?a.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, unos cuantos caudillos britanos se presentaron ante C\u233?sa
r con ofertas de paz y prometieron que le entregar\u237?an rehenes. Adem\u225?s,
le devolvieron a Comio, un caudillo galo de la tribu al que el proc\u243?nsul h
ab\u237?a enviado unos d\u237?as antes en misi\u243?n diplom\u225?tica y que hab
\u237?a sido apresado por los nativos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuatro d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde de que la avanzada romana llegara a Britania, el
tiempo mejor\u243? lo suficiente como para que la peque\u241?a flota que transp
ortaba a la caballer\u237?a pudiera zarpar. C\u233?sar incluso lleg\u243? a divi
sar las velas de aquellos barcos mientras cruzaban el canal. Pero de pronto se d
esat\u243? una tempestad que los dispers\u243?. Algunas naves regresaron directa
mente a la Galia, mientras que otras intentaron desembarcar m\u225?s al norte; c
omo tampoco lo consiguieron, no les qued\u243? m\u225?s remedio que volver al co
ntinente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella tormenta no solo priv\u243? a C\u233?sar de recibir el refuerzo de su ca
baller\u237?a, sino que da\u241?\u243? tambi\u233?n a la flota anclada en la pla
ya, pues el efecto de la pleamar con la luna llena acrecent\u243? la fuerza del
oleaje. Doce barcos quedaron destrozados y los dem\u225?s sufrieron da\u241?os d
iversos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La exagerada audacia de C\u233?sar hab\u237?a puesto a su peque\u241?o ej\u233?r

cito en una situaci\u243?n desesperada. No ten\u237?an apenas alimentos, ni caba

ller\u237?a para explorar y proteger a sus forrajeadores, y no pod\u237?an regre
sar a la Galia por el maltrecho estado de su flota.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los mismos britanos que acababan de pactar la paz con los romanos se percataron
de la situaci\u243?n y decidieron aprovecharla. Mientras segu\u237?an prometiend
o unos rehenes que nunca llegaban, se dedicaron a congregar tropas en las inmedi
aciones para lanzar un ataque general.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las prioridades para los romanos eran reparar las naves y conseguir alimentos. P
ara lo primero, arrancaron piezas de los barcos m\u225?s destrozados y las usaro
n para remendar los dem\u225?s. Tambi\u233?n enviaron a la Galia las naves que s
e hallaban en mejor estado con el fin de que trajeran m\u225?s material. Entre u
nas cosas y otras, consiguieron que, descontando las doce naves perdidas sin rem
edio, el resto de la flota se encontrara en condiciones aceptables para el regre
so.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a lo segunda prioridad, C\u233?sar envi\u243? a la s\u233?ptima tierra
adentro para que recolectara todo el alimento posible. Los soldados llegaron a
un campo donde hab\u237?a agricultores recogiendo la cosecha, y entraron all\u23
7? sin sospechar que era una trampa. Cuando se quisieron dar cuenta, estaban rod
eados por miles de guerreros a caballo y en carro que se hab\u237?an emboscado e
ntre los trigales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tal como los utilizaban los britanos, los carros de combate no eran una fuerza d
e choque como los de Mitr\u237?dates y Arquelao, sino plataformas m\u243?viles d
esde las que los guerreros disparaban sus venablos. Cuando consegu\u237?an desor
denar las filas enemigas con sus proyectiles, bajaban del carro y segu\u237?an c
ombatiendo a pie, mientras sus aurigas se retiraban a cierta distancia por si de
b\u237?an volver a recoger a sus se\u241?ores. Aquellos veh\u237?culos eran muy
ligeros y tanto sus conductores como los guerreros que se sub\u237?an a ellos po
se\u237?an una habilidad asombrosa para maniobrar en un palmo de terreno. Gracia
s a eso, en palabras de C\u233?sar, los carros ten\u237?an al mismo tiempo \u171
?la movilidad de la caballer\u237?a y la solidez de la infanter\u237?a\u187? (BG
, 4.33).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La S\u233?ptima, con la mayor\u237?a de sus hombres dispersos entre las mieses r
ecolectando cereal, se hallaba en un buen apuro. Por suerte, en el campamento ro
mano los vig\u237?as encaramados a las torres divisaron unas tolvaneras que se a
lzaban de los trigales. Los soldados de la \u233?poca sab\u237?an calcular la co
mposici\u243?n de una tropa por la forma, el espesor y la altura de las nubes de
polvo; gracias a ello, los centinelas comprendieron que all\u237? hab\u237?a ca
baller\u237?a enemiga y dieron la alarma. C\u233?sar acudi\u243? a toda prisa co
n unos mil hombres y lleg\u243? a tiempo de poner en fuga a los britanos, que se
refugiaron en un bosque cercano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? no termin\u243? la lucha: pasados unos d\u237?as de mal tiempo que imp
idieron cualquier operaci\u243?n militar, los britanos lanzaron un ataque genera
l contra el campamento. Aquella no fue una buena idea. Una cosa era tender embos
cadas en campo abierto con caballos y carros y otra bien distinta atacar a unas
legiones desplegadas delante de un campamento. Tras una breve batalla en la que
sufrieron bastantes bajas, los britanos no tardaron en retirarse. A pesar de tod
o, C\u233?sar no pudo aprovechar apenas la victoria porque tan solo ten\u237?a l
os treinta jinetes que acompa\u241?aban al caudillo galo Comio.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Al comprobar que hab\u237?an fracasado una y otra vez en sus intentos de aniquil
ar a aquel ej\u233?rcito relativamente peque\u241?o, los caudillos britanos envi
aron ese mismo d\u237?a emisarios para pedir la paz. C\u233?sar les pidi\u243? e
l doble de rehenes que la vez anterior, y les explic\u243? asimismo que deb\u237
?an envi\u225?rselos al continente, pues no pensaba permanecer por m\u225?s tiem
po en Britania. Aprovechando un d\u237?a de buen tiempo, el proc\u243?nsul embar
c\u243? a sus dos legiones en las sesenta y ocho naves que segu\u237?an en condi
ciones y zarp\u243? de regreso a la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La expedici\u243?n no se hab\u237?a saldado con ning\u250?n \u233?xito, pero al
menos los romanos hab\u237?an regresado con vida. Cuando las noticias de esta pr
imera campa\u241?a llegaron a la urbe y se unieron a las de la expedici\u243?n a

llende el Rin, el senado decret\u243? veinte d\u237?as de agradecimiento, cinco

m\u225?s que en el 57, cuando hab\u237?a derrotado a los belgas. Eso demuestra q
ue C\u233?sar ten\u237?a buenos publicistas apoy\u225?ndolo en Roma: el 55 no ha
b\u237?a sido su a\u241?o m\u225?s brillante como general, aunque s\u237? aquel
en el que hab\u237?a llevado m\u225?s lejos los estandartes de la Rep\u250?blica
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a los veinte d\u237?as de gracias a los dioses, C\u233?sar no se hab\u237?a
quedado contento con el resultado de la expedici\u243?n. Durante el invierno lo
s ingenieros romanos y locales construyeron seiscientos barcos con un dise\u241?
o diferente, provistos de remos y velas, m\u225?s anchos y de menor calado. Mien
tras los fabricaban, \u233?l viaj\u243? a Iliria, una zona de su jurisdicci\u243
?n que ten\u237?a algo abandonada. All\u237? llev\u243? a cabo una breve campa\u
241?a para evitar las incursiones de la tribu de los pirustas y despu\u233?s vol
vi\u243? a la Galia Transalpina para lanzar la invasi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
De todos modos, no pudo partir tan pronto como habr\u237?a querido. Con el fin d
e garantizar que no se produc\u237?an revueltas en su ausencia, ya que iba a dej
ar menos guarnici\u243?n en la Galia que el a\u241?o anterior, el proc\u243?nsul
hab\u237?a solicitado un n\u250?mero mayor de rehenes que deb\u237?an acompa\u2
41?arlo a Britania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre ellos estaba Dumn\u243?rix, el caudillo eduo que dirig\u237?a el bando ant
irromano. C\u233?sar, con raz\u243?n, no se fiaba de Dumn\u243?rix, que ya le ha
b\u237?a hecho varias jugarretas en su primera campa\u241?a contra los helvecios
. Aunque no se atrev\u237?a a tomar represalias contra \u233?l, prefer\u237?a ll
evarlo consigo siguiendo la m\u225?xima de \u171?Ten cerca a tus amigos, pero m\
u225?s cerca todav\u237?a a tus enemigos\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dumn\u243?rix adujo todas las excusas posibles, incluso que le daba miedo viajar
por mar y se mareaba. Al ver que no consegu\u237?a nada, el d\u237?a fijado par
a zarpar huy\u243? del campamento con un grupo de guerreros eduos.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar no estaba dispuesto a dejar en la Galia a un caudillo {\i
cupidum rerum novarum}, \u171?amante de las cosas nuevas\u187?. Para los romanos
, el adjetivo \u171?nuevo\u187? pose\u237?a tantas connotaciones negativas como
para nosotros \u171?viejo\u187?, y en este contexto implica que Dumn\u243?rix qu
er\u237?a organizar una aut\u233?ntica revoluci\u243?n en la Galia. C\u233?sar m
and\u243? una gran tropa de caballer\u237?a en pos del fugitivo, con \u243?rdene
s de detenerlo. A ser posible, a\u241?adi\u243?, que lo trajeran vivo; pero la p
rioridad no era esa, sino evitar que huyera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como era de esperar, Dumn\u243?rix se resisti\u243?. Pese a que ninguno de sus p
ropios jinetes se mostr\u243? dispuesto a luchar por \u233?l, intent\u243? zafar
se de sus perseguidores y grit\u243? antes de morir: \u171?\u161?Soy un hombre l
ibre de un pueblo libre!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Resuelto de manera tan expeditiva el problema de Dumn\u243?rix, la expedici\u243
?n zarp\u243? por fin. Esta vez C\u233?sar pensaba hacer las cosas bien. Llevaba
cinco legiones y, sobre todo, m\u225?s dos mil jinetes, imprescindibles para ex
plorar y protegerse de la caballer\u237?a y los carros enemigos. En la Galia se
quedaron bajo el mando de Labieno las tres legiones restantes y los otros dos mi
l jinetes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La flota, compuesta por ochocientos barcos, parti\u243? a principios de julio. P
ese a ciertos problemas con el viento que los desviaron de la ruta, gracias a lo
s remos pudieron arribar al punto previsto, la misma playa del a\u241?o anterior
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n no hab\u237?a comit\u233? de recepci\u243?n, y los romanos
desembarcaron sin problemas. Tras levantar el campamento, C\u233?sar envi\u243?
exploradores, que le informaron de que hab\u237?a tropas hostiles en el interior
. Sin m\u225?s dilaci\u243?n, decidi\u243? atacarlas con cuarenta cohortes y mil
setecientos jinetes, dejando a los dem\u225?s para defender el campamento.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras una marcha nocturna de casi veinte kil\u243?metros, al hacerse de d\u237?a
los romanos llegaron ante la posici\u243?n enemiga, un fuerte situado en una col

ina y rodeado por una empalizada, en la zona de la actual Canterbury. Ante \u233
?l se hallaban desplegados los enemigos, pero el ej\u233?rcito de C\u233?sar los
puso en fuga enseguida. Despu\u233?s, la S\u233?ptima adopt\u243? la c\u233?leb
re formaci\u243?n de la tortuga constituyendo un techo de escudos sobre sus cabe
zas y asalt\u243? la fortaleza, que era de construcci\u243?n muy primitiva compa
rada con otras que hab\u237?an tomado en la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, C\u233?sar envi\u243? tres columnas por separado para per
seguir a los enemigos. Mientras aguardaba en el lugar donde hab\u237?an derrotad
o a los britanos, recibi\u243? malas noticias del campamento en la playa. Una nu
eva tormenta se hab\u237?a abatido sobre la costa y hab\u237?a destruido cuarent
a barcos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras los hombres de C\u233?sar reparaban los da\u241?os y Labieno enviaba m\
u225?s naves desde la Galia, los britanos se reagruparon bajo el mando de un cau
dillo llamado Casivelauno, rey de una tribu que moraba al norte del T\u225?mesis
. Despu\u233?s, cuando los romanos reemprendieron su marcha hacia el interior, l
os guerreros de Casivelauno se dedicaron a hostigarlos en una t\u225?ctica de gu
errillas, aprovechando que conoc\u237?an el terreno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso report\u243? a los britanos algunas peque\u241?as victorias; a cambio, hizo
que se confiaran. Mientras los legionarios levantaban un campamento al final de
la jornada, Casivelauno lanz\u243? un ataque masivo contra ellos. El asalto frac
as\u243?, y los britanos sufrieron al d\u237?a siguiente un nuevo rev\u233?s que
los hizo dispersarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, que segu\u237?a ignorando el verdadero tama\u241?o del pa\u237?s, de
cidi\u243? atacar el territorio de Casivelauno para acabar con su resistencia y
cruz\u243? el T\u225?mesis por la zona donde hoy se extiende Londres. Los britan
os, escarmentados de su fracaso anterior, volvieron a la t\u225?ctica de guerril
las, lo que hizo sufrir un gran desgaste a las tropas de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n volvi\u243? a jugar a su favor la divisi\u243?n entre puebl
os vecinos, un fen\u243?meno tan t\u237?pico de Britania como de la Galia, de Gr
ecia o de Italia antes de que se unificara bajo el mando romano. Al norte del T\
u225?mesis moraban varias tribus que se pusieron en contacto con C\u233?sar y le
entregaron rehenes y, sobre todo, provisiones. Tambi\u233?n le revelaron d\u243
?nde se encontraba la fortaleza de Casivelauno, rodeada por ci\u233?nagas y bosq
ues. Pese a ese entorno hostil, los hombres de C\u233?sar la asaltaron desde dos
puntos simult\u225?neamente y la tomaron. Aunque Casivelauno escap\u243?, mucho
s de sus hombres murieron en el asalto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, el rey britano hab\u237?a ordenado un ataque por sorpresa en la
playa para destruir las naves romanas, pero tambi\u233?n acab\u243? en fracaso.
Desanimado, Casivelauno pidi\u243? la paz utilizando a Comio como mediador. C\u2
33?sar le exigi\u243? rehenes y un tributo anual que deb\u237?a enviar a la Gali
a, y tambi\u233?n le orden\u243? que dejara de atacar a las tribus del norte del
T\u225?mesis que lo hab\u237?an ayudado en aquella breve guerra. No reclam\u243
? m\u225?s, porque ten\u237?a prisa por marcharse. Se acercaba el oto\u241?o \u8
212?hab\u237?a comprobado que all\u237? incluso el verano parec\u237?a a ratos i
nvierno, as\u237? que prefer\u237?a no aguardar a que el tiempo empeorase\u8212?
y adem\u225?s le hab\u237?an llegado informes preocupantes de la Galia.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
El regreso no estuvo libre de dificultades, de nuevo por vientos adversos. Con t
odo, el ej\u233?rcito logr\u243? llegar inc\u243?lume a la Galia.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquella breve invasi\u243?n, no est\u225? muy claro que el tribu
to prometido llegara nunca. Las legiones romanas no volvieron a plantar sus c\u2
25?ligas en la isla hasta el a\u241?o 43 d.C., cuando el emperador Claudio se de
cidi\u243? a conquistarla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, \u191?qu\u233? sac\u243? C\u233?sar de sus dos campa\u241?as en B
ritania? Pese a los prisioneros que se llev\u243? de la isla para vender como es
clavos, lo m\u225?s probable es que perdiera dinero.{\super
[41]} Su intenci\u243?n era m\u225?s bien ganar prestigio. As\u237? lo demuestra
en el libro quinto de sus {\i

Comentarios}, donde en mitad de la campa\u241?a contra Casivelauno hace una larg

a digresi\u243?n sobre la geograf\u237?a de Britania y las costumbres de sus hab
itantes, sabiendo que ese tipo de relatos de viajes con detalles ex\u243?ticos e
ran muy del gusto de los lectores. Gracias a aquel viaje a tierras remotas, C\u2
33?sar se hab\u237?a rodeado de esa aura de grandeza que se hab\u237?a atribuido
a s\u237? mismo Pompeyo y que los relacionaba a ambos con la figura casi m\u237
?tica del gran Alejandro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si C\u233?sar pretend\u237?a aventajar a Pompeyo ante la posteridad, lo cierto e
s que acab\u243? consigui\u233?ndolo. Casi dos siglos despu\u233?s, Plutarco esc
ribir\u237?a una serie de biograf\u237?as en las que emparejaba a personajes gri
egos y romanos, las llamadas {\i
Vidas paralelas}. A Pompeyo le toc\u243? verse comparado con Agesilao, un rey es
partano de grandes virtudes militares, pero que vivi\u243? en la \u233?poca en q
ue Esparta entraba en declive. En cambio, a C\u233?sar le correspondi\u243? el h
onor de compartir el puesto con Alejandro, lo que implicaba que Plutarco lo cons
ideraba el m\u225?s grande de los romanos. De enterarse, Pompeyo se habr\u237?a
removido en su tumba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La raz\u243?n no fue, desde luego, aquella conquista {\i
interrupta} de Britania. Pompeyo y C\u233?sar se ver\u237?an las caras m\u225?s
adelante. Pero antes C\u233?sar tuvo que enfrentarse a la situaci\u243?n m\u225?
s dif\u237?cil que hab\u237?a vivido como proc\u243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
La situaci\u243?n a su regreso a la Galia era preocupante. El asesinato de Dumn\
u243?rix hab\u237?a provocado indignaci\u243?n entre los eduos y muchas otras tr
ibus. Por otra parte, el 54 hab\u237?a sido muy seco en aquellas tierras, por lo
que la cosecha para el invierno era mucho menor que otros a\u241?os. Tambi\u233
?n es posible que las guerras recientes hubieran influido negativamente en la ag
ricultura por la devastaci\u243?n de los campos y la muerte de muchos campesinos
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al haber tan poco trigo, C\u233?sar tuvo que dispersar a sus legiones, acamp\u22
5?ndolas en cuarteles de invierno muy separados: era la \u250?nica forma de que
no esquilmaran una zona y condenaran a sus habitantes a la inanici\u243?n. Con t
odo, el hambre fue una de las razones que provoc\u243? la revuelta.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar se encontraba con m\u225?s problemas, personales y pol\u237?ticos al
mismo tiempo. En agosto, mientras combat\u237?a en Britania, su hija Julia hab\u
237?a muerto al dar a luz a un beb\u233? que tampoco sobrevivi\u243?. Como roman
o del siglo I a.C., C\u233?sar era tan consciente como todos sus contempor\u225?
neos de la fugacidad de la vida, pues la mortalidad era muy alta y, por unas raz
ones u otras, resultaba muy frecuente que padres y madres enterraran a sus hijos
. A veces incluso a todos ellos, como le hab\u237?a ocurrido a Cornelia, la madr
e de los Graco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No obstante, la joven Julia era la \u250?nica hija de C\u233?sar, por lo que la
p\u233?rdida le debi\u243? doler a\u250?n m\u225?s. Tambi\u233?n su marido, Pomp
eyo, sufri\u243? mucho por su muerte. Como cuenta Plutarco, muchos lo criticaban
porque pasaba m\u225?s tiempo con ella recorriendo Italia que atendiendo a las
legiones que ten\u237?a en sus dos provincias de Hispania. El bi\u243?grafo se\u
241?ala como un hecho llamativo que la joven Julia, que deb\u237?a de tener vein
ticinco o treinta a\u241?os menos que Pompeyo, estuviese tan enamorada de \u233?
l. Aunque luego a\u241?ade dos motivos posibles: que Julia le estuviera agradeci
da porque \u233?l siempre le fue fiel \u8212?algo que no podr\u237?a haber dicho
ninguna mujer de su padre\u8212?, o que se sintiera atra\u237?da por la natural
eza galante de Pompeyo, que alguien como la c\u233?lebre cortesana Flora pod\u23
7?a atestiguar ({\i
Pompeyo}, 53).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aparte del dolor que ambos sent\u237?an, estaban los graves inconvenientes pol\u
237?ticos. El matrimonio entre la \u233?lite romana, con amor o sin \u233?l, ser
v\u237?a casi siempre para establecer alianzas. La de Pompeyo y C\u233?sar empez
aba a resquebrajarse. Aunque da la impresi\u243?n de que ambos, por su talante,
simpatizaban cuando se trataban en persona, ahora hab\u237?a muchos kil\u243?met

ros de por medio entre ellos. A Pompeyo le llegaban por una parte las haza\u241?
as de C\u233?sar \u8212?seguramente refunfu\u241?aba al o\u237?rlas \u171?No es
para tanto comparado con lo que yo hice\u187?\u8212?, y por otra parte los enemi
gos de C\u233?sar no dejaban de envenenar sus o\u237?dos para enciza\u241?arlo.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La muerte de Julia no hizo sino agravar la situaci\u243?n. C\u233?sar intent\u24
3? recomponer la alianza enseguida, proponi\u233?ndole que se casara con su sobr
ina nieta Octavia, cuyo hermano se convertir\u237?a en el emperador Augusto. Per
o Pompeyo se neg\u243?, y en su lugar contrajo matrimonio con la hija de Quinto
Metelo Escipi\u243?n, miembro destacado de la facci\u243?n de los optimates y en
emigo irreconciliable de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las desgracias personales de C\u233?sar no se quedaron aqu\u237?. Por las mismas
fechas falleci\u243? tambi\u233?n su madre Aurelia, a la que siempre hab\u237?a
estado muy unido. Era ella, con sus influencias familiares, la que le hab\u237?
a salvado la vida durante las proscripciones de Sila y tambi\u233?n quien hab\u2
37?a movido hilos para que se convirtiera en {\i
pontifex maximus}, el primer gran salto de prestigio en su carrera.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA PRIMERA REVUELTA DE LA GALIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como acabamos de comentar, la mala cosecha del a\u241?o anterior hab\u237?a obli
gado a C\u233?sar a separar mucho sus legiones. A sabiendas de que esa dispersi\
u243?n era peligrosa y de que reinaba el descontento en la Galia, decidi\u243? q
uedarse en ella en lugar de viajar a la Cisalpina como otros a\u241?os, al menos
hasta que supiera que todas sus unidades se hab\u237?an instalado en sus cuarte
les de invierno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una de las legiones, la Decimocuarta, estaba acampada con otras cinco cohortes e
n B\u233?lgica, en el territorio de los eburones, cerca de la ciudad de Aduatuca
. Al mando de aquel fuerte se hallaban dos legados llamados Aurunculeyo Cota y T
iturio Sabino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En teor\u237?a no parec\u237?a muy acertado instalar a una de las legiones con m
enos experiencia en territorio belga, poblado de pueblos levantiscos. Pero los e
burones no eran una tribu demasiado importante ni se hab\u237?an mostrado partic
ularmente agresivos hasta entonces, y estaban entre los primeros que hab\u237?an
entregado rehenes a C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquel entonces los dos principales caudillos de los eburones eran Ambi\u243?r
ix y Catuvolco. Un l\u237?der de la tribu de los tr\u233?veros llamado Inducioma
ro, que estaba resentido contra C\u233?sar, llevaba tiempo conspirando entre los
jefes de diversas tribus para organizar una revuelta. Por fin, convenci\u243? a
Ambi\u243?rix, que se puso de acuerdo con \u233?l para prender la mecha atacand
o a aquella legi\u243?n y media acantonada en su territorio. Tal como lo present
a C\u233?sar, todo parece cuesti\u243?n de las \u233?lites, pero lo cierto era q
ue los galos en general ten\u237?an razones para sentirse hartos de la presencia
romana. El propio C\u233?sar lo comprend\u237?a, pues hablando sobre la guerra
de los v\u233?netos hab\u237?a comentado que \u171?por naturaleza todos los homb
res se esfuerzan por la libertad y aborrecen ser esclavos\u187? (BG, 3.10).\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ambi\u243?rix empez\u243? mandando a sus guerreros contra una partida de romanos
que hab\u237?an salido a cortar le\u241?a, y despu\u233?s los lanz\u243? en mas
a contra el campamento. Los romanos lograron rechazarlos en aquella primera ofen
siva; como, por otra parte, cab\u237?a esperar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ambi\u243?rix pidi\u243? una tregua para parlamentar. Cuando Sabino y Cota le en
viaron emisarios, el caudillo ebur\u243?n les explic\u243? que la culpa de aquel
ataque no era suya, sino que otros l\u237?deres le hab\u237?an obligado a ataca
rlos como parte de una gran conspiraci\u243?n que afectaba a la Galia entera. Me
zclando mentira y verdad, un truco que suele funcionar por desconcertante, a\u24
1?adi\u243? que pronto llegar\u237?an a la regi\u243?n tropas germanas de refuer
zo. Lo mejor que pod\u237?an hacer Sabino y Cota era retirarse con sus hombres a

un lugar m\u225?s seguro, junto a las legiones de Labieno o las de Quinto Cicer
\u243?n, que estaban acampadas a unos ochenta kil\u243?metros de all\u237?. Ambi
\u243?rix les jur\u243? personalmente que les dar\u237?a un salvoconducto a trav
\u233?s del territorio de los eburones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sabino y Cota convocaron un consejo con los tribunos y centuriones para discutir
el asunto. Pronto se vio que sus opiniones difer\u237?an. Mientras que Cota se
mostr\u243? partidario de quedarse en el campamento hasta que recibieran \u243?r
denes de C\u233?sar, Sabino asegur\u243? que era muy peligroso quedarse all\u237
?: si los germanos de m\u225?s all\u225? del Rin se un\u237?an a las tribus loca
les, estaban perdidos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, Sabino convenci\u243? a los dem\u225?s argumentando que si el peligr
o era real, su \u250?nica opci\u243?n de salvarse era huir de all\u237?; en camb
io, si la supuesta conspiraci\u243?n era mentira, no correr\u237?an ning\u250?n
peligro al dirigirse a los campamentos de las otras legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Despu\u233?s de recoger sus pertrechos, los romanos partieron al amanecer. Conta
ndo con los jinetes hispanos que acompa\u241?aban a las quince cohortes y con lo
s auxiliares, deb\u237?an de ser entre seis mil y ocho mil hombres.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Como era de temer, la oferta del servicial Ambi\u243?rix encubr\u237?a una traic
i\u243?n. Los eburones se hab\u237?an emboscado entre la espesura en un punto an
gosto del camino, a unos tres kil\u243?metros del campamento. Cuando los romanos
empezaron a atravesar aquel estrecho valle, los galos aparecieron por ambos lad
os y los rodearon.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para agravar las cosas, los legados no se pusieron de acuerdo ni siquiera en aqu
el momento. Sabino intent\u243? buscar a Ambi\u243?rix para pedirle una tregua,
pero cuando se acerc\u243? a \u233?l confiando en su palabra, los enemigos lo ce
rcaron. Seg\u250?n Di\u243?n Casio, Ambi\u243?rix hizo que le quitaran las armas
y la ropa y, una vez desnudo, le clav\u243? una lanza (40.6). Alguien podr\u237
?a haberle recordado a Sabino el refr\u225?n: \u171?Si me enga\u241?as una vez,
la culpa es tuya; si me enga\u241?as dos, la culpa es m\u237?a\u187?.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Cota, aunque el proyectil de una honda lo hab\u237?a golpeado en ple
na cara, organiz\u243? a sus hombres a la desesperada en un c\u237?rculo defensi
vo. Al final, cuando ese c\u237?rculo estaba roto por todas partes, los galos ca
rgaron para luchar cuerpo a cuerpo. La mayor\u237?a de los romanos cayeron en aq
uel asalto, incluido Cota. Unos cuantos lograron escapar y se refugiaron en el c
ampamento. All\u237? muchos decidieron que la situaci\u243?n era insostenible y
se dieron muerte. Otros huyeron en la oscuridad de la noche y, despu\u233?s de u
n largo y peligroso viaje por senderos agrestes, llegaron hasta el campamento de
Labieno, donde contaron lo sucedido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cerca de seis mil hombres yac\u237?an muertos entre aquel valle y el campamento
cercano. Era el mayor desastre militar que hab\u237?a sufrido C\u233?sar en su c
arrera. Su texto carga casi todas las culpas sobre Sabino y exculpa a Cota y, so
bre todo, a los centuriones cuyo heroico comportamiento describe con detalle, co
mo el de uno de ellos que muri\u243? cuando trataba de salvar a su hijo rodeado
por enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, Sabino hab\u237?a tenido actuaciones brillantes en el pasado contra
los nervios o los v\u233?netos. \u191?Lo us\u243? C\u233?sar como chivo expiato
rio, ya que no estaba vivo para poder defenderse y tampoco ten\u237?a parientes
poderosos en el senado que protestaran contra el relato de su final? Es una posi
bilidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como responsable de esas tropas, la derrota era de C\u233?sar, cuya aura de gene
ral invencible presentaba de pronto una muesca, y no peque\u241?a: una legi\u243
?n y media aniquilada; un \u225?guila y muchos m\u225?s estandartes en poder de
los enemigos. Si bien \u233?l no hab\u237?a estado presente, se puede argumentar
que hab\u237?a hecho mal otorgando un mando dividido a dos legados sin dejar cl
aro qui\u233?n estaba por encima de qui\u233?n, o asignando a una zona peligrosa
una legi\u243?n con tan poca experiencia como la Decimocuarta.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {

Exultantes por el triunfo, Ambi\u243?rix y los suyos se dirigieron a buscar apoy

o a las tierras de los atuatucos y de los nervios. Estos fueron los primeros en
imitar el ejemplo de Ambi\u243?rix (lo que, de paso, demuestra que no hab\u237?a
n sido borrados del mapa tras la batalla del r\u237?o Sabis). En el territorio n
ervio estaba acampada una legi\u243?n cuyo n\u250?mero se ignora; se sabe que la
mandaba Quinto Cicer\u243?n, a quien C\u233?sar hab\u237?a nombrado legado en e
l a\u241?o 55 como parte de su campa\u241?a para ganarse el apoyo de su hermano,
el famoso orador.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quinto, al igual que su hermano, no era ning\u250?n entusiasta de la vida milita
r y prefer\u237?a dedicar su tiempo a la literatura. De hecho, seg\u250?n cont\u
243? en una carta, durante su campa\u241?a gala compuso cuatro tragedias, entre
ellas una {\i
Electra}. El hecho de que escribiera las cuatro en tan solo diecis\u233?is d\u23
7?as sugiere que su calidad literaria no deb\u237?a de ser excelsa y probablemen
te explica por qu\u233? no se han conservado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los nervios, ayudados por varias tribus aliadas, intentaron asaltar el campament
o de Cicer\u243?n aprovechando que la noticia de la traici\u243?n de Ambi\u243?r
ix todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a llegado. A pesar de todo, los romanos lograron rep
eler la ofensiva. Despu\u233?s de aquello, Cicer\u243?n seguramente pens\u243? q
ue sus atacantes, confirmando los prejuicios romanos sobre celtas y germanos, se
aburrir\u237?an y se retirar\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero esta vez no ocurri\u243? as\u237?: igual que los romanos copiaban t\u225?ct
icas y armas de sus enemigos, estos aprend\u237?an de los romanos. Los nervios e
mpezaron a abrir zanjas cavando con las espadas y usando sus mantos a modo de ce
stas para transportar la tierra. Cuando quisieron darse cuenta, los romanos esta
ban sitiados por un enemigo mucho m\u225?s numeroso que ellos.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
En esta crisis, Quinto Cicer\u243?n demostr\u243? que era un hombre valioso y or
ganiz\u243? la defensa con energ\u237?a. En la primera noche, los romanos levant
aron ciento veinte torres de madera para reforzar la muralla, que no estaba term
inada todav\u237?a. Dichas torres se hallaban separadas entre s\u237? por unos t
reinta metros, lo que permit\u237?a un alcance eficaz a los proyectiles disparad
os desde arriba para no dejar puntos ciegos en la empalizada.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, los galos lanzaron otro ataque reforzado por m\u225?s efe
ctivos, y los romanos volvieron a rechazarlo. Insistieron al otro d\u237?a, y al
otro, y durante varias jornadas se repiti\u243? la misma rutina para los romano
s: de d\u237?a combat\u237?an y de noche, en lugar de descansar, trabajaban sin
cesar. Los soldados afilaban estacas y {\i
pila muralia} al fuego, levantaban m\u225?s altas las torres, reforzaban los ter
raplenes con protecciones de madera y mimbre y reparaban los da\u241?os en las d
efensas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quinto se multiplicaba animando a sus hombres, aunque en aquellos d\u237?as se e
ncontraba enfermo. Al mismo tiempo, no dejaba de enviar mensajeros para pedir ay
uda a C\u233?sar. Pero todos eran interceptados, y los nervios los llevaban dela
nte del campamento para matarlos entre torturas delante de sus compa\u241?eros y
aterrorizar as\u237? a futuros emisarios. En un momento determinado, los caudil
los nervios intentaron enga\u241?ar al legado recurriendo a la misma argucia que
Ambi\u243?rix, pero Quinto no pic\u243? el anzuelo y se neg\u243? a abandonar e
l campamento por muchos dioses que le pusieran por testigos.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Tras siete d\u237?as de asedio, se levant\u243? un fuerte viento. Los nervios ap
rovecharon para disparar al interior del campamento flechas incendiarias y bolas
de arcilla calentadas al fuego que, al caer sobre los techos de paja, les prend
\u237?an fuego. Al ver que el incendio se extend\u237?a, los nervios lanzaron un
ataque general contra la empalizada. Pero a pesar de las llamas, los romanos lo
graron rechazarlos y les infligieron muchas bajas mientras a sus espaldas buena
parte de sus pertenencias ard\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En este punto, C\u233?sar vuelve a acordarse de sus centuriones, a los que tanto
mima en sus {\i

Comentarios}, y narra las haza\u241?as de dos de ellos que rivalizaban en valor.

En esta ocasi\u243?n, esos dos centuriones saltaron fuera de la empalizada para
combatir entre los asaltantes y zanjar de una vez por todas la cuesti\u243?n de
cu\u225?l de los dos era el m\u225?s valiente. La historia, que demuestra el ta
lante un tanto bravuc\u243?n de estos dos hombres, qued\u243? en empate, porque
uno acab\u243? salvando al otro y ambos regresaron al amparo de la empalizada sa
nos y salvos. Sus nombres eran Lucio Voreno y Tito Pulo. En realidad, este \u250
?ltimo deber\u237?a transcribirse \u171?Pul\u243?n\u187? en espa\u241?ol, pero a
los espectadores de la serie {\i
Roma}, cuyos protagonistas se basan en estos dos centuriones, les sonar\u225? m\
u225?s como Pulo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, un esclavo galo fiel a los romanos logr\u243? eludir el cerco y escapar
del campamento con una carta enrollada en el interior de una lanza.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Cuando el mensajero lleg\u243? a Samarobriva, donde se hallaba C\u233?sar, este
reaccion\u243? al instante. Sin perder tiempo, el proc\u243?nsul envi\u243? un m
ensaje a su cuestor Marco Craso, hijo mayor de su aliado en el triunvirato. En \
u233?l le ordenaba que saliera a marchas forzadas de su campamento, situado a m\
u225?s de treinta y cinco kil\u243?metros de all\u237?, y se reuniera con \u233?
l. Tambi\u233?n despach\u243? un segundo mensaje al legado Fabio para que avanza
ra con su legi\u243?n hacia el territorio de los atrebates, por donde pensaba pa
sar de camino hacia el fuerte de Cicer\u243?n, y un tercero a Labieno para que a
cudiera con sus tres legiones si le parec\u237?a posible.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
En cuanto Craso lleg\u243? a Samarobriva, C\u233?sar lo dej\u243? all\u237? a ca
rgo de los almacenes de provisiones, los rehenes, el dinero con que pagaba a la
tropa y los archivos. Despu\u233?s se puso en marcha con cuatrocientos jinetes y
una legi\u243?n sin apenas impedimenta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por el camino se reuni\u243? con Fabio, y le lleg\u243? un mensaje de Labieno en
el que este le informaba del desastre sufrido por la legi\u243?n y media acampa
da en territorio ebur\u243?n con Cota y Sabino. Labieno, que conoc\u237?a los he
chos porque los supervivientes se los hab\u237?an contado, informaba asimismo de
que no pod\u237?a abandonar su posici\u243?n: ten\u237?a a pocos kil\u243?metro
s de su propio campamento a miles de tr\u233?veros rebeldes junto con su caudill
o Induciomaro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso significaba que C\u233?sar solo dispon\u237?a de dos legiones, una fuerza cl
aramente insuficiente contra un enemigo mucho m\u225?s numeroso. No obstante, co
ntinu\u243? su camino sin vacilar: si como proc\u243?nsul ten\u237?a que defende
r a los pueblos aliados de Roma, como general les deb\u237?a una fidelidad mucho
mayor a sus hombres, y su obligaci\u243?n era salvarse o perecer con ellos. Ade
m\u225?s, si despu\u233?s de haber perdido quince cohortes los nervios aniquilab
an a otra de sus legiones, nada podr\u237?a impedir que la rebeli\u243?n se exte
ndiese por toda la Galia como un incendio entre las mieses. Tras jurar que no se
cortar\u237?a la barba ni el cabello en se\u241?al de duelo hasta que vengara l
a muerte de sus hombres, C\u233?sar reemprendi\u243? el camino.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Mientras las dos legiones avanzaban sin descanso por los bosques, un mensajero g
alo cabalgaba a galope tendido hacia el fuerte de Cicer\u243?n con un mensaje. C
\u233?sar dice que estaba escrito en letras griegas; seg\u250?n algunos autores,
esto implica que lo hab\u237?a redactado en lat\u237?n utilizando caracteres he
lenos para que los enemigos no pudieran leerlo. En mi opini\u243?n, {\i
Graecis litteris} en este contexto significa directamente que el mensaje estaba
en griego, un idioma que tanto \u233?l como Cicer\u243?n dominaban a la perfecci
\u243?n, y as\u237? lo interpreta tambi\u233?n el historiador Di\u243?n Casio.{\
super
[42]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, el mensaje de C\u233?sar animaba a su legado a resistir, pues
la ayuda ya ven\u237?a en camino. Cuando el emisario lleg\u243? a las inmediaci
ones del campamento, se hizo pasar por un atacante m\u225?s, que era lo que hab\
u237?a pretendido C\u233?sar recurriendo a un nativo del pa\u237?s. Pero llegar

hasta all\u237? era una cosa y entrar al fort\u237?n sorteando a atacantes y def
ensores otra muy distinta. Tras pens\u225?rselo, at\u243? el mensaje a la correa
propulsora de una lanza y la arroj\u243? contra la empalizada con tanta fuerza
que consigui\u243? que se clavara en una torre de defensa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
La lanza se qued\u243? all\u237? hincada dos d\u237?as sin que nadie reparara en
ella; a esas alturas del asedio, todo el per\u237?metro del campamento deb\u237
?a de parecer un alfiletero erizado de lanzas y flechas. Por fin, un centinela s
e percat\u243? de que hab\u237?a una carta colgando del astil, de modo que arran
c\u243? la lanza y se la llev\u243? a Cicer\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando el legado ley\u243? el mensaje, hizo formar a sus tropas y se lo repiti\u
243? en voz alta. Al saber que su idolatrado general ven\u237?a en su ayuda, los
soldados prorrumpieron en gritos de j\u250?bilo. La moral se reduplic\u243? en
el momento en que los centinelas avistaron en lontananza altas columnas de humo
negro, la se\u241?al de que C\u233?sar se acercaba incendiando poblados a su pas
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los nervios tambi\u233?n observaron el avance de C\u233?sar y salieron a su encu
entro. De nuevo, Cicer\u243?n se las arregl\u243? para enviar un mensajero que s
e anticip\u243? a ellos y avis\u243? al proc\u243?nsul de que se le ven\u237?an
encima decenas de miles de enemigos. El emisario lleg\u243? a medianoche. En cua
nto C\u233?sar ley\u243? las noticias, se las comunic\u243? a sus hombres. Tambi
\u233?n les infundi\u243? \u225?nimos, algo muy necesario sabiendo que dos legio
nes algo cortas de efectivos iban a tener que enfrentarse a un enemigo muy super
ior en n\u250?mero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, al amanecer, los hombres de C\u233?sar levantaron el camp
amento. Tras marchar seis kil\u243?metros, divisaron al enemigo al otro lado de
un valle por cuyo fondo corr\u237?a un arroyo. Atacarlos no parec\u237?a sensato
, ya que los nervios se hab\u237?an apostado en lo alto de una ladera. Por otra
parte, C\u233?sar ya no ten\u237?a tanta prisa: el mensaje de Cicer\u243?n dejab
a claro que el grueso de los guerreros enemigos hab\u237?an abandonado el asedio
del campamento para dirigirse contra \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque valor no les faltaba a sus hombres, C\u233?sar debi\u243? pensar, como el
general espartano Lisandro, que donde no alcanzaba la piel de le\u243?n hab\u23
7?a que coser un poco de piel de zorro. Puesto que tanto ellos como los nervios
se hallaban en los extremos opuestos de un valle, quien primero atacara al otro
tendr\u237?a que hacerlo cargando cuesta arriba y combatir\u237?a en desventaja.
Eso era el abec\u233? de la t\u225?ctica y lo sab\u237?a cualquier guerrero.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar ten\u237?a que convencer a los adversarios de que esa desventaja la i
ban a compensar de sobra con una apabullante superioridad num\u233?rica. Por eso
, aunque el campamento que necesitaban para siete mil legionarios sin impediment
a no era demasiado grande, hizo que sus hombres lo construyeran incluso m\u225?s
peque\u241?o estrechando much\u237?simo las calles que separaban las tiendas de
cada unidad. De ese modo esperaba convencer a los nervios de que all\u237? hab\
u237?a como mucho una legi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante ese d\u237?a se produjeron algunas escaramuzas de caballer\u237?a junto
al r\u237?o, como sol\u237?a ocurrir cuando coincid\u237?an partidas de aguadore
s. Pero la cosa no lleg\u243? a m\u225?s, porque los nervios tambi\u233?n estaba
n aguardando refuerzos. Seg\u250?n C\u233?sar, eran sesenta mil; pero su forma d
e actuar sugiere que deb\u237?an de ser bastantes menos, probablemente entre qui
nce y veinte mil guerreros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, apenas amaneci\u243?, los jinetes de ambos bandos entraro
n en liza otra vez. C\u233?sar orden\u243? a sus jinetes que retrocedieran para
subir la moral de los nervios, que, como ya comentamos hablando de la batalla de
l Sabis, no destacaban precisamente por su caballer\u237?a. Adem\u225?s, orden\u
243? a sus hombres que levantaran la empalizada m\u225?s alta de lo habitual y q
ue cerraran las puertas con barricadas, todo ello entre ajetreo y gritos de nerv
iosismo para dar la impresi\u243?n de que estaban aterrorizados.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
La a\u241?agaza funcion\u243?. Los nervios, por fin, se decidieron a abandonar s

u posici\u243?n y acercarse al campamento romano. Cuando empezaron a disparar fl

echas y lanzas contra la empalizada, los defensores se retiraron del parapeto po
r orden de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los belgas ve\u237?an tan claro que ten\u237?an la victoria al alcance de la man
o que sus heraldos anunciaron que todo el que quisiera salir sin armas del campa
mento antes de la tercera hora salvar\u237?a la vida, fuera galo o romano. Al no
obtener respuesta, rellenaron varios puntos del foso defensivo para atravesarlo
y llegar al terrapl\u233?n y la empalizada, que empezaron a arrancar con las ma
nos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ese momento, cuando m\u225?s desordenados estaban los enemigos, C\u233?sar or
den\u243? atacar. Sus hombres, que estaban perfectamente formados dentro del cam
pamento, salieron al mismo tiempo por las cuatro puertas. Las supuestas barricad
as que las bloqueaban no eran m\u225?s que terrones de suelo con hierba y saltar
on a la primera patada. Legionarios y jinetes cayeron al mismo tiempo sobre los
enemigos. Al verse atacados por varios flancos a la vez, los nervios huyeron des
pavoridos. Muchos de ellos murieron sin presentar batalla, pero C\u233?sar impid
i\u243? que sus hombres los persiguieran demasiado lejos, temiendo que se perdie
ran en la espesura y cayeran en una emboscada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ese mismo d\u237?a, las dos legiones entraron en el campamento de Quinto Cicer\u
243?n. All\u237? C\u233?sar comprob\u243? que m\u225?s del 90 por ciento de sus
legionarios hab\u237?an recibido heridas. No obstante, al d\u237?a siguiente tod
os estaban listos para que su general les pasara revista y los felicitara por su
valor, al igual que hizo con el legado Cicer\u243?n. (Muchos autores sospechan,
por cierto, que tal vez el papel de Quinto Cicer\u243?n no fue tan brillante co
mo lo pintan los {\i
Comentarios}. Pero por esas fechas C\u233?sar quer\u237?a ganarse el favor de su
hermano, as\u237? que es posible que exagerara un poco).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LAS REPRESALIAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Aquel invierno C\u233?sar no regres\u243? a Italia. Tras llevarse a Cicer\u243?n
y sus hombres a su propio cuartel en Samarobriva, mand\u243? instrucciones a la
Cisalpina para reclutar dos legiones m\u225?s: una nueva Decimocuarta para reem
plazar la que hab\u237?a sido destruida por Ambi\u243?rix y una Decimoquinta. Ta
mbi\u233?n le pidi\u243? prestada a Pompeyo una legi\u243?n que este hab\u237?a
formado en la Galia Cisalpina para llev\u225?rsela a Hispania y a la que hab\u23
7?a numerado como Primera. (En aquella \u233?poca todav\u237?a no exist\u237?an
legiones permanentes como ocurrir\u237?a en \u233?poca imperial, aunque es ciert
o que algunas unidades permanec\u237?an movilizadas muchos a\u241?os).\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando estas tropas se pusieron en camino hacia la Galia, C\u233?sar dispon\u237
?a ya de diez legiones, unos cincuenta mil hombres. Llegaba el momento de las re
presalias. Gracias a aquel ej\u233?rcito tan numeroso, C\u233?sar pudo librar la
campa\u241?a contra los rebeldes en varios frentes simult\u225?neos. En el nord
este, Labieno derrot\u243? a los tr\u233?veros y acab\u243? con su caudillo Indu
ciomaro, el mismo que hab\u237?a incitado a la revuelta a Ambi\u243?rix y la tri
bu de los eburones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De estos y sus aliados los nervios se encarg\u243? el propio C\u233?sar. Empez\u
243? antes que otros a\u241?os, en los \u250?ltimos d\u237?as del invierno, cuan
do todav\u237?a quedaba nieve en los caminos. Con cuatro legiones se dirigi\u243
? al territorio de los nervios a marchas forzadas y lo devast\u243?, quemando ca
mpos, granjas y poblados, y apoder\u225?ndose de un gran n\u250?mero de esclavos
y cabezas de ganado que reparti\u243? entre sus tropas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Despu\u233?s, C\u233?sar convoc\u243? a una reuni\u243?n a los principales caudi
llos galos. Algunos no vinieron, lo que \u233?l interpret\u243? como una se\u241
?al de insumisi\u243?n. Aunque tampoco se fiaba de algunos de los que acudieron.
\u218?nicamente le parec\u237?an aliados seguros los eduos y los remos, una tri

bu belga que le hab\u237?a ayudado en campa\u241?as anteriores.\par\pard\plain\h

yphpar} {
Entre los que no hab\u237?an asistido se hallaban los senones y los carnutos; es
tos, adem\u225?s, hab\u237?an asesinado a su caudillo t\u237?tere nombrado por l
os romanos. C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? a su territorio a tal velocidad que ambas
tribus se rindieron sin combatir. Por intercesi\u243?n de los eduos, y tambi\u2
33?n porque no hab\u237?an llegado a atacar a ninguna de sus legiones como s\u23
7? hab\u237?an hecho los nervios, les perdon\u243? y no asol\u243? sus tierras.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los siguientes en recibir sus represalias fueron los menapios, que ten\u237?an r
elaciones con Ambi\u243?rix y los germanos y que nunca hab\u237?an aceptado some
terse a Roma. Los menapios habitaban al norte de los nervios, en una zona pantan
osa cerca de la desembocadura del Rin, y hasta entonces cada vez que C\u233?sar
enviaba tropas contra ellos las burlaban refugi\u225?ndose en peque\u241?os islo
tes de tierra firme en el coraz\u243?n de las ci\u233?nagas. En esta campa\u241?
a, C\u233?sar estaba decidido a vencerlos sin que nada lo detuviera, e hizo que
sus soldados tendieran puentes sobre los pantanos. Despu\u233?s llev\u243? a sus
legiones por ellos y se dedic\u243? a incendiar las aldeas de los menapios y ro
barles el ganado hasta que se rindieron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, C\u233?sar cruz\u243? por segunda vez el Rin construyendo u
n segundo puente no muy lejos del primero que hab\u237?a destruido un par de a\u
241?os antes. Su intenci\u243?n era internarse en Germania para escarmentar a la
s tribus que hab\u237?an enviado ayuda a los rebeldes galos, y en particular a l
os suevos. Tras devastar la zona sin llegar a librar ninguna batalla, regres\u24
3? a la Galia. En esta ocasi\u243?n, en lugar de destruir el puente por completo
solo derrib\u243? los \u250?ltimos setenta metros que llegaban a la orilla germ
ana. En la ribera gala levant\u243? una torre de vigilancia de cuatro pisos y de
j\u243? doce cohortes de guarnici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a faltaba vengarse del traidor Ambi\u243?rix y de los eburones, cuyo
territorio se hallaba en el coraz\u243?n de la comarca boscosa de las Ardenas, t
an conocida por la batalla de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Primero C\u233?sar atra
ves\u243? su territorio con dos columnas de tres legiones cada una arrasando tod
o a su paso. Despu\u233?s, no contento todav\u237?a, proclam\u243? que todas las
tribus galas que lo desearan pod\u237?an acudir a las tierras de los eburones y
llevarse lo que quisieran como bot\u237?n. Ante una oportunidad as\u237? no hab
\u237?a v\u237?nculos \u233?tnicos que valieran. Muchos guerreros acudieron enca
ntados para apoderarse de los cultivos y el ganado de aquella tribu, que no era
precisamente la m\u225?s poderosa, y para esclavizar a sus miembros.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Al final del verano, el territorio de los eburones hab\u237?a sido saqueado por
completo. Aquellos de la tribu que no perecieron se convirtieron en esclavos o q
uedaron condenados a la inanici\u243?n. Si algunos sobrevivieron, no lo hicieron
con el nombre de eburones, porque a partir de aquel momento desaparecieron de l
as cr\u243?nicas y los libros de historia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si alguna de las acciones que llev\u243? a cabo C\u233?sar en su carrera merece
el nombre de genocidio, seguramente sea esta. Pero antes de levantar las manos a
l cielo escandalizados, pensemos que en la Antig\u252?edad se produjeron muchos
otros genocidios y que de algunos pueblos exterminados ni siquiera tenemos notic
ia, como si jam\u225?s hubieran existido. \u191?Cu\u225?ntas tribus galas cuyo n
ombre no conocemos debieron desaparecer durante los siglos anteriores a la conqu
ista romana aniquiladas por vecinos m\u225?s poderosos? No hay forma de saberlo.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La venganza de C\u233?sar no fue completa: Ambi\u243?rix, el principal culpable
de la emboscada contra Sabino y Cota, logr\u243? escapar cruzando el Rin con sus
allegados, algo que sin duda frustr\u243? a C\u233?sar. No obstante, conociendo
su natural atildado, es de suponer que ya se hab\u237?a sentido lo bastante sat
isfecho con las represalias como para cortarse el pelo y afeitarse la barba.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al final del verano, C\u233?sar convoc\u243? otro consejo tribal, en esta ocasi\
u243?n en Durocortoro, en el territorio de los remos (la actual Reims). All\u237

? juzg\u243? a Ac\u243?n, el caudillo al que consideraba culpable de la rebeli\u

243?n de los senones y los carnutos. Tras declararlo culpable, lo sentenci\u243?
a la b\u225?rbara pena del {\i
fustuarium}, ser azotado hasta la muerte y despu\u233?s decapitado.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
La idea era sembrar el temor en los corazones de otros posibles rebeldes. En par
te lo consigui\u243?, porque muchos huyeron directamente antes de que nadie pudi
era acusarlos, y C\u233?sar los declar\u243? fuera de la ley.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Pero, sobre todo, llen\u243? de rencor a los nobles galos. Ejecutar a uno de los
suyos ya era bastante grave, pero hacerlo de forma tan humillante y a la vista
p\u250?blica era un ultraje para todos. Cuando C\u233?sar se march\u243? en invi
erno a la Galia Cisalpina, de la que hab\u237?a faltado el \u250?ltimo a\u241?o,
no sospechaba que se estaba incubando una rebeli\u243?n general que har\u237?a
parecer un juego de ni\u241?os la de Ambi\u243?rix e Induciomaro.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Pero antes de aquello le llegaron de nuevo malas noticias. La situaci\u243?n en
Roma estaba m\u225?s revuelta que nunca, lo cual ya era mucho decir. Sobre todo,
C\u233?sar se enter\u243? de que otra persona a la que le un\u237?a una buena r
elaci\u243?n personal y pol\u237?tica acababa de morir. Por un momento, vamos a
abandonar los h\u250?medos bosques de la Galia para viajar a Oriente, a tierras
m\u225?s c\u225?lidas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CAMPA\u209?A PARTA DE CRASO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante su consulado, Craso hab\u237?a tenido que contemplar c\u243?mo segu\u237
?an pregon\u225?ndose los \u233?xitos militares pasados y presentes de sus compa
\u241?eros de triunvirato. En septiembre, su colega Pompeyo hab\u237?a celebrado
unos juegos fastuosos para inaugurar el teatro que hab\u237?a empezado a constr
uir despu\u233?s de su triunfo en el a\u241?o 61. En el p\u243?rtico de dicho te
atro pod\u237?a verse una gran estatua suya que recib\u237?a el homenaje de las
catorce naciones que hab\u237?a conquistado. Por otra parte, el senado hab\u237?
a decretado nada menos que veinte d\u237?as de acci\u243?n de gracias por la cam
pa\u241?a de C\u233?sar en Britania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?C\u243?mo no sentirse eclipsado? Celoso de los \u233?xitos de sus compa\u2
41?eros de triunvirato, Craso decidi\u243? partir en noviembre del 54, antes de
que expirara su mandato como c\u243?nsul, para hacerse cargo de la provincia de
Siria, que le hab\u237?a correspondido por sorteo. Seg\u250?n Plutarco, Craso pr
etend\u237?a dejar peque\u241?as las campa\u241?as de L\u250?culo y Pompeyo en A
sia ({\i
Craso}, 16). Pese a que ya ten\u237?a sesenta a\u241?os, se sent\u237?a un nuevo
Alejandro \u8212?otro m\u225?s\u8212? y so\u241?aba con llegar a Bactria, la In
dia y el mism\u237?simo Oc\u233?ano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a de Craso iba dirigida contra los partos. Estos, en origen, se ll
amaban parnos ({\i
Parni} en lat\u237?n) y eran uno de tantos pueblos n\u243?madas que moraban en l
as cercan\u237?as del mar Caspio. En el a\u241?o 247, con su soberano Arsaces, h
ab\u237?an invadido la antigua satrap\u237?a persa de Partia y a partir de ese m
omento se denominaron a s\u237? mismos \u171?partos\u187?. Aunque m\u225?s tarde
Ant\u237?oco III el Grande los someti\u243?, reconoci\u243? a los ars\u225?cida
s como dinast\u237?a leg\u237?tima y vasalla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La victoria de los hermanos Escipi\u243?n sobre Ant\u237?oco en Magnesia en el a
\u241?o 190 dej\u243? muy debilitado al imperio sel\u233?ucida. Los partos lo ap
rovecharon para independizarse y emprender sus propias conquistas. Durante el re
inado de Mitr\u237?dates I de Partia, sus ej\u233?rcitos se apoderaron de Mesopo
tamia y de Media, y tambi\u233?n derrotaron a los grecobactrianos. Al final, pr\
u225?cticamente sustituyeron a los Sel\u233?ucidas, a los que arrinconaron en el
territorio de Siria, y formaron un imperio propio que se extend\u237?a desde el
\u201?ufrates hasta la frontera oriental de Ir\u225?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}

{
Aunque parec\u237?a inevitable que dos potencias expansionistas como Partia y Ro
ma entraran en colisi\u243?n, hasta ahora no hab\u237?an surgido grandes problem
as entre ambos. No exist\u237?a un motivo objetivo que justificara esta guerra,
pero todo el mundo sab\u237?a que Craso se hab\u237?a empe\u241?ado en seguir ad
elante con ella.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El gran poder de los triunviros no significaba que no existiese oposici\u243?n c
ontra ellos. Cuando el tribuno Trebonio present\u243? la ley que propon\u237?a q
ue Craso y Pompeyo recibieran mandatos proconsulares de cinco a\u241?os en Siria
e Hispania y que pudieran declarar la guerra seg\u250?n su criterio, Cat\u243?n
se opuso con virulencia. Para ello utiliz\u243? el mismo recurso que hab\u237?a
empleado otras veces: pronunciar un discurso inacabable con el fin de evitar la
votaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a las t\u225?cticas dilatorias de Cat\u243?n, la ley acab\u243? siendo apro
bada. Pero en noviembre, cuando Craso iba a salir de la urbe, el tribuno Ateyo,
que tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a intentado vetar la ley, le sali\u243? al encuentro p
ara impedirle el paso e intent\u243? arrestarlo. Como no lo consigui\u243?, Atey
o se coloc\u243? en las puertas de la ciudad y, mientras quemaba incienso y derr
amaba libaciones sobre un brasero humeante, lanz\u243? una terrible maldici\u243
?n contra Craso en la que invoc\u243? los nombres de varios dioses infernales. E
ra un conjuro poderoso y antiguo que provoc\u243? escalofr\u237?os entre la gent
e congregada en las calles. Al tribuno Ateyo le vali\u243? muchas cr\u237?ticas,
porque por odio a Craso hab\u237?a maldecido tambi\u233?n a las legiones cuyo m
ando deb\u237?a tomar. (Uno se pregunta si otros generales romanos como C\u233?s
ar o Pompeyo no habr\u237?an recibido tambi\u233?n maldiciones de las que nadie
se acord\u243? luego porque sus campa\u241?as terminaron bien).\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Ya en Siria, Craso recibi\u243? un mensaje del rey parto. En \u233?l, Orodes le
dec\u237?a que si el ej\u233?rcito que se estaba congregando en Siria lo hab\u23
7?a enviado el pueblo romano, eso significaba la guerra sin tratado alguno. Pero
si, como le hab\u237?an contado, aquella expedici\u243?n era empe\u241?o person
al de Craso, estaba dispuesto a perdonarlo y a llegar un acuerdo pac\u237?fico e
n atenci\u243?n a su edad. Craso respondi\u243? que el propio Orodes podr\u237?a
escuchar su respuesta en Seleucia, a orillas del Tigris. Al o\u237?rlo, uno de
los embajadores, llamado Vagises, se se\u241?al\u243? la palma de la mano izquie
rda y dijo: \u171?Antes de que t\u250? llegues a Seleucia me crecer\u225? pelo a
qu\u237?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para la campa\u241?a, Craso reuni\u243? siete legiones, unos treinta y cinco mil
hombres. Contaba tambi\u233?n con cuatro mil soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera
y cuatro mil jinetes, entre ellos mil celtas que llegaron de la Galia con su hi
jo, el legado de C\u233?sar que hab\u237?a conquistado Aquitania.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
El rey de Armenia, Artavasdes, trajo seis mil jinetes m\u225?s y prometi\u243? c
ontribuir con m\u225?s refuerzos, pero con la condici\u243?n de que la invasi\u2
43?n de Partia se llevara a cabo a trav\u233?s de su reino. Craso se neg\u243?,
pues pretend\u237?a atacar por una ruta m\u225?s directa, cruzando al \u201?ufra
tes para internarse directamente en Mesopotamia. Ante lo que \u233?l ve\u237?a c
omo obstinaci\u243?n, Artavasdes se retir\u243? de la campa\u241?a.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, el rey Orodes decidi\u243? dividir sus fuerzas. El grueso del ej\u
233?rcito se lo llev\u243? a Armenia, y encarg\u243? a su general Surena que se
dedicara a hostigar a las tropas de Craso usando \u250?nicamente jinetes. Para e
llo le entreg\u243? un ej\u233?rcito formado por nueve mil arqueros a caballo y
mil catafractos, soldados de caballer\u237?a pesada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la primavera del a\u241?o 53, la expedici\u243?n romana parti\u243? hacia el
este. Tras cruzar el \u201?ufrates por el paso de Zeugma (el nombre significa pr
ecisamente \u171?puente\u187?) Craso ten\u237?a pensado continuar r\u237?o abajo
hasta el punto donde el \u201?ufrates y el Tigris se acercaban m\u225?s, y desd
e all\u237? dirigirse a Seleucia. Poco despu\u233?s, sus batidores les informaro
n de que al este del r\u237?o todo estaba abandonado, y solo se ve\u237?an en el

suelo las huellas de una nutrida tropa de caballer\u237?a que hab\u237?a huido
de ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Craso pens\u243? en perseguir a esa hueste enemiga, uno de sus legados, C
asio Longino,{\super
[43]} le aconsej\u243? seguir el plan previsto y no apartarse del r\u237?o, ya q
ue as\u237? podr\u237?an recibir suministros por barca y disponer de agua potabl
e. Pero el gobernador de la comarca de Osroene, un \u225?rabe llamado Abgar, con
venci\u243? a Craso de que lo mejor era marchar directamente tras el ej\u233?rci
to de Surena, que estaba a poca distancia de all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Abgar condujo a Craso a una regi\u243?n desolada y sin agua, una llanura que par
ec\u237?a no tener fin. Mientras la recorr\u237?an, lleg\u243? un mensajero para
pedir ayuda en nombre del rey Artavasdes, porque Armenia estaba siendo atacada
por el grueso del ej\u233?rcito parto. Craso se neg\u243? a cambiar de planes y
sigui\u243? intern\u225?ndose en el desierto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un poco m\u225?s tarde, los exploradores les informaron de que se acercaba el ej
\u233?rcito enemigo. Casio \u8212?que en esta historia desempe\u241?a el t\u237?
pico papel de consejero sensato al que nadie hace caso\u8212? recomend\u243? a C
raso desplegar las legiones de la forma habitual, con el fin de que el frente fu
era muy largo y la caballer\u237?a enemiga no pudiera rodearlos. Pero el proc\u2
43?nsul se amilan\u243? y decidi\u243? una t\u225?ctica defensiva, formando un e
norme cuadrado con doce cohortes en cada lado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? avanzaron hasta llegar al r\u237?o Baliso, el actual Nahr-Belik, un afl
uente del \u201?ufrates. Los hombres comieron y bebieron sin salir de las filas,
esperando la llegada del enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando el ej\u233?rcito de Surena apareci\u243?, a los romanos les sorprendi\u24
3? comprobar que era menos numeroso de lo que esperaban, no m\u225?s de diez mil
efectivos. Aun as\u237?, una tropa de caballer\u237?a siempre ocupaba mucho m\u
225?s terreno que una fuerza equivalente de infanter\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
El general parto decidi\u243? dar un golpe de efecto lanz\u225?ndose con sus mil
catafractos a la carga. Al pronto, los romanos no vieron nada especial en aquel
la embestida, pues los jinetes ven\u237?an tapados con mantos. Pero a mitad de l
a carga los dejaron caer, y de pronto el sol reluci\u243? sobre las placas de br
once y acero de sus armaduras y las bardas y petrales de sus caballos.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
La primera intenci\u243?n de Surena era romper las filas enemigas con sus largas
lanzas. Lo habr\u237?a conseguido si la visi\u243?n de los catafractos hubiese
asustado tanto a los legionarios como para hacerlos recular y romper la fila. Pe
ro, aunque el espect\u225?culo impresion\u243? a los hombres de Craso, la discip
lina romana era demasiado fuerte y todos mantuvieron los pies bien clavados en a
quel suelo polvoriento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al percibir la l\u237?nea de escudos como una pared, los corceles recularon. Sur
ena decidi\u243? cambiar de t\u225?ctica y utiliz\u243? a sus nueve mil arqueros
para acosar a los romanos, haci\u233?ndolos cabalgar alrededor del cuadro defen
sivo. La formaci\u243?n romana hab\u237?a resistido bien la carga de los catafra
ctos gracias a lo tupido de sus filas, pero al no presentar apenas huecos result
aba m\u225?s vulnerable a los disparos enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, los arcos de los partos pose\u237?an m\u225?s alcance y potencia
que los de la infanter\u237?a ligera romana. Estaban fabricados en madera reves
tida de asta por dentro y de tendones por fuera, por lo que eran conocidos como
\u171?arcos compuestos\u187?. Gracias a su peque\u241?o tama\u241?o, unos ochent
a cent\u237?metros, resultaban perfectos para la caballer\u237?a. (Un jinete no
habr\u237?a podido manejar los famosos arcos largos de los ingleses, que eran ta
n altos como un hombre).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El defecto de estos arcos era que la humedad los afectaba mucho, porque despegab
a la cola, como hab\u237?a ocurrido en la batalla de Magnesia. Pero aqu\u237?, e
n la \u225?rida y polvorienta Mesopotamia, no ten\u237?an este problema. Los jin
etes de Surena disparaban sin cesar usando la t\u233?cnica conocida como \u171?d
isparo parto\u187?. Primero cargaban frontalmente desde una distancia de unos ci

en metros, y mientras lo hac\u237?an, disparaban tres o cuatro flechas. Despu\u2

33?s, a unos cincuenta metros del enemigo (un margen de sobra para huir cada vez
que los soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera sal\u237?an de la formaci\u243?n par
a intentar perseguirlos), giraban a la derecha y cabalgaban un rato en paralelo
al frente sin dejar de disparar por su costado izquierdo. Por fin, volv\u237?an
a girar a la derecha y se retiraban; pero ni entonces dejaban de hacer da\u241?o
, pues se retorc\u237?an sobre su montura y segu\u237?an disparando a sus espald
as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En principio, los escudos y armaduras de los romanos ofrec\u237?an una buena pro
tecci\u243?n. Lo grave para ellos era la persistencia de los enemigos, que graci
as a su habilidad no dejaban de lanzar flechas en una granizada constante: tarde
o temprano alg\u250?n proyectil alcanzaba su objetivo col\u225?ndose entre los
escudos, o estos acababan rotos a fuerza de impactos. Aunque al principio los mu
ertos fueron pocos, muchos soldados recibieron heridas en las piernas y en los b
razos que los inutilizaron. Para colmo, las flechas parec\u237?an inagotables, p
orque cuando los jinetes de Surena se retiraban acud\u237?an a reponer municione
s a su convoy de suministro, donde hab\u237?a miles de camellos cargados con sae
tas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Siguiendo instrucciones de su padre, el joven Publio Craso se lanz\u243? en una
valiente salida con mil trescientos jinetes, quinientos arqueros y ocho cohortes
de legionarios. Aquel ataque improvisado puso en fuga a los enemigos de su zona
, que se retiraron. Craso se lanz\u243? en su persecuci\u243?n, e incluso los le
gionarios, pese a la carga que supon\u237?an sus armas, corrieron tras \u233?l p
ara no quedarse rezagados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era una trampa. Cuando el joven Craso y sus hombres se hab\u237?an distanciado d
el grueso de su ej\u233?rcito, los partos volvieron grupas y los rodearon, y a e
llos se unieron a\u250?n m\u225?s jinetes. Entre nubes de polvo, los hombres de
Craso recibieron otro diluvio de flechas; esta vez, desordenados por la persecuc
i\u243?n, no pudieron seguir protegi\u233?ndose y empezaron a caer como moscas,
unos muertos y otros malheridos. A duras penas lograron retirarse a una peque\u2
41?a elevaci\u243?n, pero la maniobra result\u243? contraproducente: por culpa d
e la pendiente, los hombres que se hallaban en el centro de la formaci\u243?n de
stacaban sobre las cabezas de sus compa\u241?eros y ofrec\u237?an un blanco f\u2
25?cil para los proyectiles enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Craso, con la mano atravesada por una flecha, orden\u243? a su escudero que le d
iera muerte. Muchos otros oficiales de la tropa hicieron lo mismo. Al final, los
catafractos cayeron sobre los romanos y terminaron con su resistencia. Solo sob
revivieron quinientos hombres, a los que los partos hicieron prisioneros. Un cat
afracto le cort\u243? la cabeza a Craso, la ensart\u243? en su pica y cabalg\u24
3? hacia el grueso del ej\u233?rcito romano para exhibir aquel b\u225?rbaro trof
eo y terminar de desmoralizar al enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las dem\u225?s legiones, al ver que la ofensiva del joven Craso las libraba un p
oco de la presi\u243?n, siguieron avanzando a duras penas hacia la cercana ciuda
d de Carras, que le dar\u237?a su nombre a esta batalla. Por el camino fueron de
jando miles de heridos a los que los partos remataron o capturaron.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Por fin, los supervivientes llegaron a Carras y se refugiaron tras sus muros. Pe
ro ni all\u237? se sent\u237?an seguros, por lo que muchos empezaron a escapar e
n peque\u241?os contingentes. Entre ellos estaba Casio, que logr\u243? organizar
los diversos grupos hasta reunir una tropa de diez mil hombres con los que regr
es\u243? a Siria. \u191?Fue un h\u233?roe o un traidor que abandon\u243? a su ge
neral? Todo depende del punto de vista.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Craso, Surena lo enga\u241?\u243? convoc\u225?ndolo a una reuni\u243
?n para parlamentar. Si los romanos se retiraban de nuevo m\u225?s all\u225? del
\u201?ufrates y renunciaban a esas tierras, le dijo, perdonar\u237?a la vida a
sus hombres. Pero cuando Craso acept\u243? reunirse con \u233?l en un punto inte
rmedio entre ambos ej\u233?rcitos, Surena provoc\u243? un tumulto en el que el g
eneral romano pereci\u243?; no queda muy claro si muri\u243? herido por un parto
o por uno de sus hombres que quiso evitar que el proc\u243?nsul cayera vivo en
manos del enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

En cualquier caso, Surena logr\u243? apoderarse del cad\u225?ver de Craso y le c

ort\u243? la cabeza para envi\u225?rsela al rey Orodes. Seg\u250?n Di\u243?n Cas
io (40.27), los partos, imitando lo que hab\u237?a hecho Mitr\u237?dates con Aqu
ilio, le vertieron oro fundido por la garganta para calmar su codicia. Si es ver
dad que ocurri\u243? as\u237?, al menos Craso no tuvo que sufrir m\u225?s, porqu
e ya estaba muerto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Carras fue uno de los mayores desastres militares de la historia de Roma, y demo
str\u243? que ninguna batalla estaba perdida ni ganada de antemano. Una fuerza d
e solo diez mil jinetes, cuya funci\u243?n principal era hostigar al enemigo mie
ntras el rey parto conquistaba la gloria en otra parte, hab\u237?a conseguido de
strozar a un ej\u233?rcito de m\u225?s de cuarenta mil hombres, matando a veinte
mil y tomando prisioneros a otros diez mil. Si eso ocurri\u243? en Carras, bien
pod\u237?a haberles sucedido a Metelo o Mario en la guerra contra Yugurta. Bien
es cierto que un general m\u225?s en\u233?rgico o m\u225?s en forma que Craso p
odr\u237?a haber inspirado mejor a sus hombres para romper el cerco enemigo, ret
irarse a Carras y hacerse fuertes all\u237?. Uno no acaba de imaginarse a Sila o
a C\u233?sar, por ejemplo, dej\u225?ndose rodear de esa manera.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Por suerte para los romanos, los partos se contentaron con aquella victoria y no
intentaron aprovecharla conquistando Siria. En parte pudo deberse a que el rey
Orodes no consideraba que ese triunfo fuera suyo. De hecho, se sent\u237?a tan c
eloso de Surena que poco despu\u233?s de la batalla de Carras lo hizo ejecutar.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA ANARQU\u205?A EN ROMA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Si las noticias que se recib\u237?an del este eran desalentadoras, las que llega
ban de Roma no resultaban menos preocupantes. El a\u241?o 52, que tantos quebrad
eros de cabeza le traer\u237?a a C\u233?sar, empez\u243? tambi\u233?n con violen
cia en la urbe. Aunque hay que decir que la violencia era constante desde que la
s bandas rivales de Clodio y Mil\u243?n, formadas por esclavos, gladiadores y de
lincuentes varios, sembraban el terror en las calles.{\super
[44]} En esas luchas, Clodio actuaba como l\u237?der popular \u8212?no diremos c
omo l\u237?der de los populares, puesto que iba por libre y ni siquiera C\u233?s
ar consegu\u237?a controlarlo\u8212? y Mil\u243?n como adalid de la causa de los
optimates.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A principios de a\u241?o, Clodio era candidato a pretor y Mil\u243?n a c\u243?ns
ul. El programa de Clodio propon\u237?a repartir a los libertos por las treinta
y cinco tribus, en lugar de limitarlos a las cuatro urbanas, donde sus votos ape
nas contaban. El n\u250?mero de libertos hab\u237?a crecido mucho en los \u250?l
timos a\u241?os gracias, precisamente, a las medidas de Clodio como tribuno: com
o por su {\i
lex frumentaria} se repart\u237?a trigo gratis a los ciudadanos, muchos romanos
liberaban a sus esclavos, pero los manten\u237?an en casa y as\u237? recib\u237?
an sus raciones de grano. A su manera, era una especie de fraude a la Seguridad
Social.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las elecciones ya deber\u237?an haberse celebrado muchos meses antes, pero se ha
b\u237?an suspendido varias veces entre acusaciones de soborno, vetos de los tri
bunos y m\u225?s violencia callejera. Roma se hallaba en un {\i
interregnum}; en la pr\u225?ctica, se trataba de un estado de anarqu\u237?a. Seg
\u250?n los rumores, Pompeyo estaba maniobrando para convertirse en dictador, au
nque \u233?l lo negaba, con sinceridad o no.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El d\u237?a 18 de enero, Clodio y Mil\u243?n se encontraron de forma fortuita en
la v\u237?a Apia, en los alrededores de Bovillae, a unos veinte kil\u243?metros
de Roma. Clodio regresaba de un viaje a una finca, mientras que Mil\u243?n se d
irig\u237?a a la ciudad latina de Lanuvio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como era de suponer, no viajaban solos. Clodio llevaba treinta esclavos armados
y Mil\u243?n un n\u250?mero similar, entre los que hab\u237?a al menos dos gladi
adores retirados. Los dos rivales pol\u237?ticos pasaron de largo sin apenas mir

arse, pero cuando ambas comitivas estaban a punto de alejarse, los dos gladiador
es empezaron a meterse con los sirvientes de Clodio. Este, al ver que la disputa
se enzarzaba, acudi\u243? a ver qu\u233? pasaba y uno de los gladiadores le cla
v\u243? una lanza en el hombro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras las dos bandas segu\u237?an peleando en la calzada, unos cuantos hombre
s de Clodio se llevaron a su se\u241?or a Bovillae y lo metieron en una taberna
para atenderlo. Mil\u243?n decidi\u243? que era una buena ocasi\u243?n para acab
ar con su rival y envi\u243? a los suyos tras \u233?l. Los matones eliminaron a
varios de los esclavos de Clodio, sacaron a este a la calle a rastras y lo asesi
naron. Despu\u233?s se marcharon, dejando su cad\u225?ver tendido en la v\u237?a
. All\u237? lo encontr\u243? un senador llamado Sexto Tedio, que se lo llev\u243
? a Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, los seguidores de Clodio, dirigidos por dos tribunos, car
garon con su cuerpo hasta el Foro y lo metieron en la Curia Hostilia, el edifici
o del senado. Una vez dentro, usaron bancos, mesas y documentos para amontonar u
na pira funeraria y quemaron el cad\u225?ver. Las llamas subieron hasta el techo
y prendieron en las vigas, el edificio se incendi\u243? y la destrucci\u243?n t
ambi\u233?n alcanz\u243? a varios edificios aleda\u241?os, como la bas\u237?lica
Porcia. Mientras tanto, la multitud intentaba asaltar la casa de Mil\u243?n y e
xig\u237?a a gritos que se nombrara dictador a Pompeyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
La situaci\u243?n era tan grave que ese mismo d\u237?a el senado volvi\u243? a a
probar el decreto de emergencia. En esta ocasi\u243?n no se pod\u237?a encomenda
r la protecci\u243?n de la Rep\u250?blica a los c\u243?nsules, puesto que no los
hab\u237?a, de modo que se le confi\u243? la defensa al {\i
interrex}, a los tribunos y a Pompeyo, que como proc\u243?nsul en ejercicio era
la autoridad m\u225?s alta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
D\u237?as despu\u233?s, a propuesta de B\u237?bulo y Cat\u243?n, Pompeyo fue nom
brado c\u243?nsul \u250?nico, y entr\u243? en el cargo al instante. Era una solu
ci\u243?n extra\u241?a para la crisis, y m\u225?s inconstitucional de lo que hab
r\u237?a sido una dictadura. En realidad, no hab\u237?a por d\u243?nde coger aqu
ello: se romp\u237?a el principio de colegialidad, Pompeyo no hab\u237?a cumplid
o el plazo de diez a\u241?os y adem\u225?s estaba desempe\u241?ando simult\u225?
neamente la magistratura de proc\u243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo, que era mucho peor pol\u237?tico que militar, estaba realizando un jueg
o muy dif\u237?cil, un equilibrio casi imposible. Por una parte, quer\u237?a man
tener el apoyo popular que, en su alianza con C\u233?sar, lo hab\u237?a alzado a
la posici\u243?n de poder que ahora ostentaba como proc\u243?nsul. Por otra par
te, segu\u237?a oyendo los cantos de sirena de los optimates, enemigos de C\u233
?sar como B\u237?bulo y Cat\u243?n, que parec\u237?an confiar en \u233?l para sa
lvar la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo deseaba conquistar el respeto de los arist\u243?cratas, del mismo modo q
ue medio siglo antes otro advenedizo como \u233?l, Mario, hab\u237?a querido gan
arse el de los dem\u225?s senadores. Mario finalmente no lo hab\u237?a conseguid
o, pero Pompeyo gozaba de una ventaja sobre el vencedor de los cimbrios: si bien
los optimates sent\u237?an cierto desprecio por \u233?l, a C\u233?sar lo aborre
c\u237?an. Dispuestos a acabar con C\u233?sar, poco a poco estaban logrando atra
er a Pompeyo a su bando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar necesitaba pasar directamente del puesto de proc\u243?nsul al de c\u2
43?nsul, sin perder su {\i
imperium} ni convertirse en ciudadano privado tan siquiera un d\u237?a, pues sab
\u237?a que en ese momento se hallar\u237?a indefenso. Por eso, en el a\u241?o 5
2, los diez tribunos de la plebe presentaron una propuesta para que C\u233?sar p
udiera acceder al consulado {\i
in absentia}, esto es, sin aparecer en la ciudad ni abandonar el mando de su pro
vincia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo apoy\u243? la ley, pese a la furibunda y previsible oposici\u243?n de Ca
t\u243?n. Hasta ah\u237?, todo iba bien para C\u233?sar. Pero despu\u233?s, por
presi\u243?n de los optimates, Pompeyo propuso otra ley que prohib\u237?a a ning
\u250?n candidato presentarse {\i

in absentia}, una clamorosa contradicci\u243?n con la norma anterior. Cuando los

partidarios de C\u233?sar se lo se\u241?alaron, estando ya la ley inscrita en b
ronce, Pompeyo hizo que grabaran una adenda para declarar que tan solo C\u233?sa
r se hallaba exento. Pero esa cl\u225?usula no hab\u237?a sido aprobada ni por e
l senado ni por el pueblo, por lo que no pose\u237?a la menor validez.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
De este modo, los enemigos de C\u233?sar acababan de clavar el primer clavo del
que cre\u237?an ser\u237?a su ata\u250?d. El distanciamiento creciente entre \u2
33?l y Pompeyo ser\u237?a la ocasi\u243?n de fabricar muchos ata\u250?des m\u225
?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
VERCINGET\u211?RIX Y LA REVUELTA GENERAL DE LA GALIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el invierno del 53-52, los l\u237?deres galos descontentos con C\u233?sa
r y la dominaci\u243?n romana no dejaron de reunirse en santuarios rec\u243?ndit
os situados en lo m\u225?s profundo de sus bosques. Las noticias de los disturbi
os y problemas en Roma les hicieron concebir la esperanza de que C\u233?sar se q
uedara en Italia durante la siguiente campa\u241?a de verano, o que incluso le q
uitaran el mando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La ocasi\u243?n parec\u237?a perfecta para actuar contra \u233?l y vengar la mue
rte de Ac\u243?n y otras humillaciones. Todav\u237?a estaban a tiempo de evitar
que Roma los convirtiera en una provincia y los sometiera a sus propias leyes ac
abando con las costumbres ancestrales celtas, como hab\u237?a hecho con sus prim
os de la Cisalpina y de la Provincia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los l\u237?deres galos sab\u237?an que, como otros a\u241?os, las tropas de C\u2
33?sar se hallaban diseminadas por un vasto territorio. Hab\u237?a seis legiones
al mando de Labieno en territorio de los senones, y otras cuatro en el este, re
partidas entre los tr\u233?veros y los lingones. Al sur tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a
algunas tropas defendiendo la Provincia romana, pero el centro, que siempre se h
ab\u237?a mostrado m\u225?s pac\u237?fico, se hallaba desguarnecido.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Y fue justamente en el centro donde estall\u243? la revuelta. Los primeros en pr
ender la llama fueron los carnutos, en cuyo pa\u237?s se hab\u237?an celebrado l
a mayor\u237?a de las reuniones. Su territorio constitu\u237?a el n\u250?cleo ge
ogr\u225?fico y tambi\u233?n religioso de la Galia, pues era all\u237? donde se
celebraba el concilio anual de druidas. Es posible que esa fuera una de las razo
nes por las que se lanzaron a la acci\u243?n, pues estaban decididos a evitar qu
e los romanos penetraran en sus bosques sagrados y los profanaran con su presenc
ia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En febrero, dos caudillos carnutos, Cotuato y Conconetodumno, llevaron a sus gue
rreros a la ciudad de Cenabo (Orleans), y asesinaron a todos los mercaderes y ho
mbres de negocios romanos instalados all\u237?. Las noticias de la matanza corri
eron como la p\u243?lvora transmiti\u233?ndose a gritos de prado en prado y de c
ampo en campo. Gracias a este sistema un tanto primitivo, a medianoche la inform
aci\u243?n ya hab\u237?a llegado al territorio de los arvernos, a m\u225?s de do
scientos kil\u243?metros de all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hasta ahora los arvernos, que habitaban las f\u233?rtiles tierras al norte del M
acizo Central, hab\u237?an sido fieles aliados de C\u233?sar: siempre asist\u237
?an a sus concilios y le enviaban escuadrones de caballer\u237?a. Pero la situac
i\u243?n se hab\u237?a alterado. En los primeros meses del a\u241?o 52, el princ
ipal l\u237?der de los arvernos era un joven llamado Vercinget\u243?rix, el m\u2
25?s c\u233?lebre de los enemigos de C\u233?sar. Su padre, Celtillo, hab\u237?a
sido un poderoso caudillo guerrero, pero cuando pretendi\u243? convertirse en re
y lo asesinaron: como ya hemos visto, en la Galia central empezaban a sentir tan
ta aversi\u243?n por los soberanos absolutos como en Grecia y Roma.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Vercinget\u243?rix hab\u237?a intentado seguir los pasos de su padre; a la ambic
i\u243?n de Celtillo por conseguir el poder le a\u241?ad\u237?a m\u225?s fuego s
u profundo sentimiento antirromano. Su t\u237?o Gobanitio y otros l\u237?deres t

ribales, que prefer\u237?an seguir como hasta entonces y no tener choques con Ro
ma, lo expulsaron de Gergovia, la ciudad principal de los arvernos.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Sin desanimarse, Vercinget\u243?rix hab\u237?a reclutado un ej\u233?rcito entre
guerreros a los que C\u233?sar llama \u171?vagabundos\u187?, y con \u233?l regre
s\u243? a Gergovia, tom\u243? el poder y consigui\u243? que todos se dirigieran
a \u233?l como rey. Quiz\u225? en otra ocasi\u243?n los arvernos no habr\u237?an
aceptado a alguien con ese t\u237?tulo; pero, con los romanos estrechando el ce
rco sobre el centro de la Galia, debieron pensar que tiempos extraordinarios req
uieren medidas extraordinarias y se resignaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez conseguido el poder entre los suyos, Vercinget\u243?rix hab\u237?a hecho
un llamamiento a muchas m\u225?s tribus. Aunque C\u233?sar no deja muy clara la
sucesi\u243?n cronol\u243?gica de los hechos, en aquellas reuniones secretas, q
ue seg\u250?n \u233?l se celebraron durante el invierno, los enviados de dichas
tribus debieron de reunirse ya con Vercinget\u243?rix y escuchar sus discursos.
Todos quedaron tan encandilados por su personalidad magn\u233?tica y la pasi\u24
3?n que pon\u237?a en lo que dec\u237?a y hac\u237?a que lo eligieron como jefe
supremo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El rencor contra los romanos hab\u237?a conseguido algo inaudito: que la mayor\u
237?a de los pueblos del centro y la costa oeste de la Galia se unieran. Aparte
de la amenaza del enemigo com\u250?n, no cabe duda de que Vercinget\u243?rix era
un hombre inteligente y, sobre todo, carism\u225?tico; el tipo de l\u237?der qu
e se necesitaba para mantener unidas a tribus diversas, acaudillar un ej\u233?rc
ito y poner en apuros a los romanos igual que lo hab\u237?an hecho otros caudill
os igualmente inspiradores como Yugurta, Viriato, Mitr\u237?dates o Espartaco.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de los principales problemas de los galos cuando luchaban contra los romanos
era su desorganizaci\u243?n. Vercinget\u243?rix, que probablemente hab\u237?a c
ombatido como jefe de escuadr\u243?n en la caballer\u237?a de C\u233?sar y se ha
b\u237?a fijado en sus t\u225?cticas, transform\u243? todo eso. En las primeras
reuniones, exigi\u243? a los conjurados que enviaran tropas y grano, y que fabri
caran armas para tenerlas listas en una fecha determinada. Sobre todo, insisti\u
243? en reunir toda la caballer\u237?a posible. Por otra parte, para demostrar q
ue hablaba en serio instaur\u243? una disciplina feroz entre sus tropas: a los d
\u237?scolos se les cortaban las orejas o se les arrancaba un ojo para que, al v
olver infamados a sus aldeas, sirvieran de testimonio y ejemplo para los dem\u22
5?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras congregar a sus tropas, Vercinget\u243?rix las dividi\u243?. Mientras \u233
?l atacaba a los biturigos, aliados de eduos y romanos, uno de sus generales, Lu
cterio, se dirigi\u243? al sur para soliviantar a las tribus que habitaban en la
frontera norte de la Provincia. El plan de Vercinget\u243?rix era que invadiera
n territorio romano para sembrar el caos y obligar a C\u233?sar a demorarse all\
u237?. Si consegu\u237?a cortar el contacto entre C\u233?sar y sus legiones, est
aba convencido de que sus legados no se atrever\u237?an a actuar por su cuenta.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando las noticias de la revuelta llegaron a o\u237?dos de C\u233?sar, este dec
idi\u243? que aquello era m\u225?s apremiante que los problemas pol\u237?ticos e
n Roma y se puso en marcha al instante. Se le presentaban dos opciones: ordenar
a sus legiones que bajaran hacia el sur para reunirse con \u233?l o viajar \u233
?l hacia el norte. En cualquier caso, o bien sus hombres o bien \u233?l tendr\u2
37?an que atravesar el territorio rebelde.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para colmo, cuando lleg\u243? a la Provincia se encontr\u243? con que las tribus
vecinas la hab\u237?an invadido y amenazaban Narbona. Sin perder tiempo, C\u233
?sar organiz\u243? la defensa de la regi\u243?n con cohortes locales y con los r
eclutas que tra\u237?a consigo desde la Galia Cisalpina. Gracias a eso consigui\
u243? rechazar los ataques desde el norte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez superada la primera emergencia, el proc\u243?nsul se enter\u243? de que
Vercinget\u243?rix se hallaba con la mayor parte de sus fuerzas al norte de sus
propias tierras, en la comarca de los biturigos. Aprovechando que en el territor
io arverno apenas quedaban guerreros, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? atacar all\u237?,

en el coraz\u243?n del enemigo. Pero sus propias tropas eran escasas y en buena
parte biso\u241?as. Si quer\u237?a tener \u233?xito, C\u233?sar deb\u237?a busca
r la sorpresa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y lo hizo. Separando la Provincia de Auvernia se interpon\u237?an las Cevenas, u
na serie de cadenas monta\u241?osas que en aquella \u233?poca se hallaban todav\
u237?a cubiertas de nieve y que a nadie se le ocurr\u237?a cruzar hasta el deshi
elo primaveral. Convencido de que el enemigo no lo esperar\u237?a por all\u237?,
C\u233?sar condujo a sus hombres por aquellos parajes en pleno invierno. Para p
oder avanzar, sus legionarios tuvieron que cavar en muchos puntos hasta dos metr
os de nieve.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando bajaron de las Cevenas, C\u233?sar disemin\u243? a su caballer\u237?a en
escuadrones con la orden de incendiar todo lo que encontraran a su paso. La idea
era hacer creer a los arvernos que se trataba de una invasi\u243?n en toda regl
a y no de una simple correr\u237?a, con el fin de obligarlos a regresar del nort
e.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dos d\u237?as despu\u233?s, C\u233?sar le dijo a D\u233?cimo Bruto \u8212?el mis
mo que hab\u237?a mandado la flota en la batalla contra los v\u233?netos\u8212?
que se quedara en Auvernia mientras \u233?l regresaba a la Provincia para reclut
ar m\u225?s tropas. Sus intenciones eran muy distintas, pero no lo dijo por enga
\u241?ar a Bruto, sino a la caballer\u237?a gala, convencido de que en ella hab\
u237?a esp\u237?as que informar\u237?an a Vercinget\u243?rix. En eso acert\u243?
, y Vercinget\u243?rix no tard\u243? en abandonar sus operaciones en el norte y
volver al sur.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Acompa\u241?ado por una escolta a caballo, C\u233?sar atraves\u243? las monta\u2
41?as de nuevo. Pero en lugar de ir al sur se dirigi\u243? al este, hacia Vienna
, en el valle del R\u243?dano. Una vez all\u237?, tom\u243? el mando de una trop
a de caballer\u237?a que \u233?l mismo hab\u237?a enviado unos d\u237?as antes.
Sin hacer alto ni una sola noche \u8212?algo que tiene su m\u233?rito, pues ya i
ba camino de los cuarenta y ocho a\u241?os\u8212?, C\u233?sar cabalg\u243? hacia
el norte por el valle del Saona.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, al llegar a las tierras de los lingones, se detuvo en el campamento don
de invernaban dos de sus legiones, ante el asombro y entusiasmo de sus soldados,
que no esperaban ver a su general tan pronto. Una vez all\u237?, C\u233?sar env
i\u243? un mensaje a las seis legiones acantonadas en Agendico y a las dos que s
e encontraban entre los tr\u233?veros para que acudieran a reunirse con \u233?l
cuanto antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando por fin se reuni\u243? con el grueso de su ej\u233?rcito, C\u233?sar se e
nfrent\u243? con un nuevo problema: apenas ten\u237?a provisiones. No se fiaba d
emasiado de los eduos \u8212?ya hemos visto que hab\u237?a facciones enfrentadas
entre ellos\u8212?, y obligarlos a alimentar durante mucho tiempo a cincuenta m
il soldados no era una manera de afianzar su lealtad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La estrategia que decidi\u243? fue asaltar ciudades rebeldes: de esa manera se a
poderar\u237?a de sus graneros y, de paso, sembrar\u237?a el des\u225?nimo entre
los rebeldes galos. Con ocho de las diez legiones, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? p
rimero a Velaunoduno, ciudad que no tard\u243? en rendirse y entregarle armas, r
ehenes y ac\u233?milas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De ah\u237? march\u243? en tan solo dos d\u237?as a Cenabo, la ciudad de los car
nutos donde hab\u237?a empezado la rebeli\u243?n con la matanza de los {\i
negotiatores} romanos. Al atardecer, sus tropas acamparon ante la ciudad. Horas
despu\u233?s, los vecinos de Cenabo intentaron escapar sigilosamente por el puen
te sobre el Loira, pero las dos legiones que se manten\u237?an alerta los sorpre
ndieron. C\u233?sar tom\u243? la ciudad sin problemas y saque\u243? sus provisio
nes. Aunque no hace menci\u243?n de ello en su libro, lo m\u225?s probable es qu
e vendiera como esclavos a todos los habitantes a los que no mat\u243?.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras tomar Cenabo, se dirigi\u243? hacia la ciudad de Novioduno. A esas alturas,
Vercinget\u243?rix ya ven\u237?a en camino dispuesto a detener las depredacione
s de los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sabedores de lo que les hab\u237?a ocurrido a otras ciudades, los habitantes de
Novioduno decidieron rendirse. Mientras un contingente de soldados entraba en la

plaza para requisar armas y caballos, apareci\u243? en lontananza la vanguardia

del ej\u233?rcito de Vercinget\u243?rix, formada por jinetes de aquella regi\u2
43?n. Eso hizo que los vecinos cobraran \u225?nimos y trataran de bloquear las p
uertas para encerrar a los romanos en la ciudad y matarlos.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Por suerte para ellos, los centuriones se dieron cuenta de lo que ocurr\u237?a,
se apoderaron de las puertas y lograron sacar a sus hombres a salvo. Mientras ta
nto, C\u233?sar mand\u243? contra los enemigos reci\u233?n llegados a los cuatro
cientos jinetes germanos que usaba como escolta. Es el primer pasaje en que los
menciona, pero dice que estaban con \u233?l \u171?desde el principio\u187? (BG,
7.13). Como sol\u237?a ocurrir en esos casos, los germanos sembraron el pavor en
tre los galos y los pusieron en fuga. La ciudad volvi\u243? a abrir las puertas
a C\u233?sar, que acept\u243? su rendici\u243?n y la entrega de los cabecillas q
ue hab\u237?an decidido romper la tregua.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con tres ciudades ya tomadas, las legiones se dirigieron ahora hacia Avarico, en
el territorio de los biturigos. Por el camino no encontraron m\u225?s que tierr
a quemada: Vercinget\u243?rix hab\u237?a convencido a los suyos de que la mejor
manera de derrotar a los romanos no era enfrentarse a ellos en campo abierto, si
no agotarlos y vencerlos por hambre. Aunque fuese muy dura tambi\u233?n para ell
os, ten\u237?an que seguir la t\u225?ctica de la tierra quemada, prendiendo fueg
o a sus aldeas y sus cosechas para que los romanos no pudieran sobrevivir sobre
el terreno. Como el mismo Vercinget\u243?rix explic\u243?, \u171?si esas medidas
les parec\u237?an dr\u225?sticas y crueles, deb\u237?an tener en cuenta que iba
a ser mucho peor si sus mujeres y sus hijos se convert\u237?an en esclavos mien
tras ellos perec\u237?an asesinados, que era el destino inevitable de los vencid
os\u187? (BG, 7.14).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si era preciso, a\u241?adi\u243?, incluso deb\u237?an incendiar ciudades enteras
. Los biturigos obedecieron, quemando veinte de sus poblaciones en un solo d\u23
7?a, pero le pidieron a Vercinget\u243?rix que Avarico, su principal ciudad, no
sufriera el mismo destino. Aunque al caudillo galo no le convenc\u237?a la idea,
los biturigos los convencieron a \u233?l y a los miembros de las dem\u225?s tri
bus de que Avarico pod\u237?a defenderse del ataque de C\u233?sar gracias a sus
s\u243?lidas defensas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras los romanos avanzaban hacia su pr\u243?xima presa, los galos los segu\u
237?an a cierta distancia, y establecieron su campamento a unos veinte kil\u243?
metros de Avarico. Desde esa base de operaciones, sus escuadrones de caballer\u2
37?a barr\u237?an la zona y atacaban a los forrajeadores romanos, que no ten\u23
7?an m\u225?s remedio que alejarse del grueso del ej\u233?rcito de C\u233?sar pa
ra buscar provisiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los romanos se plantaron ante las murallas de Avarico descubrieron que, t
al como aseguraban los biturigos, tomarlas no iba a ser tarea f\u225?cil, pues e
staba rodeada por un r\u237?o y por terreno pantanoso. Tan solo hab\u237?a un ac
ceso, una bajada bastante estrecha entre dos ci\u233?nagas que llevaba hasta las
puertas de la ciudad y estaba protegida por imponentes fortificaciones.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar orden\u243? a sus hombres que construyeran sobre aquella pendiente un
a enorme rampa de tierra y maderos de cien metros de ancho y m\u225?s de veintic
inco de altura, adem\u225?s de dos torres de asedio. Durante veinticinco d\u237?
as sus hombres trabajaron en ella bajo la lluvia g\u233?lida, sufriendo ataques
cada vez m\u225?s intensos conforme se acercaban a la muralla.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Para protegerse de los disparos enemigos, los legionarios construyeron mantelete
s. Sin embargo, resultaba m\u225?s dif\u237?cil defenderse del hambre. Apenas ha
b\u237?a nada que comer por los alrededores, y las partidas de busca no pod\u237
?an alejarse mucho por temor a las patrullas de caballer\u237?a de Vercinget\u24
3?rix. C\u233?sar insist\u237?a en pedir provisiones a los eduos, pero el apoyo
de estos era cada vez m\u225?s tibio y enviaban pocos v\u237?veres y lo hac\u237
?an tarde.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lleg\u243? un momento en que se quedaron sin grano y tuvieron que alimentarse \u
250?nicamente de carne de reses de la zona. Considerando el gasto de calor\u237?

as que realizaban todos los d\u237?as, aquello no pod\u237?a saciarlos. Sin sabe
rlo, estaban siguiendo un r\u233?gimen sin hidratos y con muchas prote\u237?nas
al estilo de la famosa dieta Dukan, por lo que es de suponer que entraron en cet
osis y empezaron a perder peso y a sufrir desfallecimientos.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Al ver las privaciones de sus hombres, C\u233?sar les pregunt\u243? si quer\u237
?an renunciar al asedio. A decir verdad, se trataba de una forma de motivarlos,
y le funcion\u243?: ellos respondieron que abandonar ser\u237?a indigno de su re
putaci\u243?n como romanos y como soldados victoriosos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Por su parte, los galos de Vercinget\u243?rix tambi\u233?n andaban cortos de v\u
237?veres, y pronto empezaron a criticar su liderazgo. \u201?l se defendi\u243?
de las acusaciones con tanta elocuencia que el ej\u233?rcito volvi\u243? a aclam
arlo como general, y obedeciendo sus \u243?rdenes, diez mil hombres acudieron a
reforzar las defensas de Avarico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras el terrapl\u233?n de los romanos avanzaba inexorable hacia la muralla,
los habitantes de Avarico no permanec\u237?an ociosos. Entre ellos hab\u237?a mu
chos mineros que empezaron a excavar t\u250?neles para socavar los cimientos del
terrapl\u233?n, como hab\u237?an hecho los defensores del Pireo contra el asedi
o de Sila. Despu\u233?s, cuando la obra ya estaba casi terminada, entraron por e
sas galer\u237?as, las rellenaron de material combustible y prendieron fuego. Al
mismo tiempo, hicieron una salida por las dos puertas m\u225?s cercanas mientra
s miles de defensores sub\u237?an a las murallas para arrojar antorchas y pez in
flamada contra las torres de asedio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos reaccionaron r\u225?pidamente y retiraron las torres a una distancia
prudencial para evitar que se incendiaran. En esa desesperada batalla nocturna,
C\u233?sar presenci\u243? algo que le dej\u243? impresionado:\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Ocurri\u243? ante mis ojos algo tan digno de recordar que me parece que no debo
omitirlo. Hab\u237?a delante de la puerta de la ciudad un galo al que otros le p
asaban trozos de sebo y de brea, y \u233?l los arrojaba al fuego contra nuestra
torre. Entonces el proyectil de un escorpi\u243?n le atraves\u243? el costado de
recho y cay\u243? muerto. Pasando sobre su cad\u225?ver, uno de sus compa\u241?e
ros m\u225?s cercanos continu\u243? con su trabajo. Cuando este pereci\u243? alc
anzado del mismo modo por el escorpi\u243?n, lo sucedi\u243? un tercero, y al te
rcero un cuarto. Y aquel lugar no qued\u243? despejado de defensores hasta que,
tras extinguir el incendio del terrapl\u233?n y rechazar a los enemigos por toda
s partes, se puso fin al combate. (BG, 7.25).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Suele mencionarse este pasaje como prueba del valor de los galos y de la admirac
i\u243?n que el mismo C\u233?sar sent\u237?a por ellos. Lo que me llam\u243? a m
\u237? la atenci\u243?n al leerlo por primera vez fue la mort\u237?fera precisi\
u243?n del escorpi\u243?n, que una vez apuntado a un objetivo lo bat\u237?a de f
orma implacable como una aut\u233?ntica pieza de artiller\u237?a. Es una prueba
de que el ej\u233?rcito de C\u233?sar no venc\u237?a sistem\u225?ticamente a los
enemigos tan solo por su disciplina y organizaci\u243?n, sino tambi\u233?n porq
ue pose\u237?a una tecnolog\u237?a superior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquella batalla nocturna, Vercinget\u243?rix convenci\u243? a lo
s defensores de que aquella era una causa perdida. Al oscurecer, intentaron esca
par por las ci\u233?nagas hacia el campamento galo. Pero cuando sus esposas desc
ubrieron lo que pretend\u237?an y empezaron a gritar para que no las abandonaran
ni a ellas ni a los ni\u241?os, sus voces alertaron a los romanos, lo que abort
\u243? el conato de fuga.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, el terrapl\u233?n alcanz\u243? por fin el muro enemigo. E
n ese momento se desat\u243? un violento aguacero. Pensando que los centinelas e
star\u237?an menos atentos por resguardarse de la lluvia y porque la visibilidad
era escasa, C\u233?sar orden\u243? desplazar las torres de asedio a su posici\u
243?n y lanzar un asalto general contra la muralla, ofreciendo cuantiosas recomp
ensas a los primeros que treparan al adarve en cada sector.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
{\qc

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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La ofensiva fue un \u233?xito, y los legionarios no tardaron en apoderarse de to
do el per\u237?metro de murallas. En lugar de bajar a las calles de la ciudad, p
rimero dispararon a sus habitantes desde las alturas. Llevados por el p\u225?nic
o, los defensores arrojaron las armas y huyeron hacia las puertas, donde se form
aron tapones humanos sobre los que los romanos arrojaban proyectiles y piedras.
Algunos lograron salir de la ciudad, pero la caballer\u237?a romana dio alcance
a la mayor\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez abiertas las puertas, el resto de los asaltantes entr\u243? en Avarico.
Los soldados romanos, enfurecidos por lo prolongado del asedio, el hambre y los
trabajos bajo la lluvia y el fr\u237?o, no perdonaron a nadie. Seg\u250?n cuenta
C\u233?sar, no escaparon vivas m\u225?s que ochocientas personas que lograron l
legar al campamento de Vercinget\u243?rix.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque \u233?l lo cuenta con frialdad, da la impresi\u243?n de que aquella matan
za se le escap\u243? de las manos y no fue, como en otras ocasiones, una medida
consciente para sembrar el terror por toda la Galia. Un indicio de ello es que e
ntre las causas de la ira de los soldados habla de la matanza de Cenabo, intenta
ndo justificar su comportamiento como si se sintiera culpable. De todos modos, C
enabo era la primera ciudad que hab\u237?an conquistado, por lo que ya deb\u237?
an haber tomado cumplida venganza de sus habitantes, y no de los de Avarico.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gracias a la ca\u237?da de Avarico, C\u233?sar pudo repartir de nuevo grano entr
e sus hombres. Pero la causa de Vercinget\u243?rix era m\u225?s fuerte incluso q
ue antes, y nuevos aliados se un\u237?an a \u233?l desde toda la Galia.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, C\u233?sar tuvo que solucionar una disputa entre dos facciones d
e los eduos. Tras resolverla, decidi\u243? dividir el ej\u233?rcito. Ya terminab
a el invierno y empezaba la temporada propia de la guerra; lo cierto era, sin em
bargo, que el mal tiempo no hab\u237?a impedido ni a romanos ni a galos actuar h
asta aquel momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Labieno, con cuatro legiones, se dirigi\u243? hacia el norte para combatir contr
a los senones y los parisios (la tribu que dio su nombre a la actual Par\u237?s)
. All\u237? se vio en una situaci\u243?n muy delicada en el Sena, de la que logr
\u243? salir con la habilidad y la iniciativa que lo caracterizaban.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, C\u233?sar se encamin\u243? con seis legiones a Gergovia, la capit
al de los arvernos, dispuesto a asestar un golpe donde m\u225?s pod\u237?a doler
le a Vercinget\u243?rix. Pero las cosas se le complicaron m\u225?s de lo que esp
eraba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por un lado, mientras estaba estudiando el terreno para ver c\u243?mo podr\u237?
a tomar la ciudad, se enter\u243? de que hab\u237?a estallado una revuelta entre
los eduos. Diez mil guerreros de ese pueblo ven\u237?an hacia Gergovia como te\
u243?rico refuerzo para C\u233?sar, escoltando un gran convoy de provisiones. Su
jefe, Litavico, convenci\u243? a aquellos hombres de que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a
hecho ejecutar a toda la caballer\u237?a edua que serv\u237?a con \u233?l. \u171
?Lo \u250?nico que podemos hacer si queremos salvarnos es unirnos a Vercinget\u2

43?rix\u187?, les explic\u243?. Sus hombres lo creyeron, se volvieron contra los

romanos que viajaban en la caravana y los mataron, no sin antes torturarlos.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto C\u233?sar supo lo sucedido, se dirigi\u243? al encuentro de Litavico
con cuatro legiones, recorriendo casi cuarenta kil\u243?metros sin detenerse. Al
llegar ante la columna de marcha gala, dio \u243?rdenes a sus hombres de que no
mataran a nadie. Litavico y algunos de sus acompa\u241?antes huyeron nada m\u22
5?s ver a los romanos y se dirigieron a Gergovia. C\u233?sar habl\u243? con los
dem\u225?s eduos y les asegur\u243? que todo hab\u237?a sido un enga\u241?o.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los eduos arrojaron las armas a sus pies y extendieron las manos en se\u241?al d
e rendici\u243?n mientras ped\u237?an perd\u243?n. El proc\u243?nsul se lo conce
di\u243?, aunque sab\u237?a que entre aquellos miles de hombres hab\u237?a mucho
s aliados m\u225?s que dudosos. Pero necesitaba a esa tribu como fuese, pues no
le sobraban precisamente amigos en la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, despach\u243? mensajeros al pa\u237?s de los eduos para que
informaran de que \u233?l, el magn\u225?nimo C\u233?sar, que ten\u237?a derecho
a haberse vengado de todos aquellos hombres por el crimen que hab\u237?an comet
ido contra los romanos, les hab\u237?a perdonado la vida. Despu\u233?s, tras con
ceder apenas tres horas de descanso a sus soldados, reemprendi\u243? la marcha a
Gergovia, preocupado porque hab\u237?a dejado sus campamentos medio desguarneci
dos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? de nuevo ante la capital de los arvernos, sigui\u243? estudian
do el lugar para ver c\u243?mo pod\u237?a tomarlo. Gergovia se hallaba situada e
n una elevaci\u243?n que se alzaba m\u225?s de trescientos cincuenta metros sobr
e la llanura circundante. Por los lados este y norte hab\u237?a farallones y que
bradas que hac\u237?an el ataque impensable. Por el lado sur y por el oeste el a
cceso resultaba algo m\u225?s f\u225?cil, aunque segu\u237?a siendo demasiado es
cabroso para las aparatosas m\u225?quinas de guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s, en la cima del monte, que era plana y muy alargada, se encontraba e
l grueso del ej\u233?rcito de Vercinget\u243?rix, con los guerreros galos acampa
dos por tribus delante de la muralla sur de la ciudad, en una planicie que forma
ba una prolongada cuesta. Para tomar la ciudad hab\u237?a que trepar por la empi
nada ladera meridional, sortear el primer obst\u225?culo \u8212?un muro de piedr
as apiladas de dos metros de altura\u8212?, atravesar los campamentos galos repl
etos de soldados, llegar hasta la muralla y asaltarla. Todo ello esquivando un g
ran desnivel y bajo un fuego enemigo constante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello era simplemente impensable, de modo que la \u250?nica posibilidad era re
ndir la ciudad por hambre. Antes de la traici\u243?n de los eduos, C\u233?sar ya
hab\u237?a construido dos campamentos: uno para seis legiones al suroeste de la
monta\u241?a y otro para dos directamente al sur de Gergovia, ambos unidos por
una fosa doble. Pero con eso solo cerraba el acceso a Gergovia por el sur, no co
mpletaba un circuito alrededor de la fortaleza. Y \u233?l mismo segu\u237?a sufr
iendo graves problemas de provisiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar era consciente de que se hab\u237?a metido en un buen aprieto. No ten
\u237?a recursos para tomar Gergovia, y lo mejor que pod\u237?a hacer era marcha
rse de all\u237? y buscar un lugar donde pudiera asegurar el abastecimiento de v
\u237?veres a sus legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los enemigos pod\u237?an interpretar una retirada romana como una victoria
propia, aunque en rigor no lo fuese. Cualquier fracaso de C\u233?sar solo lograr
\u237?a que m\u225?s y m\u225?s pueblos se sumaran a la rebeli\u243?n; entre ell
os los eduos, que estaban en la cuerda floja.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar necesitaba, al menos, dar un golpe de efecto e infligir suficiente da

\u241?o a las tropas de Vercinget\u243?rix para deteriorar su moral. Despu\u233?

s podr\u237?a ordenar una retirada estrat\u233?gica en busca de un mejor momento
para seguir combatiendo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La ocasi\u243?n se le present\u243? al visitar el campamento secundario y estudi
ar el panorama a su izquierda. All\u237?, al suroeste de la monta\u241?a princip
al donde se alzaba Gergovia y unida a ella se alzaba otra elevaci\u243?n menor,
a un kil\u243?metro a la izquierda del campamento romano secundario. Los d\u237?
as anteriores, C\u233?sar la hab\u237?a visto plagada de guerreros. Sin embargo,
aquel d\u237?a se ve\u237?a la roca pr\u225?cticamente desnuda.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Cuando interrog\u243? a unos desertores, que nunca faltaban, le informaron de la
raz\u243?n. Vercinget\u243?rix hab\u237?a desguarnecido aquella roca para prote
ger otra elevaci\u243?n que estaba unida asimismo a la cima del monte, pero por
su parte noroeste. Esta altura, que formaba parte de una estribaci\u243?n mayor,
se hallaba poblada de vegetaci\u243?n donde pod\u237?an esconderse posibles asa
ltantes y daba acceso a la parte peor defendida de la ciudad. Por eso el caudill
o galo, preocupado, hab\u237?a trasladado all\u237? a muchos guerreros con la in
tenci\u243?n de protegerla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar decidi\u243? seguirle el juego a Vercinget\u243?rix y mand\u243? patr
ullas de jinetes a medianoche a la cresta noroeste que los galos estaban fortifi
cando. Ten\u237?an instrucciones de hacer ruido para que se notara su presencia,
con la intenci\u243?n de que los galos pensaran que, efectivamente, C\u233?sar
pensaba lanzar un ataque por all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A la ma\u241?ana siguiente continu\u243? con su enga\u241?o. Primero envi\u243?
a la cresta que tanto preocupaba a Vercinget\u243?rix miles de esclavos con mula
s y caballos de carga, orden\u225?ndoles que se pusieran cascos bru\u241?idos pa
ra que brillaran bajo el sol. Sab\u237?a que desde las alturas los galos ver\u23
7?an manchas y destellos diminutos movi\u233?ndose entre columnas de polvo y pen
sar\u237?an que C\u233?sar estaba desplazando su aut\u233?ntica caballer\u237?a
para atacar por el noroeste. Para reforzar esa ficci\u243?n, mezcl\u243? unos cu
antos corceles de guerra de verdad en aquella masa, de modo que cabalgaran delan
te y a los lados en las t\u237?picas maniobras de reconocimiento.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s envi\u243? una legi\u243?n en esa direcci\u243?n, pero antes de lle
gar al pie de la cresta los soldados se escondieron entre la espesura. Todas aqu
ellas maniobras consiguieron lo que C\u233?sar esperaba, y desde abajo pudo ver
c\u243?mo muchos de los galos acantonados al sur de la muralla de Gergovia aband
onaban sus campamentos y acud\u237?an hacia la posici\u243?n que cre\u237?an ame
nazada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, C\u233?sar hizo venir al grueso de sus legiones desde el ca
mpamento principal al secundario siguiendo las fosas que un\u237?an ambos. Les o
rden\u243? que acudieran por grupos, con los escudos guardados en las fundas de
cuero y sin mostrar los estandartes, de modo que el enemigo no advirtiera desde
arriba lo que estaba pasando. Era un juego del rat\u243?n y el gato: mientras lo
s galos en las alturas se mov\u237?an hacia el noroeste, los romanos se desplaza
ban agazapados hacia el campamento m\u225?s cercano a la ciudad.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Como no era cuesti\u243?n de alertar al enemigo con arengas y toques de trompeta
, C\u233?sar dio instrucciones individuales a sus legados para que ellos se las
hicieran llegar a sus hombres. El plan era limitado: asaltar los campamentos gal
os que se extend\u237?an delante de la ciudad, causar toda la destrucci\u243?n p
osible y regresar al cuartel. Los centuriones deb\u237?an contener a los soldado
s para que no se adelantaran demasiado por ansias de combatir o por codicia, pen
sando en el bot\u237?n. Era cuesti\u243?n de actuar con rapidez y sorpresa, insi
sti\u243? C\u233?sar, no de plantear una batalla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A la se\u241?al convenida, los legionarios emprendieron el ascenso por la ladera
sur a toda velocidad, tal como les hab\u237?a pedido su general. Al mismo tiemp
o, a su derecha, los aliados eduos atacaron por la ladera suroeste: era una form
a de desviar la atenci\u243?n del ataque principal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez empez\u243? la subida, la distancia que los soldados ten\u237?an que rec

orrer era de unos mil metros en l\u237?nea recta; pero se hac\u237?a m\u225?s la
rga, l\u243?gicamente, porque el terreno era muy desigual y hab\u237?a que traza
r curvas para reducir el gradiente. Las unidades ascendieron como pudieron, ya q
ue era imposible mantener una formaci\u243?n en esas circunstancias, con quebrad
as y salientes que a ratos tapaban la visi\u243?n entre los diversos grupos.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A media ladera llegaron al muro de piedra que proteg\u237?a los campamentos galo
s siguiendo una curva de nivel. Los legionarios lo superaron sin dificultades, a
unque entre unos obst\u225?culos y otros su formaci\u243?n era cada vez m\u225?s
desordenada. A partir de ah\u237? el terreno segu\u237?a estando en cuesta, per
o el suelo era m\u225?s liso y el declive menor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los hombres de C\u233?sar entraron en los campamentos de las diversas tribus, do
nde hab\u237?a muchos menos hombres que otros d\u237?as, ya que la mayor\u237?a
se hallaban al otro lado de la cima, ocultos de la vista por las propias muralla
s de Gergovia. En cuesti\u243?n de minutos se apoderaron de tres de esos reducto
s, entre ellos el de los niti\u243?brigos. Su rey, Teutomato, que estaba ech\u22
5?ndose la siesta, apenas tuvo tiempo de huir, desnudo de cintura para arriba y
con el caballo herido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar en persona hab\u237?a subido la ladera con la D\u233?cima en una posi
ci\u243?n algo retrasada para poder observar lo que ocurr\u237?a desde atr\u225?
s. Pasado un rato, pens\u243? que ya hab\u237?a conseguido lo que quer\u237?a: c
ausar unos cientos de bajas a los enemigos, destrozar parte de sus campamentos y
apoderarse de algo de bot\u237?n. As\u237? pues, orden\u243? a los hombres de l
a D\u233?cima que se detuvieran e indic\u243? a los cornetas que tocaran la se\u
241?al de retirada para los dem\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero el relieve del monte impidi\u243? que el sonido de las trompetas llegara lo
bastante claro en medio del griter\u237?o y el estr\u233?pito del combate. Algu
nos tribunos y legados, siguiendo las instrucciones de C\u233?sar, intentaron de
tener a sus soldados. Sin embargo, la mayor\u237?a de la tropa se hab\u237?a dej
ado llevar por el entusiasmo. Al ver la cima del monte pr\u225?cticamente despej
ada de enemigos, los legionarios se abalanzaron sobre la muralla.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Dentro de Gergovia se desat\u243? el p\u225?nico, pues todo el mundo sab\u237?a
el terrible destino que hab\u237?a corrido Avarico, y muchos de sus habitantes h
uyeron por las puertas que daban al otro lado de la ciudad. Lo m\u225?s sorprend
ente fue que un cierto n\u250?mero de mujeres, madres seg\u250?n el relato de C\
u233?sar, subieron a la muralla y desde all\u237? empezaron a arrojar a los sold
ados sus vestidos y joyas de plata, y con los pechos desnudos y extendiendo las
manos como suplicantes les pidieron que las perdonaran y no hicieran ni con ella
s ni con sus hijos lo que hab\u237?an hecho en Avarico. Algunas incluso se desco
lgaban desde el muro (confiados en las defensas naturales de la ciudad, los gerg
ovianos no lo hab\u237?an construido demasiado alto) y se entregaban a los solda
dos, pensando que si lo hac\u237?an voluntariamente al menos salvar\u237?an la v
ida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Toda la escena resulta extra\u241?a y escalofriante al mismo tiempo, pero nos da
idea del terror que despertaba un ej\u233?rcito romano al asalto. Y, a decir ve
rdad, cualquier otro, sobre todo entre las personas m\u225?s indefensas: las muj
eres, los ni\u241?os y los ancianos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los hombres de la Octava hab\u237?an llegado ya a la muralla. Uno de sus centuri
ones, Lucio Fabio, prohibi\u243? que nadie trepara antes que \u233?l, pues quer\
u237?a llevarse una condecoraci\u243?n y cobrar la recompensa que C\u233?sar pag
aba en esos casos. Despu\u233?s, ayudado por tres de sus hombres subi\u243? al p
arapeto: una nueva prueba de que la pared no pod\u237?a ser muy alta. Seguidamen
te, les tendi\u243? las manos y les ayud\u243? a subir.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Aunque no era lo que C\u233?sar pretend\u237?a, parec\u237?a que la ciudad iba a
caer en su poder. De todos modos, el ruido del ataque hab\u237?a alertado al gr
ueso del ej\u233?rcito galo, que se hallaba tras la parte norte de la ciudad. Ve
rcinget\u243?rix mand\u243? por delante a los jinetes y luego a los dem\u225?s g
uerreros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Los soldados romanos estaban desordenados, cansados y con las pulsaciones desboc
adas tras aquella subida. En cambio, los galos ven\u237?an frescos y corriendo c
uesta abajo. Para colmo, los eduos aparecieron por la ladera suroeste y, aunque
llevaban el hombro derecho desnudo como muestra de que eran aliados, crearon tod
av\u237?a m\u225?s confusi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuesti\u243?n de minutos, las tornas hab\u237?an cambiado. El centuri\u243?n
Fabio y sus hombres perecieron a manos de los defensores, que despu\u233?s los a
rrojaron cabeza abajo por la muralla. Otro centuri\u243?n de la Octava, Marco Pe
tronio, que hab\u237?a entrado por una puerta con sus soldados, protegi\u243? la
retirada de estos interponi\u233?ndose entre ellos y los enemigos. Su comentari
o es muy significativo del temperamento de los militares romanos y, sobre todo,
de los centuriones: \u171?\u161?Ya que no puedo salvarme con vosotros, al menos
salvar\u233? vuestras vidas, pues os he puesto en peligro por mi ansia de gloria
!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El combate se convirti\u243? en una retirada ca\u243?tica. C\u233?sar, gracias a
su posici\u243?n, pudo mantener el orden de la D\u233?cima y as\u237? proteger
el repliegue de sus hombres. Apoyada por varias cohortes de la Decimotercera, fo
rm\u243? sus l\u237?neas y plant\u243? cara a los galos que persegu\u237?an a lo
s romanos en fuga.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, los hombres de Vercinget\u243?rix regresaron a sus campamentos, renu
nciando a la persecuci\u243?n. Gracias a eso, el desastre no fue mayor. Pero cua
ndo se hizo el recuento de bajas, C\u233?sar descubri\u243? que hab\u237?an muer
to setecientos soldados y cuarenta y seis centuriones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era un golpe muy duro para la autoestima de C\u233?sar. \u201?l no lo reconoci\u
243?, por supuesto, pero no pod\u237?a dejar de ser consciente de que su golpe d
e efecto hab\u237?a conseguido precisamente el resultado contrario.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Para recuperar la moral de los soldados, al d\u237?a siguiente C\u233?sar los ar
eng\u243?. Si hab\u237?an perdido la batalla, les dijo, no hab\u237?a sido porqu
e el enemigo fuera mejor que ellos, sino porque el terreno era adverso y, sobre
todo, porque no hab\u237?an seguido las instrucciones al pie de la letra. Para d
emostrar que los enemigos segu\u237?an teni\u233?ndoles miedo, durante dos d\u23
7?as los hizo formar en frente de batalla y desafi\u243? a Vercinget\u243?rix a
que combatiera. Como era de esperar, el galo no acept\u243?. {\i
Quod erat demonstrandum}, que habr\u237?a dicho C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Gergovia fue el mayor fracaso de C\u233?sar en las Galias. Hab\u237?a cometido u
n error de c\u225?lculo, intentando tomar una ciudad protegida por decenas de mi
les de guerreros con tan solo seis legiones, una fuerza insuficiente a todas luc
es para cerrar un cerco. Despu\u233?s, su intento de maquillar aquel fiasco \u25
0?nicamente hab\u237?a dado lugar a otro fiasco mayor. Algunos historiadores ni
siquiera est\u225?n seguros de si C\u233?sar es sincero cuando afirma que su pla
n era un ataque limitado y sospechan que en realidad s\u237? quer\u237?a tomar l
a ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tres d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde, C\u233?sar se resign\u243? a lo inevitable y orde
n\u243? la retirada. \u191?Pod\u237?an ir peor las cosas?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
S\u237?. Los galos interpretaron el fracaso de C\u233?sar, el general supuestame
nte invencible, como un \u233?xito de Vercinget\u243?rix. Eso hizo que los eduos
se decidieran a abandonar definitivamente el bando romano y atacaran la ciudad
de Novioduno. All\u237? mataron a todos los romanos, soldados y comerciantes por
igual, robaron las provisiones y los caballos y liberaron a los rehenes que C\u
233?sar reten\u237?a para garantizar que las tribus aliadas se comportaban bien.
Luego quemaron la ciudad para evitar que las legiones se aprovecharan del alime
nto que no hab\u237?an podido cargar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, se celebr\u243? un concilio de las tribus galas en Bibracte.
All\u237? los eduos pretendieron asumir el mando de las operaciones, pero los de
m\u225?s se negaron y confirmaron a Vercinget\u243?rix como general en jefe de s
us tropas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De pronto, C\u233?sar y sus hombres se ve\u237?an rodeados de enemigos por todas

partes: los eduos detr\u225?s, los arvernos delante y los biturigos a la izquie
rda. El mayor problema era abastecerse de provisiones. Pod\u237?a regresar a la
Provincia, pero en el camino iba a tener que luchar y eso s\u237? que lo interpr
etar\u237?an sus enemigos como un fracaso en toda regla. Y con \u171?enemigos\u1
87? no estaba pensando \u250?nicamente en los galos, sino en adversarios como Ca
t\u243?n, B\u237?bulo y el resto de los optimates en Roma. Hablando de la opci\u
243?n de retirarse, C\u233?sar se muestra muy expresivo y utiliza las palabras {
\i
infamia atque indignitas}, que no requieren traducci\u243?n (BG, 7.56).\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s, ten\u237?a otras cuatro legiones en el territorio de los senones. N
o pod\u237?a abandonar a Labieno y a aquellos hombres a su suerte. Decidido a no
retroceder, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? hacia el Loira. Cruzarlo parec\u237?a im
posible, ya que las aguas bajaban muy fuertes por el deshielo. Pero C\u233?sar s
iempre estaba dispuesto a hacer lo impensable y sus legionarios a seguirlo adond
e fuese. Tras recorrer las orillas, los exploradores encontraron un vado m\u225?
s o menos franqueable. Los jinetes se metieron al r\u237?o con sus caballos para
romper con sus cuerpos la fuerza de la corriente, y por detr\u225?s de ellos cr
uzaron los legionarios, con el agua por las axilas y cargando el equipo sobre lo
s escudos por encima de la cabeza para que no se mojara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Al otro lado del Loira, donde no se esperaba a los romanos, hab\u237?a ganado y
cosechas intactas. Gracias a ello C\u233?sar pudo solventar por el momento sus p
roblemas de log\u237?stica. D\u237?as despu\u233?s, sus tropas se reunieron con
las de Labieno. Al menos, su lugarteniente hab\u237?a conseguido en las cercan\u
237?as de Lutecia una victoria con bastante m\u233?rito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Con diez legiones de nuevo, el problema para C\u233?sar era que, tras la defecci
\u243?n de los eduos, andaba muy corto de caballer\u237?a. Eso supon\u237?a un s
erio problema, porque en Bibracte Vercinget\u243?rix hab\u237?a exigido a las tr
ibus galas que hicieran un esfuerzo m\u225?s y hab\u237?a conseguido reunir quin
ce mil jinetes, un n\u250?mero formidable trat\u225?ndose de caballer\u237?a.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar hab\u237?a comprobado que los cuatrocientos germanos de su escolta le
daban muy buenos resultados, de modo que envi\u243? emisarios m\u225?s all\u225
? del Rin para pedir jinetes y soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera, que combat\u2
37?an junto a los primeros corriendo agarrados de las crines de los caballos. Cu
ando esos refuerzos llegaron, comprob\u243? que sus monturas eran muy peque\u241
?as y las cambi\u243? por las de los tribunos, los \u233?quites y los veteranos
reenganchados, que, aunque combat\u237?an a pie, en las marchas sol\u237?an viaj
ar a caballo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, Vercinget\u243?rix se hallaba al sur, atacando los l\u237?mites
de la Provincia, y concentr\u225?ndose sobre todo en ganar para su causa a los a
l\u243?broges. Al saberlo, C\u233?sar se puso en camino hacia all\u225?: ahora n
o se trataba de una humillante retirada, sino de proteger el territorio del que
era proc\u243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para llegar hasta all\u237?, los romanos tendr\u237?an que dirigirse hacia el su
reste y bajar por las tierras de los secuanos. Ahora que dispon\u237?a de aquell
a enorme superioridad en caballer\u237?a, Vercinget\u243?rix decidi\u243? que ha
b\u237?a llegado el momento de aplastar a los romanos y se dispuso a cortarle el
paso. Sin duda, ya conoc\u237?a la humillante derrota que el general parto Sure
na hab\u237?a infligido a las legiones de Craso, el amigo de C\u233?sar. Pese a
que las t\u225?cticas de la caballer\u237?a gala eran muy distintas, Vercinget\u
243?rix estaba dispuesto a repetir la jugada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando llegaron a unos quince kil\u243?metros de los romanos, el caudillo celta
dividi\u243? a sus hombres en tres campamentos. Despu\u233?s convoc\u243? a sus
oficiales a un consejo de guerra y les dijo que la hora de la victoria hab\u237?
a llegado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u171?Los romanos se retiran a la Provincia \u8212?les explic\u243?\u8212?, y ab
andonan la Galia\u187? (BG, 7.66). En s\u237?, eso salvaba su libertad presente,

pero deb\u237?an garantizar tambi\u233?n la futura. Por eso, lanzar\u237?an tre

s ataques simult\u225?neos contra la largu\u237?sima columna de marcha romana. S
i C\u233?sar quer\u237?a defenderse de esos asaltos acelerando el paso, no tendr
\u237?a m\u225?s remedio que dejar atr\u225?s los carros que llevaban el bagaje.
{\super
[45]} Eso los condenar\u237?a a \u233?l y a sus hombres a perecer de hambre por
el camino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al recibir las instrucciones de Vercinget\u243?rix, todos sus guerreros prestaro
n un terrible juramento: aquel que no cabalgara al menos dos veces a trav\u233?s
de la columna de marcha enemiga, no volver\u237?a a cobijarse bajo techo alguno
ni podr\u237?a volver a ver a sus mujeres, sus hijos ni sus padres.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, los tres cuerpos de caballer\u237?a atacaron tal como est
aba previsto al convoy romano en las cercan\u237?as de Divio (la actual Dijon, c
\u233?lebre por su mostaza). Dos actuaban por los flancos y el tercero por la va
nguardia para detener el avance.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El ataque pill\u243? por sorpresa a los romanos, pues las colinas que rodeaban e
l r\u237?o Brenne hab\u237?an ocultado a los jinetes enemigos hasta el \u250?lti
mo momento. C\u233?sar reaccion\u243? con prontitud y, aunque su caballer\u237?a
se hallaba en inferioridad num\u233?rica, la dividi\u243? tambi\u233?n en tres
columnas. Al mismo tiempo, las legiones se detuvieron y adoptaron una formaci\u2
43?n de combate, un enorme rect\u225?ngulo con la impedimenta en el centro. C\u2
33?sar orden\u243? que, en cualquier punto donde vieran que su caballer\u237?a s
ufr\u237?a el acoso enemigo, las legiones acudieran en su ayuda: aunque, obviame
nte, los soldados de infanter\u237?a pesada no pod\u237?an perseguir a la caball
er\u237?a enemiga, s\u237? pod\u237?an proteger a la propia recibi\u233?ndola tr
as sus filas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El combate se libr\u243? simult\u225?neamente a lo largo de toda la formaci\u243
?n. Tal como C\u233?sar hab\u237?a previsto, los germanos le brindaron las magn\
u237?ficas prestaciones habituales y en el flanco derecho pusieron en fuga a los
jinetes enemigos. Sin detenerse, tomaron una cresta y desde ella bajaron al r\u
237?o, donde aguardaba el grueso de la infanter\u237?a de Vercinget\u243?rix. Al
l\u237? mataron a muchos, mientras los dem\u225?s, temiendo verse rodeados, empr
endieron la desbandada. (Uno sigue pregunt\u225?ndose qu\u233? ten\u237?an estos
germanos que a los galos les temblaban las piernas solo de verlos).\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
La batalla fue un desastre para Vercinget\u243?rix, y para C\u233?sar supuso una
victoria inesperada, una aut\u233?ntica bombona de ox\u237?geno cuando m\u225?s
lo necesitaba. Sin duda sus pensamientos hab\u237?an sido sombr\u237?os mientra
s se dirig\u237?a a la Provincia en una maniobra defensiva, \u233?l que tanto gu
staba de adelantarse siempre al enemigo y llevar la iniciativa.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL SITIO DE ALESIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Pensando en reorganizarse, Vercinget\u243?rix llev\u243? a sus tropas a una fort
aleza cercana, la ciudad de Alesia. Por el camino, las tropas de C\u233?sar lo p
ersiguieron y le infligieron tres mil bajas m\u225?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Alesia era la capital de la tribu de los mandubios. La fortaleza estaba situada
sobre una meseta, el monte Auxois. Esta elevaci\u243?n se levantaba unos ciento
cincuenta metros sobre los valles que la rodeaban y la planicie de su cima med\u
237?a dos kil\u243?metros de este a oeste por seiscientos metros de norte a sur.
Sus laderas ofrec\u237?an un gran desnivel y adem\u225?s estaban sembradas de e
stratos verticales de roca, lo que hac\u237?a muy dif\u237?cil escalarla, m\u225
?xime si hab\u237?a enemigos disparando proyectiles desde arriba.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Parec\u237?a una buena elecci\u243?n para Vercinget\u243?rix: si C\u233?sar se d
ecid\u237?a a perseguirlo, el monte sobre el que se alzaba Alesia era tan inexpu
gnable como Gergovia. El \u250?nico punto que brindaba un acceso algo m\u225?s f

\u225?cil se hallaba al este, pero los galos lo reforzaron con una zanja y un mu
ro de dos metros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u171?Que C\u233?sar intente repetir la jugada de Gergovia\u187?, debi\u243? de
pensar Vercinget\u243?rix, desafiante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero la situaci\u243?n no era la misma. Cuando al d\u237?a siguiente C\u233?sar
reconoci\u243? el lugar, pens\u243? que Alesia era inexpugnable a un asalto o qu
e si lo intentaba perder\u237?a muchas tropas. Sin embargo, aqu\u237?, a diferen
cia de Gergovia, la meseta donde se alzaba la ciudad se hallaba aislada de las e
levaciones vecinas, por lo que se pod\u237?a rodear. Adem\u225?s, C\u233?sar no
contaba esta vez con seis legiones, sino con diez, lo que le permit\u237?a exten
der mucho m\u225?s el per\u237?metro de circunvalaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Sin esperar ni un minuto, el proc\u243?nsul puso a sus hombres a trabajar. Mient
ras la caballer\u237?a germana conten\u237?a los ataques de los jinetes enemigos
, los legionarios se dedicaron a excavar zanjas, a levantar terraplenes y empali
zadas y a realizar otras obras defensivas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras el fiasco de su caballer\u237?a contra la columna de marcha romana, Vercing
et\u243?rix sospechaba que no le iba a servir para romper las l\u237?neas enemig
as. Aprovechando que el per\u237?metro de asedio todav\u237?a no estaba cerrado,
la primera noche envi\u243? a todos sus jinetes lejos de la ciudad. Sus instruc
ciones eran dispersarse, dirigirse cada uno a su tribu y traer ayuda.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
\u171?La libertad de toda la Galia depende de vosotros\u187?, les record\u243?,
conmin\u225?ndoles a darse prisa, pues calculaba que ten\u237?a provisiones para
treinta d\u237?as; algo m\u225?s si las racionaba. Seg\u250?n C\u233?sar, en Al
esia hab\u237?a ochenta mil personas sumando los soldados de infanter\u237?a y l
os habitantes de la fortaleza. Si realmente era as\u237?, deb\u237?an de estar t
an hacinados como arenques en un barril.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los romanos siguieron trabajando, d\u237?a tras d\u237?a. La circunvalaci\u243?n
final, que se adaptaba a los alrededores de Alesia para aprovechar el relieve,
med\u237?a unos diecis\u233?is kil\u243?metros e inclu\u237?a once campamentos y
veintitr\u233?s fuertes menores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al oeste de la meseta el terreno era m\u225?s llano y se abr\u237?a al valle del
r\u237?o Brenne, por lo que parec\u237?a el lugar natural por donde los sitiado
s pod\u237?an intentar una salida para romper el cerco. Sabi\u233?ndolo, los ing
enieros de C\u233?sar reforzaron las defensas m\u225?s de lo habitual. En primer
lugar, cavaron un foso de lados rectos y de seis metros de ancho. A partir de a
h\u237?, unos ciento veinte metros m\u225?s atr\u225?s levantaron la empalizada:
de este modo, los enemigos que llegaran hasta el foso no podr\u237?an alcanzar
con sus proyectiles a los soldados situados en el parapeto.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por si los enemigos consegu\u237?an cruzar el foso, los soldados sembraron esos
ciento veinte metros de tierra de nadie con obst\u225?culos para refrenar su mar
cha. Primero estaban los \u171?est\u237?mulos\u187?, garfios medio enterrados en
el suelo de tal manera que si uno no los advert\u237?a pod\u237?a clav\u225?rse
los en los dedos de los pies al andar o correr (es preferible no pensar en la se
nsaci\u243?n). Despu\u233?s ven\u237?an unos agujeros circulares y disimulados c
on follaje llamados \u171?lirios\u187?, en cuyo fondo hab\u237?a estacas afilada
s. A continuaci\u243?n, los \u171?marcadores\u187?, una serie de cinco trinchera
s en las que hab\u237?a ramas y troncos con las puntas aguzadas, formando una ma
ra\u241?a impenetrable donde los atacantes que cargaran a la carrera se empalar\
u237?an solos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No era de esperar que muchos enemigos murieran en estas trampas, pero s\u237? qu
e se vieran obligados a moverse despacio y muy atentos al suelo que pisaban. Eso
los convert\u237?a en blanco f\u225?cil para los proyectiles lanzados desde la
empalizada, y adem\u225?s daba tiempo para enviar refuerzos si alguna posici\u24
3?n se ve\u237?a amenazada. Gracias a esas defensas, los romanos pod\u237?an dis
poner una guarnici\u243?n relativamente peque\u241?a en el parapeto mientras otr
os soldados continuaban con las obras y, sobre todo, se dedicaban a forrajear y
cortar le\u241?a. Pues, previendo que pronto llegar\u237?an refuerzos para auxil
iar a los enemigos sitiados, lo m\u225?s urgente era acopiar todas las provision
es posibles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por si el trabajo realizado para rodear Alesia fuera poco, C\u233?sar orden\u243
? a sus hombres levantar otro per\u237?metro conc\u233?ntrico al primero, con la
s defensas apuntando hacia el exterior para repeler la ofensiva que se avecinaba
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto, los l\u237?deres galos se hab\u237?an reunido en un concilio para de
cidir cu\u225?ntos soldados deb\u237?an enviar en ayuda de Vercinget\u243?rix. T
ras discutir, acordaron no reclutar a todos los varones en edad militar, sino fi
jar una cuota para cada pueblo. No obstante, una vez reunidos todos los continge
ntes aportados \u8212?C\u233?sar da una lista de treinta y tres tribus\u8212?, e
l total sumaba ocho mil jinetes y doscientos cincuenta mil guerreros de infanter
\u237?a. Como los lectores habr\u225?n sospechado, los historiadores ponen en du
da esta cifra. Una fuerza de tal magnitud habr\u237?a sido inoperante e imposibl
e de alimentar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, la situaci\u243?n supon\u237?a una aut\u233?ntica emergencia
nacional. Los galos comprend\u237?an que si C\u233?sar les doblaba el brazo en a
quel pulso, perder\u237?an la poca libertad que les quedaba. Por eso en esta oca
si\u243?n trascendental enviaron un ej\u233?rcito inusitadamente grande, mandado
por el atrebate Comio, el arverno Vercasivelauno \u8212?primo de Vercinget\u243
?rix\u8212? y los eduos Viridomaro y Epored\u243?rix. La cifra de ocho mil jinet
es parece veros\u237?mil, y en cuanto a la infanter\u237?a podemos pensar en dec
enas de miles. De todos modos, hay que tener en cuenta que esos infantes eran en
realidad campesinos que de vez en cuando empu\u241?aban las armas, no soldados
semiprofesionales como los romanos: la verdadera fuerza de los galos resid\u237?
a en su \u233?lite guerrera, los caballeros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con bastante retraso, aquella enorme horda se puso en marcha. Como se\u241?ala C
\u233?sar, los galos confiaban en que ning\u250?n enemigo se resistir\u237?a ant
e la pura vista de su n\u250?mero, m\u225?xime cuando los romanos sab\u237?an qu
e tendr\u237?an que combatir en dos frentes: contra el ej\u233?rcito cercado en

Alesia y contra el que se acercaba en su auxilio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Entretanto, los treinta d\u237?as de plazo que hab\u237?a establecido Vercinget\
u243?rix ya hab\u237?an pasado. A los asediados apenas les quedaban provisiones.
Cuando los jefes se reunieron con Vercinget\u243?rix, uno de ellos, un arverno
llamado Critognato, propuso una medida desesperada e inhumana que, pese a todo,
le parec\u237?a preferible a rendirse. Seg\u250?n \u233?l, sus antepasados ya la
hab\u237?an tomado medio siglo antes cuando se encerraron en sus fortalezas mie
ntras los cimbrios y teutones devastaban su territorio. La medida no consist\u23
7?a en otra cosa que en matar a los m\u225?s viejos y d\u233?biles y devorar sus
cad\u225?veres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquello les pareci\u243? a todos demasiado extremo, pero la decisi\u243?n que to
maron no era mucho menos cruel. En lugar de alimentarse con aquellos a los que c
onsideraban in\u250?tiles para el combate, los echaron de la ciudad para que no
consumieran las escasas provisiones que quedaban. A los habitantes de Alesia, lo
s mandubios, les horrorizaba perder as\u237? a sus esposas, hijos, padres y abue
los; pero no solo no pudieron hacer nada por evitarlo, sino que a ellos tambi\u2
33?n los expulsaron de la fortaleza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Puede que los galos pensasen que C\u233?sar dejar\u237?a pasar a esa gente. Pero
no fue as\u237?: cuando aquella pat\u233?tica procesi\u243?n march\u243? hacia
la valla de circunvalaci\u243?n para suplicar a los romanos que los tomaran como
esclavos y les dieran de comer, los soldados los rechazaron y los enviaron de v
uelta a Alesia. Todas aquellas personas se quedaron, pues, en tierra de nadie, d
onde debieron fenecer de hambre en pocos d\u237?as. Se puede acusar a C\u233?sar
de inhumano por no acogerlos, y adem\u225?s perdi\u243? un buen dinero al no ve
nderlos como esclavos. Pero Vercinget\u243?rix y sus oficiales hab\u237?an sido
igualmente duros. Adem\u225?s, a los romanos no les sobraban precisamente provis
iones; la carest\u237?a hab\u237?a su cruz desde el principio de la campa\u241?a
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s lleg\u243? por fin el ej\u233?rcito de refuerzo, y acamp\u243?
en una elevaci\u243?n al suroeste de Alesia, a kil\u243?metro y medio de las l\
u237?neas romanas. Al d\u237?a siguiente, los galos desplegaron a todos sus jine
tes por delante de la infanter\u237?a preparando un ataque general. Al verlo des
de la fortaleza, Vercinget\u243?rix orden\u243? a sus guerreros que hicieran lo
mismo por la parte interior del cerco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, las legiones se distribuyeron por la empalizada y formaron a ambos
lados, especialmente en la zona m\u225?s llana donde era de esperar que se prod
ujese la ofensiva. Casi de inmediato C\u233?sar envi\u243? a sus jinetes para en
frentarse con los del ej\u233?rcito exterior. Durante horas se libr\u243? una ba
talla con muchas alternativas, entre cargas y retiradas constantes, tal como sol
\u237?a ocurrir en los combates de caballer\u237?a. Los galos parec\u237?an supe
rar a las tropas de C\u233?sar hasta que, al oscurecer, los germanos cargaron en
masa y los pusieron en fuga, matando en la refriega a los arqueros que se queda
ron rezagados de sus propios jinetes. Al ver este desenlace, los sitiados en Ale
sia volvieron a refugiarse tras las murallas, \u171?tristes porque ya casi deses
peraban de la victoria\u187? (BG, 7.80).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, no por ello se rindieron. Durante un d\u237?a en que no lanzaron at
aques, los galos del exterior se dedicaron a atar manojos de ramas y matorrales
para rellenar las trincheras y a fabricar escalas y garfios de asalto. Despu\u23
3?s, a media noche, salieron con sigilo de su campamento. Al llegar a la l\u237?
nea romana, empezaron a disparar proyectiles para expulsar del parapeto a los de
fensores. Luego arrojaron los matorrales dentro de las zanjas y extendieron vall
as encima a modo de puentes, como se sol\u237?a hacer en esos casos. A estas alt
uras ya hab\u237?an renunciado al silencio, y lanzaban gritos de guerra y hac\u2
37?an sonar las trompetas para que los de Alesia supieran lo que estaba pasando,
pues la circunvalaci\u243?n les imped\u237?a comunicarse de otra forma.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
El combate se prolong\u243? durante el resto de la noche. Los galos lograron inf
ligir bastantes bajas a los romanos, pero estos, con la combinaci\u243?n de sus
defensas y el fuego de su artiller\u237?a, contuvieron el ataque. En aquella zon
a los legados encargados de la defensa eran Cayo Trebonio y el c\u233?lebre Marc

o Antonio, que llevaba poco tiempo con C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Cuando se hizo de d\u237?a, los galos se retiraron a su campamento sin haber con
seguido romper el cerco, y lo mismo hicieron los guerreros del interior de Alesi
a. Era el segundo intento fracasado, as\u237? que los caudillos de la fuerza de
auxilio se reunieron para deliberar y preparar un ataque m\u225?s eficaz.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras explorar la zona a conciencia, descubrieron que hab\u237?a un punto d\u233?
bil en las defensas romanas. Al norte de Alesia se levantaba una colina que romp
\u237?a el per\u237?metro de circunvalaci\u243?n, porque era demasiado escarpada
para levantar una empalizada en su cima. Hab\u237?a un campamento romano en su
ladera que albergaba a dos legiones; si los galos consegu\u237?an apoderarse de
esta elevaci\u243?n, podr\u237?an atacar aquel fuerte desde arriba, en una posic
i\u243?n ventajosa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los jefes galos reunieron a un cuarto de su infanter\u237?a, y Vercasivelauno sa
li\u243? con ellos de noche, rodeando la colina para esconderse en su falda nort
e, al otro lado del campamento romano. All\u237? se quedaron esperando a la luz
del d\u237?a, pues hab\u237?an descubierto que atacar de noche las elaboradas de
fensas romanas solo serv\u237?a para que hombres y caballos se empalaran o se ro
mpieran los huesos con las trampas sembradas por doquier.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
A mediod\u237?a, cuando los hombres de Vercasivelauno hab\u237?an descansado tra
s la marcha nocturna, treparon por la colina y despu\u233?s se lanzaron al asalt
o del fuerte desde la cima. Al mismo tiempo, la caballer\u237?a gala atac\u243?
desde el llano y el resto de su infanter\u237?a se despleg\u243?.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Cuando Vercinget\u243?rix vio lo que ocurr\u237?a \u8212?es probable que desde l
as alturas hubiese divisado con antelaci\u243?n los movimientos de las tropas de
su primo\u8212?, no tard\u243? en lanzar una ofensiva general contra la empaliz
ada, enviando a sus hombres con manteletes, garfios y escalas.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
De pronto, los romanos se vieron atacados por todas partes. En otras refriegas h
ab\u237?an podido enviar refuerzos a los puntos amenazados, pero ahora llegaban
asaltantes por doquier. Percat\u225?ndose de que la situaci\u243?n era grave, C\
u233?sar busc\u243? un punto elevado desde el que pudiera dominarlo todo (no pre
cisa cu\u225?l fue, si una loma o una atalaya de vigilancia). Al comprender que
la mayor amenaza la sufr\u237?a el campamento norte, donde aquellas dos legiones
se defend\u237?an como pod\u237?an, envi\u243? en su ayuda a Labieno con seis c
ohortes. Antes de que se marchara, le dijo que si ve\u237?a que el campamento es
taba a punto de caer, hiciera una salida a la desesperada con todos sus hombres.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los ataques se multiplicaban. Los guerreros de Vercinget\u243?rix ya hab\u237?an
comprobado d\u237?as antes que las defensas del llano, reforzadas por lirios, e
st\u237?mulos y marcadores, eran pr\u225?cticamente inexpugnables, as\u237? que
probaron a atacar la circunvalaci\u243?n all\u237? donde esta se levantaba sobre
laderas. Tras rellenar la zanja, vaciaron de defensores las torres con una gran
izada de proyectiles y empezaron a destrozar la pared con los garfios de asedio.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar vio esta nueva emergencia y mand\u243? all\u237? a D\u233?cimo Bruto
con unas cuantas cohortes; cuando aquello no bast\u243?, despach\u243? tambi\u23
3?n a Cayo Fabio con m\u225?s tropas. A esas alturas, el general hab\u237?a comp
rendido ya que ten\u237?a que renunciar a contemplar el combate desde las altura
s y que deb\u237?a participar en persona.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Primero envi\u243? cuatro cohortes adicionales al mismo punto de la empalizada d
onde luchaban Bruto y Fabio, y all\u237? se logr\u243? por fin contener a los at
acantes de Alesia. Pero la situaci\u243?n en el campamento asaltado por Vercasiv
elauno y sus hombres no dejaba de empeorar, y as\u237? se lo hizo saber Labieno
a C\u233?sar envi\u225?ndole un mensajero.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar decidi\u243? participar personalmente en la acci\u243?n. Desde la lad
era donde se alzaba el campamento amenazado, los agobiados defensores vieron que
un nutrido grupo de caballer\u237?a y varias cohortes acud\u237?an en su ayuda;

pero, sobre todo, distinguieron el llamativo manto rojo de su general, el {\i

paludamentum}, ondeando tras \u233?l sobre las grupas de su caballo. Era un efec
to buscado por C\u233?sar, que consigui\u243? lo que quer\u237?a con aquella cab
algada de tintes \u233?picos: insuflar nueva moral a sus tropas.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
La llegada del proc\u243?nsul al frente de aquellos refuerzos decidi\u243? el cu
rso de la batalla. Los asaltantes del campamento se vieron de repente entre dos
fuegos, atacados por los defensores de la empalizada y por la terrible caballer\
u237?a germana de C\u233?sar. Se desat\u243? una fuga generalizada en la que mur
ieron muchos galos, mientras que otros ca\u237?an prisioneros, como el propio ca
udillo Vercasivelauno. En aquella refriega, los romanos se apoderaron de setenta
y cuatro estandartes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los hombres de Vercinget\u243?rix, que tambi\u233?n hab\u237?an sido rechazados
en su ofensiva, se retiraron a la fortaleza desmoralizados. Hab\u237?a sido su t
ercer intento de romper el cerco, y esta vez hab\u237?an estado m\u225?s cerca q
ue nunca de conseguirlo. Pero tanto ellos como, sobre todo, los galos del exteri
or hab\u237?an sufrido muchas bajas. Para entonces, los defensores de Alesia est
aban d\u233?biles y malnutridos, y sab\u237?an que el enorme ej\u233?rcito congr
egado en su auxilio no tardar\u237?a mucho en sufrir problemas de abastecimiento
y dispersarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, Vercinget\u243?rix convoc\u243? un nuevo consejo en Alesi
a. Demostrando su grandeza de \u225?nimo, declar\u243? que no hab\u237?a iniciad
o esa guerra por su propio inter\u233?s, sino por conseguir la libertad de la Ga
lia. Puesto que hab\u237?a fracasado, estaba dispuesto a dejarse matar por los d
em\u225?s para que as\u237? consiguieran el perd\u243?n de los romanos o a entre
garse directamente a C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esto \u250?ltimo fue lo que se decidi\u243?. Tras enviar emisarios al proc\u243?
nsul para negociar la rendici\u243?n, Vercinget\u243?rix, tal como cuenta Plutar
co, se puso su mejor armadura, engalan\u243? a su caballo y sali\u243? de Alesia
({\i
C\u233?sar}, 27). Una vez llegado al campamento romano, dio una vuelta en torno
al estrado donde C\u233?sar permanec\u237?a en su silla curul. Despu\u233?s desm
ont\u243?, se quit\u243? la armadura y se sent\u243? inm\u243?vil y en silencio
a los pies de C\u233?sar. Pasado un rato, los guardias se lo llevaron y lo encer
raron hasta que llegara el momento de exhibirlo en el triunfo del proc\u243?nsul
(una ocasi\u243?n que, por circunstancias que iremos viendo, se retras\u243? se
is a\u241?os).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquel fue el momento culminante de la guerra de las Galias. En sus luchas contra
Cartago o los reinos helen\u237?sticos (estados tan desarrollados como la propi
a Rep\u250?blica), cuando los romanos obten\u237?an victorias decisivas en el ca
mpo de batalla el gobernante enemigo capitulaba y la guerra terminaba. En cambio
en Hispania, Iliria, Liguria o la propia Galia no ocurr\u237?a as\u237?, porque
derrotar a una tribu no significaba que las dem\u225?s se rindieran, y cuando s
e sofocaba un levantamiento surg\u237?a otro: era una tarea tan desesperante e i
nacabable como la de las Danaides en el infierno, que acarreaban agua eternament
e en \u225?nforas agujereadas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora, sin embargo, los galos se hab\u237?an unido y elegido a un \u250?nico cau
dillo. Por una vez, hab\u237?an formado algo parecido a un estado \u250?nico. Er
a lo mejor, dadas las circunstancias, pero sin querer le hab\u237?an hecho un fa
vor a C\u233?sar: le hab\u237?an ofrecido la oportunidad de derrotarlos a todos
juntos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y C\u233?sar no la hab\u237?a desaprovechado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los galos hab\u237?an perdido ya la voluntad de vencer, requisito indispensable
para seguir combatiendo. La guerra continuar\u237?a con varios focos encendidos,
pero apagarlos era \u250?nicamente cuesti\u243?n de tiempo.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
En cuanto a los prisioneros que se le entregaron en Alesia, C\u233?sar los vendi
\u243? como esclavos, salvo a los eduos y a los arvernos. Estos dos pueblos eran
demasiado importantes y el proc\u243?nsul necesitaba recuperar su buena volunta
d, de modo que por el momento simplemente retuvo a sus hombres como prisioneros.

\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta pol\u237?tica le funcion\u243?: cuando, terminado el asedio, se dirigi\u243
? al pa\u237?s de los eduos, estos le ofrecieron volver al redil de su antigua a
lianza. Del mismo modo, los arvernos enviaron mensajeros para rendirse. C\u233?s
ar les pidi\u243? rehenes, y a cambio de ellos devolvi\u243? a los veinte mil pr
isioneros que reten\u237?a entre eduos y arvernos. Por supuesto, Vercinget\u243?
rix no entraba en este trato, pues como general del ej\u233?rcito enemigo estaba
destinado a ser la pieza m\u225?s valiosa del desfile triunfal.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EP\u205?LOGO GALO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar pas\u243? el invierno del 52-51 en la Galia Transalpina, organizando
la pacificaci\u243?n desde la ciudad edua de Bibracte. Debi\u243? de andar muy o
cupado en aquellos meses y en los a\u241?os sucesivos, porque no continu\u243? c
on los {\i
Comentarios}, que finalizan tras la rendici\u243?n de Alesia. Quiz\u225? no le p
areci\u243? oportuno seguir escribiendo pasado el cl\u237?max de la rendici\u243
?n de Vercinget\u243?rix, o simplemente perdi\u243? inter\u233?s en hacerlo. Hay
un octavo libro que narra la campa\u241?a del 51, pero ese lo redact\u243? su a
migo y subordinado Aulo Hircio; seg\u250?n el propio Hircio comenta, lo hizo a i
nstancias de Balbo, un amigo que compart\u237?an C\u233?sar y \u233?l.{\super
[46]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante ese a\u241?o, C\u233?sar tuvo todav\u237?a que librar algunas guerras. A
\u250?n quedaban tribus que se negaban a someterse, tal vez esperando que al pro
c\u243?nsul se le agotara el mandato, se marchara de la Galia y se olvidara de e
llas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue una esperanza vana. Todav\u237?a en diciembre del 52, C\u233?sar se llev\u24
3? a dos legiones de Bibracte para atacar por sorpresa a los biturigos. Las cond
iciones que les ofreci\u243? fueron generosas y ellos no tardaron en rendirse. P
oco despu\u233?s, en enero, lanz\u243? una expedici\u243?n similar contra los ca
rnutos utilizando como base la ciudad de Cenabo, donde los galos hab\u237?an mas
acrado a los comerciantes romanos. Los carnutos se resistieron unos meses, pero
acabar\u237?an entreg\u225?ndose tambi\u233?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a m\u225?s dura de aquel a\u241?o la libr\u243? contra la tribu be
lga de los bel\u243?vacos. C\u233?sar invadi\u243? sus tierras con cuatro legion
es, y en primavera hizo venir otras dos con el legado Trebonio. Tras diversos la
nces, C\u233?sar se enter\u243? por un prisionero de que un importante contingen
te de bel\u243?vacos iba a tender una emboscada a sus forrajeadores. La celada s
e convirti\u243? en una trampa para los propios emboscados, y en la subsiguiente
batalla Correo, el jefe de los bel\u243?vacos, result\u243? muerto, lo que prov
oc\u243? que su tribu se rindiera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El \u250?ltimo fuego que tuvo que apagar C\u233?sar fue el de Uxelodono, en el s
ur de la Galia. Esta fortaleza era pr\u225?cticamente inexpugnable, pero C\u233?
sar hizo que sus ingenieros les cortaran el suministro de agua. Cuando Uxelodono
se rindi\u243?, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? utilizarla como ejemplo para todos aque
llos pueblos que segu\u237?an pensando en resistirse. En Roma hab\u237?a cada ve
z m\u225?s complicaciones y antes de afrontarlas ten\u237?a que pacificar r\u225
?pidamente la Galia para no dejar problemas a sus espaldas. Por otra parte, la t
ribu de los cadurcos no era excesivamente importante, y pod\u237?a servir de esc
armiento para las dem\u225?s sin que eso acarreara tantas consecuencias como si
hubiera hecho lo mismo con los arvernos o los eduos. Tomando en cuenta todo eso,
C\u233?sar orden\u243? que a todos aquellos guerreros que hubieran empu\u241?ad
o un arma les cortaran ambas manos. Despu\u233?s, en lugar de esclavizarlos los
dej\u243? libres para que todo el mundo pudiera ver cu\u225?l era el castigo por
resistirse al poder de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Algunos autores sugieren que esta brutalidad no fue un hecho aislado. Alegan que
C\u233?sar debi\u243? cometer otros actos igualmente crueles en las campa\u241?
as anteriores, pero que los silenci\u243? en sus {\i

Comentarios}, algo que no hizo Aulo Hircio. Pese a ello, el texto de este da a e
ntender que la mutilaci\u243?n de los cadurcos fue un hecho aislado: \u171?C\u23
3?sar sab\u237?a que todo el mundo conoc\u237?a su clemencia y no tem\u237?a que
una acci\u243?n m\u225?s dura por su parte fuera considerada como crueldad natu
ral\u187? (BG, 8.44).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En general, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? recurrir a pol\u237?ticas mucho menos severa
s, tratando de convencer a los galos de que rendirse era mucho m\u225?s positivo
para ellos que seguir resisti\u233?ndose. \u171?As\u237? pues, a fuerza de trat
ar con honor a los pueblos, regalar magn\u237?ficos presentes a sus caudillos y
no imponer nuevos tributos, no le fue dif\u237?cil mantener en paz a la Galia, q
ue se hallaba agotada tras tantas derrotas\u187? (BG, 8.49).\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Durante el a\u241?o 51, C\u233?sar traslad\u243? la Decimoquinta legi\u243?n a l
a Galia Cisalpina por si surg\u237?an problemas en Iliria. \u201?l, sin embargo,
volvi\u243? a pasar el invierno de 51-50 en la Transalpina, organizando la que
iba a ser una nueva provincia de la Rep\u250?blica, dos veces m\u225?s extensa q
ue Italia y con m\u225?s poblaci\u243?n que Hispania.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque la Galia estaba sometida, no debemos creer que el dominio romano llegaba
a todos sus rincones. En ese sentido, los mapas que nos muestran las conquistas
de los romanos o de otros pueblos son equ\u237?vocos, pues en ellos aparecen eno
rmes territorios de un solo color, implicando una homogeneidad que realmente no
exist\u237?a. Hab\u237?a much\u237?simos lugares de la Galia en los que no hab\u
237?an visto todav\u237?a a un romano y a\u250?n tardar\u237?an en verlo. La ver
dadera colonizaci\u243?n, en este caso conocida como \u171?romanizaci\u243?n\u18
7?, era un proceso mucho m\u225?s largo. Podemos imaginar los focos de colonizac
i\u243?n como peque\u241?os puntos dispersos por el mapa de la Galia que a lo la
rgo de las d\u233?cadas se expandieron y convirtieron en c\u237?rculos cada vez
mayores, hasta acabar uni\u233?ndose y ocupando casi todo el territorio. Esta ac
ulturaci\u243?n, como en el caso de Hispania, no dependi\u243? tanto del ej\u233
?rcito romano como de las \u233?lites locales, que fueron adquiriendo las costum
bres, las leyes e incluso la lengua de los romanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, mientras se llevaba a cabo este lento proceso, la Galia no vo
lvi\u243? a dar problemas militares hasta la muerte del emperador Ner\u243?n, e
incluso entonces no ocurri\u243? por af\u225?n de independencia de sus tribus, s
ino por una lucha de poder entre generales. \u191?Era porque C\u233?sar hab\u237
?a quebrado el esp\u237?ritu galo aniquilando la cultura c\u233?ltica tal como d
icen sus cr\u237?ticos, o porque bajo la {\i
pax Romana} no se viv\u237?a tan mal y se pod\u237?a prosperar? Tener una visi\u
243?n id\u237?lica del Imperio romano olvidando las brutalidades cometidas duran
te la conquista ser\u237?a pecar de ingenuos. Pero idealizar el pasado de unas t
ribus celtas que viv\u237?an en contacto con la naturaleza \u8212?y si nos descu
idamos escuchaban m\u250?sica {\i
New Age}\u8212?, obviando que las actividades que m\u225?s prestigio daban a sus
nobles eran la guerra y el saqueo no deja de ser otra ingenuidad.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Cuando cay\u243? el Imperio romano, en su mitad occidental se retrocedi\u243? a
un estado parecido al que exist\u237?a antes de la conquista, con pueblos y trib
us en guerra constante. El descenso del nivel de vida fue tan espectacular que,
por comparaci\u243?n, el recuerdo del Imperio se rode\u243? de una especie de au
ra dorada. Aunque este no es el lugar de emitir un veredicto sobre las maldades
y bondades del Imperio romano, solo dir\u233? que algo positivo deb\u237?a tener
cuando se convirti\u243? en un ideal que resurgir\u237?a en Europa de una forma
o de otra en muchas ocasiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los detractores de C\u233?sar, en cualquier caso, suelen hablar de las p\u233?rd
idas humanas que dej\u243? la conquista. Seg\u250?n Plutarco ({\i
C\u233?sar}, 15.3), \u171?tom\u243? al asalto m\u225?s de ochocientas ciudades,
someti\u243? a trescientos pueblos y luch\u243? en batallas campales en diferent
es ocasiones contra tres millones de hombres, de los cuales mat\u243? a un mill\
u243?n en combate y esclaviz\u243? a otros tantos\u187?. Estas cifras totales so
n el resultado exagerado de sumar cifras parciales igualmente exageradas, como h

emos ido viendo en cada batalla y campa\u241?a al hablar del n\u250?mero de trop
as y de bajas enemigas.{\super
[47]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Adem\u225?s, hay que tener en cuenta que lo que a nosotros nos pone los pelos de
punta era un motivo de orgullo para los generales antiguos. Antes de abandonar
Italia, An\u237?bal hizo grabar una placa de bronce que consagr\u243? en el temp
lo de Crotona. En ella se jactaba de haber destruido cuatrocientas ciudades y ha
ber dado muerte en combate a trescientos mil hombres, una cifra que probablement
e tambi\u233?n estaba hinchada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De lo que no se puede dudar es de que C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a enriquecido perso
nalmente con la conquista gracias a la venta de esclavos y al bot\u237?n. Seg\u2
50?n Suetonio, acapar\u243? tanto oro que no sab\u237?a qu\u233? hacer con \u233
?l, de modo que lo vend\u237?a a tres mil sestercios la libra, un precio mucho m
\u225?s bajo que el habitual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si es cierto que inund\u243? el mercado it\u225?lico con oro, no es raro que el
precio de este se hundiera. Pero que C\u233?sar no supiera en qu\u233? gastar su
riqueza resulta menos cre\u237?ble. Aunque personalmente no era avaricioso, nec
esitaba el dinero como instrumento de poder, y cuando lo ten\u237?a lo gastaba a
manos llenas para recompensar a las personas que lo rodeaban y tambi\u233?n a q
uienes le pod\u237?an ser \u250?tiles, prestando dinero sin inter\u233?s o inclu
so a fondo perdido (como veremos enseguida que hizo con Escribonio Curi\u243?n).
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sobre todo, a quienes m\u225?s procuraba contentar era a sus soldados. Aparte de
entregarles gratificaciones de cuando en cuando y compartir con ellos los fruto
s del saqueo y la venta de esclavos, gracias a las riquezas obtenidas C\u233?sar
se pudo permitir doblar la paga de sus legionarios, subi\u233?ndola a novecient
os sestercios anuales. Esta medida le gan\u243? a\u250?n m\u225?s la devoci\u243
?n de la tropa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una devoci\u243?n que le iba a hacer falta, pues sobre su futuro se cern\u237?an
nubarrones de plomo. Y esta vez no ven\u237?an de la Galia, sino de la mism\u23
7?sima Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s2 \afs28
{\b
{\qc
XI\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\b
{\qc
LA GUERRA CIVIL\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL CAMINO HASTA EL RUBIC\u211?N\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahora que la Galia estaba pacificada, C\u233?sar pod\u237?a volver sus ojos a Ro
ma. Su intenci\u243?n desde el a\u241?o en que fue c\u243?nsul (58 a.C.) era rep
etir en el cargo. Por las leyes de Sila, que segu\u237?an en vigor, no pod\u237?
a hacerlo hasta pasada una d\u233?cada. Cierto es que Pompeyo se hab\u237?a salt
ado todas las normas, \u161?y de qu\u233? manera!, al convertirse en c\u243?nsul
\u250?nico en el 52, tan solo tres a\u241?os despu\u233?s de compartir el cargo
con Craso. Pero todo en la carrera de Pompeyo estaba lleno de irregularidades:
legiones alistadas como ciudadano privado, triunfos otorgados sin ser pretor ni
c\u243?nsul ni tan siquiera senador, incumplimiento de plazos\u8230?\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
En cambio C\u233?sar, al que sus enemigos consideraban el peor peligro para la R
ep\u250?blica, pod\u237?a jactarse de que, al menos nominalmente, respetaba las
instituciones, y de que hab\u237?a accedido a las magistraturas {\i
suo anno}, es decir, con la edad m\u237?nima que establec\u237?a la ley.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
El plan de C\u233?sar era presentarse a las elecciones en oto\u241?o del 49 para
convertirse en c\u243?nsul el 1 de enero del 48, d\u237?a en que pensaba celebr
ar tambi\u233?n su triunfo. El problema era mantener su inmunidad pol\u237?tica

hasta el preciso instante en que entrara en el cargo. Sab\u237?a que muchos enem
igos pol\u237?ticos estaban acechando para llevarlo a juicio por sus actuaciones
como c\u243?nsul. En particular, quien hab\u237?a sido su colega, B\u237?bulo,
que hab\u237?a intentado anular todos sus decretos con pretextos religiosos. Por
otra parte, Cat\u243?n insist\u237?a en que C\u233?sar era culpable de cr\u237?
menes de guerra y que hab\u237?a que entregarlo a los germanos para que se venga
ran de \u233?l por haber detenido a sus embajadores en contra del derecho de gen
tes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque no lo condenaran en el sinf\u237?n de demandas que iban a presentar contr
a \u233?l, C\u233?sar sab\u237?a que si se dejaba envolver en esa telara\u241?a
judicial no lo elegir\u237?an como c\u243?nsul. Como dice una maldici\u243?n que
tal vez ya exist\u237?a entonces: \u171?Juicios tengas, \u161?y los ganes!\u187
?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? har\u237?a C\u233?sar despu\u233?s de ese nuevo consulado? Aparte
de reforzar su poder y debilitar el de sus enemigos, al salir del puesto ten\u2
37?a la opci\u243?n de convertirse directamente en proc\u243?nsul, lo que signif
icar\u237?a que no iba a pasar un solo d\u237?a durante los pr\u243?ximos a\u241
?os como ciudadano privado. Todav\u237?a hab\u237?a muchas campa\u241?as que lle
var a cabo y muchas tierras que conquistar: al norte de Macedonia se extend\u237
?a Dacia, y m\u225?s al este los partos conservaban en su poder las \u225?guilas
de las legiones de Craso, una afrenta que hab\u237?a que vengar.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar hab\u237?a presionado para que los diez tribunos del a\u241?o 52 prop
usieran la ley que le iba a permitir presentarse como candidato {\i
in absentia}, sin entrar en el pomerio, el recinto sagrado de Roma. Por desgraci
a para \u233?l, ese mismo a\u241?o se hab\u237?a aprobado otro decreto que prohi
b\u237?a expresamente presentarse {\i
in absentia} a cualquier ciudadano. S\u237?, Pompeyo hab\u237?a a\u241?adido una
apostilla que exim\u237?a a C\u233?sar. Pero lo hab\u237?a hecho despu\u233?s d
e que la asamblea votara la ley, por lo que esa cl\u225?usula adicional ten\u237
?a tanta validez legal como una pintada sobre la puerta de un burdel.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Para agravar las preocupaciones de C\u233?sar, el c\u243?nsul del a\u241?o 51, C
laudio Marcelo, hab\u237?a propuesto sustituirlo de inmediato por otro gobernado
r, ya que su misi\u243?n hab\u237?a terminado. \u191?Acaso no estaba en paz la G
alia, tal como aseguraba el mismo C\u233?sar? Los tribunos partidarios de este a
menazaron con vetar la ley, pero Marcelo consigui\u243? aprobar otra propuesta p
ara que el asunto volviera a discutirse en marzo del a\u241?o 50. Para entonces
habr\u237?a otros tribunos, qui\u233?n sab\u237?a si cesarianos o anticesarianos
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La oposici\u243?n de Marcelo, como la de tantos otros senadores, se deb\u237?a a
una enemistad personal. Uno de sus motivos era que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a intent
ado obligarlo a divorciarse de su esposa Octavia, que era su sobrina nieta, para
ofrec\u233?rsela a Pompeyo. En la pol\u237?tica romana lo personal era m\u225?s
importante que lo ideol\u243?gico, que pr\u225?cticamente no exist\u237?a. En u
na muestra del odio que sent\u237?a por C\u233?sar, el c\u243?nsul Marcelo hab\u
237?a hecho flagelar a un miembro del senado de Novum Comum. Esta ciudad era una
colonia fundada por C\u233?sar en el a\u241?o 59 al norte del Po, y por su esta
tus sus habitantes eran ciudadanos romanos a los que no se pod\u237?a azotar. La
acci\u243?n de Marcelo ven\u237?a a decir que lo que hab\u237?a hecho C\u233?sa
r como c\u243?nsul no ten\u237?a validez ninguna. Y todav\u237?a agrav\u243? m\u
225?s su desaf\u237?o al decirle a aquel hombre que corriera a la Galia a llorar
le a su amo C\u233?sar y a ense\u241?arle las cicatrices de los latigazos.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
El temor que sent\u237?an muchos senadores en Roma era comprensible. Desde los o
r\u237?genes de la Rep\u250?blica, el poder que ostentaban los magistrados fuera
de la ciudad era mucho mayor que dentro del pomerio. Para demostrar que ese {\i
imperium} apenas ten\u237?a cortapisas, al salir de Roma los lictores introduc\u
237?an hachas entre las varas de abedul de las {\i
fasces}, demostrando que el magistrado al que escoltaban pose\u237?a poder de vi

da y muerte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar llevaba ya nada menos que ocho a\u241?os como proc\u243?nsul en la Ga
lia, al mando de un gran n\u250?mero de legiones. Durante todo ese tiempo su pal
abra hab\u237?a sido ley, como la de un monarca absoluto, y no hab\u237?a tenido
que molestarse en negociar con facciones de senadores rivales ni litigar en los
procesos del Foro. Cuando regresara a Roma, \u191?se resignar\u237?a a revolcar
se de nuevo en la arena de la lucha pol\u237?tica como los dem\u225?s o pretende
r\u237?a estar por encima de todos sentado en una especie de trono como un\u8230
? rey?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo indicaba que no. Seg\u250?n Suetonio, en aquella \u233?poca las personas qu
e andaban cerca de C\u233?sar sol\u237?an escucharle estas palabras: \u171?Ahora
que soy el primer hombre de la ciudad ser\u225? m\u225?s dif\u237?cil sacarme d
el primer puesto al segundo que del segundo al \u250?ltimo\u187? ({\i
C\u233?sar}, 29). Era su {\i
dignitas} lo que estaba en juego.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Nuestra palabra \u171?dignidad\u187? apenas puede traducir un concepto tan rico
y poderoso, que implicaba la suma de la reputaci\u243?n, la influencia y el esta
tus que pose\u237?a un ciudadano romano. La {\i
dignitas} era como una cuenta bancaria inmaterial que se amasaba a lo largo de u
na vida entera, y que los enemigos pol\u237?ticos y personales pod\u237?an robar
como atracadores con una sola acci\u243?n que a uno lo pusiera en verg\u252?enz
a. En un caso as\u237? la salida era el suicidio, que en la cultura romana, sin
llegar a los extremos del {\i
seppuku} japon\u233?s, estaba muy ritualizado. De hecho, el origen de la misma R
ep\u250?blica arrancaba de un suicidio por mantener la {\i
dignitas}, el de la casta Lucrecia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, de momento, no estaba pensando en el suicidio. No obstante, conocien
do al personaje, de haber sufrido un rev\u233?s pol\u237?tico o militar tan grav
e que le hubiera supuesto entrar en declive sin remedio, podemos apostar a que s
e habr\u237?a arrojado sobre su espada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de recurrir a medidas tan dr\u225?sticas y pensando en que en el a\u241?o
50 los senadores pretend\u237?an discutir si le quitaba el cargo de proc\u243?ns
ul y el mando de sus legiones, C\u233?sar necesitaba al menos un tribuno de leal
tad inquebrantable que vetara cualquier medida del senado o de los c\u243?nsules
contra \u233?l. \u171?Lealtad inquebrantable\u187? significaba pagar a alguien
una n\u243?mina tan alta que no sintiera tentaciones de cambiarse de bando. C\u2
33?sar escogi\u243? a Cayo Escribonio Curi\u243?n, un personaje que hab\u237?a c
ompartido una juventud salvaje de juergas y apuestas con Marco Antonio y que est
aba casado con Fulvia, la viuda de Clodio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n se dec\u237?a, Curi\u243?n estaba endeudado hasta las cejas. Aparte d
e su afici\u243?n a las juergas, hab\u237?a gastado much\u237?simo dinero en los
juegos funerales en honor de su padre. Para dicha ceremonia hab\u237?a hecho co
nstruir un anfiteatro temporal que fue el asombro de aquel a\u241?o, el 52. \u17
1?Anfiteatro\u187? significa literalmente \u171?teatro doble\u187?, y eso era el
de Curi\u243?n: dos teatros de madera unidos por un gran pivote que, con los es
pectadores sentados en sus asientos, giraban sobre ruedas y se un\u237?an. De es
e modo se pod\u237?a pasar sin levantar el trasero de ver una obra de teatro a c
ontemplar c\u243?mo peleaban varias parejas de gladiadores.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
C\u233?sar, que tanto hab\u237?a dependido del dinero ajeno al principio de su c
arrera, pod\u237?a gastarlo ahora con liberalidad, as\u237? que liquid\u243? las
deudas de Curi\u243?n pagando, seg\u250?n algunos autores, diez millones de ses
tercios. Haciendo salvedad de sus excesos de juventud, Curi\u243?n era un pol\u2
37?tico inteligente y un excelente orador. Aunque en los a\u241?os anteriores se
hab\u237?a opuesto a C\u233?sar en muchas ocasiones, ahora le result\u243? muy
\u250?til.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, en el \u237?nterin, los enemigos de C\u233?sar no se quedaron mano
sobre mano. Su mayor problema, si se ve\u237?an obligados a enfrentarse a C\u23
3?sar, era que este ten\u237?a bajo su mando diez legiones que hab\u237?an adqui
rido una gran experiencia en una campa\u241?a larga y dura. Te\u243?ricamente, c

omo proc\u243?nsul no pod\u237?a sobrepasar con ellas los l\u237?mites de la Gal

ia Cisalpina, que de sus provincias era la m\u225?s cercana a Roma. Pero te\u243
?ricamente Sila tampoco pod\u237?a marchar contra Roma con un ej\u233?rcito, y t
odo el mundo sab\u237?a c\u243?mo hab\u237?a terminado aquella historia.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Los optimates necesitaban no solo influencia pol\u237?tica en Roma, sino tambi\u
233?n alguien con poder militar para oponerlo a C\u233?sar. Hab\u237?a alguien a
s\u237?, por supuesto: Pompeyo, el general precoz, vencedor de los piratas y de
Mitr\u237?dates y conquistador de Asia. Aunque no gozara de las simpat\u237?as d
e los optimates, estos pensaban, y probablemente con raz\u243?n, que Pompeyo era
m\u225?s torpe en el juego pol\u237?tico que C\u233?sar y por eso mismo m\u225?
s f\u225?cil de manipular. De ah\u237? que llevaran a\u241?os sembrando ciza\u24
1?a entre \u233?l y su exsuegro. En teor\u237?a, los dos hombres segu\u237?an si
endo amigos; pero el apoyo de Pompeyo a C\u233?sar en las sesiones del senado so
naba cada vez m\u225?s tibio e hip\u243?crita.{\super
[48]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, no debemos dividir simplemente el senado en dos bandos pro y antic
\u233?sar; o, como acabaron siendo conocidos, cesarianos y pompeyanos. El juego
pol\u237?tico romano era cambiante y m\u243?vil como el mercurio. Los lazos que
un\u237?an a unos senadores con otros eran tan complejos que dos enemigos mortal
es siempre ten\u237?an varios amigos y familiares comunes. Entre los extremos de
odio y sumisi\u243?n a C\u233?sar hab\u237?a un t\u233?rmino medio en el que se
mov\u237?an muchos senadores moderados que admiraban los logros militares de C\
u233?sar, pero que tem\u237?an que acabara abusando de su poder.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Cuando se suscit\u243? la discusi\u243?n del mandato de C\u233?sar, Marcelo y lo
s dem\u225?s optimates propusieron que se enviaran inmediatamente nuevos goberna
dores a sus provincias para relevarlo del mando. En lugar de oponerse frontalmen
te, Curi\u243?n fue m\u225?s astuto. Le parec\u237?a muy bien, anunci\u243?, que
C\u233?sar renunciara a su mando y sus tropas. Pero Pompeyo deb\u237?a hacer lo
mismo con su proconsulado y con el ej\u233?rcito que manten\u237?a en Hispania.
De lo contrario, se convertir\u237?a en el \u250?nico hombre en Italia al mando
de tantas legiones, y de protector de la Rep\u250?blica, como hab\u237?a sido e
n la reciente crisis del 52, podr\u237?a convertirse en una amenaza y un tirano.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era una jugada arriesgada de C\u233?sar, que mov\u237?a los hilos desde la dista
ncia. \u191?De verdad estaba dispuesto a renunciar a sus tropas? Sospecho que no
, y que ten\u237?a previsto exactamente lo que sucedi\u243?. Los optimates se ne
garon a apoyar la propuesta de Curi\u243?n, y este respondi\u243? vetando sistem
\u225?ticamente la ley que pretend\u237?a quitar a C\u233?sar sus provincias.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? fue pasando aquel a\u241?o. Durante el verano, el senado decidi\u243? m
andar dos legiones al este con la misi\u243?n de reforzar la frontera con el imp
erio parto. Para ser equitativo, orden\u243? a cada uno de los dos grandes gener
ales, C\u233?sar y Pompeyo, que contribuyeran con una unidad. Pompeyo decidi\u24
3? enviar la Primera, la misma que le hab\u237?a prestado a C\u233?sar el a\u241
?o de la revuelta de Ambi\u243?rix.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como la Primera segu\u237?a bajo el mando de C\u233?sar, en la pr\u225?ctica est
e perdi\u243? dos legiones. Por si acaso, antes de separarse de la Primera grati
fic\u243? a cada soldado con mil sestercios, una suma m\u225?s que considerable.
La otra legi\u243?n que entreg\u243? fue la Decimoquinta, una de las m\u225?s b
iso\u241?as, que se hallaba acantonada en la Galia Cisalpina y que fue sustituid
a en aquel puesto por la Decimotercera. Lo curioso fue que aquellas dos legiones
no llegaron a viajar a Oriente y se quedaron en Italia, algo que a C\u233?sar l
e oli\u243? a chamusquina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las cosas segu\u237?an torci\u233?ndose para \u233?l. En oto\u241?o, su candidat
o a c\u243?nsul para el a\u241?o siguiente fue derrotado. Para colmo, el censor
Calpurnio Pis\u243?n se dedic\u243? a purgar las filas del senado de supuestos c
orruptos cuyo verdadero pecado era ser partidarios de C\u233?sar. As\u237? fue e
xpulsado, por ejemplo, Salustio, el autor de {\i

La guerra de Yugurta}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A cambio, C\u233?sar pudo contar con el apoyo de Marco Antonio, que era amigo pe
rsonal y que hab\u237?a servido con \u233?l en las Galias. Marco Antonio fue ele
gido miembro del colegio de augures, un cargo muy influyente, y tambi\u233?n tri
buno de la plebe para el pr\u243?ximo a\u241?o, algo mucho m\u225?s importante e
n la pr\u225?ctica para C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Marco Antonio era un hombre extremado, de gran fuerza f\u237?sica, valiente en e
l combate \u8212?en m\u225?s de una ocasi\u243?n trep\u243? el primero a una mur
alla\u8212? y amante del vino, las juergas y las mujeres. Cicer\u243?n lo acusab
a tambi\u233?n de haber tenido relaciones homosexuales con su amigo Curi\u243?n.
El odio entre Cicer\u243?n y Marco Antonio no hizo sino crecer con los a\u241?o
s, y fue lo que finalmente le cost\u243? la vida al gran orador.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
El 1 de diciembre del 50, justo antes de que entraran en su cargo los nuevos tri
bunos, entre los que se encontraba Marco Antonio, se volvi\u243? a votar la cues
ti\u243?n del mando de C\u233?sar. El resultado fue muy revelador. Aunque la may
or\u237?a de los senadores votaron que C\u233?sar deb\u237?a abandonar su cargo
tal como propon\u237?a Marcelo, cuando Curi\u243?n plante\u243? que tanto \u233?
l como Pompeyo renunciaran al mismo tiempo a sus mandatos hubo trescientos seten
ta votos a favor y \u250?nicamente veintid\u243?s en contra.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Era evidente que la c\u225?mara estaba en contra de C\u233?sar, pero por otro la
do deseaba evitar una guerra civil. En su mezcla de odio y temor por C\u233?sar,
los senadores se hallaban convencidos de que si entraba con sus legiones en Ita
lia y Roma ba\u241?ar\u237?a las calles de sangre, como hab\u237?an hecho primer
o Mario y despu\u233?s Sila.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El esp\u237?ritu del momento lo representa bien esta carta que Cicer\u243?n, rec
i\u233?n llegado de Cilicia, le escribi\u243? a su amigo Pomponio \u193?tico:\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tengo mucho miedo por la Rep\u250?blica. Hasta ahora no he encontrado a casi nad
ie que no piense que es mejor conceder a C\u233?sar lo que pide que luchar contr
a \u233?l. Sus demandas son desvergonzadas, pero tienen m\u225?s validez de la q
ue supon\u237?amos. \u191?Por qu\u233? \u237?bamos a empezar a oponernos a \u233
?l justo ahora? [\u8230?] Me preguntar\u225?s: \u171?\u191?Qu\u233? piensas t\u2
50??\u187?. No lo mismo que voy a decir. Pues pienso que hay que hacer lo que se
a con tal de no llegar a las armas, pero dir\u233? lo que diga Pompeyo, aunque n
o lo har\u233? humill\u225?ndome. ({\i
Ad Att.}, 7.6).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante todo el conflicto, Cicer\u243?n no dej\u243? de ejercer de mediador. Com
o intelectual y estudioso de la filosof\u237?a, le resultaba imposible no analiz
ar los argumentos de C\u233?sar y de sus adversarios y ver en qu\u233? acertaban
y en qu\u233? fallaban. Por otra parte, era un hombre de paz. Si al final, cuan
do ya hab\u237?a estallado la guerra, eligi\u243? el bando anticesariano fue por
que se sent\u237?a obligado moralmente con Pompeyo, que hab\u237?a conseguido qu
e volviera de su exilio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto al propio Pompeyo, no dejaba traslucir ning\u250?n temor. Cuando se le
planteaba qu\u233? ocurrir\u237?a si C\u233?sar declaraba la guerra, contestaba
: \u171?\u191?Y qu\u233? puede pasar si mi hijo me ataca con un palo?\u187?. Otr
a de sus frases jactanciosas sobre este asunto era: \u171?No tengo m\u225?s que
dar un pisot\u243?n en cualquier parte y brotar\u225?n ej\u233?rcitos del suelo
de toda Italia\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a la votaci\u243?n que obligaba a C\u233?sar y a Pompeyo a renunciar a sus
mandos al mismo tiempo, los optimates no estaban dispuestos a rendirse. A finale
s de a\u241?o, C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a desplazado a la Galia Cisalpina, donde e
staba m\u225?s cerca de Roma y pod\u237?a controlar mejor la situaci\u243?n pol\
u237?tica. De paso, cosechaba apoyos en aquella provincia por si las cosas se po
n\u237?an feas para \u233?l. Aprovechando ese viaje, sus enemigos hicieron corre
r el rumor de que se hallaba en camino con cuatro legiones para invadir Italia,
cuando en realidad en la Cisalpina solo estaba la Decimotercera, que hab\u237?a
sustituido a la Decimoquinta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Para contrarrestar esta supuesta invasi\u243?n, uno de los c\u243?nsules viaj\u2

43? a la Villa Albana donde se alojaba Pompeyo, le entreg\u243? una espada en un
gesto simb\u243?lico y le urgi\u243? a defender la Rep\u250?blica. Tambi\u233?n
le concedi\u243? el mando de las dos legiones que hab\u237?a cedido C\u233?sar
y que segu\u237?an en Italia, y le pidi\u243? que reclutara m\u225?s tropas.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En respuesta a estos movimientos, C\u233?sar viaj\u243? con la Decimotercera a R
\u225?vena, muy cerca de la frontera de la Cisalpina. Y, ahora s\u237?, orden\u2
43? a dos legiones m\u225?s, la Octava y la Duod\u233?cima, que acudieran desde
sus cuarteles de invierno en la Galia, y a otras tres de sus unidades que perman
ecieran atentas a sus instrucciones cerca de la frontera sur. Aun as\u237?, \u23
3?l tambi\u233?n quer\u237?a evitar la guerra, por lo que propuso un nuevo trato
a sus rivales: estaba dispuesto a entregar la Galia, siempre que le permitieran
mantener las provincias de la Cisalpina y de Iliria con dos legiones hasta que
se convirtiera en c\u243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Pompeyo el acuerdo no le pareci\u243? mal, pero los optimates tambi\u233?n lo
rechazaron, pues lo que quer\u237?an evitar precisamente era que C\u233?sar se c
onvirtiera en c\u243?nsul en el 48.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El 1 de enero, los nuevos c\u243?nsules Cornelio L\u233?ntulo y Claudio Marcelo
\u8212?otro Marcelo, y ya iban tres seguidos\u8212? tomaron posesi\u243?n de sus
cargos. En la sesi\u243?n del senado de aquel d\u237?a apareci\u243? el extribu
no Curi\u243?n, que hab\u237?a recorrido cuatrocientos kil\u243?metros en tres d
\u237?as para traer una carta de Julio C\u233?sar desde R\u225?vena. Sus adversa
rios se negaron a que se leyera en alto, pero Marco Antonio, que ya era tribuno,
se empe\u241?\u243? en hacerlo, y todo hace sospechar que su voz era poderosa c
omo la del m\u237?tico Est\u233?ntor.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la carta, tras presentar un breve relato de lo que hab\u237?a hecho por la Re
p\u250?blica a lo largo de su carrera, C\u233?sar insist\u237?a en que \u250?nic
amente entregar\u237?a su mando si Pompeyo hac\u237?a lo propio al mismo tiempo.
Los optimates, que hab\u237?an interrumpido la lectura con abucheos constantes,
no permitieron siquiera que se votara esta propuesta. A cambio s\u237? se vot\u
243? la moci\u243?n del suegro de Pompeyo, Metelo Escipi\u243?n: o C\u233?sar re
nunciaba inmediatamente a su mando y sus legiones o ser\u237?a declarado enemigo
p\u250?blico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entre las presiones de los optimates durante las semanas previas y el tono desaf
iante de la carta, que no agrad\u243? a nadie \u8212?y que probablemente sonaba
todav\u237?a m\u225?s retador en boca de Marco Antonio\u8212?, muchos de los sen
adores que hab\u237?an apoyado que Pompeyo y C\u233?sar renunciaran a la vez al
proconsulado cambiaron de opini\u243?n y apoyaron la propuesta de Escipi\u243?n.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, Marco Antonio y el otro tribuno cesariano, Cayo Longino, vetaron l
a ley. Pero no sirvi\u243? de nada. La tensi\u243?n sigui\u243? creciendo y unos
d\u237?as despu\u233?s, el 7 de enero, el senado aprob\u243? el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum} por el que otorgaba plenos poderes a los c\u243?nsule
s y, sobre todo, a Pompeyo para proteger la Rep\u250?blica. En esa misma sesi\u2
43?n se destituy\u243? a C\u233?sar y se nombr\u243? a Lucio Domicio Ahenobarbo
nuevo gobernador de la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como era de esperar, Antonio se levant\u243? y exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Veto! \
u161?Veto!\u187?. El c\u243?nsul L\u233?ntulo orden\u243? a Antonio y a Casio qu
e se marcharan de all\u237?, pues no les garantizaba su seguridad. Esta es la ve
rsi\u243?n de Apiano; en la de Plutarco los lictores de L\u233?ntulo sacaron a A
ntonio a rastras. Este puso a los dioses por testigos de que el c\u243?nsul esta
ba cometiendo un sacrilegio contra la inviolabilidad de los tribunos y predijo m
il males para la Rep\u250?blica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Curi\u243?n y Casio lo siguieron. Esa misma noche, los tres viajaron a R\u225?ve
na disfrazados de esclavos en un carro alquilado. Cuando llegaron ante C\u233?sa
r y le informaron, \u233?l no dej\u243? que se lavaran ni se cambiaran de ropa.
Vestidos de esa guisa, los dos tribunos pasaron ante las tropas de C\u233?sar mi
entras este explicaba a sus soldados que sus enemigos estaban dispuestos a todo,
incluso a ponerle las manos encima a un tribuno de la plebe y a echarlo de la c

iudad. \u191?Y todo por qu\u233?? Por acabar con \u233?l y con su {\i
dignitas}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por supuesto, C\u233?sar no olvid\u243? a\u241?adir que tambi\u233?n la {\i
dignitas} de sus soldados estaba en juego, y ellos lo aclamaron, dispuestos a se
guirlo adonde fuese. Llevaban con \u233?l casi desde el principio de la guerra e
n las Galias, se hab\u237?an salvado con \u233?l del desastre en el r\u237?o Sab
is, hab\u237?an pisado la temible Germania y la misteriosa Britania y hab\u237?a
n vencido a Vercinget\u243?rix. Adem\u225?s, C\u233?sar les hab\u237?a llenado l
os bolsillos y les hab\u237?a subido la paga, y confiaban en que mirar\u237?a po
r su futuro. Por el contrario, los optimates que dec\u237?an hablar en nombre de
la leg\u237?tima Rep\u250?blica seguramente no querr\u237?an saber nada de ello
s cuando estuviesen licenciados. Al fin y al cabo, muchos de ellos proven\u237?a
n del valle al norte del Po. C\u233?sar los consideraba romanos, pero sus enemig
os insist\u237?an en que eran b\u225?rbaros galos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, por supuesto, sab\u237?a lo que pensaban sus hombres, porque para es
o se hab\u237?a esforzado por manipular sus emociones. No de manera fr\u237?a, c
omo un soci\u243?pata: todo indica que sent\u237?a verdadero afecto por sus trop
as. Ten\u237?a fama de que impon\u237?a una disciplina muy severa a la hora de c
ombatir o trabajar, cuando de verdad importaba, y que en el resto de las ocasion
es dejaba a sus soldados cierta libertad. El equilibrio entre el palo y la zanah
oria era muy delicado: los soldados odiaban a los generales que se exced\u237?an
con la disciplina, como Pompeyo Estrab\u243?n \u8212?cuyo cad\u225?ver hab\u237
?a acabado arrastrado por los suelos\u8212?, pero despreciaban a los que no sab\
u237?an imponerse, como aquel Valerio Flaco contra el que sus soldados se amotin
aron instigados por Fimbria. En ese equilibrio hab\u237?a dos verdaderos maestro
s, los mismos que consiguieron llevar a sus soldados contra la Rep\u250?blica: S
ila y C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? hacer a continuaci\u243?n? Por el decreto del senado, Pompeyo est
aba autorizado a alistar todas las legiones que quisiera para marchar contra C\u
233?sar. Este, sin embargo, sab\u237?a que esas tropas no iban a brotar del suel
o como alardeaba Pompeyo, sino que hac\u237?a falta un tiempo para reclutarlas y
organizarlas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que esperaban sus adversarios era que C\u233?sar se hiciera fuerte con el gru
eso de sus legiones en la Cisalpina o incluso m\u225?s all\u225? de los Alpes. P
ero \u233?l, como siempre, prefiri\u243? actuar r\u225?pido, anticiparse a sus e
nemigos y hacer lo inesperado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras recibir las noticias de Marco Antonio y dar instrucciones con discreci\u243
?n a sus soldados, C\u233?sar pas\u243? el resto del d\u237?a a la vista de la g
ente: fue al teatro, vio practicar a unos gladiadores y asisti\u243? a un banque
te, de modo que los esp\u237?as del senado no repararan en ninguna actividad ext
ra\u241?a. Pero despu\u233?s se disculp\u243? con sus invitados y se march\u243?
m\u225?s temprano de lo habitual en esos casos. Sus tropas, entretanto, ya se h
ab\u237?an puesto en marcha con todo sigilo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era la noche del 11 de enero del a\u241?o 49 a.C., una de las fechas m\u225?s se
\u241?aladas de la historia. Tras salir de R\u225?vena, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u24
3? hacia el sur en un carro alquilado para no despertar sospechas. A poca distan
cia de all\u237? hab\u237?a un r\u237?o llamado Rubic\u243?n, donde lo aguardaba
n los hombres de la Decimotercera y sus trescientos jinetes, seguramente los ger
manos de su escolta en los que tanto confiaba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El Rubic\u243?n era poco m\u225?s que un arroyo y no ten\u237?a mucho de especia
l, salvo el hecho de que marcaba la frontera de Italia con la Cisalpina.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Las versiones sobre lo que sucedi\u243? a continuaci\u243?n var\u237?an bastante
. Al parecer, C\u233?sar se qued\u243? dubitativo, y dijo a sus hombres: \u171?T
odav\u237?a podemos regresar. Pero si atravesamos este peque\u241?o puente, a pa
rtir de ahora todo tendremos que hacerlo por las armas\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
\u191?Se qued\u243? vacilando realmente? \u191?Se trataba de un gesto teatral pa
ra la posteridad? No hay modo de saberlo. Es posible que al acercarse a la orill
a del r\u237?o sintiera c\u243?mo se le encog\u237?a el est\u243?mago. Llevaba d

iez a\u241?os ostentando el {\i

imperium}, aquel poder ejecutivo que los romanos consideraban casi m\u225?gico.
Hasta all\u237?, C\u233?sar todav\u237?a pod\u237?a alegar que lo conservaba: su
s tribunos hab\u237?an vetado la moci\u243?n del senado que le arrebataba el man
do y lo convert\u237?a en enemigo p\u250?blico. Aunque los senadores se hubieran
empe\u241?ado en seguir adelante, no se pod\u237?a ir contra el veto tribunicio
, que era sagrado. Pero si daba un paso m\u225?s, \u233?l mismo se despojar\u237
?a de su {\i
imperium}, y \u233?l y sus soldados quedar\u237?an oficialmente fuera de la ley.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, en griego o en lat\u237?n seg\u250?n las fuentes, C\u233?sar exclam\u24
3?: \u171?\u161?Los dados est\u225?n en el aire!\u187?,{\super
[49]} y cruz\u243? el puente. Sus tropas lo siguieron. Acababa de empezar otra g
uerra civil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
CAMPA\u209?A REL\u193?MPAGO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar pill\u243? con el pie cambiado a los optimates y a Pompeyo. A decir v
erdad, este hab\u237?a confiado en alcanzar una soluci\u243?n negociada con su a
ntiguo socio. Por eso, pese a su bravata de que con una patada har\u237?a brotar
legiones del suelo, no se hab\u237?a molestado todav\u237?a en reclutarlas. Ade
m\u225?s, la actitud de sus \u250?ltimos a\u241?os ejerciendo a distancia el gob
ierno de Hispania hace sospechar que a Pompeyo le apetec\u237?a llevar una vida
tranquila, gozando de sus triunfos sin tener que pasar las privaciones de la mil
icia: recu\u233?rdense las cr\u237?ticas que le hac\u237?an por dedicarse a hace
r turismo con su difunta esposa Julia en lugar de administrar su provincia.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se supo que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a entrado en Italia con tropas armadas, e
n Roma cundi\u243? el p\u225?nico. Nadie esperaba que los acontecimientos se ace
leraran de aquel modo. Estaban en enero; realmente era oto\u241?o, porque el cal
endario andaba adelantado, pero segu\u237?a siendo mala \u233?poca para una camp
a\u241?a militar. Pronto empezaron a llegar refugiados a la ciudad. Como sol\u23
7?a ocurrir en aquellos casos, entre la gente corrieron relatos de portentos div
ersos: rayos que ca\u237?an sobre los templos, sangre que llov\u237?a del cielo
o estatuas que sudaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los optimates preguntaron a Pompeyo cu\u225?les eran sus planes de defens
a, descubrieron que el veterano general se tomaba las cosas con mucha calma. En
teor\u237?a, dispon\u237?a de diez legiones. Pero siete se hallaban en Hispania,
y en Italia tan solo hab\u237?a una de reclutas muy biso\u241?os y las dos que
hab\u237?an servido con C\u233?sar, cuya fidelidad resultaba algo dudosa.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Para indignaci\u243?n de sus recientes aliados, Pompeyo les dijo que ten\u237?an
que evacuar Roma y reagruparse en el sur de Italia. Si era necesario, incluso c
ruzar\u237?an a Grecia. \u191?No era lo mismo que hab\u237?a hecho Sila, un opti
mate como ellos que al final hab\u237?a logrado derrotar al bando de los popular
es? La verdadera Rep\u250?blica estaba en los corazones de los romanos, y eran l
os hombres y no los edificios quienes ganaban las guerras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Pompeyo declar\u243? el estado de {\i
tumultus} y a\u241?adi\u243? que considerar\u237?a un traidor a la Rep\u250?blic
a a todo senador que se quedara en Roma. Despu\u233?s sali\u243? de la ciudad po
r la v\u237?a Apia en direcci\u243?n a Capua. Aunque fuera a rega\u241?adientes,
los magistrados superiores marcharon tras \u233?l. Por supuesto, todos los sena
dores enemigos de C\u233?sar se unieron a su s\u233?quito. Pero tambi\u233?n lo
hicieron muchos que hab\u237?an flotado entre dos aguas, convencidos de que C\u2
33?sar iba a entrar en Roma a sangre y fuego.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo ocurri\u243? tan r\u225?pido que, por una negligencia inexplicable, Pompeyo
y los dem\u225?s magistrados olvidaron ir al templo de Saturno para llevarse el
oro y la plata del tesoro p\u250?blico. Sin autoridades oficiales, la ciudad qu

ed\u243? abandonada a su suerte. Sus habitantes y los miles de refugiados que ha

b\u237?an acudido en los \u250?ltimos d\u237?as aguardaban la llegada de C\u233?
sar y sus represalias, que se adivinaban sangrientas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Curiosamente, entre Pompeyo y C\u233?sar segu\u237?a sin existir nada parecido a
l odio, tan solo desconfianza y celos. Pompeyo envi\u243? a su rival una carta e
n la que le aseguraba que no ten\u237?a nada personal en su contra, sino que act
uaba as\u237? para proteger la Rep\u250?blica, y le ped\u237?a que por el bien d
e todos renunciara a aquella absurda guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar contest\u243? que \u250?nicamente quer\u237?a defender sus leg\u237?t
imas atribuciones, que le hab\u237?a concedido el pueblo soberano de Roma, y tam
bi\u233?n su {\i
dignitas}. De todos modos, insist\u237?a, si Pompeyo licenciaba a sus tropas, \u
233?l har\u237?a lo mismo. Eso era innegociable para Pompeyo: \u233?l ten\u237?a
que seguir siendo el m\u225?s grande, y solo podr\u237?a lograrlo debilitando a
C\u233?sar lo bastante como para que dependiera de \u233?l para sobrevivir pol\
u237?tica y f\u237?sicamente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los mensajeros segu\u237?an cruzando Italia de norte a sur. No obstante, una vez
que C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a puesto en marcha ya no hab\u237?a nada que lo detu
viera: sab\u237?a que su situaci\u243?n era muy delicada y que solo la velocidad
y la sorpresa pod\u237?an salvarlo en aquella aut\u233?ntica huida adelante. R\
u225?pidamente dividi\u243? sus escasas tropas y mand\u243? una parte de ellas c
on Marco Antonio contra la ciudad de Arretio para asegurarse el control de la v\
u237?a Casia, que conduc\u237?a a Roma a trav\u233?s de los montes Apeninos.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u201?l mismo sigui\u243? la v\u237?a Flaminia, que corr\u237?a junto al Adri\u2
25?tico. Tras tomar Arimino sin mayores problemas, entr\u243? en el Piceno, que
a principios de febrero cay\u243? en sus manos. Considerando que all\u237? hab\u
237?a nacido Pompeyo, para este debi\u243? resultar humillante que sus paisanos
no ofrecieran apenas resistencia. En general, la gente acog\u237?a bien a C\u233
?sar y las guarniciones se pasaban a su bando sin luchar. C\u233?sar, por supues
to, no permit\u237?a a sus tropas que tocaran nada a su paso: no hab\u237?an ent
rado en Italia para saquear, sino para salvar a la Rep\u250?blica de unos tirano
s (el mismo argumento que usaba el bando contrario).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s se uni\u243? a \u233?l la Decimosegunda legi\u243?n, duplicand
o as\u237? el n\u250?mero de sus tropas. C\u233?sar prosigui\u243? su avance y t
om\u243? \u193?sculo tambi\u233?n sin combatir. Despu\u233?s se dirigi\u243? hac
ia Corfinio, la ciudad que con el nombre de Italia hab\u237?a sido la capital de
los aliados rebeldes durante la Guerra Social.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Corfinio se encontraba Lucio Domicio Ahenobarbo, uno de sus m\u225?s enconado
s enemigos personales. Ahenobarbo hab\u237?a salido de Roma para tomar posesi\u2
43?n de la Galia, siguiendo el dictado del senado. Ya llevaba un tiempo intentan
do conseguir esa provincia, que en cierto modo consideraba una herencia familiar
, pues su abuelo hab\u237?a sido el primero en derrotar a los arvernos y a los a
l\u243?broges en el a\u241?o 122. Sin embargo, las tropas de C\u233?sar y Marco
Antonio le cortaban el camino al norte, por lo que se hab\u237?a hecho fuerte en
Corfinio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo le envi\u243? \u243?rdenes de renunciar a aquella plaza y dirigirse al s
ur, donde \u233?l ya se estaba concentrando con sus tropas en Brindisi para cruz
ar el Adri\u225?tico. Ahenobarbo, que era un hombre muy testarudo, se neg\u243?,
dispuesto a plantar una feroz batalla contra el odiado C\u233?sar.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Pero no hubo tal batalla. Cuando lleg\u243? C\u233?sar, que ten\u237?a ahora con
sigo a la Octava m\u225?s otras veintid\u243?s cohortes galas y trescientos jine
tes de N\u243?rico, sus hombres empezaron a cavar para cercar la ciudad, una rut
ina m\u225?s que habitual para ellos. Ahenobarbo se dio cuenta de que no ten\u23
7?a nada que hacer, pues Pompeyo le hab\u237?a avisado de que no pensaba mandar
tropas para ayudarle.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El resto del episodio fue como una \u243?pera bufa. Para no caer prisionero de s
u enemigo, Ahenobarbo orden\u243? a su m\u233?dico que le preparara una p\u243?c
ima venenosa. Despu\u233?s de beb\u233?rsela, se arrepinti\u243?, pensando que h

abr\u237?a sido mejor huir de la ciudad. Su m\u233?dico, que deb\u237?a conocerl

o, le dijo que pod\u237?a estar tranquilo, porque lo \u250?nico que hab\u237?a m
ezclado con su bebida era un sedante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ahenobarbo empez\u243? entonces a preparar su fuga en secreto. Pero los centurio
nes y los soldados se enteraron de su plan \u8212?todo apunta a que deb\u237?a d
e ser un hombre m\u225?s escandaloso que discreto\u8212?, y pensaron que no mere
c\u237?a la pena perder la vida por un general dispuesto a abandonarlos. Tras ar
restarlo, enviaron emisarios a C\u233?sar y se rindieron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Era todav\u237?a de noche. C\u233?sar prefer\u237?a que sus hombres no entraran
en la ciudad a oscuras, pues cualquier incidente provocado por los defensores o
por ellos mismos podr\u237?a desatar una matanza. Quer\u237?a demostrar a toda c
osta que no era como Sila ni como su t\u237?o Mario en sus \u250?ltimos y trasto
rnados a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al hacerse de d\u237?a, C\u233?sar se apoder\u243? de la ciudad. Como bot\u237?n
, se encontr\u243? con que ten\u237?a en sus manos no solo a Ahenobarbo, sino ta
mbi\u233?n a cincuenta adversarios m\u225?s entre senadores y \u233?quites. Con
la propaganda que gracias a Cat\u243?n hab\u237?a corrido en Roma acerca del san
guinario C\u233?sar, devastador de la Galia, a muchos les deb\u237?an de temblar
las piernas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de todo, C\u233?sar se limit\u243? a soltarles un discurso: \u233?l no e
ra ning\u250?n fuera de la ley, sino un leg\u237?timo proc\u243?nsul que hab\u23
7?a entrado en Italia con la intenci\u243?n de restituir a dos tribunos de la pl
ebe expulsados de forma sacr\u237?lega, y tambi\u233?n para liberar a la Rep\u25
0?blica del dominio de un pu\u241?ado de oligarcas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Perdonarlos si se pasaban a su bando habr\u237?a sido un acto de clemencia que e
ntraba dentro de lo previsible. Pero C\u233?sar no se limit\u243? a eso, sino qu
e los dej\u243? libres y les dijo que pod\u237?an ir donde quisieran, aunque fue
se de regreso con Pompeyo. No solo eso, sino que permiti\u243? a Ahenobarbo llev
arse consigo los seis millones de sestercios que hab\u237?a tra\u237?do para pag
ar a las tropas. \u201?l, C\u233?sar, no era ning\u250?n ladr\u243?n. En cuanto
a las trece cohortes de la guarnici\u243?n que hab\u237?a mandado Ahenobarbo, su
s miembros le ofrecieron un juramento de fidelidad, lo que aument\u243? consider
ablemente las fuerzas de que dispon\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cicer\u243?n explic\u243? as\u237? la situaci\u243?n en otra carta a \u193?tico
fechada el 1 de marzo, una misiva tuvo que dictar a un secretario por culpa de u
na infecci\u243?n ocular:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?No ves en manos de qu\u233? clase de hombre ha ca\u237?do la Rep\u250?blic
a, qu\u233? astuto es y que alerta y preparado est\u225?? Por H\u233?rcules, si
sigue sin matar ni robar a nadie, pronto lo amar\u225?n los mismos que tant\u237
?simo lo odiaban. ({\i
Ad Att.}, 8.13).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La conducta de C\u233?sar pod\u237?a obedecer a un c\u225?lculo pol\u237?tico, p
ero es evidente que emanaba de un temperamento que no era cruel por naturaleza.
Pronto su clemencia se hizo proverbial, y se convirti\u243? en una baza a su fav
or: cuando luchaban contra \u233?l, los soldados enemigos sab\u237?an que ten\u2
37?an la opci\u243?n de hacerlo sin demasiado empe\u241?o y rendirse, pues siemp
re pod\u237?an contar con que los perdonara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hab\u237?a otro factor que los optimates parec\u237?an no tener en cuenta: los s
oldados sol\u237?an pertenecer a clases medias y humildes a las que las pol\u237
?ticas de C\u233?sar beneficiaban. \u201?l sab\u237?a bien lo que hac\u237?a cua
ndo se dirig\u237?a a ellos como \u171?hermanos de armas\u187? en sus arengas y
discursos, y tambi\u233?n cuando convert\u237?a en protagonistas principales de
sus {\i
Comentarios} a los \u171?nuestros\u187? y a los centuriones, o cuando aseguraba
una y otra vez que obedec\u237?a la voluntad y el ejemplo del pueblo romano. Ade
m\u225?s, sus actuaciones al norte del r\u237?o Po parec\u237?an demostrar que e
staba dispuesto a extender la ciudadan\u237?a completa a toda Italia. \u191?C\u2
43?mo no iba a ser m\u225?s popular que individuos tan altivos como Ahenobarbo,
c\u243?mo no iban a abrirle sus puertas las ciudades de Italia? Tal como se lame

ntaba Cicer\u243?n en otra de sus cartas, \u171?la multitud y las clases bajas e
st\u225?n de parte del otro bando\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la incruenta toma de Corfinio, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? r\u225?pidamente
a Brindisi, pues le hab\u237?an llegado noticias de que Pompeyo se encontraba al
l\u237? con sus tropas y con todos los senadores y magistrados que lo acompa\u24
1?aban. Mientras tanto, no dejaba de enviarle cartas para pedirle que mantuviera
n una entrevista personal y solucionaran sus diferencias. Pompeyo se negaba. En
el pasado, cuando todav\u237?a viv\u237?a Craso, hab\u237?a llegado a pactos sec
retos con C\u233?sar que los optimates hab\u237?an denunciado como conjuras para
apoderarse de la Rep\u250?blica. Si ahora volv\u237?a a reunirse con C\u233?sar
como hab\u237?a hecho en Luca y llegaba a un acuerdo, por m\u237?nimo que fuese
, aquellos nobles senadores que por fin empezaban a aceptarlo lo acusar\u237?an
de conspirar de nuevo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a Brindisi el 9 de marzo, ya con seis legiones, pero no pu
do entrar porque la defend\u237?an veinte cohortes. El mismo Pompeyo estaba all\
u237?, esperando que regresaran las naves del primer convoy que ya hab\u237?a cr
uzado el Adri\u225?tico con los dos c\u243?nsules.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar intent\u243? asediarlo y cerrar el puerto con terraplenes y una caden
a flotante formada por balsas sobre las que se alzaban torres de dos pisos con p
iezas de artiller\u237?a. Pompeyo contraatac\u243? montando torres similares sob
re barcos mercantes, pero de tres pisos: al fin y al cabo, \u233?l era \u171?el
Grande\u187?. Cuando apareci\u243? el convoy de transporte que ven\u237?a del ot
ro lado del Adri\u225?tico, los hombres de C\u233?sar no pudieron impedirle el p
aso. Despu\u233?s, la noche del 17 de marzo, Pompeyo parti\u243? para Grecia con
el resto de su expedici\u243?n navegando en fila india para burlar el bloqueo.
Tan solo dos barcos quedaron atrapados en la barrera de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
El plan de Pompeyo era hacerse fuerte en el este, donde decenas de reyes y poten
tados locales le hab\u237?an prestado juramentos de fidelidad y le ofrecer\u237?
an tropas, alimentos y dinero. Desde all\u237? podr\u237?a reconquistar Italia,
como Sila. Como sol\u237?a decir a quienes lo escuchaban: {\i
Sulla potuit, ego non potero?}, \u171?Sila pudo, \u191?no voy a poder yo?\u187?.
Quiz\u225? ni siquiera fuese necesaria esa invasi\u243?n, porque pensaba llevar
a cabo un bloqueo mar\u237?timo para evitar que llegaran provisiones a Roma. Cu
ando la plebe urbana empezase a pasar hambre, dif\u237?cilmente seguir\u237?a ap
oyando a C\u233?sar. Para ello, Pompeyo contaba con una ventaja sustancial sobre
su rival: controlaba una gran flota, mientras que C\u233?sar apenas ten\u237?a
naves.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso explica la estrategia que sigui\u243? C\u233?sar a continuaci\u243?n. Lo que
de verdad deseaba era cruzar el mar detr\u225?s de sus enemigos y enfrentarse a
ellos. Pero Pompeyo, que era un gran organizador, se las hab\u237?a arreglado p
ara llevarse todos los barcos de la costa. Reunir una flota para transportar sus
tropas ser\u237?a una labor larga y tediosa, de modo que por el momento renunci
\u243? a ella.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Hispania estaban las mejores legiones de Pompeyo. De momento no se hab\u237?a
n movido, pero era de suponer que no tardar\u237?an en ponerse en marcha y amena
zar la Galia desde el sur. C\u233?sar decidi\u243? que deb\u237?a llevar aquel a
sunto personalmente y coment\u243?: \u171?Primero me encargar\u233? de un ej\u23
3?rcito sin general y despu\u233?s de un general sin ej\u233?rcito\u187? (Sueton
io, {\i
C\u233?sar}, 34).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, hab\u237?a que asegurarse el dominio de los principales graneros
que surt\u237?an de trigo a Italia para evitar que sus enemigos los vencieran p
or hambre. Con tal fin, envi\u243? comandantes para que se hicieran con el contr
ol de Cerde\u241?a, Sicilia y \u193?frica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero antes de partir para Hispania, C\u233?sar ten\u237?a que arreglar asuntos e
n Roma. Por el camino se entrevist\u243? con Cicer\u243?n, sabiendo que se sent\
u237?a decepcionado con los optimates, y le pidi\u243? que asistiera a la sesi\u
243?n del senado que pensaba convocar. El orador contest\u243? que solo lo har\u
237?a si C\u233?sar le aseguraba que no ir\u237?a con un ej\u233?rcito a Grecia

ni a Hispania, pues no quer\u237?a que perjudicara a su amigo Pompeyo. No hubo a

cuerdo, como era de esperar, y Cicer\u243?n cruzar\u237?a m\u225?s tarde a Greci
a por fidelidad a quien le hab\u237?a hecho regresar de su exilio.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a Roma, al principio no penetr\u243? en el pomerio,
pues como proc\u243?nsul le estaba vedado y quer\u237?a respetar las normas den
tro de lo posible. Convocados por los tribunos Marco Antonio y Casio, que ten\u2
37?an autoridad para ello, los senadores que segu\u237?an en la ciudad se reunie
ron en las afueras. Formaban una versi\u243?n reducida del senado completo, pero
hab\u237?a entre ellos catorce miembros que hab\u237?an sido c\u243?nsules.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ante ellos, C\u233?sar explic\u243? sus razones, y pidi\u243? que el senado envi
ara emisarios a Pompeyo para reconciliarlos a ambos. Los senadores no se opusier
on, pero nadie se present\u243? voluntario para la embajada. La raz\u243?n era q
ue Pompeyo hab\u237?a declarado traidores a todos los que se quedaran en Roma, y
tem\u237?an que si se aparec\u237?an ante \u233?l los ejecutara como a tales.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la sesi\u243?n con los padres conscriptos, reuni\u243? a la asamblea del pu
eblo y repiti\u243? un discurso parecido. Para ganarse el apoyo del pueblo, aseg
ur\u243? que iba a mantener los repartos de trigo y prometi\u243? asimismo tresc
ientos sestercios como obsequio para cada ciudadano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a le quedaba una cuesti\u243?n peliaguda, la principal que ten\u237?a
en mente al pasar por Roma: el dinero. C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a convertido en u
n hombre muy acaudalado con la conquista de la Galia, pero hab\u237?a invertido
buena parte de ese dinero en ganar partidarios por toda Italia. Por otro lado, a
unque Craso hab\u237?a dicho que ning\u250?n hombre pod\u237?a llamarse rico has
ta que reclutara su propio ej\u233?rcito, seguramente no pensaba en uno con las
dimensiones del de C\u233?sar, que entre tropas veteranas y reci\u233?n alistada
s ten\u237?a que encargarse de alimentar, equipar y pagar a trece legiones.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar intent\u243? convencer al senado de que el tesoro financiara su guerr
a, pero el tribuno Lucio Metelo interpuso su veto. A C\u233?sar se le debieron l
levar todos los demonios. \u191?C\u243?mo librarse de aquel estorbo cuando uno d
e sus principales argumentos para cruzar el Rubic\u243?n era que sus enemigos ha
b\u237?an maltratado a dos tribunos de la plebe? Si intentaba algo contra Metelo
, perder\u237?a popularidad. Pero si no consegu\u237?a dinero para pagar a sus t
ropas, \u191?cu\u225?nto tardar\u237?an en amotinarse?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era un dilema diab\u243?lico que C\u233?sar resolvi\u243? apostando por sus sold
ados y en contra de la constituci\u243?n. Con una escolta armada traspas\u243? e
l pomerio y se dirigi\u243? al templo de Saturno. All\u237? estaba aguardando Me
telo, que demostr\u243? un gran coraje intentando impedirle el paso. C\u233?sar
amenaz\u243? con matarlo si no se apartaba, ante lo cual el tribuno finalmente c
edi\u243?. Despu\u233?s, al ver que las llaves no aparec\u237?an, C\u233?sar hiz
o traer cerrajeros para que forzaran la puerta. De all\u237? se llev\u243? quinc
e mil lingotes de oro, treinta mil de plata y treinta millones de sestercios, m\
u225?s un fondo que llevaba mucho tiempo reservado para una eventual invasi\u243
?n gala como la del a\u241?o 387. \u171?Ese fondo ya no hace falta: yo he acabad
o con el peligro de los galos\u187?, se justific\u243? C\u233?sar. Fue un buen p
ellizco de dinero del que se apropi\u243?, pero a cambio se dej\u243? unos cuant
os jirones de popularidad enganchados en la puerta de aquel templo.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA BATALLA DE ILERDA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar dej\u243? al pretor Emilio L\u233?pido al cargo de Roma y a Marco Ant
onio como general de las tropas de Italia. Despu\u233?s se dirigi\u243? a Hispan
ia. De camino pas\u243? por Masalia, adonde lleg\u243? el 19 de abril. All\u237?
se encontr\u243? con la desagradable sorpresa de que aquella ciudad estrat\u233
?gicamente situada se declaraba neutral y no le dejaba entrar.\par\pard\plain\hy

phpar} {
Unos d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde, Domicio Ahenobarbo apareci\u243? en un barco y lo
s masaliotas lo acogieron en su puerto. Eso demostraba que la ciudad, lejos de m
antenerse neutral, se hab\u237?a pasado al bando de Pompeyo. El responsable en b
uena medida era el propio Ahenobarbo, cuya familia ten\u237?a clientes en Masali
a desde hac\u237?a generaciones y pod\u237?a arg\u252?ir que el senado lo hab\u2
37?a nombrado leg\u237?timo gobernador de la Galia Transalpina.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Aunque C\u233?sar debi\u243? de preguntarse por qu\u233? habr\u237?a permitido e
scapar tan tranquilo a Ahenobarbo cuando le ech\u243? las manos encima en Corfin
io, no le qued\u243? m\u225?s remedio que resignarse. Las murallas de Masalia ha
b\u237?an aguantado muchos ataques durante siglos, pero C\u233?sar no pod\u237?a
dejar una ciudad tan importante a sus espaldas sin tomar medidas. \u201?l mismo
emprendi\u243? las obras de asedio y orden\u243? construir una flota en Arelate
(Arl\u233?s), junto a la desembocadura del R\u243?dano. Cuando verific\u243? qu
e el cerco estaba bien encarrilado, dej\u243? a dos oficiales con tres legiones
sitiando la ciudad y prosigui\u243? su camino hacia el oeste con una escolta de
novecientos jinetes germanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Hispania lo aguardaban siete legiones enemigas. Cinco se hallaban en la provi
ncia Citerior, al mando de los legados Lucio Afranio y Marco Petreyo. Las otras
dos estaban en la Ulterior, con el gran erudito Marco Terencio Varr\u243?n, auto
r del c\u233?lebre tratado {\i
Sobre la lengua latina}, y no llegaron a participar en el conflicto.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
A C\u233?sar, por su parte, le esperaban en Ilerda (L\u233?rida) seis legiones q
ue hab\u237?a enviado por delante con su legado Fabio. Los legados de Pompeyo co
ntrolaban la ciudad y dominaban el puente de piedra sobre el r\u237?o Segre, que
bajaba muy crecido por el deshielo de los Pirineos. Gracias a eso los pompeyano
s pod\u237?an pasar a la orilla oriental para que los caballos forrajearan, algo
que resultaba imprescindible porque la ribera occidental hab\u237?a quedado pr\
u225?cticamente pelada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, Fabio hab\u237?a hecho construir dos puentes de madera, que serv\u
237?an para que sus hombres cruzaran todos los d\u237?as con los caballos al otr
o lado; pero al hacerlo, sufr\u237?an el acoso constante del enemigo, que gozaba
de una posici\u243?n mucho m\u225?s c\u243?moda.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando comprob\u243? lo dif\u237?cil que resultaba aprovisionar a sus tropas y s
us caballos, C\u233?sar intent\u243? precipitar las cosas provocando a sus enemi
gos al combate. Adem\u225?s, ten\u237?a prisa: cuanto m\u225?s tiempo pasara, m\
u225?s legiones alistar\u237?a y adiestrar\u237?a Pompeyo en Grecia. Por eso pla
ne\u243? tomar una posici\u243?n estrat\u233?gica entre Ilerda y el campamento p
ompeyano, pensando que los legados de Pompeyo no lo permitir\u237?an y se enfren
tar\u237?an a sus hombres. En eso acert\u243?, pero la jugada no le sali\u243? b
ien: los soldados enemigos cargaron cuesta arriba contra los suyos y durante hor
as se libr\u243? una feroz batalla en la que no logr\u243? imponerse. Al final,
frustrado, C\u233?sar no tuvo m\u225?s remedio que abandonar la posici\u243?n.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
D\u237?as despu\u233?s vino una crecida que se llev\u243? por delante los dos pu
entes de madera. C\u233?sar y sus hombres se quedaron encerrados entre dos r\u23
7?os, el Segre y el Cinca. All\u237? les resultaba imposible recibir suministros
por la ruta que llegaba de la Galia. Intentaron reconstruir los puentes, pero r
esult\u243? in\u250?til: las aguas bajaban demasiado fuertes y derribaban los pi
lares, y para empeorar la situaci\u243?n los enemigos no dejaban de acosarlos di
sparando con su artiller\u237?a desde la otra orilla.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? transcurrieron diez d\u237?as. Las provisiones escaseaban tanto que C\u
233?sar se vio forzado a recortar las raciones. Como no pod\u237?an continuar de
ese modo, orden\u243? a sus soldados que construyeran coracles, un tipo de bote
que hab\u237?a visto en Britania y que consist\u237?a en una sencilla armaz\u24
3?n de madera recubierta de cuero.{\super
[50]} Por la noche, una caravana de carros transport\u243? los coracles remontan
do la orilla del Segre m\u225?s de treinta kil\u243?metros. Lejos de los enemigo

s, una legi\u243?n entera logr\u243? cruzar el r\u237?o en aquellas peculiares e

mbarcaciones. Una vez dominadas ambas orillas, los hombres de C\u233?sar se las
ingeniaron para construir un nuevo puente en tan solo dos d\u237?as.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Gracias al puente y a que hab\u237?a tra\u237?do m\u225?s caballer\u237?a que lo
s pompeyanos, a partir de ese momento fue C\u233?sar quien se dedic\u243? a acos
ar a las patrullas de forrajeo enemigas. Asimismo, puso a sus hombres a excavar
grandes zanjas al norte de Ilerda con el fin de canalizar el Segre y convertirlo
en vadeable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Afranio y Petreyo decidieron que la posici\u243?n se hab\u237?a vuelto insosteni
ble y se retiraron hacia el Ebro. C\u233?sar los sigui\u243?, hostig\u225?ndolos
sin cesar con su caballer\u237?a. Por fin, los pompeyanos no tuvieron m\u225?s
remedio que detenerse y acampar en una posici\u243?n en la que apenas dispon\u23
7?an de provisiones. Los oficiales y los soldados de C\u233?sar le instaron a at
acar y destruir al enemigo de una vez, pero \u233?l se neg\u243?, previendo que
pod\u237?a conseguir una victoria sin derramamiento de sangre.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
Durante los d\u237?as siguientes, ambos ej\u233?rcitos se dedicaron a construir
las fortificaciones habituales. La cercan\u237?a hizo que los hombres de los dos
bandos empezaran a confraternizar, algo que ocurrir\u237?a m\u225?s de una vez
durante esta guerra civil. Poco a poco se acercaron m\u225?s, y lleg\u243? un mo
mento en que muchos cesarianos visitaron el cuartel de los pompeyanos y vicevers
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Petreyo intent\u243? impedirlo y orden\u243? matar a los enemigos infiltrados en
su campamento, pero sus propios soldados los escondieron en sus tiendas y les d
ejaron huir por la noche. C\u233?sar, maestro de la propaganda, hizo todo lo con
trario, anunciando que los pompeyanos que estaban en su campamento pod\u237?an i
rse o quedarse con \u233?l, como prefirieran.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A buen seguro, los cesarianos comentaron a sus adversarios que C\u233?sar, am\u2
33?n de otras ventajas, los retribu\u237?a con el doble de sueldo. Lo curioso es
que, pese a que se hab\u237?a apoderado del tesoro, cuando C\u233?sar lleg\u243
? a Hispania no le qued\u243? otro remedio que pedir dinero prestado a sus propi
os centuriones para pagar a los soldados. Aquello ten\u237?a su l\u243?gica: los
soldados estaban contentos con la bolsa llena y los centuriones luchaban con m\
u225?s denuedo por su general para que este sobreviviera y les devolviera la deu
da.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con un ej\u233?rcito muy reducido por las deserciones, Afranio y Petreyo consigu
ieron romper el cerco y regresaron a Ilerda. A esas alturas ya no les quedaba m\
u225?s remedio que comerse a sus propias bestias de carga, que de todos modos em
pezaban a morir porque llevaban cuatro d\u237?as sin pastar. Los hombres de C\u2
33?sar volvieron a perseguirlos y a cercarlos, esta vez en una posici\u243?n don
de los pompeyanos tampoco ten\u237?an agua. Por fin, Afranio se entrevist\u243?
con C\u233?sar y le pidi\u243? que perdonara a sus hombres; hab\u237?an combatid
o porque ten\u237?an un compromiso con Pompeyo, pero consideraba que hab\u237?an
quedado libres de \u233?l, porque hab\u237?an sufrido m\u225?s privaciones de l
as que un ser humano pod\u237?a tolerar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras escucharle, C\u233?sar lo censur\u243? por haberse opuesto unos d\u237?as a
ntes a una paz que sus hombres quer\u237?an negociar. De paso, le record\u243? p
or qu\u233? estaba haciendo la guerra: a todos los dem\u225?s generales de \u233
?xito se les permit\u237?a regresar a casa con honores o al menos sin ignominia.
\u218?nicamente a C\u233?sar se le negaba ese derecho. Pero \u233?l no pensaba
tratar a los dem\u225?s del mismo modo. Ni siquiera pretend\u237?a quitarles su
ej\u233?rcito para quedarse con \u233?l: tan solo quer\u237?a que lo disolvieran
y que ninguno de esos soldados volviera a luchar contra \u233?l.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL MOT\u205?N DE PLACENTIA Y LA PRIMERA DICTADURA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237?, sin demasiado derramamiento de sangre, C\u233?sar venci\u243? al prime

r ej\u233?rcito de Pompeyo, muchos de cuyos soldados se pasaron a sus filas. En

cuanto a Afranio y Petreyo, regresaron con Pompeyo para seguir luchando contra C
\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar continu\u243? su camino hacia el oeste, ofreciendo el perd\u243?n a t
odos los que se pasaran a su bando. Varr\u243?n, que estaba al mando de la Ulter
ior, no tard\u243? en rendirse. En apenas dos meses, C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a ap
oderado de toda Hispania. Tras organizar algunas cosas, dej\u243? al tribuno Cas
io Longino como gobernador y regres\u243? a Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el viaje, en octubre, C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a tiempo de aceptar la rendi
ci\u243?n de Masalia, que hab\u237?a capitulado despu\u233?s de siete meses. Sin
embargo, no todas las noticias eran buenas. Curi\u243?n, que tanto le hab\u237?
a apoyado como tribuno, hab\u237?a empezado bien su labor como legado expulsando
a Cat\u243?n de Sicilia y asegurando el suministro de cereal que proven\u237?a
de aquella isla. Cumplida esa primera misi\u243?n, cruz\u243? el mar hasta \u193
?frica, donde cosech\u243? una victoria sobre los pompeyanos. Pero despu\u233?s
el rey n\u250?mida Juba, aliado de Pompeyo, le tendi\u243? una emboscada en la q
ue pereci\u243?. \u193?frica, as\u237? pues, quedaba en manos del enemigo.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
De camino a Roma informaron a C\u233?sar de m\u225?s contratiempos. Una de sus f
lotas, formada por cuarenta naves de guerra, hab\u237?a sido capturada por los p
ompeyanos. Empeorando las cosas, las quince cohortes que acudieron desde Iliria
para rescatarlas tambi\u233?n hab\u237?an ca\u237?do en poder de Pompeyo.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Todo eso, con ser grave, no fue lo que m\u225?s preocup\u243? a C\u233?sar. Esta
ndo todav\u237?a en Masalia recibi\u243? un despacho que le hizo acudir a toda p
risa a la ciudad de Placentia, a orillas del Po. Por primera vez desde el a\u241
?o 58, una de sus legiones se hab\u237?a amotinado. Y no una de las nuevas, sino
la Novena, que llevaba combatiendo con \u233?l desde la primera campa\u241?a ga
la.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya en Placentia, los soldados le presentaron una lista de reivindicaciones. Algu
nos hab\u237?an cumplido con el periodo por el que se hab\u237?an alistado y que
r\u237?an licenciarse ya. Pero lo que exig\u237?a la mayor\u237?a era dinero: cu
ando estuvieron a punto de dar caza a Pompeyo en Brindisi, C\u233?sar les hab\u2
37?a prometido una bonificaci\u243?n de dos mil sestercios que a esas alturas to
dav\u237?a no les hab\u237?a pagado. El bot\u237?n tampoco les compensaba, porqu
e C\u233?sar estaba siendo demasiado clemente y no les permit\u237?a saquear las
poblaciones que tomaban.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un mot\u237?n era una cosa muy seria. Por mucha autoridad que tuviese C\u233?sar
y por muchos germanos que lo escoltaran, los soldados que lo rodeaban eran much
os m\u225?s que ellos. Varios generales romanos hab\u237?an muerto en esas revue
ltas, y otros se hab\u237?an salvado transigiendo con las condiciones que les ex
ig\u237?an o relajando la disciplina. Los soldados de la Novena, sabiendo que su
general no era excesivamente duro ni ordenancista, debieron de pensar que ceder
\u237?a. Al fin y al cabo, todav\u237?a quedaba lo m\u225?s duro de la guerra, e
nfrentarse al mism\u237?simo Pompeyo, y su general depend\u237?a de ellos para c
onseguirlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El mismo C\u233?sar omite este incidente en su libro {\i
La guerra civil}, pero lo conocemos por otras fuentes como Suetonio o Apiano. Su
respuesta al mot\u237?n fue de una dureza inesperada. Convoc\u243? en asamblea
a las tropas que ten\u237?a en Placentia y delante de todos ech\u243? una veheme
nte fil\u237?pica a la Novena. \u191?Acaso pretend\u237?an comportarse como b\u2
25?rbaros y no como romanos, saqueando Italia? \u191?No hab\u237?an luchado m\u2
25?s all\u225? del Rin precisamente para evitar que en el futuro nadie devastara
las tierras al sur de los Alpes?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los ej\u233?rcitos, a\u241?adi\u243?, necesitaban disciplina. Por eso, para refo
rzarla, hab\u237?a decidido diezmar a la Novena legi\u243?n. Uno de cada diez so
ldados morir\u237?a apaleado por sus compa\u241?eros, y al resto los licenciar\u
237?a, pues ya no quer\u237?a saber nada de ellos. Era un castigo terrible tanto
para los que perec\u237?an como para sus camaradas, que se ve\u237?an obligados
a matar pr\u225?cticamente con sus propias manos a uno de los suyos. En muchas

ocasiones, a las unidades infamadas as\u237? se las obligaba a dormir al raso y

se les distribu\u237?a cebada en lugar de trigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los hombres de la Novena, convencidos hasta ese momento de que C\u233?sar no pod
r\u237?a resistirse a su chantaje, se quedaron estupefactos. Los oficiales prime
ro y los soldados despu\u233?s se pusieron de rodillas y suplicaron a su general
que los perdonara y no los arrojara de su lado. C\u233?sar se lo pens\u243? o f
ingi\u243? pens\u225?rselo; no podemos saber hasta qu\u233? punto lo dominaba la
ira por aquella insubordinaci\u243?n, a \u233?l que se enorgullec\u237?a de que
no hab\u237?a ning\u250?n otro general con legionarios tan leales.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Finalmente cedi\u243?. Tras ordenar que le presentaran a ciento veinte hombres q
ue hubieran participado activamente en el mot\u237?n, les oblig\u243? a hacer un
sorteo entre ellos mismos y matar a los doce compa\u241?eros se\u241?alados por
la (mala) fortuna. Hab\u237?a entre esos doce un soldado que no se hallaba pres
ente el d\u237?a de la insurrecci\u243?n; el enga\u241?o se descubri\u243? a tie
mpo y C\u233?sar hizo ejecutar en su lugar al centuri\u243?n que hab\u237?a inte
ntado colarlo en el grupo por una venganza personal.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras sofocar el mot\u237?n, C\u233?sar instruy\u243? a sus tropas para que se di
rigieran a Brindisi, pensando ya en cruzar a Grecia. \u201?l se pas\u243? antes
por Roma: ten\u237?a muchos asuntos que organizar, empezando por su propio estat
us pol\u237?tico, que quer\u237?a regularizar. Se hab\u237?a empe\u241?ado en se
r c\u243?nsul en el 48, cumplidos los diez a\u241?os completos desde que dejara
el puesto. Adem\u225?s, era una forma de legitimar su causa.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
El problema era que en Roma no hab\u237?a c\u243?nsules en ejercicio para presid
ir las elecciones, pues los dos se encontraban en Grecia con Pompeyo. C\u233?sar
hab\u237?a dejado en la urbe al pretor L\u233?pido como m\u225?xima autoridad.
Un pretor no ten\u237?a potestad para organizar las elecciones. Pero s\u237? exi
st\u237?a un antecedente de la guerra contra An\u237?bal que permit\u237?a a un
pretor nombrar a un dictador, y eso fue lo que hizo L\u233?pido.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Como dictador, C\u233?sar organiz\u243? las elecciones. Por supuesto, \u233?l mi
smo las gan\u243?. Al parecer, no se present\u243? nadie m\u225?s, salvo el cole
ga que sali\u243? elegido como segundo c\u243?nsul, Publio Servilio Is\u225?uric
o, con cuyo padre hab\u237?a servido en el a\u241?o 78 en Asia.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Antes de entrar en el nuevo cargo, C\u233?sar aprovech\u243? el de dictador para
poner en orden otros asuntos; entre ellos, restaurar como senadores a algunos a
los que el censor Apio Claudio hab\u237?a expulsado del senado. Uno de los bene
ficiados fue nuestro conocido Salustio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Otra de las medidas que tom\u243? fue conceder la ciudadan\u237?a romana a los g
aditanos. Era una recompensa por haberse rebelado contra el erudito Varr\u243?n,
que gobernaba all\u237? en nombre de Pompeyo. Adem\u225?s, Marco Antonio, resta
blecido en su puesto de tribuno, hizo aprobar un decreto que restablec\u237?a su
s derechos a los hijos de aquellos que hab\u237?an sido proscritos en las listas
malditas de Sila: una ley que llegaba con sumo retraso, pero sin duda justa.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El estallido de la guerra civil hab\u237?a provocado una crisis econ\u243?mica y
, sobre todo, crediticia; algo que suena muy actual. Como los deudores hab\u237?
an dejado de pagar sus deudas, nadie se atrev\u237?a ya a prestar dinero, los po
cos empr\u233?stitos que se daban eran a intereses mucho m\u225?s altos de lo ha
bitual y los precios de los inmuebles se hab\u237?an desplomado.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Los acreedores ten\u237?an miedo de que C\u233?sar actuara como un l\u237?der ra
dical y, tal como hab\u237?a propuesto en su momento Catilina, aboliera todas la
s deudas. Al fin y al cabo, como comentaba Cicer\u243?n a menudo, \u191?no estab
a rodeado por una ralea de indeseables revolucionarios endeudados hasta las orej
as?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar actu\u243? de una forma mucho m\u225?s moderada. Por ley, se declar\u
243? que las propiedades deb\u237?an tasarse en el mismo valor que ten\u237?an a

ntes de estallar la guerra, de modo que los deudores pudieran venderlas por dich
o precio para saldar las deudas (una especie de daci\u243?n en pago). Tambi\u233
?n redujo las tasas de inter\u233?s y reinstaur\u243? una antigua ley que prohib
\u237?a tener m\u225?s de sesenta mil sestercios en efectivo. Era un intento de
\u171?inyectar\u187? liquidez en el sistema financiero haciendo que esas monedas
se pusieran en movimiento. Intento, he dicho, porque si hoy no resulta f\u225?c
il controlar d\u243?nde guarda uno el dinero, en aquella \u233?poca era imposibl
e.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
EL CRUCE DEL ADRI\u193?TICO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Once d\u237?as despu\u233?s de ser nombrado dictador, C\u233?sar renunci\u243? a
l cargo y dej\u243? Roma para dirigirse a Brindisi, donde lo aguardaban sus legi
ones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ya en el puerto, descubri\u243? que segu\u237?a sin haber suficientes barcos par
a transportar a todos sus hombres en un solo viaje. Adem\u225?s, ya hab\u237?a e
mpezado enero. Aunque por el desfase del calendario estaban en oto\u241?o, segu\
u237?a siendo una estaci\u243?n peligrosa para navegar, pues en mitad de una tra
ves\u237?a pod\u237?a levantarse de improviso una tormenta. Por otra parte, Pomp
eyo ten\u237?a m\u225?s de quinientos barcos de guerra patrullando el Adri\u225?
tico precisamente para impedir que C\u233?sar pasara de Italia a Grecia.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero C\u233?sar, que al empezar el a\u241?o se hab\u237?a convertido en c\u243?n
sul por segunda vez, sab\u237?a que el tiempo corr\u237?a en su contra. Cuanto m
\u225?s esperara, m\u225?s preparado encontrar\u237?a a Pompeyo. Este ten\u237?a
ya nueve legiones a su lado y esperaba dos m\u225?s que deb\u237?an venir de Si
ria con su suegro Metelo Escipi\u243?n. A diferencia de las de C\u233?sar, que a
ndaban cortas de efectivos porque prefer\u237?a no rellenar las bajas de veteran
os con soldados biso\u241?os, las de Pompeyo estaban completas, con unos cinco m
il hombres cada una. Dispon\u237?a asimismo de siete mil jinetes, tres mil arque
ros y mil doscientos honderos, m\u225?s tropas auxiliares enviadas por sus vasal
los orientales. Estos aportaban tambi\u233?n dos cosas incluso m\u225?s valiosas
: grano y dinero. Pompeyo, m\u225?s organizado y previsor que C\u233?sar, estaba
prepar\u225?ndolo todo para invadir Italia en cuanto el clima se lo permitiera.
Mientras tanto, a sus cincuenta y siete a\u241?os y despu\u233?s de trece de in
actividad, se dedicaba a cabalgar y lanzar el {\i
pilum} con los j\u243?venes para ponerse en forma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, en cambio, no ten\u237?a suficientes barcos, sus legiones no hab\u23
7?an terminado de congregarse en Brindisi y tampoco dispon\u237?a de equipo ni p
rovisiones suficientes. Lo l\u243?gico habr\u237?a sido esperar. Sin embargo, co
mo les explic\u243? a sus oficiales, \u233?l opinaba que el arma m\u225?s podero
sa en la guerra era la sorpresa, y estaba empe\u241?ado en cruzar el mar cuanto
antes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? pues, en cuanto lleg\u243? la primera noche en calma, aprovech\u243? to
das las naves disponibles para emprender el viaje. Pese a que dio \u243?rdenes d
e dejar las pertenencias personales en Brindisi y viajar sin sirvientes, \u250?n
icamente pudo embarcar a siete legiones muy reducidas \u8212?poco m\u225?s de qu
ince mil hombres\u8212? m\u225?s quinientos jinetes con sus caballos. El 4 de en
ero se hicieron a la mar despu\u233?s del ocaso; aunque la navegaci\u243?n era m
\u225?s peligrosa de noche, viajar en la oscuridad era la mejor manera de eludir
a la flota de Pompeyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar estaba corriendo un gran riesgo: en la Primera Guerra P\u250?nica ej\
u233?rcitos enteros hab\u237?an perecido por hacerse a la mar en mala \u233?poca
del a\u241?o. A pesar de todo, la fortuna le sonri\u243? y no hubo incidentes g
raves en la traves\u237?a. Su \u250?nico problema fue que el viento lo llev\u243
? m\u225?s al sur de lo que pretend\u237?a, a la ciudad de Palaeste.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
La vuelta fue otra cosa. La flota regres\u243? a Italia para recoger al resto de
l ej\u233?rcito, pero las noticias del cruce de C\u233?sar hab\u237?an llegado a

su archienemigo B\u237?bulo, que comandaba la armada pompeyana del Adri\u225?ti

co. La primera vez le hab\u237?an pillado por sorpresa, porque no conceb\u237?a
que alguien se atreviera a cruzar el mar en enero; pero la segunda ya estaba pre
venido. Con una flota de ciento veinte barcos zarp\u243? de Corcira y sorprendi\
u243? al convoy de transportes cesarianos. Treinta naves cayeron en su poder y l
as quem\u243? con sus tripulaciones dentro: la clemencia no era la t\u225?ctica
favorita de los enemigos de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque parte de la flota logr\u243? escapar y llegar a Brindisi, el resto del ej
\u233?rcito de C\u233?sar no pudo embarcar: el tiempo y, sobre todo, la vigilanc
ia del enemigo lo imped\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En lugar de lamentarse, C\u233?sar decidi\u243?, como siempre, pasar a la ofensi
va. Necesitaba una base amplia en el Epiro para que el resto de su ej\u233?rcito
pudiera desembarcar a salvo, y tambi\u233?n para controlar m\u225?s terreno don
de forrajear, pues hab\u237?a arribado pr\u225?cticamente sin provisiones. De mo
do que se encamin\u243? al norte y no tard\u243? en apoderarse de las ciudades d
e \u211?rico y Apolonia (toda esta campa\u241?a transcurri\u243? en territorio d
e la actual Albania).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La noticia de que C\u233?sar se encontraba en el Epiro sorprendi\u243? a Pompeyo
todav\u237?a en Macedonia, a unos cien kil\u243?metros de la costa. Al norte de
Apolonia se encontraba Dirraquio, una base naval en la que ten\u237?a dep\u243?
sitos de grano y de armas, y que pensaba utilizar como punto de partida para inv
adir Italia. Comprendi\u243? que ese ser\u237?a el principal objetivo de C\u233?
sar y se encamin\u243? hacia all\u237? a marchas forzadas por la v\u237?a Ignaci
a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En aquella ocasi\u243?n, Pompeyo gan\u243? la carrera. C\u233?sar no pudo subir
m\u225?s all\u225? del r\u237?o Apso, pues al llegar all\u237? se encontr\u243?
a su rival acampado en la orilla norte. De entrada, ninguno de los dos intent\u2
43? entablar batalla. En el caso de C\u233?sar, que habitualmente usaba t\u225?c
ticas m\u225?s agresivas, es f\u225?cil de comprender: su enemigo lo superaba ca
si tres a uno, y en caballer\u237?a su ventaja era incluso mayor. De momento, in
tent\u243? negociar con Pompeyo. Le propuso que ambos disolvieran sus ej\u233?rc
itos en tres d\u237?as y se sometieran al arbitraje del senado y la asamblea del
pueblo. Probablemente solo quer\u237?a ganar tiempo a la espera de que el resto
de sus legiones vinieran de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? Pompeyo tampoco atac\u243?? Seg\u250?n Apiano, sus tropas int
entaron cruzar el r\u237?o para enfrentarse a C\u233?sar, pero el puente se vino
abajo y algunos hombres de la vanguardia se ahogaron. En cualquier caso, Pompey
o no intent\u243? reconstruirlo para aprovechar su superioridad num\u233?rica. H
ay que tener en cuenta que era tan paciente y meticuloso en la guerra como impac
iente en la pol\u237?tica. Gracias a que dominaba el mar pod\u237?a recibir prov
isiones de sobra. En cambio, ve\u237?a que los hombres de C\u233?sar estaban suf
riendo dificultades para encontrar comida en los alrededores en aquella \u233?po
ca del a\u241?o: una t\u225?ctica dilatoria de desgaste le parec\u237?a m\u225?s
provechosa que un enfrentamiento directo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, a ambas orillas del Apso sucedi\u243? lo mismo que hab\u237?a oc
urrido en Hispania, cerca del Ebro. Como los soldados de ambos ej\u233?rcitos te
n\u237?an que acercarse al r\u237?o para coger agua, muchos de ellos empezaron a
saludarse y conversar, y no tardaron en confraternizar. Pero ese hermanamiento
no dur\u243? mucho, porque un legado pompeyano orden\u243? disparar contra los c
esarianos desde el otro lado del r\u237?o, y declar\u243? que Pompeyo y los opti
mates solo negociar\u237?an con ellos cuando le trajeran la cabeza de C\u233?sar
sobre una bandeja.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qui\u233?n era aquel personaje que tanto odio mostraba por C\u233?sar? No
se trataba de ninguno de sus enemigos tradicionales, como Cat\u243?n o Ahenobarb
o, sino del hombre que hab\u237?a sido pr\u225?cticamente su mano derecha durant
e muchos a\u241?os en la Galia: Tito Labieno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De todos los legados que hab\u237?an servido en aquella larga guerra, Labieno er
a el militar de m\u225?s talento, y es muy probable que \u233?l mismo se creyera
mejor que C\u233?sar. Cuando las hostilidades entre este y el senado fueron {\i
in crescendo}, C\u233?sar procur\u243? asegurarse la lealtad de Labieno confi\u2

25?ndole el gobierno de la Galia Cisalpina para ayudarle a hacer m\u233?ritos co

n vistas a presentarse al consulado. Quiz\u225? incluso estaba pensando en que a
mbos concurrieran juntos a las elecciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los optimates se hab\u237?an dedicado a criticar a C\u233?sar delante de La
bieno, y hab\u237?an encontrado en \u233?l un oyente receptivo. En parte, es pos
ible que influyera en \u233?l una antigua relaci\u243?n clientelar con Pompeyo,
ya que ambos proven\u237?an de la misma regi\u243?n, el Piceno. Es probable tamb
i\u233?n que en su fuero interno se sintiera mejor general que C\u233?sar y que
pensara que no estaba recibiendo los suficientes honores y recompensas. Tampoco
hay que descartar que pensara que C\u233?sar era un traidor a la Rep\u250?blica,
o que la suya era una causa perdida\u8230?, o que obedeciera a todos esos motiv
os juntos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando en enero del a\u241?o 49 Labieno se pas\u243? al bando de los optimates,
su deserci\u243?n supuso un duro golpe para C\u233?sar. No solo un general exper
imentado reforzaba las filas del bando contrario, sino que lo hac\u237?a con m\u
225?s de tres mil quinientos jinetes galos y germanos. Ahora, a orillas del Apso
, Labieno se acababa de comportar como el m\u225?s recalcitrante de los pompeyan
os, pero todav\u237?a tendr\u237?a m\u225?s ocasiones de demostrar su inquina ha
cia C\u233?sar y hacia los soldados que no mucho tiempo atr\u225?s hab\u237?an e
stado bajo su mando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pasaban las semanas, y el resto de las tropas de C\u233?sar segu\u237?a en Itali
a. B\u237?bulo, almirante de la flota de Pompeyo, hab\u237?a muerto de extenuaci
\u243?n. En su empe\u241?o de no permitir que se le escapara ni un solo barco en
emigo no descansaba ni de noche ni de d\u237?a, aunque tambi\u233?n debi\u243? d
e influir en su declive f\u237?sico la tristeza por sus dos hijos, que hab\u237?
an sido asesinados en Egipto. Pero sus sucesores segu\u237?an patrullando el Adr
i\u225?tico como perros de presa, y Marco Antonio no se decid\u237?a a cruzar el
estrecho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lleg\u243? un momento en que C\u233?sar se sent\u237?a tan desesperado que pens\
u243? que la \u250?nica forma de traer a sus hombres era encargarse \u233?l pers
onalmente. As\u237? pues, se disfraz\u243? para hacerse pasar por un esclavo que
llevaba un mensaje para Brindisi y, acompa\u241?ado solo por una peque\u241?a e
scolta, embarc\u243? en una nave ligera que estaba varada en el r\u237?o Apso.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando el barco lleg\u243? a la desembocadura, empez\u243? a soplar un viento ca
da vez m\u225?s intenso que ven\u237?a del mar y que no les dejaba avanzar. Al v
er que los remeros se desanimaban y se dispon\u237?an a regresar, C\u233?sar se
baj\u243? la capucha del manto y dijo: \u171?No tem\u225?is, pues no transport\u
225?is un cargamento cualquiera. \u161?Llev\u225?is a bordo a C\u233?sar y su fo
rtuna!\u187?. Al saber qui\u233?n era, los tripulantes cobraron nuevos \u225?nim
os y remaron con m\u225?s br\u237?o. Pero el oleaje y el viento eran cada vez m\
u225?s fuertes, y lleg\u243? un momento en que el mismo C\u233?sar tuvo que deci
rles que desistieran del empe\u241?o. Cuando regres\u243? al campamento, sus leg
ionarios le rega\u241?aron por aquella imprudencia: ellos solos, le dijeron, se
bastaban para vencer a los hombres de Pompeyo sin ayuda.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Por fin, despu\u233?s de tres meses de privaciones y mal tiempo, el 10 de abril
avistaron en el horizonte las velas de la flota de Marco Antonio. Pero la alegr\
u237?a se convirti\u243? en alarma al observar que las naves pasaban de largo, a
rrastradas por el viento, y se perd\u237?an hacia el norte.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Pompeyo tambi\u233?n las hab\u237?a visto, y sali\u243? de su campamento para in
terceptar a Marco Antonio y evitar que se reuniera con su general. Se libr\u243?
una nueva carrera entre ambos ej\u233?rcitos, pero esta vez ganaron los de C\u2
33?sar, que se encontraron con sus compa\u241?eros al este de Dirraquio.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar ten\u237?a ahora once legiones, dos m\u225?s que Pompeyo. Pero como c
ada una de ellas contaba con menos efectivos, segu\u237?a hall\u225?ndose en inf
erioridad num\u233?rica. Por otra parte, si antes le resultaba dif\u237?cil alim
entar a siete legiones, ahora lo ten\u237?a mucho m\u225?s dif\u237?cil con cuat

ro adicionales. Por eso decidi\u243? enviar una legi\u243?n a Tesalia y cinco co

hortes a Etolia. Dos legiones m\u225?s mandadas por el legado Domicio Calvino to
maron la v\u237?a Ignacia hacia Macedonia para interceptar el paso al suegro de
Pompeyo, que ven\u237?a del este. Esas fuerzas deb\u237?an asegurar l\u237?neas
de aprovisionamiento, y de paso subsistir por sus propios medios lejos del Epiro
, donde cada vez resultaba m\u225?s dif\u237?cil encontrar forraje y v\u237?vere
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CAMPA\u209?A DE DIRRAQUIO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La situaci\u243?n de C\u233?sar empeor\u243? cuando el hijo de Pompeyo destruy\u
243? muchas de sus naves, primero en \u211?rico y despu\u233?s en Liso. Necesita
ba dar un golpe de mano y conseguir provisiones, de modo que levant\u243? el cam
pamento y se dirigi\u243? hacia el este simulando que su destino fuera Macedonia
. Pero despu\u233?s, lejos de la vista de los hombres de Pompeyo, volvi\u243? a
girar hacia el oeste y march\u243? a Dirraquio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era su segundo intento de apoderarse de aquella base. En esta ocasi\u243?n logr\
u243? llegar antes que su rival. Pero no pudo tomar la ciudad: Dirraquio estaba
bien protegida por acantilados y marismas, y el \u250?nico acceso era a trav\u23
3?s de un estrecho puente. Cuando los hombres de C\u233?sar estaban a punto de l
anzar la ofensiva contra Dirraquio, el ej\u233?rcito de Pompeyo apareci\u243? po
r el sur.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar renunci\u243? al asalto y orden\u243? levantar un campamento a toda p
risa al sureste de Dirraquio. As\u237?, al menos, imped\u237?a que los enemigos
se acercaran a la ciudad y pudiera utilizar sus instalaciones. Pompeyo, por su p
arte, escogi\u243? una zona de colinas llamada Petra para montar su {\i
castra} a unos dos kil\u243?metros del de C\u233?sar. All\u237? ten\u237?a acces
o a una playa donde pod\u237?an varar barcos de poco calado para traerle provisi
ones desde Dirraquio y otros puertos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar despleg\u243? varias veces a sus legiones para retar a Pompeyo, pero
su antiguo amigo no acept\u243?. Con el tiempo, los optimates que lo rodeaban y
formaban su plana mayor empezaron a impacientarse y a acusarlo de timorato. Pomp
eyo no les hac\u237?a caso. Sab\u237?a que en la situaci\u243?n actual era C\u23
3?sar quien m\u225?s ten\u237?a que ganar con un combate decisivo. Aunque se hal
lara en inferioridad, la mayor\u237?a de sus hombres eran veteranos curtidos en
las campa\u241?as de la Galia, mientras que los de Pompeyo estaban mucho m\u225?
s verdes. Por otra parte, \u233?l recib\u237?a suministros por mar de todos sus
aliados de Asia, mientras que C\u233?sar y los suyos se ve\u237?an obligados a s
ubsistir sobre el terreno con raciones cada vez m\u225?s escasas. Eso, l\u243?gi
camente, estaba deteriorando la moral y la salud de sus tropas.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Algo de lo que era perfectamente consciente C\u233?sar. Sus hombres ten\u237?an
que alejarse cada vez m\u225?s del campamento para forrajear y buscar le\u241?a.
Como estas partidas se ve\u237?an obligadas a dispersarse, eran presa f\u225?ci
l de la caballer\u237?a de Pompeyo, mucho m\u225?s numerosa que la suya.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
La soluci\u243?n habr\u237?a sido retirarse de all\u237? y reconocer que no hab\
u237?a llegado a tiempo para conquistar Dirraquio. Pero C\u233?sar no soportaba
recular o reconocer un fracaso, as\u237? que decidi\u243? una nueva huida hacia
delante.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La caballer\u237?a enemiga, precisamente, era la clave. Si rodeaba a Pompeyo con
una empalizada como hab\u237?a hecho con Vercinget\u243?rix en Alesia, lograr\u
237?a dejar encerrada a su caballer\u237?a y matar\u237?a dos p\u225?jaros de un
tiro: los jinetes enemigos dejar\u237?an de acosar a sus forrajeadores, y sus c
aballos pronto agotar\u237?an los pastos dentro del vallado y empezar\u237?an a
sufrir problemas. Adem\u225?s, ser\u237?a un golpe de efecto cuando los aliados
de Pompeyo se enteraran de que el todopoderoso conquistador de Oriente estaba ce
rcado por un enemigo menor en n\u250?mero y no se atrev\u237?a a entablar batall
a contra \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Los hombres de C\u233?sar se pusieron manos a la obra, y empezaron a levantar un

a l\u237?nea de fortificaciones que arrancaba desde su campamento, primero hacia
el este y luego hacia el sur para rodear la posici\u243?n de Pompeyo y encerrar
lo contra el mar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Pompeyo se dio cuenta \u8212?no hac\u237?a falta ser un lince\u8212?, ord
en\u243? a sus soldados que construyeran su propia empalizada hacia el sur. Eso
oblig\u243? a los cesarianos a prolongar su fortificaci\u243?n, en una carrera e
ntre ambos ej\u233?rcitos. Mientras miles de hombres cavaban y clavaban troncos
y estacas, otros luchaban en frecuentes escaramuzas en la tierra de nadie que se
extend\u237?a entre ambas trincheras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los legionarios de C\u233?sar, con todo, lograron cerrar el per\u237?metro giran
do de nuevo hacia el oeste a unos seis kil\u243?metros a vuelo de p\u225?jaro de
l campamento de Pompeyo. El vallado, que aprovechaba el relieve natural del terr
eno, se extend\u237?a m\u225?s de veinticuatro kil\u243?metros, lo que supon\u23
7?a que cada hombre ten\u237?a que defender un metro. Estaba provisto de fortine
s y torreones y en algunos sectores reforzado con sillares de piedra arrancados
de los edificios de la zona. Por su parte, la empalizada de Pompeyo med\u237?a u
nos quince kil\u243?metros.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pronto cada ej\u233?rcito empez\u243? a sufrir sus propias privaciones. Como hab
\u237?a previsto C\u233?sar, los caballos y las bestias de carga del enemigo no
tardaron en agotar los pastos dentro del vallado. Los caballos deben alimentarse
con una mezcla de grano y de pasto, en una proporci\u243?n que var\u237?a seg\u
250?n el esfuerzo f\u237?sico que realicen. Del grano pueden prescindir, pero no
as\u237? del pasto, que es su alimento natural; si les falta, pronto empiezan a
sufrir c\u243?licos y acaban muriendo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al poco tiempo, los equinos de Pompeyo hab\u237?an agotado todo el forraje de la
zona e incluso hab\u237?an pelado los \u225?rboles. Aunque les trajeran heno po
r barco, resultaba insuficiente; adem\u225?s, el heno en aquellos tiempos en que
no hab\u237?a empacadoras ocupaba mucho m\u225?s sitio que ahora. Como reservab
an el poco forraje que ten\u237?an para los caballos, las bestias de carga empez
aron a morir. El hedor de sus cad\u225?veres empeor\u243? m\u225?s todav\u237?a
unas condiciones sanitarias que ya eran precarias por la aglomeraci\u243?n de m\
u225?s de cincuenta mil hombres en un espacio limitado. Tambi\u233?n escaseaba e
l agua potable: los hombres de C\u233?sar hab\u237?an desviado o represado los a
rroyos cercanos, y los pozos que excavaban los pompeyanos no bastaban para abast
ecer a todos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al menos, al ej\u233?rcito de Pompeyo le sobraba la comida que les faltaba a sus
monturas. En cambio, los hombres de C\u233?sar apenas ten\u237?an grano, por lo
que, igual que en Avarico, se ve\u237?an obligados contra su voluntad a seguir
una dieta hiperproteica. Puesto que no dispon\u237?an de trigo, com\u237?an ceba
da; si ni siquiera ten\u237?an cebada a mano, cocinaban una especie de pan macha
cando las ra\u237?ces de una planta local llamada {\i
khara} y mezcl\u225?ndola con leche. Al parecer, el resultado era cualquier cosa
menos apetitoso. A veces los hombres de C\u233?sar arrojaban mendrugos de aquel
suced\u225?neo de pan a los hombres de Pompeyo. Cuando le llevaron el pan de {\
i
khara} a su general y este lo prob\u243?, coment\u243? desolado que no estaban l
uchando contra seres humanos sino contra bestias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Privaciones aparte, los combates a peque\u241?a escala eran constantes. Pompeyo
dispon\u237?a de muchos m\u225?s arqueros y honderos, que de noche se internaban
en la tierra de nadie y, al ver el resplandor de las hogueras al otro lado de l
a empalizada enemiga, disparaban a bulto por encima de esta. Al final, los solda
dos se ve\u237?an obligados a montar guardia o descansar lejos del fuego para qu
e no los alcanzaran los proyectiles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque t\u233?cnicamente ambos bandos estaban empatados, a Pompeyo le humillaba
verse cercado por un ej\u233?rcito inferior en n\u250?mero, y su prestigio se re
sent\u237?a entre los optimates y tambi\u233?n entre sus aliados. Para mejorar s
u situaci\u243?n, a finales de junio decidi\u243? tenderle una trampa a su enemi
go. Siguiendo sus instrucciones, los habitantes de Dirraquio fueron al campament
o de C\u233?sar y le dijeron que estaban dispuestos a entregarles la ciudad la n

oche del 1 de julio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

C\u233?sar no sospech\u243? que se trataba de una treta; al fin y al cabo, mucha
s ciudades ca\u237?an por la traici\u243?n de sus habitantes. A la hora prevista
sali\u243? del campamento con un nutrido grupo de tropas. Pero cuando estaba en
el puente recibi\u243? un ataque simult\u225?neo por tres frentes: los defensor
es de Dirraquio le arrojaban flechas y dardos desde la muralla, los barcos de Po
mpeyo usaban su artiller\u237?a para disparar contra \u233?l desde el mar y a su
espalda lo acosaba una fuerza de infanter\u237?a que hab\u237?a desembarcado en
la playa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar logr\u243? salir de aquella encerrona y regresar a su campamento. Per
o al mismo tiempo, Pompeyo, experto en coordinar operaciones a gran escala, lanz
\u243? asaltos en otros tres puntos para impedir que los legados de C\u233?sar a
cudieran a defenderlo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La noche fue muy agitada, aunque los fortines atacados resistieron. En uno de el
los, protegido por una cohorte, no hubo ni uno solo de sus defensores que no rec
ibiera una herida. No era de extra\u241?ar, pues al d\u237?a siguiente recogiero
n m\u225?s de treinta mil proyectiles. Como era habitual, los centuriones, siemp
re en primera l\u237?nea, fueron los que m\u225?s sufrieron. Cuatro de ellos que
daron tuertos o ciegos (el hecho de que en lat\u237?n no haya art\u237?culo hace
que se pueda interpretar que perdieron \u171?ojos\u187? o \u171?los ojos\u187?)
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Uno de ellos, Casio Esceva, pudo ense\u241?ar con orgullo su escudo, en el que s
e contaban ciento veinte impactos entre ara\u241?azos y abolladuras. \u201?l tam
bi\u233?n hab\u237?a recibido un flechazo en el ojo, pero en pleno combate tir\u
243? de la saeta sac\u225?ndose el globo ocular y provoc\u243? una aut\u233?ntic
a escabechina entre los atacantes, hasta que cay\u243? desvanecido por la p\u233
?rdida de sangre sobre una pila de cad\u225?veres y sus soldados se lo llevaron
de all\u237?.{\super
[51]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar recompens\u243? a los defensores de aquel fuerte, que eran un ejemplo
para todos sus soldados. Les duplic\u243? la paga, les dio ropa nueva y, sobre
todo, una raci\u243?n doble de trigo. Esceva, que era centuri\u243?n de octava c
ategor\u237?a, fue ascendido a primipilo y recibi\u243? una bonificaci\u243?n de
doscientos mil sestercios, que para un militar supon\u237?a una peque\u241?a fo
rtuna.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La a\u241?agaza de Pompeyo no hab\u237?a funcionado, pero pocos d\u237?as despu\
u233?s se le present\u243? la oportunidad de atacar de nuevo. Dos nobles galos l
lamados Ego y Roscilo que eran hermanos y serv\u237?an con C\u233?sar hab\u237?a
n sido acusados de quedarse con la paga destinada a sus soldados. Temiendo las r
epresalias, se fugaron llev\u225?ndose el dinero y doscientos jinetes y, sobre t
odo, con informaci\u243?n valiosa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el extremo sur de la fortificaci\u243?n de C\u233?sar hab\u237?a un punto d\u
233?bil. All\u237?, para protegerse de posibles ataques lanzados desde el sur, s
e hab\u237?a construido una segunda empalizada. Entre ambas quedaba un espacio a
bierto en la playa de unos doscientos metros que a\u250?n no hab\u237?a terminad
o de reforzarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ego y Roscilo se lo contaron a Pompeyo, que decidi\u243? lanzar otro ataque masi
vo. \u201?l mismo baj\u243? desde el campamento principal con seis legiones y at
ac\u243? el lado sur de la empalizada en un punto defendido por la Novena legi\u
243?n (la misma que se hab\u237?a amotinado). Antes hab\u237?a instruido a sus h
ombres para que rodearan los yelmos con protecciones de mimbre: era una manera d
e evitar reflejos delatores y de amortiguar los impactos de las piedras lanzadas
desde lo alto de las empalizadas. Por otra parte, envi\u243? a miles de arquero
s y honderos en botes para que desembarcaran en la playa. Simult\u225?neamente,
sus barcos batieron la zona disparando catapultas y escorpiones para obligar a l
os defensores a permanecer parapetados, en una operaci\u243?n de barrido que, a
peque\u241?a escala y sin armas de fuego, recuerda otras maniobras anfibias como
el desembarco de Normand\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El triple ataque coincidi\u243? con el alba. Los hombres de la Novena no pudiero
n resistirlo y abandonaron la posici\u243?n despu\u233?s de sufrir much\u237?sim

as bajas. Si su campamento principal no cay\u243? fue porque Marco Antonio y des

pu\u233?s C\u233?sar acudieron al ver se\u241?ales de humo. La propia \u225?guil
a de la Novena estuvo a punto de ir a parar a manos del enemigo. Solo se salv\u2
43? porque el portaestandarte que la custodiaba la lanz\u243? por encima de la e
mpalizada antes de morir, librando as\u237? a C\u233?sar de la verg\u252?enza de
perder el emblema de una legi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo hab\u237?a logrado apoderarse del extremo meridional de la fortificaci\u
243?n de C\u233?sar, y aprovech\u243? para levantar un campamento al otro lado,
fuera del circuito vallado. Al mismo tiempo, otras tropas suyas ocuparon un {\i
castra} que hab\u237?a un poco m\u225?s al norte. Lo hab\u237?an empezado a leva
ntar los soldados de la Novena, pero despu\u233?s se hab\u237?an dado cuenta de
que no era un sitio adecuado para la defensa y lo abandonaron.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
C\u233?sar empezaba a sospechar que su posici\u243?n era indefendible. Se encont
raba ante el mismo dilema que en Gergovia: ten\u237?a que renunciar a cercar a s
u enemigo, pero si se retiraba sin m\u225?s, su prestigio como general sufrir\u2
37?a un gran menoscabo. Necesitaba asestar al menos un golpe brillante para marc
harse con la moral alta.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue entonces cuando recibi\u243? el informe de que una unidad, al parecer una le
gi\u243?n entera, se hab\u237?a instalado en el fuerte abandonado. Si la Novena
hab\u237?a renunciado a \u233?l era porque estaba rodeado de \u225?rboles que po
d\u237?an ocultar a un enemigo que se acercara. \u191?Por qu\u233? no aprovechar
esos \u225?rboles para lanzar un ataque nocturno? Si se apoderaba de aquel fuer
te, podr\u237?a derrotar a una legi\u243?n entera y hacer prisioneros a los homb
res que no perecieran en el asalto. Acabar con toda una legi\u243?n del enemigo
(y quiz\u225? sumarla a sus propias filas) compensar\u237?a de sobra el rev\u233
?s anterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s del ataque de Pompeyo, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a hecho levantar un gran
campamento en la zona sur para controlar mejor los movimientos del adversario.
Ahora, de noche, dej\u243? a dos cohortes vigil\u225?ndolo y sali\u243? con otra
s treinta y tres, casi tres legiones y media.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como era habitual, las tropas se dividieron en dos grandes grupos. El que iba po
r la parte izquierda, con el mismo C\u233?sar al mando, lleg\u243? con sigilo al
fuerte y tom\u243? la empalizada al asalto despu\u233?s de una breve lucha. Sin
embargo, al entrar se dieron cuenta de que dentro del campamento hab\u237?a otr
a valla, un fuerte dentro del fuerte, y la guarnici\u243?n de Pompeyo se hab\u23
7?a refugiado en aquel reducto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A esas alturas, las tropas del ala derecha ya tendr\u237?an que haber llegado. P
ero, como ocurre a veces en las operaciones nocturnas, simplemente se hab\u237?a
n perdido. Desde el campamento sal\u237?a una empalizada que no formaba parte de
l recinto, sino que llevaba a un r\u237?o cercano. Creyendo que era un lateral d
el fuerte, los soldados la siguieron en la oscuridad. Cuando se dieron cuenta de
l error, en lugar de volver atr\u225?s rellenaron la zanja y arrancaron parte de
l vallado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el otro campamento enemigo, construido al sur de la circunvalaci\u243?n cesar
iana, Pompeyo se hab\u237?a dado cuenta del ataque. R\u225?pidamente orden\u243?
a la caballer\u237?a y a cinco legiones que se pusieran en marcha para defender
lo. L\u243?gicamente, los jinetes se adelantaron a los infantes. Al llegar al fu
erte que estaba siendo atacado, pasaron por su lado izquierdo y lo rodearon en e
l sentido de las agujas del reloj.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso los llev\u243? a topar de frente con los soldados extraviados del ala derech
a de C\u233?sar, que por fin hab\u237?an visto el campamento y corr\u237?an haci
a \u233?l. No iban en formaci\u243?n cerrada, porque se hab\u237?an ido separand
o al cruzar el vallado y adem\u225?s no esperaban encontrarse con ning\u250?n en
emigo en el camino.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Atacar a grupos dispersos era la misi\u243?n favorita de la caballer\u237?a. Los
jinetes de Pompeyo irrumpieron entre los legionarios enemigos y empezaron a ala
ncearlos mientras sus caballos los pisoteaban. Los hombres de C\u233?sar fueron
presa del p\u225?nico y dieron media vuelta para huir, atropell\u225?ndose unos
a otros. En el hueco que hab\u237?an abierto en el cercado se form\u243? un gran

tap\u243?n; de modo que, para huir de los jinetes de Pompeyo que los estaban ma
sacrando, muchos treparon al parapeto y saltaron al otro lado sin pens\u225?rsel
o. La altura seguramente no era tanta como para matarse, pero los primeros en ca
er apenas tuvieron tiempo de levantarse cuando otros compa\u241?eros se les prec
ipitaron encima. Muchos murieron as\u237?, aplastados en la fosa aleda\u241?a a
la empalizada; al menos, sirvieron de colch\u243?n para que otros salvaran la vi
da.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el campamento atacado, los hombres del ala izquierda de C\u233?sar presenciar
on lo que ocurr\u237?a con sus compa\u241?eros, y tambi\u233?n vieron que se ace
rcaban las cinco legiones de Pompeyo. Al comprender que pod\u237?an quedarse enc
errados all\u237? dentro, corri\u243? la voz del \u171?\u161?S\u225?lvese quien
pueda!\u187?, y todos huyeron sin orden ni disciplina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar intent\u243? evitar el desastre, plant\u225?ndose delante de los sold
ados e incluso agarrando con sus manos los estandartes de los que hu\u237?an. Aq
uello le hab\u237?a servido a Sila en la batalla de Orc\u243?meno para detener u
na desbandada, pero los soldados de C\u233?sar estaban tan aterrorizados que no
hicieron caso de su general. Uno de los sign\u237?feros lleg\u243? al extremo de
darle la vuelta al estandarte para clavarle la punta del regat\u243?n a su gene
ral. C\u233?sar se salv\u243? porque uno de sus escoltas reaccion\u243? a tiempo
y cort\u243? el brazo de aquel hombre con su espada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla pod\u237?a haber acabado mucho peor. Pompeyo sospech\u243? que la hui
da de los soldados de C\u233?sar era una a\u241?agaza y refren\u243? a sus solda
dos para que no los persiguieran. De lo contrario, tal vez habr\u237?an tomado e
l campamento, masacrado a tres legiones y apresado o matado al mismo C\u233?sar.
Este se dio cuenta y coment\u243? m\u225?s tarde a sus allegados: \u171?Hoy mis
enemigos podr\u237?an haber terminado la guerra de haber tenido a un general qu
e supiera vencer\u187? (Apiano, BC, 2.62).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aun as\u237?, el resultado fue otro desastre. En el ataque de unos d\u237?as ant
es, C\u233?sar ya hab\u237?a sufrido muchas bajas, pero en este perdi\u243? nove
cientos sesenta soldados, treinta y dos mandos entre centuriones y tribunos y ot
ros tantos estandartes. Despu\u233?s de Gergovia era su segunda gran derrota, y
en circunstancias que podr\u237?an considerarse parecidas. A la hora de coordina
r operaciones nocturnas con grupos separados de tropas, Pompeyo hab\u237?a demos
trado que era mejor general que C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A cambio, le falt\u243? generosidad en la victoria. Pompeyo entreg\u243? a los p
risioneros a Labieno, que se burl\u243? de ellos llam\u225?ndolos \u171?camarada
s\u187?, y despu\u233?s los mat\u243? a la vista de los hombres de C\u233?sar.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
FARSALIA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Posiblemente C\u233?sar pas\u243? la peor noche de su vida, pero no es algo que
confiese en su libro {\i
La guerra civil}. Al d\u237?a siguiente reuni\u243? a sus tropas y las areng\u24
3?, como hab\u237?a hecho despu\u233?s de Gergovia. Hasta entonces todo les hab\
u237?a ido bien, les record\u243?, pero de repente la suerte les hab\u237?a fall
ado. La culpa no era de ellos, pues la fortuna era la principal fuerza en los as
untos de la guerra. A partir de ahora, como hab\u237?an hecho despu\u233?s de Ge
rgovia, deb\u237?an esforzarse por compensar con su valor los errores cometidos
la noche anterior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para alivio de C\u233?sar, la moral de la tropa apenas hab\u237?a bajado. Sus so
ldados lo aclamaron, se echaron la culpa a s\u237? mismos por aquel rev\u233?s y
se mostraron dispuestos a entrar en combate aquel mismo d\u237?a para lavar su
honor. C\u233?sar les mand\u243? paciencia y les dijo que ya llegar\u237?a su oc
asi\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello degrad\u243? a algunos portaestandartes, porque su falta
al abandonar sus puestos era mucho m\u225?s grave que la del resto de los solda
dos: aquellas insignias no solo pose\u237?an valor religioso y simb\u243?lico, s
ino que eran el punto de referencia al que se levantaban las miradas de todos lo

s soldados, ya que marcaban la posici\u243?n y los movimientos de cada unidad. U

n estandarte perdido era una unidad desorientada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar comprendi\u243? que no ten\u237?a sentido continuar all\u237?. Pompey
o hab\u237?a conseguido romper su cerco por el sur, convirtiendo en in\u250?tile
s tanto trabajo y tantas privaciones. Pero en la guerra siempre hab\u237?a que m
irar adelante. Lo mejor era dejar atr\u225?s la costa e internarse en Grecia: si
Pompeyo lo segu\u237?a, eso lo alejar\u237?a de su flota y le har\u237?a m\u225
?s dif\u237?cil recibir suministros para su ej\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Por supuesto, exist\u237?a la posibilidad de que Pompeyo decidiera invadir Itali
a olvid\u225?ndose de \u233?l. Pero C\u233?sar sospechaba que ni \u233?l ni los
optimates que lo rodeaban iban a hacerlo. En esa cacer\u237?a, \u233?l era la pi
eza mayor, y no renunciar\u237?an a perseguirlo ahora que lo ve\u237?an tocado t
ras la derrota y con un ej\u233?rcito que llevaba muchas semanas en un estado ce
rcano a la desnutrici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y as\u237? ocurri\u243?, en efecto: cuando Pompeyo supo que las tropas enemigas
hab\u237?an abandonado todos sus fuertes y campamentos en Dirraquio, se lanz\u24
3? en su persecuci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar sigui\u243? el camino de la costa hasta llegar a Apolonia, ciudad de
la que se hab\u237?a apoderado al principio de la campa\u241?a. All\u237? dej\u2
43? a sus heridos y lo m\u225?s pesado de la impedimenta con una guarnici\u243?n
de ocho cohortes. Despu\u233?s se intern\u243? en las monta\u241?as del Pindo p
ara dirigirse a Tesalia, en cuyas f\u233?rtiles llanuras esperaba encontrar gran
o. Quer\u237?a, adem\u225?s, reunirse con las dos legiones que hab\u237?a enviad
o a Macedonia con el legado Domicio Calvino para que vigilaran el camino y le co
rtaran el paso a Escipi\u243?n, el suegro de Pompeyo, que estaba a punto de lleg
ar de Asia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por su parte, Pompeyo tom\u243? otra ruta m\u225?s septentrional, siguiendo la v
\u237?a Ignacia precisamente para reunirse con Escipi\u243?n. Durante unos d\u23
7?as, los caminos de cesarianos y pompeyanos se separaron.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Poco despu\u233?s C\u233?sar y sus hombres bajaron de las monta\u241?as y llegar
on a Eginio, la primera fortaleza de Tesalia. All\u237? los soldados levantaron
la cabeza con asombro para contemplar el fant\u225?stico paisaje esculpido por l
a erosi\u243?n, las enormes columnas de roca arenisca en cuyas cimas casi inacce
sibles se levantan ahora los monasterios de Meteora.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Eginio, las legiones de C\u233?sar y Calvino se reunieron por fin, y prosigui
eron camino hacia el este. Ante ellos se abr\u237?a la llanura de Tesalia, donde
el trigo empezaba a amarillear en las espigas. Estaban a finales de julio, aunq
ue en realidad la posici\u243?n del eje de la Tierra dec\u237?a que todav\u237?a
era mayo. Al grano de los campos le deb\u237?a faltar un punto para madurar del
todo, pero C\u233?sar confiaba en que las ciudades de la zona lo apoyar\u237?an
, ya que Andr\u243?stenes, jefe de la Liga de Tesalia, le hab\u237?a ofrecido su
alianza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al llegar a Gonfi, la primera poblaci\u243?n importante de la comarca, se encont
raron con las puertas cerradas: la noticia de la derrota de C\u233?sar en Dirraq
uio hab\u237?a corrido como el fuego y muchas ciudades no quer\u237?an escoger e
l bando equivocado. En verdad, en aquel momento todos los factores estaban en co
ntra de C\u233?sar salvo dos: la calidad y la entrega de sus tropas por una part
e, y por otra su talento como general. Aunque todav\u237?a estaba por ver si log
rar\u237?a superar al de Pompeyo, que en el primer enfrentamiento directo entre
ambos lo hab\u237?a superado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando vio que los habitantes de Gonfi se negaban a abrirles la puertas y propor
cionarles alimento, C\u233?sar desencaden\u243? literalmente a sus tropas. Provi
stos de escalas, manteletes y las t\u237?picas vallas que se tend\u237?an para c
ruzar los fosos, los soldados tomaron al asalto la muralla. Por primera vez desd
e que empez\u243? la guerra civil, C\u233?sar permiti\u243? que sus hombres saqu
earan una ciudad. Los legionarios descargaron toda la frustraci\u243?n de aquell
os meses en la poblaci\u243?n de Gonfi, cuyo destino es preferible no imaginar.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Tras la violencia vino el hartazgo de comida y de bebida. Seg\u250?n Apiano (BC,

2.64), como era de esperar despu\u233?s de tantas privaciones se emborracharon
como cubas; en particular los germanos, que como todo el mundo sabe \u8212?aqu\u
237? va un comentario xen\u243?fobo del historiador\u8212? hacen el rid\u237?cul
o cuando beben de m\u225?s. Pero cuando los soldados de C\u233?sar salieron de l
a ciudad y continuaron su avance se encontraron mucho mejor, con los organismos
bien cargados de carbohidratos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La crueldad de C\u233?sar no sol\u237?a ser gratuita: las dem\u225?s ciudades de
la zona, como Metr\u243?polis, supieron escarmentar en cabeza ajena y abrieron
las puertas a sus tropas. Prosiguiendo viaje hacia el este, las legiones, cada v
ez m\u225?s recuperadas, llegaron a un valle cruzado por el r\u237?o Enipeo, no
muy lejos de la ciudad de Farsalia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pocos d\u237?as despu\u233?s, a primeros de agosto, lleg\u243? tambi\u233?n el e
j\u233?rcito de Pompeyo, reforzado con las dos legiones de su suegro Escipi\u243
?n, y se instal\u243? a unos cinco kil\u243?metros del de C\u233?sar. Ambos gene
rales, como era de esperar, hab\u237?an buscado emplazamientos adecuados para su
s campamentos. En el caso de Pompeyo, se hab\u237?a instalado en las faldas de l
os montes que delimitaban por el norte la llanura del Enipeo.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Esta vez C\u233?sar no pens\u243? en cercar a Pompeyo, algo en lo que ya hab\u23
7?a fracasado en Dirraquio. Adem\u225?s, el relieve de la zona no se lo permit\u
237?a. Lo que hizo fue sacar a sus tropas un d\u237?a tras otro a la llanura, de
safiando a su adversario a entablar combate. Pompeyo tambi\u233?n desplegaba a s
us soldados, pero lo hac\u237?a en el piedemonte al final de la ladera, de tal m
anera que si los enemigos quer\u237?an atacarlos tendr\u237?an que hacerlo corri
endo cuesta arriba. Considerando que Pompeyo ten\u237?a casi el doble de hombres
que C\u233?sar, este habr\u237?a cometido una insensatez aceptando unas condici
ones tan disparejas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Excepto cuando se produc\u237?an emboscadas como las que hab\u237?a sufrido Mari
o en Numidia o encontronazos fortuitos como el de Quinto Flaminino y Perseo en C
inosc\u233?falas, en la Antig\u252?edad dos no batallaban si uno no quer\u237?a.
Para provocar a Pompeyo, C\u233?sar adelantaba cada d\u237?a un poco m\u225?s s
us l\u237?neas acerc\u225?ndose paulatinamente a su campamento. Pero no estaba d
ispuesto a combatir si no era en el llano. Pompeyo, por su parte, se negaba a pi
car el anzuelo. Pensaba que si peleaba en campo abierto contra el ej\u233?rcito
de C\u233?sar ten\u237?a posibilidades de derrotarlo, pero estaba convencido de
que esas posibilidades se convertir\u237?an en certeza si continuaba con su t\u2
25?ctica de desgaste.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la experiencia de Dirraquio, C\u233?sar prefer\u237?a no detener
se demasiado tiempo en el mismo sitio, por problemas de abastecimiento. La noche
del 8 de agosto decidi\u243? que al d\u237?a siguiente levantar\u237?an el camp
amento y se dirigir\u237?an hacia el nordeste. Imaginaba que Pompeyo los seguir\
u237?a y en alg\u250?n momento se presentar\u237?a la oportunidad de combatir, a
unque lamentaba haber desaprovechado aquella llanura alargada y no demasiado anc
ha que ofrec\u237?a mucho juego para maniobras t\u225?cticas.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Lo que no pod\u237?a sospechar era que la ocasi\u243?n de enfrentarse se iba a p
resentar enseguida, pues se estaba discutiendo sobre ella en la tienda de mando
de Pompeyo. De hecho, esos debates se llevaban produciendo desde hac\u237?a tiem
po, ya que uno de los problemas del bando de Pompeyo era que su autoridad no res
ultaba tan incuestionable como la de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los optimates criticaban a C\u233?sar porque se rodeaba de gente de extracci\u24
3?n social m\u225?s baja, e incluso se permit\u237?an re\u237?rse del senado que
se hab\u237?a reunido con \u233?l en Roma porque no contaba en sus filas con pe
rsonajes de verdadero abolengo. Ellos, sin embargo, eran gente distinguida. Tan
distinguida que, a diferencia de los subordinados de C\u233?sar, que sol\u237?an
aceptar sus \u243?rdenes sin rechistar, no dejaban de protestar y le sacaban pu
nta a todo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por ejemplo, Domicio Ahenobarbo hab\u237?a empezado a llamar a Pompeyo \u171?Aga
men\u243?n\u187?, sugiriendo con ello que estaba dilatando tanto aquella guerra

como el rey de Micenas, que tard\u243? diez a\u241?os en conquistar Troya. De pa

so, le recordaba a Pompeyo que, como Agamen\u243?n, no dejaba de ser un {\i
primus inter pares}, un primero entre iguales. Otros dec\u237?an que en realidad
no ten\u237?a ninguna prisa por ganar, porque mientras existiera la amenaza de
C\u233?sar \u233?l podr\u237?a conservar un poder extraordinario y seguir\u237?a
dando \u243?rdenes a senadores consulares como si fueran sus esclavos y \u233?l
un \u171?rey de reyes\u187?, otro de los apodos que le hab\u237?an puesto. Un t
al Favonio, en particular, sacaba a Pompeyo de quicio cuando le preguntaba en to
no zumb\u243?n: \u171?\u191?Qu\u233? pasa? \u191?Este a\u241?o tampoco vamos a c
omer higos de Tusculum?\u187?. Al menos, Pompeyo se hab\u237?a librado de Cat\u2
43?n, uno de los anticesarianos m\u225?s beligerantes, dej\u225?ndolo en Dirraqu
io a cargo de la flota y los suministros. Cat\u243?n, como demostraba cuando rec
urr\u237?a al filibusterismo parlamentario para boicotear las leyes de C\u233?sa
r y otros adversarios, pod\u237?a ser un aut\u233?ntico tormento para los o\u237
?dos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pompeyo era vanidoso, pero tambi\u233?n realista, y los reveses de su campa\u241
?a contra Sertorio le hab\u237?an ense\u241?ado m\u225?s que sus precoces victor
ias al lado de Sila. Mas sus legados no eran tan prudentes como \u233?l y estaba
n convencidos de que iban a aplastar a C\u233?sar casi sin despeinarse. Algunos
ya hab\u237?an empezado a repartirse sus cargos y propiedades sin haberlo derrot
ado todav\u237?a. Entre Ahenobarbo, Metelo Escipi\u243?n y L\u233?ntulo Esf\u237
?nter discut\u237?an qui\u233?n iba a ser el pr\u243?ximo {\i
pontifex maximus} cuando eliminaran a C\u233?sar, mientras que otros ya hab\u237
?an preparado una lista de c\u243?nsules para los a\u241?os venideros.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
A Pompeyo le resultaba muy dif\u237?cil aguantar las presiones de su entorno, po
rque, como dec\u237?a Plutarco, le importaba demasiado la opini\u243?n ajena y n
o soportaba defraudar a sus amigos ({\i
Pompeyo}, 67). Aunque esos amigos fueran tan recientes como los optimates, que l
o despreciaban cuando hablaban a su espalda.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por eso, finalmente cedi\u243? y anunci\u243? que el d\u237?a 9 de agosto presen
tar\u237?an batalla. La noche de la v\u237?spera, reuni\u243? en su tienda a los
legados y oficiales y les cont\u243? su plan.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La afamada infanter\u237?a de C\u233?sar ni siquiera iba a entrar en acci\u243?n
, explic\u243? Pompeyo. En cuanto comenzara el combate, su caballer\u237?a lanza
r\u237?a una carga contra el flanco derecho. All\u237?, en la parte norte de la
llanura, m\u225?s abierta, se encontrar\u237?an tambi\u233?n la mayor\u237?a de
los jinetes enemigos (por el lado sur corr\u237?a el r\u237?o Enipeo y no era bu
en terreno para las monturas). Pero la caballer\u237?a de Pompeyo barrer\u237?a
a la de C\u233?sar en cuesti\u243?n de segundos, ya que iban a ser seis mil cont
ra apenas un millar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez superado ese insignificante obst\u225?culo, los jinetes pompeyanos ataca
r\u237?an en masa la retaguardia de C\u233?sar y sembrar\u237?an el caos y el te
rror entre sus filas. Como todo el mundo sab\u237?a, el efecto de una carga de c
aballer\u237?a no era el mismo si se lanzaba contra el frente formado de una leg
i\u243?n que contra sus \u250?ltimas filas, siempre m\u225?s desorganizadas y co
mpuestas por efectivos de menor calidad.{\super
[52]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al mando de esa trascendental carga, anunci\u243? Pompeyo, estar\u237?a Tito Lab
ieno, experto en esas lides. El antiguo legado de C\u233?sar tom\u243? la palabr
a para explicar que el ej\u233?rcito que ten\u237?an frente a ellos no era realm
ente el que hab\u237?a conquistado la Galia, pues muchos de los veteranos de C\u
233?sar hab\u237?an perecido en combate, otros hab\u237?an muerto de una epidemi
a en Italia y hab\u237?a muchos m\u225?s que ya estaban licenciados. As\u237? pu
es, iban a combatir contra legiones pr\u225?cticamente biso\u241?as.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
La realidad no era esa. Tal vez Labieno disimulaba la verdad por animar a los de
m\u225?s, o quiz\u225? su arenga no era m\u225?s que una muestra de {\i
wishful thinking}. En cualquier caso, estaba decidido: el ej\u233?rcito de Pompe
yo iba a combatir. Los optimates se hallaban tan convencidos de su triunfo que h

icieron preparativos para celebrarlo al d\u237?a siguiente, disponiendo mesas pa

ra un gran banquete y coronando con flores y parras no solo las tiendas de los m
andos, sino incluso las de los soldados rasos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En la ma\u241?ana del 9 de agosto, C\u233?sar dio orden de levantar el campament
o. Como todos los d\u237?as, observ\u243? c\u243?mo a lo lejos los hombres de Po
mpeyo tambi\u233?n sal\u237?an de su empalizada. Pero no hizo demasiado caso de
sus movimientos, pues supon\u237?a que se iban a plantar otra vez en la ladera y
no pensaba combatir all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de todo, al poco rato sus batidores le informaron de que el ej\u233?rcit
o de Pompeyo no se hab\u237?a quedado en el piedemonte, sino que hab\u237?a sali
do a la llanura y hab\u237?a empezado a girar a sinistr\u243?rsum \u8212?esto es
, en el sentido de las agujas del reloj\u8212? para quedarse con su flanco derec
ho junto al r\u237?o Enipeo y el izquierdo mirando hacia las colinas que cerraba
n la llanura por el norte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar orden\u243? abortar los preparativos para la marcha y disponerse para
el combate. \u171?\u161?No vamos a volver a encontrar una ocasi\u243?n como est
a!\u187?, explic\u243? a sus oficiales. Sobre su tienda se iz\u243? el pabell\u2
43?n rojo que indicaba zafarrancho de combate. C\u233?sar ten\u237?a tanta prisa
por sacar a sus hombres \u8212?no fuera a arrepentirse Pompeyo\u8212? que hizo
derribar la empalizada y rellenar la fosa de tierra en varios puntos para que su
s cohortes pudieran salir ya desplegadas y no perdieran el tiempo estir\u225?ndo
se en hileras. Tan solo dej\u243? atr\u225?s a dos mil de sus soldados m\u225?s
veteranos, encargados de levantar de nuevo el vallado y proteger el campamento.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los dos ej\u233?rcitos fueron formando frente a frente, una operaci\u243?n labor
iosa que siempre requer\u237?a su tiempo. Pompeyo ten\u237?a unos cuarenta mil l
egionarios dispuestos en triple l\u237?nea. En el flanco derecho, junto al r\u23
7?o, hab\u237?a apostado a seiscientos jinetes acompa\u241?ados de algunos efect
ivos de infanter\u237?a ligera. Pero la cabeza del martillo que formaba su ej\u2
33?rcito se hallaba en el flanco izquierdo. All\u237? hab\u237?a m\u225?s de sei
s mil jinetes entre galos, germanos y aliados de los diversos pueblos del este:
g\u225?latas, tracios, capadocios, macedonios y sirios. Tambi\u233?n a la izquie
rda se encontraban las mejores legiones, la Primera y la Tercera, previendo que
all\u237? se producir\u237?a el choque con la D\u233?cima de C\u233?sar. Cada co
horte formaba con diez filas, un despliegue m\u225?s profundo de lo habitual. Er
a algo que se hac\u237?a a veces con tropas no muy experimentadas, pues las form
aciones profundas ten\u237?an m\u225?s empuje, se torc\u237?an menos al avanzar
y ofrec\u237?an m\u225?s seguridad a los soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Frente a ellos, C\u233?sar dispon\u237?a de unos veintid\u243?s mil legionarios.
Con el fin de igualar la longitud del frente enemigo, sus cohortes formaban con
seis filas de profundidad. Hab\u237?a dividido el frente en tres secciones. En
el ala izquierda, pegada al r\u237?o, hab\u237?a cuatro legiones, entre ellas la
Octava y la Novena, que debido a las bajas sufridas en combate funcionaban comb
inadas como una sola unidad. Al mando de ese flanco estaba Marco Antonio. Del ce
ntro se encargaba el legado Domicio Calvino, que ten\u237?a a Publio Sila, parie
nte del dictador, a la derecha. Ya en el extremo se encontraba el propio C\u233?
sar junto a la D\u233?cima legi\u243?n. En el flanco formaba su caballer\u237?a,
apenas mil efectivos para enfrentarse a la masa de jinetes que sab\u237?a que s
e le iba a venir encima.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antes de empezar la batalla, se distribuyeron las consignas para que los soldado
s, que iban equipados pr\u225?cticamente de la misma forma en ambos ej\u233?rcit
os, se reconocieran durante el combate y no mataran a los suyos crey\u233?ndolos
enemigos. El santo y se\u241?a de los pompeyanos era \u171?H\u233?rcules invict
o\u187? y el de los cesarianos \u171?Venus portadora de la victoria\u187?, como
homenaje a la divina madre de la {\i
gens} Julia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como se sol\u237?a hacer si hab\u237?a tiempo, C\u233?sar cabalg\u243? por la l\
u237?nea de batalla deteni\u233?ndose en algunos puntos para arengar a la tropa
y, sobre todo, para que lo vieran a lomos de su caballo y ondeando su vistosa ca
pa roja. Despu\u233?s regres\u243? a su puesto, entre la D\u233?cima y la caball

er\u237?a. All\u237? hab\u237?a una peque\u241?a unidad formada por ciento veint
e {\i
evocati}, soldados licenciados que se hab\u237?an reenganchado para combatir por
su antiguo general. Los mandaba Cayo Crastino, que el a\u241?o anterior hab\u23
7?a sido primipilo de la D\u233?cima legi\u243?n; lo que es tanto como decir el
centuri\u243?n m\u225?s prestigioso de todo el ej\u233?rcito.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Al ver a C\u233?sar, Crastino le dijo: \u171?General, hoy voy a comportarme de t
al manera que estar\u225?s orgulloso de m\u237?, vivo o muerto\u187?. Despu\u233
?s se dirigi\u243? a los dem\u225?s {\i
evocati} y exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?Seguidme, vosotros que una vez servisteis b
ajo mis \u243?rdenes! \u161?Luchad por el general al que jurasteis lealtad! Solo
nos queda un \u250?ltimo combate. \u161?Cuando termine, C\u233?sar recuperar\u2
25? su dignidad y nosotros nuestra libertad!\u187? (C\u233?sar, BC, 91).\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Dicho esto, Crastino arranc\u243? a correr el primero, adelant\u225?ndose a todo
el ej\u233?rcito. Segundos despu\u233?s, los ciento veinte voluntarios de su nu
trida centuria lo siguieron. Para algunos expertos, esta especie de carga suicid
a fue en realidad una {\i
devotio}, un antiguo ritual por el que el ej\u233?rcito enemigo al completo era
ofrecido como v\u237?ctima a los manes, los dioses infernales. El poder de este
sacrificio, que era tambi\u233?n una maldici\u243?n, se basaba en que quien pron
unciaba el voto de alg\u250?n modo chantajeaba a los dioses ofrend\u225?ndose a
s\u237? mismo. Gracias a la moral que insuflaba la {\i
devotio} en los soldados que escuchaban las palabras del ritual convencidos de s
u poder m\u225?gico, los romanos hab\u237?an ganado batallas tan comprometidas c
omo la del Vesubio en el a\u241?o 340 o la de Sentino en el 295. En {\i
Roma victoriosa} ya aparec\u237?a la terrible f\u243?rmula de este voto:\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Jano, J\u250?piter, padre Marte, Quirino, Belona y vosotros lares, novensiles e
indigetes, deidades que ten\u233?is poder sobre nosotros y nuestros enemigos; y
vosotros tambi\u233?n, divinos manes: os rezo, os reverencio y os ruego que bend
ig\u225?is al pueblo romano con poder y con victoria, y que lanc\u233?is sobre s
us enemigos miedo, terror y muerte. Ahora, por el bien del pueblo romano, del ej
\u233?rcito, de las legiones y de sus aliados, ofrezco en sacrificio a los manes
y a la Tierra las legiones y los auxiliares del enemigo, del mismo modo que me
ofrendo a m\u237? mismo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si en verdad se trat\u243? de una {\i
devotio}, como sospecho, los dioses aceptaron la vida de Crastino, algo que era
de esperar tomando en cuenta que se hab\u237?a adelantado a los dem\u225?s de fo
rma tan temeraria: cuando trat\u243? de romper las filas enemigas, un soldado po
mpeyano le clav\u243? su espada en la boca y lo mat\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Mientras las filas de infanter\u237?a de C\u233?sar cargaban contra el enemigo,
la caballer\u237?a de Pompeyo hac\u237?a lo propio. Todo debi\u243? de ocurrir m
uy r\u225?pido y de forma simult\u225?nea, pero como la literatura es secuencial
y no multisensorial como el cine, resulta imprescindible dividir la acci\u243?n
por sectores para relatarla, como hace C\u233?sar en {\i
La guerra civil}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Empecemos por la infanter\u237?a. Cuando las cohortes de la primera l\u237?nea c
esariana avanzaron contra las pompeyanas, lo normal habr\u237?a sido que estas h
icieran lo propio. Pero Pompeyo, siguiendo consejos de varios legados, hab\u237?
a instruido a sus soldados para que aguantaran la posici\u243?n sin mover los pi
es del sitio. De ese modo no se desordenar\u237?an \u8212?se ve que no confiaban
mucho en su disciplina\u8212? y, adem\u225?s, al no correr no sumar\u237?an su
velocidad a la de los {\i
pila} enemigos y el impacto ser\u237?a m\u225?s d\u233?bil. C\u233?sar critica e
n su texto esta decisi\u243?n, porque priva a los hombres del \u171?ardor y anim
osidad de esp\u237?ritu que se enardece por el deseo de luchar\u187? (BC, 92), u
n br\u237?o instintivo que los hombres poseen de forma innata y que sirve para v

encer su miedo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al ver que el enemigo ni se mov\u237?a y ellos ten\u237?an que recorrer el doble
de distancia, los centuriones de C\u233?sar, por propia iniciativa, ordenaron a
sus hombres que se detuvieran con el fin de enderezar las filas y tomar algo de
aliento: una muestra de disciplina y organizaci\u243?n que seguramente no era i
mprovisada, sino que hab\u237?a sido entrenada. M\u225?s adelante, el militar an
\u243?nimo que escribi\u243? {\i
La guerra africana} coment\u243? que C\u233?sar era un obseso del adiestramiento
y que preparaba a sus tropas no como un general a unos veteranos, sino como un
instructor de gladiadores a sus alumnos ({\i
B. Af}., 71). Sin duda, el entrenamiento constante ten\u237?a mucho que ver con
las altas prestaciones de las legiones de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Recobrado el resuello, los soldados de C\u233?sar reanudaron la embestida, lanza
ron una andanada de {\i
pila}, desenvainaron las espadas y se lanzaron al cuerpo a cuerpo, en la mayor b
atalla entre ej\u233?rcitos romanos que se hab\u237?a librado hasta entonces.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por el momento, el combate se trab\u243? escudo contra escudo. Entretanto, la ca
baller\u237?a mandada por Labieno hab\u237?a cargado contra la de C\u233?sar y,
como era de esperar, la hab\u237?a puesto en fuga en cuesti\u243?n de minutos o
segundos. A continuaci\u243?n, seg\u250?n el gui\u243?n programado, los jinetes
pompeyanos hicieron una variaci\u243?n derecha para sorprender por detr\u225?s a
la tercera l\u237?nea de cohortes de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los sorprendidos fueron ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conociendo la superioridad en caballer\u237?a del enemigo, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a
previsto la maniobra de Pompeyo. Por muy feroces que fueran sus germanos, no co
nfiaba en que con tan solo mil efectivos pudieran detener la carga, de modo que
les hab\u237?a dado instrucciones para que resistieran de forma casi simb\u243?l
ica hasta o\u237?r su se\u241?al y despu\u233?s se retirasen.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Todo era una trampa. Antes de la batalla, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a sacado de la res
erva situada en la tercera l\u237?nea seis cohortes. Con ellas hab\u237?a formad
o una cuarta l\u237?nea que, en lugar de quedarse atr\u225?s, constitu\u237?a un
a especie de bisagra en un \u225?ngulo de cuarenta y cinco grados con el resto d
e las unidades. Las legiones situadas al frente y, sobre todo, la caballer\u237?
a hab\u237?an ocultado a los ojos del enemigo la posici\u243?n de estas seis coh
ortes. Es probable, incluso, que estuvieran aguantando rodilla en tierra a que l
legara su momento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y lleg\u243?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En su primer choque contra la caballer\u237?a enemiga, la de Labieno hab\u237?a
perdido impulso. En cualquier caso, las galopadas fren\u233?ticas contra una l\u
237?nea enemiga al estilo de los Rohirrim en {\i
El retorno del rey} eran imposibles, por muy est\u233?ticas que puedan quedar en
el cine. Cuando los jinetes pompeyanos se dispon\u237?an a cobrar velocidad de
nuevo, se encontraron de cascos a boca con una l\u237?nea de escudos y {\i
pila} perfectamente formada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En esta ocasi\u243?n no hubo descarga de jabalinas, pues C\u233?sar hab\u237?a o
rdenado expresamente a sus soldados que en lugar de soltarlas las usaran a modo
de lanzas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n Plutarco, los legionarios de C\u233?sar levantaron sus {\i
pila} y amenazaron con sus puntas los rostros de los jinetes, que apartaban la c
ara para que no los desfiguraran, ya que eran poco menos que unos petimetres pre
sumidos ({\i
C\u233?sar}, 45). Es un comentario bastante absurdo, porque los soldados de caba
ller\u237?a formaban parte de una \u233?lite guerrera y no iban a asustarse tan
f\u225?cilmente por algo as\u237?. Otra cosa bien distinta debi\u243? de ocurrir
les a los corceles, que al verse ante una muralla de escudos de la que brotaban
aguzados pinchos met\u225?licos que se agitaban, se espantaron y empezaron a rec
ular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
All\u237? estuvo la clave de la batalla. Tras una breve pugna, se desat\u243? ta

l caos entre la caballer\u237?a pompeyana que los jinetes empezaron a huir en de

sbandada. Al despejar el terreno, dejaron al descubierto a los arqueros y honder
os que ven\u237?an detr\u225?s dispuestos a lanzarse sobre los soldados de la D\
u233?cima legi\u243?n y disparar contra sus costados derechos, siempre m\u225?s
desprotegidos. Al verse vendidos, aquellos soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera em
prendieron la huida, y muchos de ellos fueron aniquilados por las cohortes de la
cuarta l\u237?nea.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras tanto, el combate entre las dos grandes l\u237?neas de infanter\u237?a
continuaba. Pasados unos minutos y viendo que la caballer\u237?a enemiga hab\u23
7?a huido, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? mandar m\u225?s efectivos a la refriega y dio
la se\u241?al de avanzar a la tercera l\u237?nea. Al mismo tiempo, orden\u243?
a las cohortes de la cuarta, las mismas que hab\u237?an abortado la carga de los
jinetes de Labieno, que dejaran de perseguir a los arqueros enemigos y se cobra
ran una pieza m\u225?s valiosa: el flanco izquierdo de la infanter\u237?a pompey
ana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando empez\u243? a cerrarse aquella pinza, los soldados de Pompeyo aguantaron
todav\u237?a unos minutos, pero \u233?l no. Al ver que las cosas se pon\u237?an
feas, hizo que su montura volviese grupas y se retir\u243? a u\u241?a de caballo
. Abandonados por su general, los restos de su ej\u233?rcito se dieron a la fuga
tambi\u233?n o se rindieron. Como se\u241?ala F. E. Adcock, \u171?En Dirraquio
C\u233?sar hab\u237?a sido el \u250?ltimo soldado de su ej\u233?rcito que result
\u243? derrotado; en Farsalia, Pompeyo fue el primero\u187?.{\super
[53]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cicer\u243?n, que hab\u237?a visitado el campamento pompeyano tiempo antes, pero
no estuvo presente en la batalla, lo expres\u243? de otra forma. Para \u233?l,
la culpa de lo ocurrido era de la victoria de Dirraquio, que hab\u237?a hecho a
Pompeyo confiarse demasiado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde aquel d\u237?a aquel var\u243?n insigne dej\u243? de ser un general. Con u
n ej\u233?rcito de novatos reclutado a toda prisa se atrevi\u243? a combatir con
tra las legiones m\u225?s poderosas de todas. Una vez derrotado, para su gran ve
rg\u252?enza abandon\u243? el campamento y huy\u243? solo. ({\i
Ad Fam}., 7.3.2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La victoria de C\u233?sar fue casi total. Entre aquel d\u237?a y el siguiente, m
\u225?s de veinte mil soldados enemigos se rindieron ante \u233?l, que perdon\u2
43? la vida a la mayor\u237?a. Entre aquellos que recibieron su clemencia se hal
laba Marco Junio Bruto, hijo de su amante Servilia y uno de los principales prot
agonistas de los idus de marzo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En el campo hab\u237?an quedado tendidos quince mil pompeyanos, de los cuales se
is mil eran ciudadanos romanos; uno de ellos, el viejo rival de C\u233?sar, Domi
cio Ahenobarbo. Mientras paseaban entre los cad\u225?veres, C\u233?sar coment\u2
43?: \u171?\u161?Ellos lo han querido as\u237?! Si no hubiese pedido ayuda a mi
ej\u233?rcito, me habr\u237?an condenado pese a las gestas que he llevado a cabo
\u187? (Plutarco, {\i
C\u233?sar}, 42). En su propio ej\u233?rcito murieron \u250?nicamente doscientos
hombres, treinta de ellos centuriones. Como siempre, hemos de recordar que la m
ayor\u237?a de las bajas no se produc\u237?an mientras las formaciones cerradas
chocaban de forma pareja, sino cuando una de ellas se desorganizaba y hu\u237?a.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
He dicho una victoria \u171?casi total\u187?. La mayor\u237?a de los mandos impo
rtantes del ej\u233?rcito enemigo, entre ellos el mismo Pompeyo, hab\u237?an hui
do. C\u233?sar se encontr\u243? ante un dilema: \u191?deb\u237?a regresar a Ital
ia o perseguir a los fugitivos? Muchos de ellos, como Escipi\u243?n, Labieno, Af
ranio o Cat\u243?n \u8212?que no hab\u237?a estado presente en la batalla\u8212?
, se dirigieron a la provincia de \u193?frica para reorganizarse all\u237?.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando supo que Pompeyo hab\u237?a tomado un camino diferente, C\u233?sar decidi
\u243? que aquella presa ten\u237?a prioridad. Aunque lo hubiera superado en el
campo de batalla, un enemigo vencido no ten\u237?a por qu\u233? ser un enemigo h
undido, como \u233?l mismo pod\u237?a atestiguar tras haberse sobrepuesto al fra
caso de Dirraquio. Adem\u225?s, Pompeyo pose\u237?a una enorme red de clientes y

aliados en Oriente con los que podr\u237?a recomponer sus fuerzas.\par\pard\pla

in\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar lo organiz\u243? todo r\u225?pidamente. Marco Antonio regresar\u237?a
a Italia con las legiones m\u225?s veteranas, y una vez en Roma se encargar\u23
7?a de velar por los intereses de Italia. A Domicio Calvino le entreg\u243? tres
de las legiones pompeyanas y lo nombr\u243? gobernador de Asia.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
En cuanto a \u233?l, tom\u243? a su caballer\u237?a y a apenas mil hombres de la
Sexta, una legi\u243?n que hab\u237?a formado en el a\u241?o 52 en la Galia Cis
alpina, y con esa reducida hueste emprendi\u243? la persecuci\u243?n de Pompeyo.
Los hombres de la VI resultaban especialmente adecuados porque, sin ser biso\u2
41?os, eran m\u225?s j\u243?venes y ten\u237?an m\u225?s energ\u237?as que los d
e la Novena y la D\u233?cima.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante varias semanas, C\u233?sar se desplaz\u243? con su celeridad habitual: d
e d\u237?a part\u237?a con sus jinetes hasta el final de la siguiente etapa y al
l\u237? aguardaba la llegada de los legionarios de la Sexta. Mas, pese a su velo
cidad, C\u233?sar se sent\u237?a como Aquiles en la c\u233?lebre apor\u237?a de
Zen\u243?n, incapaz de alcanzar nunca a la tortuga por m\u225?s que corr\u237?a.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De Larisa fue a Anf\u237?polis y desde ah\u237?, olfateando la pista de Pompeyo
como un sabueso, recorri\u243? cuatrocientos kil\u243?metros en ocho d\u237?as p
ara llegar al estrecho de los Dardanelos. All\u237? confisc\u243? unos cuantos b
arcos, y mientras cruzaba el estrecho para pasar a Asia le sali\u243? al paso un
a flota pompeyana mandada por Lucio Casio. En lugar de rendirse ante sus naves,
que eran muchas m\u225?s, C\u233?sar exigi\u243? que se las entregara. El almira
nte enemigo le obedeci\u243?, cuando podr\u237?a haber enviado su m\u237?sera fl
otilla al fondo del estrecho. Le hab\u237?an llegado noticias de la batalla de F
arsalia y, como tantos otros, se apresuraba a acudir en ayuda del vencedor.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras bajaba por la costa oeste de Asia Menor, C\u233?sar fue recibiendo noti
cias de Pompeyo. Lo hab\u237?an visto primero en Mitilene, donde hab\u237?a reco
gido a su esposa Cornelia, y despu\u233?s en Chipre. Eso hizo imaginar a C\u233?
sar que se dirig\u237?a a Egipto. All\u237? reinaba el joven Ptolomeo XIII, cuyo
difunto padre estaba en deuda con Pompeyo y con el propio C\u233?sar. Este pens
\u243? que si su rival se ganaba el favor de Ptolomeo, conseguir\u237?a ese dine
ro y tambi\u233?n naves y otros suministros con los que podr\u237?a reforzar el
ej\u233?rcito que sus partidarios estaban reorganizando en \u193?frica.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
A C\u233?sar le constaba que Pompeyo no llevaba apenas tropas dignas de tal nomb
re, pues quienes lo acompa\u241?aban eran sobre todo esclavos que hab\u237?a ido
reclutando por el camino. Pero si se le daba tiempo, pod\u237?a recabar el apoy
o de los llamados \u171?gabinianos\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los gabinianos eran unos ocho mil legionarios que el legado Aulo Gabinio y Marco
Antonio hab\u237?an llevado a Egipto para reinstaurar a Ptolomeo XII en el tron
o; una misi\u243?n que, dicho sea de paso, les hab\u237?a encargado Pompeyo sin
autorizaci\u243?n del senado. Aquellos hombres se hab\u237?an quedado en Alejand
r\u237?a, convirti\u233?ndose en una fuerza paramilitar que creaba m\u225?s prob
lemas de los que solucionaba. En el a\u241?o 50, B\u237?bulo, que a la saz\u243?
n gobernaba Siria y quer\u237?a defender su provincia de la amenaza de los parto
s, envi\u243? a sus dos hijos a Egipto con la misi\u243?n de llamar a filas a lo
s gabinianos. Estos, acostumbrados a la buena vida que llevaban en Alejandr\u237
?a, se negaron y asesinaron a los hijos de B\u237?bulo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Decidido a evitar que Pompeyo se rearmara de una forma o de otra, C\u233?sar tan
solo esper\u243? a que otra de sus legiones se reuniera con \u233?l, probableme
nte en Rodas. All\u237? embarc\u243? a todos sus hombres en una peque\u241?a flo
ta de transportes y naves de guerra, y sin dudarlo un instante se dirigi\u243? h
acia Egipto. Llevaba en total cuatro mil combatientes: tres mil doscientos legio
narios y ochocientos jinetes, la mayor\u237?a germanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{

En cierto modo fue un error y en cierto modo quiz\u225? no. Sin que \u233?l lo s
upiera, Pompeyo ya hab\u237?a dejado de ser un peligro. Si en lugar de dirigirse
a Egipto, C\u233?sar hubiera regresado a Italia y desde ah\u237? hubiera cruzad
o a \u193?frica para combatir a los optimates antes de darles tiempo a organizar
un gran ej\u233?rcito, la guerra civil habr\u237?a durado mucho tiempo.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero es posible que la historia del mundo hubiera sido menos interesante, y que
la posteridad ni siquiera hubiese o\u237?do hablar de Cleopatra.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
ALEJANDR\u205?A JUNTO A EGIPTO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A principios de octubre del a\u241?o 48, C\u233?sar y su peque\u241?a flota lleg
aron a Alejandr\u237?a. Lo primero que debieron divisar a lo lejos fue el Faro.
Suele escribirse con may\u250?sculas, puesto que Faro era un top\u243?nimo, el n
ombre de la isla donde asentaba sus cimientos, {\i
Ph\u225?ros} en griego. Los romanos se refer\u237?an a \u233?l como torre o lumi
naria, pero la palabra \u171?faro\u187? acab\u243? convirti\u233?ndose en un nom
bre com\u250?n para referirse a ese tipo de edificio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El Faro fue erigido durante el reinado de Ptolomeo II Filadelfo. (Los monarcas a
ntiguos no utilizaban ordinales, pero como todos los de aquella dinast\u237?a se
llamaban igual e incluso repet\u237?an ep\u237?tetos como \u171?Soter\u187?, \u
171?Filadelfo\u187? o \u171?Fil\u243?pator\u187?, los historiadores actuales sue
len recurrir a la numeraci\u243?n para evitar confusiones). Su construcci\u243?n
hab\u237?a requerido doce a\u241?os de trabajos y una inversi\u243?n de ochocie
ntos talentos. El arquitecto, S\u243?strato de Cnido, se sent\u237?a tan satisfe
cho de su obra que quer\u237?a que la posteridad lo recordara por ella. En aquel
la \u233?poca, el nombre que sol\u237?a figurar en este tipo de construcciones e
ra el de quien las encargaba y consagraba; en este caso, el rey de Egipto. A S\u
243?strato se le ocurri\u243? la astucia de escribir la dedicatoria oficial de P
tolomeo en una placa de yeso. Cuando esta se desgast\u243? y cay\u243? con el ti
empo, apareci\u243? debajo el nombre del propio S\u243?strato, grabado de forma
indeleble en la piedra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es comprensible que S\u243?strato se sintiera orgulloso, ya que el Faro era cons
iderado una de las Siete Maravillas del mundo antiguo. Aquella enorme torre se e
rgu\u237?a sobre un islote unido al extremo este de la isla de Faros por una ram
pa.{\super
[54]} Su base era un gran z\u243?calo de cien metros de lado, decorado con colum
nas, arcos y estatuas. Sobre \u233?l se alzaba la gran torre, dise\u241?ada en t
res niveles: el primero era de planta cuadrada, el segundo octogonal y el \u250?
ltimo una torre cil\u237?ndrica rematada por una estatua de Zeus que se alzaba a
m\u225?s de ciento veinte metros de altura sobre las aguas del puerto.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
La raz\u243?n para construir el Faro fue que aquella costa era extremadamente pl
ana y carec\u237?a de puntos de referencia elevados; algo imprescindible para lo
s marinos en una \u233?poca en que se pod\u237?a medir la latitud, pero no la lo
ngitud. Alejandr\u237?a estaba situada en el extremo oeste del Delta del Nilo, c
erca de la llamada boca Can\u243?pica del Nilo. Todo el Delta en s\u237? era tie
rra de aluvi\u243?n, un \u171?don del Nilo\u187? como lo llamaron Hecateo y Her\
u243?doto: las arenas y fangos que arrastraba el gran r\u237?o iban apilando y c
reando un nuevo terreno sumamente f\u233?rtil que se adentraba a\u241?o tras a\u
241?o en el Mediterr\u225?neo. Al no ser resultado de una verdadera orogenia, aq
uella tierra oscura apenas se levantaba sobre el nivel del mar.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
La costa al este de Alejandr\u237?a tambi\u233?n era muy lisa y apenas ofrec\u23
7?a refugio para los barcos. La propia Alejandr\u237?a era la excepci\u243?n: la
isla de Faros, alargada y paralela al litoral, ofrec\u237?a un abrigo contra lo
s vientos y las olas. Por eso Alejandro Magno hab\u237?a decidido levantar all\u
237? una ciudad, que empez\u243? a construirse en el a\u241?o 331. Gracias a su

localizaci\u243?n estrat\u233?gica y a la gran inversi\u243?n que puso en ella e

l rey macedonio, Alejandr\u237?a no tard\u243? en prosperar. Pero para que fuese
m\u225?s seguro arribar a sus dos puertos, que estaban rodeados por escollos, s
e necesitaba alg\u250?n punto de referencia, y el Faro fue la soluci\u243?n. De
d\u237?a su silueta blanca bastaba para verlo a lo lejos. De noche, se encend\u2
37?a la luminaria, que pod\u237?a divisarse a cincuenta kil\u243?metros. Como el
Faro, que sobrevivi\u243? en parte hasta la Edad Media, acab\u243? totalmente d
estruido, no sabemos c\u243?mo era por dentro. Algunos autores cuentan que en el
primer nivel hab\u237?a rampas por las que sub\u237?an ac\u233?milas cargadas d
e combustible para la hoguera. Se ha discutido bastante acerca de la naturaleza
de aquel combustible \u8212?le\u241?a, carb\u243?n vegetal, aceite, incluso petr
\u243?leo crudo\u8212?, pero considerando la prolongada historia del Faro es muy
posible que se utilizaran varias materias distintas a lo largo del tiempo.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez sobrepasado el Faro, los barcos de C\u233?sar entraron en el Puerto Gran
de, situado en la parte oriental de la ciudad. Mirando a su derecha los romanos
pod\u237?an ver a cierta distancia el Heptastadion, un gran puente llamado as\u2
37? porque med\u237?a siete estadios, unos mil doscientos metros. El Heptastadio
n un\u237?a la ciudad con la isla del Faro y al mismo tiempo serv\u237?a de sepa
raci\u243?n entre el Puerto Grande y el que se abr\u237?a en la parte oeste, el
de Eunosto o \u171?Buen regreso\u187?. No obstante, los barcos pod\u237?an pasar
de uno a otro por los arcos que sustentaban el Heptastadion.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Entre los muelles de Eunosto y el Puerto Grande pod\u237?an atracar m\u225?s de
mil doscientas naves. Pero Alejandr\u237?a recib\u237?a tanto tr\u225?fico que a
menudo hab\u237?a barcos atados a boyas en el centro de cada uno de los dos pue
rtos, esperando a que les tocara el turno de amarrar y descargar su mercanc\u237
?a. No era para menos, puesto que la ciudad serv\u237?a de puente entre el Medit
err\u225?neo y el Nilo. Gracias a que desde este part\u237?a un canal hacia el m
ar Rojo, tambi\u233?n era una puerta hacia el oc\u233?ano \u205?ndico y la fabul
osa ruta de la India; puerta que los soberanos de Alejandr\u237?a ten\u237?an ab
ierta desde finales del siglo II gracias a los viajes del audaz marino Eudoxo de
C\u237?zico.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Alejandr\u237?a ten\u237?a m\u225?s de medio mill\u243?n de habitantes, y fue la
mayor ciudad del Mediterr\u225?neo hasta que Roma empez\u243? a disputarle aque
l puesto. Al contrario que Roma, que hab\u237?a crecido de forma ca\u243?tica si
guiendo el relieve de las siete colinas, Alejandr\u237?a hab\u237?a sido dise\u2
41?ada sobre el plano, partiendo de cero y sobre un terreno extremadamente liso.
Por eso su arquitecto, Din\u243?crates de Rodas, hab\u237?a dispuesto que sus c
alles se cruzaran en \u225?ngulos rectos, formando manzanas cuadradas o rectangu
lares y amplias avenidas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La ciudad estaba dividida en barrios denominados con las primeras letras del alf
abeto. El Alfa, situado al nordeste, junto al mar, era el distrito palaciego. El
Beta era tambi\u233?n un distrito adinerado, donde se levantaban el \u193?gora,
el Sema o tumba de Alejandro y la mayor atracci\u243?n de Alejandr\u237?a \u821
2?aparte del Faro\u8212?: el Museo y su principal dependencia, la Biblioteca. En
el distrito Delta, situado hacia el este, viv\u237?a una numerosa colonia jud\u
237?a, y en el Gamma, al oeste, habitaban los metecos, residentes legales que no
pose\u237?an la ciudadan\u237?a alejandrina. Hab\u237?a, por \u250?ltimo, un ba
rrio que conservaba el nombre antiguo de la ciudad, Racotis, poblado por egipcio
s que tampoco eran legalmente alejandrinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pues Alejandr\u237?a, aunque se hubiera contagiado de elementos egipcios, era b\
u225?sicamente una ciudad griega. Su nombre completo resultaba muy revelador: {\
i
Alex\u225?ndreia par\u224? Aig\u253?ptou}, \u171?Alejandr\u237?a {\i
junto} a Egipto\u187?, no \u171?Alejandr\u237?a en Egipto\u187?. La dinast\u237?
a que gobernaba la ciudad y que reinaba en el pa\u237?s era de origen maced\u243
?nico y descend\u237?a de Ptolomeo I Soter, \u171?el Salvador\u187?, uno de los
generales que a la muerte de Alejandro se hab\u237?a repartido los restos del im
perio. Como el padre de Ptolomeo se llamaba Lago, la dinast\u237?a era conocida

tambi\u233?n como \u171?L\u225?gida\u187?. No obstante, algunos comentaban que e

n realidad Ptolomeo era hijo bastardo de Filipo y, por tanto, hermanastro de Ale
jandro; un rumor que a sus descendientes no les molestaba en absoluto.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
En los principios de la ciudad los elementos griegos y macedonios de su poblaci\
u243?n estaban claramente diferenciados. Pero con el tiempo, lejos de sus respec
tivas patrias, se hab\u237?an ido fundiendo. Desde el punto de vista de egipcios
, jud\u237?os y otros pueblos, los macedonios y los griegos de Alejandr\u237?a e
ran todos griegos sin distinci\u243?n, del mismo modo que tampoco hac\u237?an gr
andes diferencias entre romanos e it\u225?licos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a Alejandr\u237?a, sus barcos se dirigieron al sect
or palaciego y atracaron all\u237?. Ya que ven\u237?a a Egipto en pos de Pompeyo
, estaba dispuesto a cobrar el dinero que le deb\u237?a el joven rey Ptolomeo XI
II. El padre de este, conocido como Auletes o \u171?Flautista\u187? por su afici
\u243?n a tocar la flauta en los banquetes, hab\u237?a sido depuesto por sus pro
pios s\u250?bditos en el a\u241?o 59. No era la primera vez que ocurr\u237?a alg
o as\u237?: la plebe de Alejandr\u237?a era mucho m\u225?s levantisca que la de
Roma y cuando no estaba contenta por alg\u250?n motivo ten\u237?a cierta tendenc
ia a asaltar los palacios reales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Exiliado por sus propios s\u250?bditos, Auletes se dirigi\u243? a Roma, donde so
born\u243? a diestro y siniestro para conseguir que los poderosos romanos lo rep
usieran en el trono. En particular, pag\u243? mucho dinero a Pompeyo y Craso, y
tambi\u233?n a C\u233?sar, que a la saz\u243?n era el c\u243?nsul: nada menos qu
e seis mil talentos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, Auletes no dispon\u237?a de tanto dinero, de modo que se vio obliga
do a ped\u237?rselo prestado a una {\i
societas}, un consorcio financiero presidido por un personaje llamado Cayo Rabir
io. Para que Rabirio pudiera cobrarse la deuda, Auletes se lo llev\u243? a Aleja
ndr\u237?a y lo nombr\u243? administrador de finanzas, un honor inusitado para u
n extranjero. Rabirio consigui\u243? poner al d\u237?a los impuestos atrasados,
pero en lugar de pagarle lo que deb\u237?a, el rey Auletes lo expuls\u243? de Eg
ipto. C\u233?sar hab\u237?a adquirido una parte de la deuda de Rabirio, y la sup
rema iron\u237?a era que ahora regresaba a Alejandr\u237?a para cobrar un dinero
que se le deb\u237?a porque el padre del rey lo hab\u237?a pedido prestado para
sobornar\u8230? \u161?al propio C\u233?sar!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando intent\u243? entrevistarse con el rey, C\u233?sar descubri\u243? que no s
e encontraba en Alejandr\u237?a por culpa de una guerra din\u225?stica. En su te
stamento, Auletes no hab\u237?a designado \u250?nico heredero a su hijo Ptolomeo
, sino tambi\u233?n a su hija mayor Cleopatra,{\super
[55]} que de hecho ya hab\u237?a sido corregente con su padre durante unos a\u24
1?os. Para que sus \u250?ltimas voluntades se cumplieran, Auletes hab\u237?a nom
brado albacea al pueblo romano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En teor\u237?a, Cleopatra y Ptolomeo no eran solo hermanos, sino tambi\u233?n es
posa y esposo, una costumbre que se hab\u237?a iniciado a mediados del siglo III
con Ptolomeo Filadelfo, \u171?el que ama a su hermana\u187?. Cuando C\u233?sar
lleg\u243? a Alejandr\u237?a, Ptolomeo XIII ten\u237?a trece a\u241?os y Cleopat
ra veintiuno. El matrimonio, por el momento, no se hab\u237?a consumado, y no pa
rec\u237?a que fuera a consumarse nunca, ya que ambos hermanos se aborrec\u237?a
n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Seg\u250?n fue averiguando C\u233?sar, Cleopatra hab\u237?a reinado pr\u225?ctic
amente sola desde el a\u241?o 51 aprovechando que su hermano era todav\u237?a un
ni\u241?o; as\u237? lo demuestran muchos decretos de aquella \u233?poca que apa
recen firmados \u250?nicamente con el nombre de ella. Pero dar de lado al jovenc
\u237?simo Ptolomeo fue un error, pues a su alrededor se form\u243? una camarill
a de intrigantes que conspiraban contra Cleopatra. En ella destacaban tres perso
najes: el maestro de ret\u243?rica Te\u243?doto, el general Aquilas y, sobre tod
o, el eunuco Potino, que no tard\u243? en convertirse en {\i
dioik\u233?tes}, un cargo que equival\u237?a a visir o a primer ministro.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a Alejandr\u237?a, el pa\u237?s acababa de sufrir v

arias sequ\u237?as seguidas. A decir verdad, en Egipto apenas ca\u237?a una gota
de agua, y habr\u237?a formado parte del desierto del Sahara sin m\u225?s de no
ser por el Nilo. Este r\u237?o, merced a las lluvias torrenciales que ca\u237?a
n en las tierras altas de Etiop\u237?a durante el monz\u243?n, experimentaba a p
rincipios del verano una gran crecida que inundaba y regaba las tierras egipcias
. Adem\u225?s depositaba en ellas limo, una f\u233?rtil arenilla de origen volc\
u225?nico que arrastraba desde sus fuentes et\u237?opes. La inundaci\u243?n, que
se produc\u237?a parad\u243?jicamente cuando los dem\u225?s r\u237?os del Medit
err\u225?neo se secaban, era vital para la subsistencia de los egipcios. Por eso
el r\u237?o estaba lleno de nil\u243?metros, medidores del nivel de las aguas q
ue indicaban c\u243?mo ven\u237?a la crecida y serv\u237?an para prever las cose
chas y los tributos que deb\u237?an cobrarse.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La inundaci\u243?n del a\u241?o 50, por segunda vez, hab\u237?a sido tan escasa
que las cosechas pr\u225?cticamente se hab\u237?an perdido. Ese a\u241?o, Ptolom
eo firm\u243? por primera vez un decreto conjunto con su hermana, una ley que es
tablec\u237?a que todos los excedentes de grano y legumbres deb\u237?an enviarse
a Alejandr\u237?a. Era la forma de evitar revueltas en la ciudad. A cambio, el
resto de Egipto empez\u243? a pasar hambre, porque el t\u233?rmino \u171?exceden
tes\u187? era bastante optimista, y se produjeron disturbios por todo el pa\u237
?s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La sequ\u237?a hizo que la popularidad de Cleopatra se resintiera, y diversos pr
oblemas relacionados con la presencia de los gabinianos y el env\u237?o de barco
s y alimentos al bando pompeyano en la guerra civil la deterioraron todav\u237?a
m\u225?s. Gracias a eso, Ptolomeo y su camarilla consiguieron imponerse sobre l
a joven reina, cuyo nombre desapareci\u243? de los decretos en el verano del 49.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, Cleopatra tuvo que exiliarse de Alejandr\u237?a y huy\u243? a
Siria. Pero, como tantas mujeres de su dinast\u237?a, no se resignaba f\u225?ci
lmente a perder en el juego del poder, y enseguida reclut\u243? un ej\u233?rcito
formado por sirios y mercenarios jud\u237?os. En octubre del 48, por lo que C\u
233?sar averigu\u243?, dicho ej\u233?rcito se encontraba en la frontera oriental
de Egipto, en la costa norte del Sina\u237?. Para detener la invasi\u243?n, su
hermano Ptolomeo XIII hab\u237?a salido a su encuentro con sus propias tropas y
se encontraba acampado en la ciudad de Pelusio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso explicaba que C\u233?sar hubiera encontrado el palacio pr\u225?cticamente va
c\u237?o. Pero pocos d\u237?as despu\u233?s se presentaron ante \u233?l el eunuc
o Potino y el r\u233?tor Te\u243?doto. Tra\u237?an un regalo de buena voluntad d
e parte de Ptolomeo XIII para el c\u243?nsul de Roma, explicaron. Cuando C\u233?
sar abri\u243? la vasija que conten\u237?a aquel obsequio, descubri\u243? con ho
rror que se trataba de una cabeza humana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era la de Pompeyo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Unos d\u237?as antes, el 28 de septiembre, la peque\u241?a flotilla de Pompeyo h
ab\u237?a arribado a Pelusio. All\u237? ancl\u243? a cierta distancia de la oril
la, pues en aquella costa tan lisa las aguas eran poco profundas y las naves se
embarrancaban con facilidad. Ten\u237?an a la vista el campamento de Ptolomeo, a
cuartelado en la frontera para impedir la invasi\u243?n del ej\u233?rcito de su
hermana. Pompeyo envi\u243? un bote con una carta, recordando al joven rey la am
istad que le un\u237?a con su padre y pidi\u233?ndole audiencia.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Cuando supieron que Pompeyo el Grande estaba tan cerca, el rey y sus tres princi
pales consejeros se reunieron para deliberar. Las noticias de la victoria de C\u
233?sar en Farsalia ya hab\u237?an llegado a Egipto. \u191?Qu\u233? deb\u237?an
hacer? Si ayudaban a Pompeyo y este se recuperaba de su derrota, conociendo c\u2
43?mo hab\u237?a actuado en el resto de Oriente era de suponer que intentar\u237
?a conquistar Egipto y quitarles a ellos el poder. Y si Pompeyo perd\u237?a de n
uevo en la guerra contra C\u233?sar, ser\u237?a este quien querr\u237?a vengarse
de todos aquellos que le hubieran prestado auxilio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La mejor opci\u243?n parec\u237?a congraciarse con C\u233?sar, el vencedor, libr
\u225?ndolo de su mayor enemigo. Pompeyo qued\u243? condenado con una frase lapi
daria del ret\u243?rico Te\u243?doto: \u171?Los hombres muertos no muerden\u187?

. Ptolomeo hizo enviar una barcaza para recoger a Pompeyo. En ella viajaban el g
eneral Aquilas y dos oficiales gabinianos que hab\u237?an servido en la campa\u2
41?a de Oriente, llamados Septimio y Salvio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde la barcaza, Septimio salud\u243? a Pompeyo como {\i
imperator} para ganarse su confianza. Luego le explic\u243? que si quer\u237?a v
er al rey deb\u237?a subir a bordo de esa peque\u241?a embarcaci\u243?n, ya que
en la orilla apenas hab\u237?a fondo para un trirreme. Pompeyo, aunque no estaba
demasiado convencido, decidi\u243? seguir las instrucciones. Cuando su esposa C
ornelia le pidi\u243? que no fuera con aquellos hombres, \u233?l respondi\u243?
citando los versos de una tragedia perdida de S\u243?focles: \u171?Cuando un hom
bre se acoge a la protecci\u243?n de un tirano, en esclavo se convierte aunque c
omo hombre libre haya llegado\u187? (Plutarco, {\i
Pompeyo}, 78).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Apenas se hab\u237?an alejado unos metros del trirreme cuando Aquilas y Septimio
mataron a Pompeyo con sus espadas. El asesinato lo contemplaron los soldados de
l rey Ptolomeo, que formaban en la playa, y tambi\u233?n su esposa Cornelia y su
hijo Sexto desde la cubierta del barco. Para no sufrir el mismo destino que Pom
peyo, decidieron alejarse de la costa con toda la flotilla.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente, Pompeyo habr\u237?a cumplido cincuenta y nueve a\u241?os.
Aquilas hizo que le cortaran la cabeza, lo \u250?nico que le interesaba junto c
on el sello que llevaba su nombre. El cuerpo lo abandonaron en la playa, desnudo
. Su liberto Filipo, que lo hab\u237?a acompa\u241?ado en la barcaza, utiliz\u24
3? las tablas semipodridas de un bote abandonado para improvisar una pira funera
ria y despu\u233?s guard\u243? las cenizas en una urna. Con el tiempo, merced a
C\u233?sar, las cenizas le llegaron a su viuda Cornelia, que las enterr\u243? en
su villa de los montes Albanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De esta manera tan indigna acab\u243? quien hab\u237?a sido durante un tiempo el
hombre m\u225?s poderoso de Roma y de todo el Mediterr\u225?neo. Hab\u237?a emp
ezado su carrera siendo vanidoso y cruel, y aunque su temperamento se suaviz\u24
3? con la edad no perdi\u243? nunca la vanidad, un defecto que lo hac\u237?a dem
asiado f\u225?cil de manipular. En el campo de batalla no era un general tan bri
llante como su enemigo Sertorio o como el hombre que acab\u243? eclips\u225?ndol
o, C\u233?sar; pero hab\u237?a aprendido a conocer sus limitaciones y pose\u237?
a un gran talento como organizador. De no haber sentido tal complejo ante los op
timates cuya amistad tanto ansiaba, quiz\u225? no les habr\u237?a hecho caso, no
habr\u237?a librado aquella batalla que no quer\u237?a luchar y la historia de
Roma y del mundo habr\u237?an cambiado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
CLEOPATRA Y LA GUERRA ALEJANDRINA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al contemplar el macabro presente que le entregaba Te\u243?doto, C\u233?sar apar
t\u243? la cabeza. Tambi\u233?n le entregaron el anillo de Pompeyo, cuyo sello r
epresentaba a un le\u243?n agarrando una espada entre sus zarpas. Seg\u250?n se
cuenta, C\u233?sar llor\u243? al verlo. No ten\u237?a por qu\u233? ser un gesto
teatral: la relaci\u243?n personal entre ambos nunca hab\u237?a sido mala y los
antiguos no consideraban que hubiera que reprimir ciertas efusiones. Pol\u237?ti
camente, no est\u225? claro que a C\u233?sar le conviniera la muerte de Pompeyo.
Con \u233?l tal vez habr\u237?a podido llegar a un arreglo amistoso, recurriend
o a una mezcla de clemencia y generosidad para dejar en un lugar airoso a su ant
iguo socio. Pero ahora que Pompeyo estaba muerto, iba a resultar imposible firma
r la paz con el resto de los optimates, al menos con los m\u225?s recalcitrantes
como Cat\u243?n, Escipi\u243?n o el reciente fichaje Labieno. C\u233?sar tendr\
u237?a que derrotarlos por completo, lo que significaba que la guerra civil no h
ab\u237?a terminado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Por qu\u233? no se fue directamente para proseguir la lucha antes de que s
us enemigos reorganizaran fuerzas? En {\i
La guerra civil} echa la culpa a los vientos etesios, que en aquella \u233?poca
del a\u241?o soplaban sobre todo del norte y no le permit\u237?an abandonar Egip

to. A pesar de todo, no tuvo problemas para enviar mensajeros y pedir que le tra
jeran provisiones y m\u225?s tropas de Asia, as\u237? que lo del viento suena a
excusa.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al principio, la raz\u243?n b\u225?sica de su estancia debi\u243? de ser econ\u2
43?mica. Si el gasto de la guerra civil hab\u237?a sido inmenso hasta ese moment
o, su victoria lo hab\u237?a acrecentado, pues ahora era \u233?l quien ten\u237?
a que pagar a las legiones pompeyanas que se le hab\u237?an rendido. Por eso, ap
rovechando que ten\u237?a delante al ministro Potino, C\u233?sar le dijo que que
r\u237?a cobrar parte de la deuda que Egipto ten\u237?a con \u233?l, y exigi\u24
3? cuarenta millones de sestercios. Con aquello, al menos, podr\u237?a pagar los
sueldos anuales de diez legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Si quer\u237?a cobrar ese dinero, C\u233?sar necesitaba que hubiera paz en Egipt
o. Por eso anunci\u243? que, como c\u243?nsul de Roma y albacea del testamento d
e Auletes, iba a terciar en la disputa entre Ptolomeo y Cleopatra. Con la arroga
ncia que solo pod\u237?a mostrar un romano, orden\u243? que ambos hermanos disol
vieran sus ej\u233?rcitos y los convoc\u243? a una reuni\u243?n en palacio.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin esperar a recibir una autorizaci\u243?n que como c\u243?nsul de Roma no cre\
u237?a necesitar, C\u233?sar instal\u243? a sus legionarios en el sector palacie
go y estableci\u243? un campamento para la caballer\u237?a en una zona de pastos
a orillas del lago Mareotis, que ba\u241?aba la ciudad por su parte sur. Mientr
as recorr\u237?a la ciudad, pudo comprobar que sus habitantes eran gente de arma
s tomar. Al ver que C\u233?sar marchaba por las calles con sus lictores, los ale
jandrinos se tomaron aquello como una ofensa a la dignidad de su rey y empezaron
a insultarlo. Los abucheos pronto se convirtieron en pedradas y disturbios, y v
arios soldados que paseaban o patrullaban dispersos por la ciudad fueron asesina
dos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Obedeciendo la convocatoria de C\u233?sar, Ptolomeo no tard\u243? en llegar; per
o, en lugar de licenciar a sus tropas, las dej\u243? en Pelusio con Aquilas. Lo
acompa\u241?aban su hermana Ars\u237?noe, que era m\u225?s joven que Cleopatra,
y otro hermano peque\u241?o que, c\u243?mo no, tambi\u233?n se llamaba Ptolomeo.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a faltaba por comparecer Cleopatra. Pero poco despu\u233?s en el pala
cio que ocupaban C\u233?sar y sus oficiales se present\u243? un visitante mister
ioso, un siciliano llamado Apolodoro. Llevaba al hombro un {\i
stratomat\u243?desmon}, una gran bolsa de cuero de las que se usaban para llevar
la ropa a la lavander\u237?a. (En el Egipto helen\u237?stico, curiosamente, qui
enes se dedicaban a lavar la ropa para otras personas sol\u237?an ser varones).
Cuando desat\u243? los cierres de la bolsa ante C\u233?sar, {\i
voil\u224?!}, apareci\u243? Cleopatra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El autor que transmite esta historia es Plutarco, en su biograf\u237?a de C\u233
?sar. Por alguna raz\u243?n, la tradici\u243?n popular convirti\u243? aquel saco
de cuero en una alfombra, y con el tiempo sali\u243? de ella Elizabeth Taylor e
n una inolvidable escena. Algunos autores incluso ponen en duda todo el relato p
or ser demasiado novelesco, ya que no parece propio de la dignidad de una reina
que Cleopatra se infiltrara as\u237? en su propio palacio. Lo cierto es que para
llegar hasta Alejandr\u237?a la joven ten\u237?a que burlar la vigilancia de la
s tropas de su hermano por tierra o por mar. Eso \u250?nicamente se pod\u237?a h
acer de inc\u243?gnito, y seg\u250?n Plutarco lo consigui\u243? viajando con Apo
lodoro en un peque\u241?o esquife. Mi opini\u243?n personal es que se trata de u
na historia perfectamente veros\u237?mil.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como casi todo el mundo sabe, C\u233?sar y Cleopatra se convirtieron en amantes.
Si no fue esa primera noche, fue pocos d\u237?as m\u225?s tarde, pero ocurri\u2
43?. A partir de ese momento C\u233?sar, que deb\u237?a ejercer de \u225?rbitro
en la disputa din\u225?stica entre ambos hermanos, fue cualquier cosa menos obje
tivo y favoreci\u243? en todas sus decisiones a Cleopatra. \u191?Qu\u233? hab\u2
37?a visto en ella?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Hablemos primero de su aspecto f\u237?sico, del que se ha escrito mucho. En gene
ral, los textos hablan de su gran belleza. Por ejemplo, Di\u243?n Casio la llama
{\i

perikallest\u225?te}, \u171?hermos\u237?sima\u187? (42.34). Plutarco, m\u225?s m

oderado, afirma que la belleza de Cleopatra no era incomparable ni dejaba at\u24
3?nitos a quienes la contemplaban, pero que no obstante pose\u237?a un gran enca
nto ({\i
Antonio}, 27).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cierto es que los retratos de Cleopatra al estilo griego no la muestran demasiad
o guapa, y algunos hacen pensar directamente en un loro. Pero hay que tener en c
uenta que esas efigies no pretend\u237?an embellecer su imagen, sino mostrarla c
omo una gobernante en\u233?rgica, casi como un hombre. Las monedas, en particula
r, la representaban con una nariz aguile\u241?a y un ment\u243?n tan prominente
que llamar\u237?a la atenci\u243?n incluso en un hombre. Pero si se compara su p
erfil con el de muchas monedas acu\u241?adas por otros Ptolomeos, se observan se
mejanzas que hacen pensar que se trataba de una imagen casi est\u225?ndar. Para
gobernar en un mundo de varones, Cleopatra ten\u237?a que irradiar una imagen en
cierto modo masculina. Al fin y al cabo, una de las pocas mujeres que hab\u237?
a reinado en el Egipto de los faraones, Hatshepsut, se hac\u237?a representar co
n barba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En las im\u225?genes de estilo egipcio Cleopatra muestra otra imagen menos dura
y m\u225?s serena, propia de una diosa ben\u233?vola. Pero tampoco sirven para h
acernos una idea de c\u243?mo era ella, porque a su manera estos retratos eran t
an convencionales como los griegos. La conclusi\u243?n de todo esto es que no po
demos saber realmente qu\u233? aspecto ten\u237?a. No obstante, es l\u243?gico s
uponer que se trataba de una mujer muy atractiva.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sobre todo, como se\u241?ala tambi\u233?n Plutarco, conversar con ella era un pl
acer, y sus interlocutores pod\u237?an caer f\u225?cilmente en la red de su enca
nto. Era sumamente inteligente y culta, entendida en ciencias como las matem\u22
5?ticas, la astronom\u237?a y la medicina, que hab\u237?a estudiado con los erud
itos que ense\u241?aban en la Biblioteca. Tambi\u233?n dominaba un buen n\u250?m
ero de idiomas. Entre ellos el egipcio, algo que suena a perogrullesco pero no l
o es: sus antecesores, los dem\u225?s Ptolomeos, usaban solo el griego y dejaban
que los escribas e int\u233?rpretes tradujeran sus decretos al egipcio. Precisa
mente uno de esos decretos con su versi\u243?n griega, jerogl\u237?fica y dem\u2
43?tica sirvi\u243? para que Champollion empezara a descifrar los secretos de la
lengua de los faraones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a lo que pudo ver Cleopatra en C\u233?sar, es cierto que exist\u237?a
una gran diferencia de edad, pero eso no supone un gran obst\u225?culo: a muchas
mujeres les gustan hombres que les sacan bastantes a\u241?os (ya sabemos que lo
contrario tambi\u233?n ocurre, pero con menos frecuencia). Adem\u225?s, C\u233?
sar era un hombre carism\u225?tico y muy atractivo, como podr\u237?an certificar
sus numerosas amantes, y con la vida de marcha y campamento que llevaba se mant
en\u237?a en forma, sin nada remotamente parecido a una barriga cervecera. A cam
bio, cierto es, le clareaba mucho el cabello y seguramente ten\u237?a el rostro
envejecido por el sol y el viento.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ambos eran inteligentes, cultos, poderosos y pod\u237?an mantener interesantes c
onversaciones en griego. \u191?Qu\u233? m\u225?s pod\u237?an pedir?\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
Solo una cosa: que Ptolomeo y sus consejeros \u225?ulicos no se empe\u241?aran e
n acabar con ellos. Cuando el eunuco Potino vio que C\u233?sar y Cleopatra se en
tend\u237?an, temi\u243? por su supervivencia y envi\u243? en secreto un mensaje
a Aquilas para que trajese el ej\u233?rcito de Pelusio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Mientras las tropas, unos veinte mil hombres entre gabinianos, egipcios y mercen
arios diversos, avanzaban hacia Alejandr\u237?a, el joven Ptolomeo se dedic\u243
? a incitar a la multitud contra los romanos, y en medio de una iracunda soflama
pronunciada en el \u193?gora arroj\u243? su diadema real al suelo. Cuando una t
urba de alejandrinos intent\u243? asaltar el palacio, C\u233?sar tuvo que convoc
ar una asamblea. Ante ella ley\u243? el testamento de Auletes para explicar que
la voluntad del difunto rey era que ambos hermanos reinaran juntos. Despu\u233?s
, para contentar a esa multitud, C\u233?sar declar\u243? por su cuenta y riesgo
que a partir de ese momento la isla de Chipre dejaba de ser provincia romana y v

olv\u237?a a ser propiedad de Egipto. En ella, a\u241?adi\u243?, reinar\u237?an

Ars\u237?noe y el menor de los hermanos Ptolomeos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando le llegaron noticias de que el ej\u233?rcito de Aquilas ven\u237?a contra
\u233?l, C\u233?sar le envi\u243? a Diosc\u243?rides y Serapi\u243?n, dos perso
najes que hab\u237?an sido embajadores en Roma. Aquilas los hizo ejecutar a ambo
s y prosigui\u243? su camino. A partir de ese momento, C\u233?sar, en sus propia
s palabras, \u171?procur\u243? tener al rey en su poder, pensando que su nombre
pose\u237?a mucha autoridad entre sus s\u250?bditos, y para que pareciera que aq
uella guerra no obedec\u237?a a una decisi\u243?n regia, sino a un plan privado
de un pu\u241?ado de mercenarios\u187? (BC, 3.109).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Porque de una guerra se trat\u243?. Aquilas no tard\u243? en tomar el control de
Alejandr\u237?a, salvo las zonas ocupadas por las tropas de C\u233?sar. Cuando
el general intent\u243? asaltar el palacio, las cohortes romanas lo repelieron.
C\u233?sar comprendi\u243? enseguida que con tan pocos hombres le iba a ser impo
sible dominar la ciudad entera, m\u225?xime cuando ten\u237?a en contra a la pob
laci\u243?n civil. Pero le era imprescindible hacerse con el puerto si no quer\u
237?a quedarse completamente sitiado en el distrito palaciego. All\u237? hab\u23
7?a m\u225?s de setenta naves de guerra que pod\u237?an bloquear el paso a las s
uyas cuando llegaran con los refuerzos que hab\u237?a pedido. Como tampoco ten\u
237?a gente suficiente para dotarlas si se apoderaba de ellas, C\u233?sar decidi
\u243? tomar una medida m\u225?s dr\u225?stica y orden\u243? a sus soldados que
les prendieran fuego a todas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En medio de una furiosa batalla, sus hombres cumplieron sus \u243?rdenes. Pero e
l incendio se escap\u243? de su control y las llamas se propagaron a los almacen
es contiguos al puerto. Uno de estos pertenec\u237?a a la Biblioteca y conten\u2
37?a miles de vol\u250?menes que ardieron como yesca. La historia fue engrosando
con el tiempo y se lleg\u243? a decir que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a destruido la gr
an Biblioteca. La prueba m\u225?s evidente de que no era cierto es que la Biblio
teca sigui\u243? funcionando varios siglos. En cualquier caso, hab\u237?a entrad
o en decadencia desde el a\u241?o 145, cuando el rey Ptolomeo Fisc\u243?n \u171?
el Panzudo\u187? expuls\u243? por venganza pol\u237?tica a buena parte de los er
uditos y cient\u237?ficos que trabajaban en ella.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Puesto que sus hombres controlaban ya la entrada oriental del Puerto Grande, C\u
233?sar decidi\u243? tomar tambi\u233?n la occidental, donde se alzaba el Faro.
De ese modo dominaba los dos extremos de la bocana y pod\u237?a decidir qui\u233
?n entraba o sal\u237?a de all\u237?, aunque no ten\u237?a suficientes hombres p
ara dominar tambi\u233?n el puerto de Eunosto. Al hablar de esta operaci\u243?n
y de la isla de Faros, C\u233?sar explica algo muy curioso sobre ella: cuando al
g\u250?n barco se desviaba y acababa embarrancando en su costa, bien fuera por u
na tormenta o por un error del piloto al entrar en los tres canales de la bocana
, los habitantes de Faros lo saqueaban como si fueran piratas.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
En aquellos d\u237?as Ars\u237?noe, la hermana menor de Cleopatra, escap\u243? d
el palacio y se uni\u243? al ej\u233?rcito de Aquilas. La princesa, que no pod\u
237?a tener m\u225?s de veinte a\u241?os, estaba tan acostumbrada a la intriga y
al poder como todos los miembros de su dinast\u237?a. Por la raz\u243?n que fue
re, no tard\u243? en cansarse del general Aquilas, as\u237? que lo hizo asesinar
y lo sustituy\u243? por el eunuco Gan\u237?medes, que hab\u237?a sido su tutor.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, entretanto, descubri\u243? que el otro eunuco de la corte, Potino, m
anten\u237?a contactos con el ej\u233?rcito egipcio y le mandaba informaci\u243?
n, por lo que orden\u243? que lo ejecutaran. En este punto del relato, acaba {\i
La guerra civil} de C\u233?sar. Para el resto de este conflicto, la fuente princ
ipal es una obra de car\u225?cter similar titulada {\i
La guerra alejandrina}. Se cree que la escribi\u243? Aulo Hircio, el mismo autor
que complet\u243? {\i
La guerra de las Galias} con un octavo libro.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para protegerse de los ataques de los alejandrinos, C\u233?sar hizo fortificar l
a zona del palacio real donde se alojaban sus hombres y la uni\u243? con el teat
ro adyacente mediante un terrapl\u233?n y otras obras defensivas en las que se a

br\u237?an salidas al puerto y a los muelles regios. Tambi\u233?n se hizo con el

control de un amplio pasillo de norte a sur de la ciudad con el fin de tener ac
ceso al campamento situado a orillas del lago Mareotis, donde ten\u237?a a la ca
baller\u237?a germana.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para hacer todo esto, es indudable que C\u233?sar tuvo que derribar muchos edifi
cios, en parte por abrir espacios despejados y evitar que los enemigos los utili
zaran como escondrijos, y en parte por reutilizar sus vigas y sillares. Ver c\u2
43?mo un invasor extranjero destrozaba su ciudad enfureci\u243? todav\u237?a m\u
225?s a los habitantes de Alejandr\u237?a, que se dedicaron a construir armas y
m\u225?quinas de guerra, mientras que muchos ciudadanos pudientes equiparon y pa
garon a sus esclavos como soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los alejandrinos, a los que el autor de {\i
La guerra alejandrina} describe como inteligent\u237?simos, ingeniosos y product
ivos, no tardaron en levantar sus propias fortificaciones. Estas constaban de mu
ros triples de m\u225?s de doce metros de altura levantados con grandes sillares
y enormes torres de hasta diez pisos desde las que disparaban constantes andana
das de proyectiles contra los hombres de C\u233?sar. Esta guerra urbana en la qu
e ambos enemigos se hallaban en el interior de la misma ciudad fue algo que los
romanos no hab\u237?an visto nunca antes y que exprimi\u243? su ingenio militar
al m\u225?ximo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que se estaba librando all\u237? no era tan solo una lucha din\u225?stica ent
re Cleopatra, a la que obviamente favorec\u237?a C\u233?sar, y sus hermanos Ars\
u237?noe y Ptolomeo (que segu\u237?a como reh\u233?n de los romanos). Los alejan
drinos comprend\u237?an que estaba en juego su independencia. En sus asambleas y
consejos dec\u237?an:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El pueblo romano ha tomado la costumbre de ocupar poco a poco este reino. Hace p
ocos a\u241?os, Aulo Gabinio estuvo en Egipto con su ej\u233?rcito, y aqu\u237?
se refugi\u243? tambi\u233?n en su huida Pompeyo. C\u233?sar ha venido con sus t
ropas, y ni la muerte de Pompeyo ha conseguido que se vaya. Si no conseguimos ex
pulsarlo, el reino de Egipto se convertir\u225? en una provincia romana. ({\i
B. Al}., 3).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esto, escrito por el autor de {\i
La guerra alejandrina}. No se puede decir que los romanos no comprendieran las r
azones de los pueblos a los que somet\u237?an, como cuando C\u233?sar afirm\u243
? hablando de los galos que \u171?por naturaleza todos los hombres se esfuerzan
por la libertad y aborrecen ser esclavos\u187?. Sin embargo, los romanos parec\u
237?an ver las relaciones entre pueblos como un juego de suma cero: o conquistab
as a otros o eras conquistado por ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ars\u237?noe y Gan\u237?medes demostraron su inteligencia atacando a los romanos
en el punto m\u225?s vital, el suministro de agua. Una ciudad tan grande, con m
\u225?s de medio mill\u243?n de habitantes, necesitaba un enorme caudal de agua
potable. All\u237? no llov\u237?a apenas ni hab\u237?a monta\u241?as cercanas co
n manantiales ni torrentes, de modo que los alejandrinos ten\u237?an que sacar e
l agua de la boca Can\u243?pica del Nilo. No obstante, esta se hallaba a veinte
kil\u243?metros, por lo que los constructores de la ciudad hab\u237?an excavado
un largo canal que la un\u237?a con el r\u237?o. Cuando dicho canal llegaba a Al
ejandr\u237?a, se divid\u237?a en una complicada red de conductos que desembocab
an en centenares de cisternas subterr\u225?neas repartidas por toda la ciudad,{\
super
[56]} muchas de ellas excavadas en mansiones privadas. El agua que ven\u237?a de
l r\u237?o, l\u243?gicamente, arrastraba muchas impurezas, pero estas se sedimen
taban poco a poco en el fondo y el l\u237?quido que quedaba decantado arriba se
pod\u237?a beber.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los alejandrinos controlaban la parte de la ciudad por donde corr\u237?a el gran
canal. Lo primero que hizo Gan\u237?medes fue cortar el suministro de agua pota
ble al sector ocupado por los romanos, y despu\u233?s bombe\u243? en sus conduct
os agua de mar utilizando grandes ruedas hidr\u225?ulicas. Al principio los homb
res de C\u233?sar empezaron a notar que el agua sab\u237?a ligeramente salobre,
y poco despu\u233?s que se hab\u237?a vuelto del todo imbebible.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {

Aquello desat\u243? el p\u225?nico. Una cosa era andar cortos de provisiones, al

go a lo que ya estaban acostumbrados, y otra bien distinta quedarse sin agua. Co
nsiderando el esfuerzo al que estaban sometidos, no aguantar\u237?an as\u237? m\
u225?s de un par de d\u237?as, de modo que empezaron a pedir a C\u233?sar que lo
s sacara cuanto antes de Alejandr\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar les dijo que la evacuaci\u243?n era impensable. Los enemigos controla
ban todos sus movimientos, y si intentaban embarcar en masa \u8212?un momento en
que las tropas eran muy vulnerables\u8212?, caer\u237?an sobre ellos al instant
e. Por otra parte, les explic\u243? que si cavaban hondo no tardar\u237?an en da
r con la capa fre\u225?tica que hay siempre en las zonas costeras. Su pron\u243?
stico acert\u243?: esa misma noche los soldados se dedicaron a abrir pozos y en
pocas horas encontraron agua potable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente la situaci\u243?n de los asediados mejor\u243? cuando lleg
\u243? una flota que tra\u237?a provisiones, m\u225?quinas de guerra y, sobre to
do, a la Trig\u233?sima S\u233?ptima legi\u243?n, formada por pompeyanos que se
hab\u237?an rendido a C\u233?sar. Los vientos adversos arrastraron al convoy al
oeste de la ciudad, y C\u233?sar fue en persona a buscarlo con sus naves de guer
ra. En ellas llevaba tan solo marinos y no soldados, pues no se atrev\u237?a a d
esguarnecer las defensas. Al saberlo, los egipcios le atacaron cuando regresaba
a Alejandr\u237?a, pero en el combate subsiguiente los romanos lograron hundir u
na nave enemiga y capturar otra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella derrota escoci\u243? mucho a los alejandrinos, que se jactaban de ser gr
andes marineros. Siguiendo las \u243?rdenes de Gan\u237?medes, organizaron una n
ueva flota en pocos d\u237?as. Para ello hicieron venir a las lanchas de vigilan
cia aduanera que patrullaban el Nilo y repararon algunas naves que se pudr\u237?
an en los astilleros. Como apenas ten\u237?an remos, arrancaron las vigas que so
sten\u237?an los tejados de los p\u243?rticos, los gimnasios y otros edificios p
\u250?blicos. Por culpa de ambos bandos, aquella guerra estaba dejando Alejandr\
u237?a como una ciudad bombardeada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar, que ya dominaba la parte oeste de Faros y la base de la gran luminar
ia, pens\u243? que era imprescindible apoderarse de toda la isla y tambi\u233?n
del largo puente que la un\u237?a a la ciudad, el Heptastadion. Si lo consegu\u2
37?a, podr\u237?a controlar tambi\u233?n los accesos al puerto de Eunosto, que e
staba en manos de los alejandrinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La operaci\u243?n fue larga y complicada. Antes de asaltar la isla, los barcos d
e C\u233?sar tuvieron que librar una batalla contra la nueva flota alejandrina.
Aquel combate se gan\u243? gracias sobre todo a la pericia de Eufranor, un marin
o rodio que hab\u237?a venido con los hombres de C\u233?sar y que \u171?por su v
alor y su grandeza de \u225?nimo se parec\u237?a m\u225?s a nosotros que a los g
riegos\u187? ({\i
B. Al}., 15) un comentario chauvinista muy propio de un romano.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Tras aquella naumaquia, C\u233?sar lanz\u243? un ataque anfibio contra Faros. De
spu\u233?s de una dur\u237?sima batalla, sus hombres lograron expulsar a todos s
us habitantes, salvo aquellos que murieron o cayeron en su poder, nada menos que
seis mil prisioneros. Luego, los romanos demolieron los edificios.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar ya ten\u237?a en su poder la isla y la parte norte del Heptastadion,
que fortific\u243? con una empalizada. Tambi\u233?n orden\u243? a sus hombres bl
oquear con piedras los arcos que sustentaban el gran puente y que serv\u237?an c
omo canal para pasar del puerto oriental al occidental. Sin embargo, todav\u237?
a le faltaba controlar la parte sur, por donde el Heptastadion se un\u237?a a la
ciudad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al d\u237?a siguiente lanz\u243? una ofensiva anfibia contra esa zona: mientras
tres cohortes cargaban a pie por el Heptastadion, desde el Puerto Grande la arti
ller\u237?a de las naves de C\u233?sar bat\u237?a las posiciones enemigas. A pes
ar de todo, al otro lado del puente, en el puerto de Eunosto, los barcos egipcio
s usaban asimismo sus m\u225?quinas, y los defensores alejandrinos tambi\u233?n
disparaban desde los edificios cercanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cierto momento, los marinos y remeros de las naves de guerra de C\u233?sar de

sembarcaron en el Heptastadion para sumarse a la refriega. Cruzaron el puente a

lo ancho (se ignora cu\u225?nto med\u237?a de lado a lado, pero seguramente era
bastante espacioso) y empezaron a disparar piedras y bolas de plomo para alejar
a las embarcaciones que hab\u237?a al otro lado. Al principio lo consiguieron, p
ero las tripulaciones de algunas naves egipcias siguieron su ejemplo, se plantar
on en el Heptastadion m\u225?s al norte, hacia la mitad del puente (la batalla s
e estaba librando en el extremo sur), y cargaron contra sus enemigos por su flan
co derecho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los tripulantes de los barcos de C\u233?sar no eran legionarios, no estaban orga
nizados y tampoco llevaban armas defensivas, de modo que no tardaron en correr d
e regreso a sus naves. Al ver c\u243?mo hu\u237?an en tropel, m\u225?s alejandri
nos desembarcaron en el lado oeste del Heptastadion para perseguirlos.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Aquellos que se hab\u237?an quedado en las naves romanas junto al Heptastadion,
temiendo que el enemigo las abordara, empezaron a retirar las pasarelas de embar
que y a bogar para alejarse. A algunos de los marinos y remeros que hu\u237?an l
es dio tiempo a subir, pero otros tuvieron que saltar al agua para llegar a nado
a sus propios barcos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando los legionarios de las tres cohortes que intentaban conquistar el extremo
sur del puente oyeron los gritos, miraron hacia atr\u225?s y vieron c\u243?mo s
us compa\u241?eros hu\u237?an y saltaban al agua en medio de un caos total, mien
tras que cientos o tal vez miles de enemigos se hab\u237?an apoderado del centro
del puente. Entretanto, no dejaban de recibir impactos desde el puerto oeste y
los edificios vecinos. Temiendo verse rodeados, dejaron la barricada que estaban
levantando y corrieron a toda velocidad hacia sus barcos. Algunos de ellos cons
iguieron embarcar a tiempo, otros tuvieron que nadar con los escudos sobre sus c
abezas{\super
[57]} y muchos otros cayeron abatidos por los enemigos. Hubo varios barcos que z
ozobraron por el peso de tanta gente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Eso ocurri\u243? precisamente con la nave desde cuya cubierta C\u233?sar dirig\u
237?a la batalla. Al darse cuenta de que estaba a punto de volcar o de hundirse,
salt\u243? al agua y nad\u243? hacia otro barco que se hallaba a unos dosciento
s metros. Por si fuera poco esfuerzo, Suetonio cuenta que llevaba la mano izquie
rda en alto para que no se le mojaran unos documentos y adem\u225?s sujetaba ent
re los dientes el manto para que el enemigo no se apoderara de \u233?l como trof
eo. Apiano y Di\u243?n Casio afirman, en cambio, que solt\u243? el {\i
paludamentum}, ya que con su color rojo ofrec\u237?a un blanco magn\u237?fico, y
que los enemigos se quedaron con \u233?l. El detalle de los documentos resulta
tan llamativo y original que no creo que sea inventado. \u191?Qu\u233? habr\u237
?a en ellos que tan valioso era?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, C\u233?sar salv\u243? la vida. Pero no consigui\u243? tomar e
l extremo sur del Heptastadion y perdi\u243? cuatrocientos legionarios m\u225?s
un n\u250?mero ligeramente superior de marinos y remeros. No obstante, aquella d
errota no desanim\u243? a sus soldados, que siguieron lanzando ofensivas contra
las defensas egipcias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Poco despu\u233?s, los alejandrinos enviaron una embajada a C\u233?sar para deci
rle que estaban hartos de que Ars\u237?noe y Gan\u237?medes actuaran como dos ti
ranos. Si les enviaba a su joven rey Ptolomeo, estar\u237?an m\u225?s dispuestos
a llegar a una tregua. C\u233?sar, aunque no confiaba en la sinceridad de la pr
opuesta, accedi\u243?. Seguramente en la decisi\u243?n influy\u243? Cleopatra, q
ue quer\u237?a estar lo m\u225?s lejos posible de su aborrecido hermano. Por otr
a parte, Ptolomeo no era ning\u250?n genio militar, y reunirlo con Ars\u237?noe
y con Gan\u237?medes era una buena forma de que discutieran entre ellos y su man
do fuera menos eficaz.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y as\u237? ocurri\u243?, porque adem\u225?s los soldados alejandrinos se burlaba
n de la edad y el poco car\u225?cter de su rey. Poco despu\u233?s se enteraron d
e que ven\u237?a un convoy de naves con provisiones para los romanos y enviaron
barcos para interceptarlo. C\u233?sar tambi\u233?n se inform\u243? de lo que ocu
rr\u237?a y mand\u243? toda su flota bajo el mando del legado Tiberio Ner\u243?n
\u8212?padre del futuro emperador Tiberio\u8212?. La batalla se libr\u243? en l

a desembocadura Can\u243?pica. Venci\u243? la flota romana, pero a cambio perdi\

u243? al rodio Eufranor, cuyo barco se adelant\u243? demasiado y fue rodeado por
los enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En marzo, C\u233?sar supo que llegaba un ej\u233?rcito aliado por el este. Lo ma
ndaba Mitr\u237?dates de P\u233?rgamo, a quien hab\u237?a enviado al principio d
el conflicto a buscar refuerzos a Siria y Cilicia. En aquel ej\u233?rcito hab\u2
37?a tres mil jud\u237?os mandados por Ant\u237?patro, padre del c\u233?lebre He
rodes el Grande.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mitr\u237?dates logr\u243? tomar la fortaleza de Pelusio, en la frontera orienta
l de Egipto. Despu\u233?s se dirigi\u243? hacia el suroeste hasta alcanzar el pu
nto donde el Nilo se divid\u237?a en varios ramales, pues era m\u225?s c\u243?mo
do avanzar as\u237? que atravesar el Delta de este a oeste cruzando las siete bo
cas principales del r\u237?o e innumerables pantanos. Una vez all\u237?, Mitr\u2
37?dates y sus tropas siguieron por la boca Can\u243?pica en direcci\u243?n a Al
ejandr\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se enter\u243?, Ptolomeo abandon\u243? la ciudad para salirle al encuentr
o. Al mismo tiempo, C\u233?sar recibi\u243? un mensaje de Mitr\u237?dates. R\u22
5?pidamente reuni\u243? a todos los hombres que pudo y, dando un rodeo por el la
go Mareotis, logr\u243? reunirse con Mitr\u237?dates antes de que Ptolomeo lo al
canzara. Al d\u237?a siguiente, el 27 de marzo, C\u233?sar lanz\u243? un ataque
contra el campamento egipcio. Tras una dura batalla, los romanos se apoderaron d
e \u233?l. Al ver que sus hombres eran derrotados, Ptolomeo huy\u243? en un barc
o. Para su desgracia, le ocurri\u243? lo mismo que hab\u237?a estado a punto de
pasarle a C\u233?sar semanas antes: una multitud de refugiados intent\u243? subi
r a su embarcaci\u243?n, el peso la hizo zozobrar y el joven rey pereci\u243? ah
ogado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con esta batalla termin\u243? la guerra alejandrina, una trampa casi mortal en l
a que C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a metido por propia voluntad con muy pocas tropas,
cometiendo un grave error de c\u225?lculo. Lleg\u243? a Alejandr\u237?a persigui
endo a Pompeyo, se qued\u243? para conseguir dinero y luego conoci\u243? a Cleop
atra. Dejando aparte el romance, la buena sinton\u237?a que exist\u237?a entre a
mbos significaba que, con Cleopatra como soberana, C\u233?sar pod\u237?a convert
ir a Egipto en un reino vasallo igual que Pompeyo hab\u237?a hecho en el pasado
con tantas naciones de Oriente. Para ello ten\u237?a que asegurarse de que Cleop
atra, y no su hermano, prevaleciera en aquel conflicto din\u225?stico, lo que ex
plica que se empe\u241?ara en llevar adelante aquella guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Tras la victoria, a C\u233?sar no se le ocurri\u243? convertir Egipto en una pro
vincia, sino que lo dej\u243? en manos de Cleopatra. Ella se despos\u243? oficia
lmente con su hermano peque\u241?o, el otro Ptolomeo, que ten\u237?a solo once a
\u241?os y era mucho m\u225?s manejable que el que hab\u237?a muerto en el r\u23
7?o. Se trataba de una maniobra inteligente por parte de C\u233?sar. Considerand
o las riquezas de Egipto, cualquier senador al que nombrara gobernador sentir\u2
37?a tentaciones de robar a manos llenas y, tal vez, de utilizar la provincia co
mo base para crear un n\u250?cleo de poder y desafiar al propio C\u233?sar. Egip
to acab\u243? convirti\u233?ndose en provincia romana en el a\u241?o 30 a.C.; pe
ro los emperadores, que pensaban de forma parecida a C\u233?sar, nunca le confia
ron su gobierno a miembros del senado, sino a prefectos que pertenec\u237?an al
orden ecuestre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar mantuvo su promesa de devolver Chipre a la corona de Egipto, si bien
le entreg\u243? la isla directamente a Cleopatra, no a Ars\u237?noe, la princesa
que tantos quebraderos de cabeza le hab\u237?a dado. Ars\u237?noe se convirti\u
243? en su prisionera y con el tiempo acabar\u237?a desfilando en su cortejo tri
unfal en Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Parec\u237?a un buen momento para que C\u233?sar abandonara Egipto, pues estaban
surgiendo problemas por doquier para su causa. Sin embargo, todav\u237?a se que
d\u243? tres meses m\u225?s en el pa\u237?s. Buena parte de ellos los pas\u243?
recorriendo el Nilo con Cleopatra, a la que hab\u237?a dejado embarazada. Conoci
endo al personaje, que no daba una puntada sin hilo, parece evidente que no se t
rataba de un simple crucero de placer. C\u233?sar disfrut\u243? sin duda de la c

ompa\u241?\u237?a de la joven reina, quiz\u225? la mujer m\u225?s interesante qu

e hab\u237?a conocido en su vida, y tambi\u233?n de las maravillas de Egipto, y
de paso descans\u243? unas semanas despu\u233?s de tantos a\u241?os de batallas.
Pero el crucero sirvi\u243? tambi\u233?n para que Cleopatra afianzara su domini
o sobre el resto del pa\u237?s, para que sus s\u250?bditos egipcios la vieran y
para que, de paso, comprobaran que la reina gozaba del apoyo de C\u233?sar y sus
legiones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Unas semanas despu\u233?s naci\u243? el hijo de Cleopatra y C\u233?sar. Su nombr
e oficial era Ptolomeo Filop\u225?tor Filom\u233?tor C\u233?sar, pero los alejan
drinos no tardaron en rebautizarlo como Cesari\u243?n, \u171?el peque\u241?o C\u
233?sar\u187?. Aunque algunos historiadores intentaron desmentir la paternidad d
e C\u233?sar, lo cierto es que \u233?l permiti\u243? que llevara su nombre, lo q
ue supon\u237?a una forma de reconocerlo como hijo. En cualquier caso, desde el
punto de vista romano no era un hijo leg\u237?timo, ya que su madre era extranje
ra, y C\u233?sar ni siquiera lo mencion\u243? en su testamento.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Seg\u250?n una estela del Louvre catalogada con el n\u250?mero 335, Ptolomeo C\u
233?sar naci\u243? el 23 de junio del a\u241?o 47. Aunque hay interpretaciones d
istintas de la inscripci\u243?n, si aceptamos esa fecha, el embarazo no habr\u23
7?a llegado a los nueve meses, pues C\u233?sar arrib\u243? a Alejandr\u237?a a p
rincipios de octubre y tard\u243? unos d\u237?as en conocer a Cleopatra. Eso sig
nifica que no pudieron tardar mucho en acostarse juntos. \u191?Tal vez incluso l
a famosa noche en que Cleopatra apareci\u243? dentro de aquel saco de cuero?\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De todos modos, C\u233?sar no asisti\u243? al nacimiento de su \u250?nico hijo v
ar\u243?n, pues a principios de junio abandon\u243? Egipto. A esas alturas, Cice
r\u243?n comentaba en una carta que nadie hab\u237?a sabido nada de \u233?l dura
nte el \u250?ltimo medio a\u241?o, lo que a muchos enemigos y tambi\u233?n aliad
os les hizo pensar que hab\u237?a muerto ({\i
Ad Att}., 11.17a.3).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar no tardar\u237?a en demostrarles que aquellos rumores, como dir\u237?
a Mark Twain, eran muy exagerados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
{\i
VENI, VIDI, VICI}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Mientras C\u233?sar luchaba por sobrevivir en las calles de Alejandr\u237?a, la
situaci\u243?n se hab\u237?a complicado mucho para \u233?l. Tras Farsalia y la m
uerte de Pompeyo pod\u237?a parecer que solo hab\u237?a un amo en el Mediterr\u2
25?neo, pero se trataba de un error de diagn\u243?stico. Aunque los optimates ha
b\u237?an perdido a un general de gran prestigio, la principal pieza que hab\u23
7?an utilizado en su odio contra C\u233?sar, manten\u237?an intacta su enemistad
. Adem\u225?s, la guerra egipcia les hab\u237?a dado tiempo de sobra para reorga
nizarse. Ahora sus principales l\u237?deres se hallaban en \u193?frica, donde ha
b\u237?an reunido un enorme ej\u233?rcito. All\u237? se hab\u237?an congregado v
iejos adversarios de C\u233?sar. El irreductible Cat\u243?n hab\u237?a realizado
una marcha \u233?pica desde Cirene hasta la provincia romana de \u193?frica. Ta
mbi\u233?n se encontraba all\u237? Metelo Escipi\u243?n, el suegro de Pompeyo, a
quien debido a su rango de consular todos trataban como comandante principal de
los optimates. Les suministraba tropas y provisiones el rey n\u250?mida Juba, o
tro que no le ten\u237?a mucho cari\u241?o a C\u233?sar; considerando que este l
e hab\u237?a tirado de la barba durante un juicio en Roma, resultaba comprensibl
e. Pero quiz\u225? el m\u225?s peligroso de todos sus enemigos y el m\u225?s enc
arnizado era tambi\u233?n el m\u225?s reciente, Tito Labieno.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
Esta ingente fuerza ya ten\u237?a en su poder uno de los graneros que surt\u237?
an de trigo a Roma, la provincia de \u193?frica. Merced a su gran flota, los opt
imates amenazaban tambi\u233?n con sus incursiones otras dos regiones suministra
doras de trigo, Sicilia y Cerde\u241?a. Todav\u237?a m\u225?s preocupante era qu

e corr\u237?an rumores de que la invasi\u243?n de Italia por el sur era inminent

e.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Hispania las cosas tampoco marchaban demasiado bien. C\u233?sar se hab\u237?a
equivocado al nombrar como administrador de Hispania a Quinto Casio Longino, co
mo si quisiera darle la raz\u243?n a Cicer\u243?n cuando le reprochaba que su fa
cci\u243?n estaba compuesta por indeseables. Como tribuno de la plebe, Casio Lon
gino hab\u237?a apoyado a C\u233?sar en aquellos tensos d\u237?as de enero del 4
9, y por eso hab\u237?a sido recompensado. Ahora, como gobernador, se dedicaba a
extorsionar a los hispanos con tanta codicia que pronto estall\u243? una sublev
aci\u243?n contra \u233?l en Corduba. La crueldad con que la reprimi\u243? Casio
no lo hizo precisamente m\u225?s popular. Por su culpa, la Ulterior, una provin
cia que se hab\u237?a pasado al bando de C\u233?sar sin luchar, ahora se hab\u23
7?a vuelto en su contra y a no mucho tardar se convertir\u237?a de nuevo en base
para los pompeyanos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Roma, donde siempre hab\u237?a problemas, estos se hab\u237?an recrudecido du
rante el a\u241?o 48. El motivo era uno de los pretores nombrados por C\u233?sar
, Celio Rufo. Este individuo era un pragm\u225?tico o un c\u237?nico, seg\u250?n
quiera interpretarse. En realidad, hab\u237?a muchos como \u233?l, pero a Celio
se le juzga m\u225?s porque gracias a la correspondencia que intercambiaba con
Cicer\u243?n se conocen m\u225?s sus opiniones. En una de sus cartas al orador a
firmaba que en cualquier guerra civil hab\u237?a que irse con el m\u225?s fuerte
, y que en esta guerra en concreto la mayor\u237?a del senado se ir\u237?a con P
ompeyo, mientras que se unir\u237?an a C\u233?sar los que tuvieran m\u225?s temo
r por su pasado o menos esperanzas por su futuro, ya que su ej\u233?rcito era mu
cho mejor ({\i
Ad Fam}., 8.11.3). Y eso era precisamente lo que hab\u237?a hecho Celio.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, ahora no estaba contento. C\u233?sar lo hab\u237?a nombrado pretor
peregrino, por detr\u225?s en jerarqu\u237?a del pretor urbano Cayo Trebonio, el
legado que hab\u237?a conquistado Masalia. Para aumentar su popularidad, Celio
propuso una ley que abol\u237?a las deudas e incluso el pago de rentas para los
inquilinos. Pensaba as\u237? en ganarse a todos aquellos que no hab\u237?an qued
ado satisfechos con la medida anterior de C\u233?sar, cuando este se hab\u237?a
limitado a rebajar los intereses de los pr\u233?stamos y a revaluar los bienes i
nmuebles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado se opuso a esta medida tan radical, como era de esperar. Mordiendo la
mano que le hab\u237?a dado de comer, Celio promovi\u243? entonces una revuelta
contra C\u233?sar y busc\u243? el apoyo de Mil\u243?n, el mismo que hab\u237?a p
rovocado tantos disturbios en Roma en sus luchas contra Clodio. Ir\u243?nicament
e, el senado cesariano aprob\u243? el {\i
SCU}, el mismo decreto de emergencia que dirigido contra C\u233?sar hab\u237?a d
esencadenado la guerra civil. En las luchas que siguieron, Mil\u243?n muri\u243?
en Apulia y Celio asesinado en el Brutio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al a\u241?o siguiente, el 47, el hombre m\u225?s poderoso de Roma era Marco Anto
nio, a quien C\u233?sar hab\u237?a ordenado regresar a Italia con el grueso de s
us legiones despu\u233?s de la victoria de Farsalia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella decisi\u243?n acarre\u243? dos problemas; uno de ellos por causa de las
legiones m\u225?s veteranas, como la Novena y la D\u233?cima, que aguardaban el
regreso de su general sin desmovilizarse, ya que deb\u237?an formar parte de su
cortejo triunfal. Mientras les llegaban noticias contradictorias sobre la suerte
de su comandante y se hablaba de una posible campa\u241?a en \u193?frica contra
los pompeyanos, los legionarios, que se hallaban acuartelados en Campania mano
sobre mano, empezaron a dedicarse a lo habitual en la soldadesca ociosa: a queja
rse y organizar peleas. Quer\u237?an saber si se licenciar\u237?an y, sobre todo
, si recibir\u237?an las bonificaciones y las tierras que C\u233?sar les hab\u23
7?a prometido. Si su general hab\u237?a muerto all\u225? por Oriente, \u191?qui\
u233?n se encargar\u237?a de su futuro?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El mismo Marco Antonio era el segundo problema. Poco despu\u233?s de Farsalia, e
n septiembre del 48, Servilio Is\u225?urico, colega en el consulado de C\u233?sa
r, propuso que este fuera nombrado dictador por un a\u241?o, el doble de los sei

s meses constitucionales. Tradicionalmente al dictador lo acompa\u241?aba un lug

arteniente conocido como {\i
magister equitum} o jefe de la caballer\u237?a. Esto se deb\u237?a a un antiguo
tab\u250?: el dictador, nombrado en situaciones de emergencia, ten\u237?a que co
mpartir el destino de los legionarios y por eso se le prohib\u237?a montar a cab
allo, de modo que el {\i
magister equitum} mandaba en su nombre a los jinetes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A finales de la Rep\u250?blica, el cargo ten\u237?a poco que ver con la caballer
\u237?a y simplemente ocupaba un pelda\u241?o por debajo del dictador. Pero como
C\u233?sar se hallaba lejos de Roma, su {\i
magister equitum}, que no era otro que Marco Antonio, se hab\u237?a convertido d
e hecho en el amo de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como militar, Antonio hab\u237?a destacado al lado de C\u233?sar lo suficiente c
omo para que este le encomendara el mando del ala izquierda en Farsalia. Pero co
mo gobernante pod\u237?a ser un desastre si lo dejaban a sus anchas, pues su tem
peramento desmesurado y agresivo sal\u237?a a la luz. Su conducta privada, o no
tan privada ya que la exhib\u237?a sin pudor, era el esc\u225?ndalo de Roma. Com
o en sus tiempos de juventud loca, Marco Antonio asist\u237?a casi a diario a fi
estas en las que beb\u237?a sin parar. En una ocasi\u243?n, en la boda de un mim
o llamado Hipias, pas\u243? toda la noche empinando el codo. Al d\u237?a siguien
te deb\u237?a presentarse en el Foro para dirigirse a la asamblea del pueblo, y
lo hizo tan borracho que tuvo que interrumpir su discurso para vomitar en su pro
pia toga mientras un amigo se la levantaba a modo de delantal.\par\pard\plain\hy
phpar} {
A los m\u225?s viejos del lugar, Marco Antonio les deb\u237?a de recordar a Sila
, porque frecuentaba la compa\u241?\u237?a de actores como el tal Hipias o Sergi
o, otro mimo. Tambi\u233?n era amante de una actriz llamada Citeris, a la que ha
c\u237?a transportar en una lujosa litera cuando sal\u237?a de Roma para visitar
las ciudades cercanas. En general, el lujo y la ostentaci\u243?n le encantaban,
por lo que no resulta extra\u241?o que a\u241?os despu\u233?s Cleopatra lo conq
uistara exhibiendo ante \u233?l todo el fasto de Alejandr\u237?a.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Aparte de estos excesos, Antonio demostr\u243? ser poco eficaz como administrado
r. Por lo general, prefer\u237?a recurrir a la violencia que a la persuasi\u243?
n, lo que no contribu\u237?a a hacerle buena propaganda a C\u233?sar.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Las ocasiones para recurrir a ella no tardaron en presentarse. Durante el a\u241
?o 47, el tribuno Publio Dolabela, yerno de Cicer\u243?n, decidi\u243? resucitar
la propuesta de Celio de abolir las deudas, lo que obviamente reaviv\u243? los
conflictos entre quienes deb\u237?an dinero y quienes lo hab\u237?an prestado y
deseaban recuperarlo. Adem\u225?s, al presentar esa ley estaba contradiciendo ab
iertamente una moci\u243?n del senado que prohib\u237?a introducir nuevas normas
hasta que regresara C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A este le crec\u237?an los enanos en su ausencia. Al mismo tiempo que la agitaci
\u243?n volv\u237?a a la urbe, el descontento de las legiones de C\u233?sar esta
ll\u243? finalmente en Campania. Cuando la violencia de los soldados lleg\u243?
tan lejos que asesinaron a dos senadores de rango pretoriano llamados Galba y Co
sconio, Antonio se vio obligado a abandonar la ciudad. Mientras \u233?l se ocupa
ba de este asunto, Roma qued\u243? en manos de bandas rivales que luchaban por l
as calles, dirigidas por Dolabela y por un tribuno rival llamado Trebelio, como
en los tiempos de Clodio y Mil\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El senado volvi\u243? a aprobar el decreto de emergencia. Marco Antonio, sin hab
er solucionado el mot\u237?n de las legiones veteranas, regres\u243? de Campania
con tropas que no hab\u237?an abandonado la disciplina. Puesto que el {\i
SCU} le autorizaba expresamente a entrar en la ciudad con ellas, reprimi\u243? l
os disturbios con mano de hierro, irrumpiendo en el Foro con sus soldados y arro
jando por la Roca Tarpeya a cientos de partidarios de Dolabela. No contento con
eso, hizo destruir las tablas de bronce donde se hab\u237?an inscrito los decret
os del tribuno.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As\u237? estaba el panorama cuando C\u233?sar sali\u243? de Egipto: Hispania al

borde de la rebeli\u243?n, los pompeyanos preparando la invasi\u243?n de Italia,

sus legiones amotinadas en Campania y dispuestas incluso a avanzar contra Roma,
y Marco Antonio echando a perder su prestigio en Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Puesto que toda situaci\u243?n es empeorable, a C\u233?sar le llegaron malas not
icias tambi\u233?n de Asia. La principal amenaza proced\u237?a una vez m\u225?s
del Ponto. All\u237? reinaba Farnaces, que en el a\u241?o 63 se hab\u237?a rebel
ado contra su padre Mitr\u237?dates y le hab\u237?a forzado a suicidarse. Para d
emostrar sus intenciones de someterse a Roma, Farnaces hab\u237?a llegado al ext
remo de enviarle a Pompeyo el cad\u225?ver de Mitr\u237?dates. En agradecimiento
, el conquistador de Oriente lo hab\u237?a confirmado como soberano del B\u243?s
foro Cimerio, parte del antiguo gran reino de su padre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
A r\u237?o revuelto, ganancia de pescadores, debi\u243? de pensar Farnaces al co
ntemplar c\u243?mo los romanos guerreaban entre ellos. Aprovechando que Pompeyo
hab\u237?a muerto y que su vencedor se encontraba sitiado en Alejandr\u237?a por
fuerzas muy superiores en n\u250?mero, Farnaces se apresur\u243? a invadir Capa
docia, la Armenia Menor y la C\u243?lquide.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En Asia C\u233?sar hab\u237?a dejado como legado a Domicio Calvino con tres legi
ones. Pero Calvino hab\u237?a enviado dos de ellas a Alejandr\u237?a, de modo qu
e solo le quedaba la Trig\u233?sima Tercera, formada por antiguos pompeyanos. Su
m\u225?ndole a esta tropas g\u225?latas bastante ne\u243?fitas mandadas por su r
ey Deyotaro, una legi\u243?n reclutada a toda prisa en el Ponto y una reducida f
uerza de caballer\u237?a, Calvino se enfrent\u243? a Farnaces en Nic\u243?polis,
una ciudad situada en el Ponto y fundada por Pompeyo. La batalla, que se libr\u
243? en diciembre del 48, no dur\u243? demasiado: Calvino hab\u237?a desplegado
en el centro a los g\u225?latas, que a la primera embestida del enemigo emprendi
eron la huida. Al menos, \u233?l consigui\u243? retirarse con la Trig\u233?sima
Tercera legi\u243?n casi intacta y se refugi\u243? en la provincia de Asia, desd
e donde envi\u243? a C\u233?sar una carta con las malas noticias.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a Farnaces, aprovechando su victoria, no tard\u243? en reconquistar lo
s territorios que hab\u237?an pertenecido a su padre. Fue especialmente cruel al
tomar la ciudad de Amiso, donde orden\u243? ejecutar a todos los varones en eda
d de llevar armas y castrar a los ni\u241?os. Esta \u250?ltima idea le debi\u243
? gustar, porque hizo lo mismo con todo comerciante romano que cay\u243? en sus
manos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aunque la informaci\u243?n que le llegaba de Italia y otros lugares del Mediterr
\u225?neo occidental se antojaba m\u225?s que inquietante, C\u233?sar pens\u243?
que la prioridad m\u225?s urgente era arreglar los asuntos de Asia. La amenaza
no era \u250?nicamente Farnaces, sino el imperio parto, que permanec\u237?a al a
cecho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar dej\u243? tres legiones en Egipto para garantizar la seguridad de Cle
opatra, y parti\u243? \u250?nicamente con su escolta y con la Sexta, de la que d
espu\u233?s de tantas batallas apenas quedaban mil hombres. Por el camino fue ar
reglando diversos asuntos administrativos y recompensando a quienes lo hab\u237?
an ayudado durante su guerra en Alejandr\u237?a. Entre ellos estaba Ant\u237?pat
ro, al que nombr\u243? gobernador de Judea y concedi\u243? la ciudadan\u237?a ro
mana. En cuanto a las comunidades que hab\u237?an apoyado a Pompeyo, les ofreci\
u243? su perd\u243?n, pero a cambio de que le entregaran todo el dinero que hab\
u237?an recaudado para la causa de su rival.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? a la ciudad de Tarso, en la costa de Cilicia, hizo llamar a lo
s principales ciudadanos de la regi\u243?n y tambi\u233?n a antiguos pompeyanos
a los que ofreci\u243? su perd\u243?n. Uno de ellos era Cayo Casio Longino, que
tres a\u241?os despu\u233?s participar\u237?a en la conjura de los idus de marzo
junto con Bruto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde Tarso, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? hacia el norte, atravesando el coraz\u24
3?n de la actual Turqu\u237?a. En Galacia, el rey Deyotaro se le present\u243? s
in corona, vestido como un suplicante para pedirle perd\u243?n por haber apoyado
a Pompeyo. C\u233?sar dej\u243? en suspenso su castigo a cambio de que le prest

ara tropas de infanter\u237?a y toda su caballer\u237?a. Sin detenerse apenas, p

rosigui\u243? su viaje hacia el norte, directo al reino del Ponto. Por el camino
se le uni\u243? Calvino con la Trig\u233?sima Tercera y los restos m\u225?s o m
enos reconstituidos de las dos legiones que se hab\u237?an venido abajo en la ba
talla de Nic\u243?polis. Muchos de esos hombres hab\u237?an sido derrotados ya p
or Farnaces, pero el hecho de servir con C\u233?sar, el vencedor de Farsalia, le
s sirvi\u243? para recuperar su moral.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Farnaces supo que C\u233?sar ven\u237?a contra \u233?l, le despach\u243?
emisarios para negociar. Am\u233?n de recordarle que \u233?l no hab\u237?a ayuda
do a Pompeyo, le mand\u243? como presente coronas de oro e incluso le ofreci\u24
3? a su propia hija como esposa. Al principio, C\u233?sar entretuvo a los mensaj
eros con largas para ganar tiempo mientras continuaba su avance. Pero cuando rec
ibi\u243? una tercera embajada, la despidi\u243? con cajas destempladas y un rec
ado para Farnaces: no pod\u237?a haber perd\u243?n para alguien que hab\u237?a c
astrado a ciudadanos romanos como si fueran cochinos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Farnaces quiso darse cuenta, ya ten\u237?a a C\u233?sar acampado a menos
de ocho kil\u243?metros. El rey del Ponto estaba acantonado en Zela, una ciudad
fortificada y situada en lo alto de un monte bastante escarpado. La noche del 1
al 2 de agosto, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? sorprenderlo, sali\u243? con sus tropas
del campamento y tom\u243? una colina situada a apenas mil quinientos metros de
Farnaces.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al amanecer, cuando vio c\u243?mo los enemigos cavaban zanjas tan cerca de \u233
?l que casi pod\u237?a distinguir sus estandartes, Farnaces pens\u243? que si C\
u233?sar pod\u237?a usar la sorpresa para derrotar a sus adversarios, \u233?l no
ten\u237?a por qu\u233? ser menos. Sin perder tiempo, despleg\u243? a sus tropa
s, incluyendo una fuerza de carros falcados, y carg\u243? contra los romanos y s
us aliados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar no se pod\u237?a creer lo que estaba viendo. Miles de enemigos bajaba
n por la ladera de Zela hasta el valle y se desplegaban. Pensando que Farnaces l
o hac\u237?a para retarle a una batalla all\u237? abajo, mantuvo \u250?nicamente
su primera l\u237?nea de soldados protegiendo las obras mientras el resto del e
j\u233?rcito segu\u237?a atareado cavando trincheras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Minutos despu\u233?s, observ\u243? con asombro c\u243?mo el ej\u233?rcito del re
y emprend\u237?a la subida de aquella ladera, que era bastante empinada. Aquella
temeridad, que iba en contra de todos los manuales de t\u225?ctica y de cualqui
er l\u243?gica, sorprendi\u243? tanto a C\u233?sar que durante unos instantes no
supo c\u243?mo reaccionar. Pero enseguida orden\u243? a los soldados que soltar
an los picos y las palas, tomaran las armas y formaran una l\u237?nea de batalla
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El problema era que la mayor\u237?a de esas tropas eran novatas y adem\u225?s ha
b\u237?an sido ya derrotadas por el enemigo que cargaba contra ellos cuesta arri
ba. Hubo unos momentos de p\u225?nico, que los carros falcados aprovecharon para
penetrar entre las filas romanas y desorganizarlas. Pero, evidentemente, llevab
an muy poco impulso por culpa del terreno, e incluso el poco que tra\u237?an lo
perdieron cuando empezaron a caerles andanadas de {\i
pila}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras el primer momento de desconcierto, los hombres de C\u233?sar empezaron a ha
cer retroceder a los de Farnaces ladera abajo. La Sexta, situada en el ala derec
ha como era de esperar, fue la primera en romper las filas del enemigo. La lucha
prosigui\u243? en el valle durante varias horas, hasta que al final las tropas
del Ponto emprendieron la huida y fueron masacradas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Satisfecho, C\u233?sar permiti\u243? a sus hombres que saquearan el campamento r
eal y se apropiaran de todo el bot\u237?n. Farnaces logr\u243? huir, pero fue po
r poco tiempo. Cuando lleg\u243? a la ciudad de S\u237?nope, un gobernador rebel
de llamado Asandro lo hizo asesinar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La campa\u241?a hab\u237?a sido tan fulminante que, en una carta dirigida a su a
migo Cayo Macio, C\u233?sar acu\u241?\u243? su famoso aforismo: {\i
Veni, vidi, vici}, \u171?Llegu\u233?, vi, venc\u237?\u187?. Era una forma de men
ospreciar las victorias de Pompeyo, de quien coment\u243? a partir de entonces q
ue hab\u237?a tenido una suerte incre\u237?ble ganando su fama contra adversario

s tan d\u233?biles. Esta frase la repiti\u243? sobre todo en Oriente, donde pret
end\u237?a sustituir la leyenda del conquistador Pompeyo por la suya propia.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar llevaba raz\u243?n en que sus campa\u241?as en la Galia hab\u237?an s
ido mucho m\u225?s duras que la conquista de Oriente por Pompeyo. Como ya hemos
comentado varias veces, luchar contra estados m\u225?s desarrollados supon\u237?
a una ventaja, pues para que se rindieran bastaba con derrotar a sus gobernantes
en una sola batalla decisiva; algo que C\u233?sar solo pudo conseguir en la Gal
ia, parad\u243?jicamente, cuando la mayor\u237?a de las tribus galas decidieron
unirse contra \u233?l.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
INTERLUDIO EN ROMA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la batalla de Zela, C\u233?sar recompens\u243? a Mitr\u237?dates
de P\u233?rgamo concedi\u233?ndole el B\u243?sforo Cimerio y algunas otras zona
s de Galacia que le arrebat\u243? a Deyotaro. A este, sin embargo, acab\u243? pe
rdon\u225?ndolo gracias a la mediaci\u243?n de Bruto, que ten\u237?a negocios co
n el rey. Ahora bien, no se priv\u243? de cobrarle una suculenta indemnizaci\u24
3?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde la costa de Asia, C\u233?sar naveg\u243? hasta Grecia, y de ah\u237? a Tar
ento, donde desembarc\u243? el 26 de septiembre. De camino hacia Roma se encontr
\u243? con Cicer\u243?n, que hab\u237?a salido a su encuentro. El orador tem\u23
7?a la reacci\u243?n de C\u233?sar por su pasado apoyo a Pompeyo, pero no se hab
\u237?a atrevido a salir de Italia, pues una orden escrita del todav\u237?a dict
ador a los pompeyanos les prohib\u237?a abandonar suelo italiano.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Para sorpresa de Cicer\u243?n, cuando C\u233?sar lo vio, desmont\u243? de su cab
allo, se acerc\u243? a saludarlo con una sonrisa y lo estrech\u243? en un c\u225
?lido abrazo. Despu\u233?s, caminaron juntos y conversaron durante un rato. Al p
arecer, en aquella pl\u225?tica C\u233?sar le dijo a Cicer\u243?n que era libre
de ir donde quisiera y que no ten\u237?a nada que temer de \u233?l. Aparte de se
r un nuevo ejemplo de su famosa clemencia, todo sugiere que C\u233?sar, pese a s
us diferencias, sent\u237?a una sincera admiraci\u243?n intelectual por el mayor
orador de Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? a la urbe en octubre, una de las primeras cosas que hizo C\u23
3?sar fue nombrar c\u243?nsules, aunque fuese para unos pocos meses. Los afortun
ados fueron Fufio Caleno y Publio Vatinio. Este \u250?ltimo obten\u237?a as\u237
? su recompensa por su actuaci\u243?n como tribuno doce a\u241?os antes, cuando
consigui\u243? que liberaran a C\u233?sar de su humillante mando de bosques y ca
lzadas y lo nombraran gobernador de la Galia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s convoc\u243? las elecciones para el a\u241?o siguiente, y se hizo n
ombrar c\u243?nsul para el 46 junto con Marco Emilio L\u233?pido. Al actuar de e
ste modo, C\u233?sar estaba cometiendo dos ilegalidades. En primer lugar, no pod
\u237?a ser c\u243?nsul de nuevo hasta que no hubieran pasado diez a\u241?os. Ad
em\u225?s, las {\i
leges Liciniae-Sextiae} del a\u241?o 367 estipulaban que al menos uno de los dos
c\u243?nsules ten\u237?a que ser plebeyo, y tanto C\u233?sar como L\u233?pido e
ran patricios. El mismo hombre que se hab\u237?a enorgullecido tanto de alcanzar
las magistraturas {\i
suo anno}, al contrario que Pompeyo, y que hab\u237?a aguardado diez a\u241?os e
ntre consulado y consulado, ahora parec\u237?a considerar que las normas legales
se hab\u237?an convertido en frusler\u237?as sin importancia cuando se trataba
de \u233?l. La larga guerra civil, la edad, los meses viviendo con una reina ori
ental o todo junto lo estaban cambiando.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quedaba solucionar la pol\u233?mica de la abolici\u243?n de las deudas, que tant
a violencia hab\u237?a causado. Para sorpresa de muchos, C\u233?sar perdon\u243?
al tribuno Dolabela, al que invit\u243? a acompa\u241?arlo a su expedici\u243?n
africana, mientras que a Marco Antonio le retir\u243? su apoyo. Estaba enojado
con \u233?l por la torpeza y brutalidad con que hab\u237?a gobernado Roma en su

ausencia, y lo demostr\u243? al no elegirlo como colega para el consulado ni con

cederle ning\u250?n otro cargo. Ni siquiera lo nombr\u243? legado para la inmine
nte campa\u241?a de \u193?frica. C\u233?sar no quer\u237?a enemistarse del todo
con \u233?l, pues lo consideraba \u250?til para el futuro. Pero de momento quer\
u237?a propinarle un correctivo y hacerlo de forma p\u250?blica; era la \u250?ni
ca forma de que su imagen recuperara el prestigio que Marco Antonio hab\u237?a e
chado a perder.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto a las deudas en s\u237?, C\u233?sar no las aboli\u243?. Eso decepcion\
u243? a quienes lo ve\u237?an como un l\u237?der popular radical o, simplemente,
pensaban que le conven\u237?a hacerlo, ya que debido a los ingentes gastos de l
a guerra se hab\u237?a convertido en el mayor deudor de todos. Esa fue, precisam
ente, la raz\u243?n por la que C\u233?sar se neg\u243? a cancelar las deudas, al
egando que no ser\u237?a \u233?tico proclamar una ley cuyo principal beneficiari
o ser\u237?a \u233?l mismo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al menos, aprob\u243? un decreto por el que se condonaba parte de las sumas que
deb\u237?an las personas que viv\u237?an de alquiler: dos mil sestercios de fran
quicia para los residentes en Roma y quinientos para los del resto de Italia.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Faltaba por resolver el asunto m\u225?s peliagudo de todos: el mot\u237?n de sus
tropas. En s\u237? supon\u237?a un grave peligro para la seguridad de Italia, y
adem\u225?s C\u233?sar necesitaba a esas legiones para enfrentarse a sus enemig
os en \u193?frica.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al saber que sus soldados marchaban hacia Roma, C\u233?sar les mand\u243? a vari
os emisarios. Uno de ellos fue Salustio, que acababa de ser elegido pretor, aunq
ue todav\u237?a no hab\u237?a entrado en el cargo. El futuro historiador acudi\u
243? con una promesa de C\u233?sar: les iba a repartir cuatro mil sestercios por
cabeza. Los soldados respondieron que quer\u237?an dinero contante y sonante en
lugar de m\u225?s promesas, y le lanzaron una lluvia de piedras de la que Salus
tio escap\u243? a duras penas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Las legiones prosiguieron su marcha y, al llegar a Roma, acamparon en el Campo d
e Marte para plantear sus exigencias. Para su sorpresa, y desoyendo los consejos
de los allegados que pensaban que se estaba jugando el pellejo, C\u233?sar se p
lant\u243? all\u237? pr\u225?cticamente solo y subi\u243? a un estrado levantado
en el centro del improvisado campamento. Una vez all\u237? arriba, les pregunt\
u243? qu\u233? quer\u237?an.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar ten\u237?a que sentirse muy seguro de s\u237? mismo para aparecer de
ese modo delante de sus soldados, que hab\u237?an matado ya a dos senadores y ha
b\u237?an estado a punto de acabar con Salustio. Los portavoces de los soldados,
algo aturdidos por la inesperada llegada de su general, olvidaron sus exigencia
s de dinero y de tierras, y \u250?nicamente le pidieron que los licenciara, pues
ya hab\u237?an cumplido de sobra sus a\u241?os de servicio.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Al actuar as\u237?, estaban chantajeando a C\u233?sar igual que hab\u237?a hecho
la Novena en Placentia. Pero esta vez eran muchos m\u225?s hombres. Por otro la
do, su general no pod\u237?a prescindir de ellos a sabiendas de que en \u193?fri
ca lo aguardaban catorce legiones enemigas. Sin duda, pensaban, no se atrever\u2
37?a a enfrentarse a ellas con unidades reci\u233?n reclutadas. Ellos, como vete
ranos, eran imprescindibles.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta vez C\u233?sar no mont\u243? en c\u243?lera como en el mot\u237?n anterior,
ni habl\u243? de disciplina ni amenaz\u243? con diezmar unidades enteras. En to
no calmado empez\u243? dirigi\u233?ndose a ellos como {\i
Quirites}, un t\u233?rmino tradicional para referirse a los ciudadanos romanos,
y no como {\i
commilitones} o \u171?camaradas\u187?, tal como llevaba haci\u233?ndolo a\u241?o
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A continuaci\u243?n, a\u241?adi\u243? que comprend\u237?a sus reivindicaciones,
y que estaba dispuesto a licenciarlos. M\u225?s tarde, cuando venciera por fin a
sus adversarios y regresara a celebrar su triunfo con {\i
otros} soldados, les pagar\u237?a el dinero prometido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante unos instantes los legionarios se quedaron boquiabiertos. En vez de ira,

su general estaba mostrando una serena y triste decepci\u243?n que surti\u243?

un efecto mucho mayor en ellos que cualquier amenaza. Al fin y al cabo, una de l
as cosas que peor puede hacer sentir a una persona es saber que ha decepcionado
a alguien que le importa, como un maestro, una madre, un padre\u8230? o un gener
al carism\u225?tico como C\u233?sar. En el fondo eran como ni\u241?os que manifi
estan su necesidad de cari\u241?o port\u225?ndose mal. \u171?Lo que sus hombres
hab\u237?an echado de menos desde hac\u237?a meses era, sobre todo, la presencia
de C\u233?sar, y fue esa mera presencia la que seren\u243? su enfado y restable
ci\u243? su voluntad de hacer cuanto fuera necesario\u187?.{\super
[58]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
De pronto, se empezaron a levantar voces entre la tropa diciendo que en realidad
no quer\u237?an licenciarse y que lo seguir\u237?an adonde fuese. \u191?C\u243?
mo iba a celebrar su triunfo con otros legionarios? Ah\u237? C\u233?sar les hab\
u237?a dado en otro punto d\u233?bil: el amor a la gloria no era privativo de lo
s generales, sino tambi\u233?n de los soldados, que se sent\u237?an parte de alg
o mucho mayor que ellos, pero que al mismo tiempo los hac\u237?a m\u225?s grande
s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar se dio media vuelta y se dispuso a bajar del estrado, pero se detuvo
como si dudara qu\u233? hacer. Tras vacilar un rato, se gir\u243? de nuevo hacia
sus hombres y dijo que aceptaba sus disculpas y que se los llevaba a \u193?fric
a. Tan solo se quedar\u237?a en tierra la legi\u243?n que hab\u237?a sido su pre
dilecta, la D\u233?cima.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tantos a\u241?os despu\u233?s, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a dado la vuelta a las palabr
as que pronunciara en Vesontio antes de la batalla contra Ariovisto. Por supuest
o, los oficiales y soldados de la D\u233?cima le rogaron que no hiciera eso y qu
e los llevara tambi\u233?n, e incluso se ofrecieron para la {\i
decimatio}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, C\u233?sar tambi\u233?n cedi\u243? en llevarse a la D\u233?cima. Sin em
bargo, del mismo modo que hab\u237?a guardado resentimiento contra la Novena (lo
cual explica que en Dirraquio la acampara en el sitio de mayor peligro y donde
m\u225?s bajas se produjeron), ahora tom\u243? buena nota, y durante la campa\u2
41?a de \u193?frica puso a la D\u233?cima en las situaciones m\u225?s apuradas.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA CAMPA\u209?A DE \u193?FRICA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de sofocar el mot\u237?n, C\u233?sar viaj\u243? a Lilibeo, situado
en la punta oeste de Sicilia. Ten\u237?a tanta prisa por enfrentarse a sus enemi
gos, buscando siempre la sorpresa, que ni siquiera aguard\u243? a que las cinco
legiones veteranas que pretend\u237?a llevar estuvieran listas. En Lilibeo conta
ba con dos mil jinetes, cinco legiones nuevas y \u250?nicamente una veterana, la
Quinta. La hab\u237?a formado en el a\u241?o 52 con guerreros de la Galia Trans
alpina a los que hab\u237?a otorgado la ciudadan\u237?a, y era conocida como {\i
Alaudae}, \u171?las alondras\u187?, por las alas con que se adornaban los yelmos
sus soldados.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al igual que le hab\u237?a ocurrido antes, su mayor problema era la falta de bar
cos. Adem\u225?s, se encontraban en diciembre, lo que preocupaba bastante a los
soldados que deb\u237?an viajar. Pero C\u233?sar se sent\u237?a tan impaciente q
ue ten\u237?a la tienda de mando montada en la playa, con la puerta apuntando ha
cia el oeste.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante una semana C\u233?sar esper\u243? a que los vientos amainaran un poco. P
or fin, el 25 de diciembre se decidi\u243? a embarcar a sus tropas. Por falta de
transportes, igual que le hab\u237?a ocurrido en Brindisi casi dos a\u241?os an
tes, tuvo que ordenar a los soldados que dejaran la mayor parte del bagaje y no
pudo cargar tantas provisiones y heno como habr\u237?a necesitado.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
La traves\u237?a dur\u243? tres d\u237?as y fue bastante accidentada. En otras o
casiones, C\u233?sar reun\u237?a a los pilotos antes de zarpar y les entregaba i
nstrucciones selladas para que las abrieran en una fecha determinada y de ese mo

do todos se dirigieran al mismo punto. Pero ahora C\u233?sar no hab\u237?a indic

ado un destino claro, puesto que toda la costa de la provincia africana se halla
ba en poder de los enemigos y no hab\u237?a ning\u250?n lugar seguro para desemb
arcar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, como era de esperar en esa \u233?poca del a\u241?o, los vientos
volvieron a arreciar a mitad de la traves\u237?a y dispersaron la flota. Cuando
C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a Adrumeto, a m\u225?s de cien kil\u243?metros al sur de C
artago, contaba nada m\u225?s con tres mil soldados de infanter\u237?a y ciento
cincuenta de caballer\u237?a, e ignoraba d\u243?nde hab\u237?an ido a recalar su
s dem\u225?s naves.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por si fuera poco, cuando baj\u243? de la nave dio un traspi\u233?s y cay\u243?
al suelo. R\u225?pidamente, agarr\u243? dos pu\u241?ados de arena en las manos y
exclam\u243? {\i
Teneo te, Africa}, \u171?\u161?Te tengo, \u193?frica!\u187?, para evitar que sus
hombres interpretaran el tropez\u243?n como un mal augurio \u8212?y de paso par
a evitar el bochorno que uno suele sentir en tales casos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
Al descubrir que Adrumeto estaba en poder de los optimates, con una potente guar
nici\u243?n mandada por Cayo Considio, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? dirigirse a Lepti
s, que se encontraba a unos diez kil\u243?metros al sur. Una vez instalados en l
as afueras de la ciudad, no tardaron en llegar m\u225?s barcos de su flota, con
lo que sus efectivos aumentaron hasta cinco mil hombres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
C\u233?sar se apresur\u243? a tomar medidas para mejorar su situaci\u243?n, y en
carg\u243? a Publio Vatinio que recorriera la costa con diez naves para localiza
r a los dem\u225?s barcos. A Salustio le orden\u243? navegar al sur, a la isla d
e Cercina, donde le hab\u237?an informado de que hab\u237?a silos repletos de gr
ano del enemigo. Tambi\u233?n despach\u243? a Rabirio P\u243?stumo a Sicilia con
unos cuantos transportes para acelerar el embarque del resto de las unidades. D
espu\u233?s dej\u243? seis cohortes como guarnici\u243?n en Leptis y llev\u243?
el resto de las tropas a Ruspina, situada en un promontorio al norte: de esta ma
nera, con Ruspina y Leptis ya dispon\u237?a de dos puertos en su poder para reci
bir al resto de la flota.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Es evidente que, al igual que en la campa\u241?a del Epiro y Grecia, C\u233?sar
hab\u237?a actuado con bastante precipitaci\u243?n: andaba corto de hombres, de
equipo y de v\u237?veres. A cambio, hab\u237?a sorprendido a sus enemigos, que n
o lo esperaban tan pronto; al anticiparse con su expedici\u243?n, C\u233?sar pro
bablemente hab\u237?a impedido la invasi\u243?n de Italia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
De momento, las fuerzas de sus oponentes estaban repartidas, pero eran formidabl
es. Dispon\u237?an de diez legiones m\u225?s otras cuatro unidades n\u250?midas
reclutadas y entrenadas al estilo romano. Sobre todo, ten\u237?an catorce mil ji
netes, la mayor\u237?a de ellos n\u250?midas, expertos en combatir en aquel terr
eno a lomos de aquellos caballos peque\u241?os y resistentes que parec\u237?an c
apaces de subsistir de cualquier cosa, como las cabras. Por \u250?ltimo, el rey
Juba aportaba m\u225?s de cien elefantes de guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Fue una suerte para C\u233?sar que el general en jefe de sus enemigos fuese Mete
lo Escipi\u243?n. Aunque no era un estratega demasiado dotado, los optimates le
hab\u237?an otorgado el mando por ser el senador que m\u225?s rango ten\u237?a.
A Labieno, el m\u225?s capacitado con diferencia de todo el bando pompeyano, los
dem\u225?s le daban un tanto de lado: Escipi\u243?n prefer\u237?a escuchar ante
s los consejos de Afranio y Petreyo simplemente porque eran de extracci\u243?n s
ocial m\u225?s alta. En cuanto a Cat\u243?n, la n\u233?mesis de C\u233?sar, perm
anec\u237?a algo apartado de los dem\u225?s, al cargo de la ciudad de \u218?tica
, donde los optimates hab\u237?an formado un consejo de notables al que llamaban
senado. All\u237? recalaba la flota y hab\u237?a abundantes almacenes de materi
al.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Como hemos dicho, C\u233?sar sufr\u237?a el sempiterno problema de la falta de p
rovisiones. Los jinetes n\u250?midas, que aparec\u237?an pr\u225?cticamente de l
a nada, supon\u237?an un peligro letal para sus partidas de forrajeadores. Dispu

esto a evitarlo, C\u233?sar decidi\u243? salir del campamento con treinta cohort
es y barrer los alrededores en busca de v\u237?veres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando hab\u237?an recorrido unos cinco kil\u243?metros, vieron una nube de polv
o en lontananza. Aunque los antiguos eran expertos en interpretar esas polvareda
s, en esta ocasi\u243?n C\u233?sar se equivoc\u243?. Quien ven\u237?a hacia \u23
3?l era Labieno, que al enterarse del desembarco de su antiguo general hab\u237?
a salido de \u218?tica con las tropas m\u225?s veloces posibles para enfrentarse
a \u233?l. Tra\u237?a ocho mil jinetes n\u250?midas, mil seiscientos jinetes ga
los y germanos y miles de soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera que avanzaban mezcl
ados con los escuadrones de caballer\u237?a. El astuto Labieno hab\u237?a hecho
marchar a sus hombres en una l\u237?nea muy compacta para ocupar menos sitio, de
manera que al avistarlos C\u233?sar crey\u243? que se trataba de un ej\u233?rci
to normal y no de una fuerza de caballer\u237?a, mucho m\u225?s r\u225?pida.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con todo, C\u233?sar dio orden de que los pocos jinetes y arqueros que ten\u237?
a acudieran a toda prisa desde el campamento. Mientras, sus hombres se calaron l
os yelmos y, con las armas preparadas, siguieron avanzando muy despacio. Cuando
recibi\u243? los refuerzos, C\u233?sar despleg\u243? a sus tropas en una sola l\
u237?nea, en lugar de la {\i
triplex acies} habitual, puso a los ciento cincuenta arqueros por delante y situ
\u243? a doscientos jinetes protegiendo cada ala. La raz\u243?n de esta formaci\
u243?n tan estirada y sin reservas en retaguardia era, simplemente, que andaba m
uy corto de efectivos y necesitaba un frente alargado para que el enemigo no lo
flanqueara.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ese momento, Labieno empez\u243? a desplegar su caballer\u237?a pesada a ambo
s lados, y de pronto se vio que era much\u237?simo m\u225?s numerosa de lo que h
ab\u237?a parecido a simple vista. Al ver que el enemigo amenazaba con rodearlos
, los jinetes de C\u233?sar tuvieron que estirar todav\u237?a m\u225?s su formac
i\u243?n. Pero estaban en tal inferioridad num\u233?rica que no pudieron resisti
r ni la primera carga y tuvieron que recular.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cuanto al centro de las l\u237?neas de Labieno, donde C\u233?sar esperaba enc
ontrar infanter\u237?a convencional, en realidad se compon\u237?a de caballer\u2
37?a n\u250?mida mezclada con miles de soldados de infanter\u237?a ligera, y amb
as formaciones corrieron hacia ellos disparando sus jabalinas. Cuando los hombre
s de C\u233?sar cargaron a su vez, los n\u250?midas les dieron la espalda y huye
ron a toda velocidad. Una vez que se hubieron alejado a cierta distancia y viero
n que sus perseguidores se hab\u237?an detenido, volvieron a atacar de la misma
manera.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para C\u233?sar aquella era una t\u225?ctica nueva. Cuando sus legionarios se ap
artaban demasiado de la formaci\u243?n por perseguir a esos n\u250?midas molesto
s como t\u225?banos, dejaban al descubierto su costado derecho y muchos de ellos
ca\u237?an heridos por los venablos. Los infantes y los jinetes de Labieno, en
cambio, eran tan r\u225?pidos que hu\u237?an con facilidad de los {\i
pila} romanos. Por eso C\u233?sar hizo correr la orden de que ning\u250?n soldad
o deb\u237?a adelantarse m\u225?s de cuatro pies de la formaci\u243?n.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
En cuesti\u243?n de minutos, las cohortes de C\u233?sar se vieron rodeadas, con
infanter\u237?a ligera y jinetes n\u250?midas por delante y caballer\u237?a gala
y germana por detr\u225?s. En una situaci\u243?n similar, aunque contra un enem
igo que usaba arcos en lugar de jabalinas y lanzas, el ej\u233?rcito consular de
Craso hab\u237?a sido aplastado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Labieno debi\u243? de pensar que ya ten\u237?a a C\u233?sar donde quer\u237?a, y
mientras cabalgaba alrededor de sus hombres se dedic\u243? a burlarse de ellos
con frases hirientes. \u171?\u191?C\u243?mo os hab\u233?is dejado embaucar por l
as palabras de C\u233?sar, novatos? \u161?Por H\u233?rcules, en buen aprieto os
ha metido! Lo siento por vosotros\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un soldado le respondi\u243?: \u171?\u161?No soy un novato, Labieno, sino un vet
erano de la D\u233?cima legi\u243?n!\u187?. Cuando Labieno respondi\u243? que no
reconoc\u237?a los estandartes de la D\u233?cima, el soldado se quit\u243? el c
asco y grit\u243?: \u171?\u161?Enseguida vas a saber qui\u233?n soy yo!\u187?. A

continuaci\u243?n, lanz\u243? el {\i

pilum} y, aunque no hiri\u243? al propio Labieno, logr\u243? alcanzar a su cabal
lo en el pecho, y Labieno se revolc\u243? por el polvo mientras su adversario de
c\u237?a: \u171?\u161?Eso para que sepas que quien te ataca es un soldado de la
D\u233?cima!\u187? ({\i
B. Af}., 16).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pese a la gallard\u237?a de aquel soldado, las cosas iban muy mal para C\u233?sa
r, que ve\u237?a c\u243?mo sus cohortes, por protegerse de los disparos enemigos
, se apelotonaban cada vez m\u225?s. Comprendiendo el peligro, C\u233?sar hizo c
orrer la orden de extender las l\u237?neas todo lo posible. Para eso, los que es
taban en las primeras filas hicieron hueco entre ellos empujando a los lados a s
us compa\u241?eros, y por los pasillos reci\u233?n abiertos entraron los soldado
s de las filas posteriores, reduciendo as\u237? el fondo y estirando el frente.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lograron hacerse un poco m\u225?s de sitio, la siguiente instrucci\u243?n
de C\u233?sar fue que una de cada dos cohortes girara ciento ochenta grados. De
este modo, la mitad de sus unidades que no se movi\u243? se qued\u243? mirando
a los escaramuceros y a la infanter\u237?a ligera, y la otra mitad a la caballer
\u237?a pesada que los hab\u237?a flanqueado y los atosigaba por la retaguardia.
A continuaci\u243?n, todas las cohortes avanzaron, unas detr\u225?s y otras del
ante de los estandartes, dejando un largo pasillo entre ambas l\u237?neas donde
pod\u237?an meter los veh\u237?culos que llevaban para transportar los v\u237?ve
res y donde los oficiales y el propio C\u233?sar pod\u237?an moverse para dar in
strucciones.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ese momento, C\u233?sar orden\u243? que ambas formaciones cargaran y lanzaran
los {\i
pila}. De esta manera, consiguieron partir en dos a las tropas de Labieno y pone
rlas en fuga durante unos minutos. (Incluso en simulaciones de reconstruccionist
as, he podido comprobar cu\u225?nto impone el avance de una l\u237?nea de treint
a legionarios armados hasta los dientes y parapetados detr\u225?s de sus escudos
).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Una vez que lograron sacudirse de encima a sus atacantes, los hombres de C\u233?
sar, que apenas se hab\u237?an apartado unos metros de sus estandartes, rehicier
on la formaci\u243?n y se dirigieron hacia su campamento. C\u233?sar les hab\u23
7?a ordenado expresamente que las cargas contra los enemigos fueran muy cortas,
lo justo para espantarlos, pero sin apartarse demasiado de la formaci\u243?n. Pr
obablemente, sab\u237?a lo que le hab\u237?a ocurrido a su joven legado Publio C
raso en Carras cuando lanz\u243? un valiente contraataque contra la caballer\u23
7?a de Surena: al principio hab\u237?a conseguido rechazarla, pero cuando sus ho
mbres se alejaron demasiado del grueso de su ej\u233?rcito fueron presa f\u225?c
il para los enemigos, que los rodearon y mataron o apresaron a casi todos.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras volv\u237?an al cuartel, apareci\u243? Petreyo, al que Labieno hab\u237
?a dejado atr\u225?s en su impaciencia por alcanzar el primero a C\u233?sar. Pet
reyo tra\u237?a consigo arqueros, honderos, mil seiscientos jinetes y seis mil s
oldados de infanter\u237?a ligera y pesada. Con ellos, las tropas de Labieno cob
raron nuevos \u225?nimos y se dedicaron a acosar a la retaguardia de C\u233?sar
en su retirada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Lo que ocurri\u243? a continuaci\u243?n var\u237?a seg\u250?n quien lo relate. E
l an\u243?nimo autor de {\i
La guerra africana}, un soldado o un tribuno cesariano, habla de una retirada m\
u225?s o menos ordenada y de c\u243?mo en cierto momento C\u233?sar lanz\u243? u
n contraataque para hacer recular a sus perseguidores. En cambio, seg\u250?n Api
ano, los pompeyanos iban ganando cuando Petreyo decidi\u243? que ya era suficien
te y orden\u243? abandonar la lucha comentando con desd\u233?n: \u171?No vamos a
robarle la victoria a nuestro general Escipi\u243?n\u187? (BC, 2.95). (A Labien
o, muerto su caballo, lo hab\u237?a recogido un escolta).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
A decir verdad, ambas versiones podr\u237?an armonizarse en una m\u225?s o menos
veros\u237?mil: las cohortes de C\u233?sar se retiraron a duras penas, hostigad

as por la caballer\u237?a enemiga y sufriendo cierto n\u250?mero de bajas por su

s disparos. Cada cierta distancia seguramente ten\u237?an que formar filas de nu
evo, dar media vuelta y amagar con una carga para ahuyentar a sus perseguidores
durante unos minutos. As\u237? debieron proceder hasta llegar a su campamento en
Ruspina.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras unas cohortes en retirada conservaran su cohesi\u243?n, era imposible q
ue la caballer\u237?a enemiga se acercara lo bastante como para organizar una ve
rdadera matanza. Conservar la disciplina fue un gran m\u233?rito de C\u233?sar,
y les salv\u243? a \u233?l y a sus hombres de ser aniquilados como le hab\u237?a
ocurrido a Craso en circunstancias similares. Tambi\u233?n cont\u243? la buena
fortuna: se encontraban a poca distancia de su campamento, y adem\u225?s, en aqu
ellas fechas del a\u241?o, la noche, que interrumpi\u243? la persecuci\u243?n, c
a\u237?a pronto. Si hubieran tenido que aguantar mucho m\u225?s tiempo y bajo un
sol ardiente como las legiones de Craso en Carras, quiz\u225? la historia del m
undo habr\u237?a sido muy distinta, porque C\u233?sar no habr\u237?a salido vivo
de all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de aquello, la campa\u241?a se estanc\u243? durante varias semanas,
mientras C\u233?sar segu\u237?a adiestrando a sus reclutas y poco a poco llegab
an barcos con refuerzos. Cumpliendo el encargo de C\u233?sar, Salustio logr\u243
? tomar la isla de Cercina y apareci\u243? con v\u237?veres que fueron muy bien
recibidos. Aun as\u237?, la zona de forrajeo a la que se ve\u237?an restringidos
los cesarianos era muy peque\u241?a, poco m\u225?s de cinco kil\u243?metros. Pa
ra mantener a sus monturas con vida, los soldados recog\u237?an algas muertas de
la playa, las lavaban con agua dulce para quitarles la sal y despu\u233?s de se
carlas se las daban a los caballos a modo de pasto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Entretanto, Metelo Escipi\u243?n hab\u237?a llegado con el grueso de sus fuerzas
, que ahora estaban acampadas a cinco kil\u243?metros del campamento de C\u233?s
ar. Aguardaban tambi\u233?n la llegada de Juba, lo que habr\u237?a otorgado a lo
s pompeyanos una aplastante superioridad num\u233?rica. Sin embargo, el rey n\u2
50?mida tuvo que regresar a las fronteras orientales de su reino, porque Boco de
Mauritania (monarca al que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a reconocido en el a\u241?o 49)
las hab\u237?a invadido junto con un aventurero romano llamado Publio Sitio. El
tal Sitio, que ya ten\u237?a sus a\u241?os, hab\u237?a sido amigo de Sila. Cuand
o tiempo despu\u233?s lo implicaron en la conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina, con raz\
u243?n o sin ella, liquid\u243? sus propiedades en Italia, viaj\u243? a Mauritan
ia y ofreci\u243? sus servicios como asesor militar al rey Boco.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
Mientras pasaban las semanas, tambi\u233?n se libraba una guerra propagand\u237?
stica. C\u233?sar hac\u237?a proclamar que los romanos que serv\u237?an con los
optimates obedeciendo las \u243?rdenes de un rey extranjero y no las del propio
C\u233?sar, c\u243?nsul leg\u237?timo, eran muy malos patriotas. Asimismo, para
sugerir que Escipi\u243?n no era m\u225?s que una marioneta de Juba, hizo correr
el rumor de que hab\u237?a dejado de usar el {\i
paludamentum}, la capa de general, porque al soberano n\u250?mida no le hac\u237
?a ninguna gracia. Pero el reclamo m\u225?s efectivo no iba dirigido a los noble
s, sino a los soldados: C\u233?sar prometi\u243? que perdonar\u237?a a todos los
que se pasaran a su bando y que les pagar\u237?a las mismas bonificaciones que
a sus hombres.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conforme pasaban los d\u237?as, muchos soldados abandonaban las filas de los opt
imates para unirse a C\u233?sar, mientras que del ej\u233?rcito de este no deser
taba nadie. En una ocasi\u243?n, una nave que ven\u237?a de Sicilia transportand
o soldados veteranos y reclutas se extravi\u243? del resto de la flota y acab\u2
43? cayendo en poder de los pompeyanos. Cuando los llevaron a presencia de Escip
i\u243?n, este intent\u243? gan\u225?rselos ofreci\u233?ndoles perd\u243?n y din
ero si se pasaban a su bando y renunciaban a aquel criminal que ten\u237?an por
general.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Un centuri\u243?n de la Decimocuarta tom\u243? la palabra en nombre de los dem\u
225?s y respondi\u243? que con gusto querr\u237?an seguir viviendo, pero que las
condiciones les parec\u237?an inaceptables. El centuri\u243?n a\u241?adi\u243?
que, con el fin de demostrar el valor de los hombres de C\u233?sar, estaba dispu

esto a que Escipi\u243?n eligiera a la cohorte que \u233?l quisiera para que se
enfrentara a tan solo diez de ellos. Aquella mezcla de bravuconada e insolencia
sac\u243? de sus casillas al general optimate, que orden\u243? a sus centuriones
que mataran a aquel hombre en el acto. Despu\u233?s, separaron a los veteranos
de los reclutas, se los llevaron del campamento y los mataron entre torturas.\pa
r\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por fin, en abril, C\u233?sar se sinti\u243? lo bastante fuerte como para pasar
a la ofensiva. Hab\u237?an llegado ya dos legiones experimentadas, la Decimoterc
era y la Decimocuarta, y dos m\u225?s que veteranas, la Novena y la D\u233?cima.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero \u233?l no era el \u250?nico que hab\u237?a recibido refuerzos: tras dejar
en sus fronteras un ej\u233?rcito para contener a los invasores, el rey Juba reg
res\u243? con tres de sus legiones, miles de jinetes y sesenta elefantes.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar quer\u237?a librar ya una batalla decisiva, pero en un lugar donde el
enemigo no pudiera hacer valer su superioridad num\u233?rica. Tras abandonar su
posici\u243?n en Ruspina se movi\u243? hacia el sur, a las localidades de Uzita
y Agar, donde ret\u243? varias veces a las tropas de Escipi\u243?n. Pese a ello
, este se negaba a aceptar el combate y todo se limitaba a escaramuzas, sobre to
do de caballer\u237?a y tropas ligeras.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El 4 de abril, C\u233?sar lleg\u243? a Tapso, un puerto clave para los enemigos,
y se dispuso a asediarlo. La guarnici\u243?n del lugar envi\u243? una petici\u2
43?n de auxilio a Escipi\u243?n, y este acudi\u243?, pensando que ya ten\u237?a
a su enemigo donde quer\u237?a.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tapso se hallaba rodeada por el mar a un lado y una laguna de agua salada al otr
o. Dos lenguas de tierra, una al sur y otra al oeste, la un\u237?an al continent
e y eran los dos \u250?nicos accesos para llegar a la ciudad. Escipi\u243?n pens
\u243? que, si lograba bloquear esos dos istmos, C\u233?sar no tendr\u237?a form
a de escapar. Si antes hab\u237?a sufrido problemas de abastecimiento, ahora su
ej\u233?rcito directamente morir\u237?a de hambre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En una marcha nocturna, Escipi\u243?n llev\u243? al grueso de sus tropas hasta e
l acceso situado al oeste. Mientras tanto, Juba y Afranio acamparon en el istmo
sur con el resto del ej\u233?rcito. La idea era excavar zanjas y levantar empali
zadas para encerrar a C\u233?sar all\u237?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Era lo que quer\u237?a C\u233?sar, que hab\u237?a obligado a los pompeyanos a di
vidir sus fuerzas. Se trataba de una maniobra arriesgada, y se estaba moviendo e
n el filo de la navaja. Pero cuando en la ma\u241?ana del 6 de abril vio a Escip
i\u243?n acampado al oeste, observ\u243? que sus tropas ten\u237?an el mar a su
izquierda y la laguna a su derecha. Aquel terreno era relativamente estrecho y n
o permit\u237?a las r\u225?pidas maniobras de flanqueo y retirada que tanto le g
ustaban a la caballer\u237?a n\u250?mida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar decidi\u243? que hab\u237?a llegado el momento. Dej\u243? a dos legio
nes biso\u241?as vigilando las obras de asedio por si los defensores de Tapso in
tentaban una salida y avanz\u243? con las otras ocho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Esta vez, C\u233?sar recurri\u243? al despliegue est\u225?ndar y coloc\u243? a s
us hombres en {\i
triplex acies}. En las alas hizo formar a las legiones m\u225?s veteranas: el lu
gar de honor se lo dio a la D\u233?cima y la Novena y a la izquierda puso a la D
ecimotercera y la Decimocuarta. Ambos flancos estaban protegidas por arqueros y
honderos; pero, para reforzarlos todav\u237?a m\u225?s como precauci\u243?n cont
ra los elefantes, dividi\u243? en dos a la Quinta {\i
Alaudae} y despleg\u243? cinco de sus cohortes detr\u225?s de cada ala. En el ce
ntro coloc\u243? a las tres legiones restantes, las menos experimentadas. La cab
aller\u237?a formaba en el escaso hueco que quedaba a ambos lados. A C\u233?sar
no le preocupaba demasiado, pues con gusto habr\u237?a renunciado a su caballer\
u237?a con tal de librarse de la del enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Frente a ellos, Escipi\u243?n presentaba un despliegue similar, con la diferenci
a de que dispon\u237?a de m\u225?s caballer\u237?a y de que delante de cada flan
co hab\u237?a treinta elefantes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u171?Hoy es el d\u237?a\u187?, pens\u243? C\u233?sar. Sin apresurarse, desfil\u

243? a pie por delante de sus unidades en un paseo de dos kil\u243?metros que en
circunstancias normales le habr\u237?a llevado veinte minutos, pero que le debi
\u243? demorar m\u225?s de una hora mientras se deten\u237?a aqu\u237? y all\u22
5? para saludar y dar \u225?nimos. En particular, cuando lleg\u243? al centro ex
hort\u243? a los m\u225?s novatos a emular a los veteranos para conseguir como e
llos {\i
famam, locum, nomen}: fama, estatus y reputaci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Mientras inspeccionaba y arengaba a sus unidades, observ\u243? que reinaba ciert
o desorden en las filas enemigas, como si los hombres de Escipi\u243?n estuviera
n inquietos o asustados, o se hubiera producido alg\u250?n problema de organizac
i\u243?n en el despliegue. Los oficiales cesarianos y los {\i
evocati}, los veteranos reenganchados, urgieron a C\u233?sar a dar la orden para
atacar. \u161?Aquella era una se\u241?al que les enviaban los dioses y no hab\u
237?a que desaprovecharla!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por alguna raz\u243?n, tal vez porque no se hallaba del todo satisfecho con su f
ormaci\u243?n, C\u233?sar no quer\u237?a cargar todav\u237?a y trataba de conten
er a sus hombres. De pronto, en el ala derecha, donde formaban los m\u225?s vete
ranos, resonaron unas penetrantes notas met\u225?licas. Eran los soldados de la
D\u233?cima, o quiz\u225? de la Novena, que hab\u237?an obligado al {\i
cornicen} a tocar la se\u241?al de ataque.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Obedeciendo las \u243?rdenes de C\u233?sar, los centuriones se plantaron delante
de la primera fila y trataron de refrenar a los m\u225?s impacientes empuj\u225
?ndolos hacia atr\u225?s a golpe de pecho. Pero era en vano. El movimiento que h
ab\u237?a empezado en la derecha se contagiaba a toda la primera l\u237?nea.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar debi\u243? de pensar lo mismo que dej\u243? escrito al relatar Farsal
ia: \u171?Todos los hombres poseen de forma innata cierto ardor y animosidad de
esp\u237?ritu que se enardece por el deseo de luchar\u187? (BC, 92). Decidido a
desatar aquella furia, indic\u243? el santo y se\u241?a para sus hombres, uno qu
e podr\u237?a hab\u233?rsele ocurrido a Sila: {\i
Felicitas!}, \u171?\u161?Buena suerte!\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desencadenados como una fuerza de la naturaleza, los hombres de C\u233?sar se ab
alanzaron sobre los de Escipi\u243?n. En el flanco derecho, los honderos y arque
ros se adelantaron a los dem\u225?s y descargaron andanadas de proyectiles sobre
los elefantes. Estos, demostrando, como dec\u237?a Apiano, que merec\u237?an el
calificativo de \u171?el enemigo com\u250?n\u187?, se asustaron con los silbido
s de los proyectiles y los impactos, dieron media vuelta, aplastaron a los suyos
y huyeron por las puertas de la empalizada, que a\u250?n estaba a medio constru
ir. A los paquidermos los sigui\u243? la caballer\u237?a, y en cuesti\u243?n de
minutos toda el ala izquierda de Escipi\u243?n se desmoron\u243?.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
El miedo se contagi\u243? a todo el ej\u233?rcito, que se retir\u243? en tropel
al campamento. Pero este no pod\u237?a servirles de protecci\u243?n, puesto que
apenas hab\u237?an empezado a fortificarlo. Muchos se quitaron las armaduras par
a huir m\u225?s ligeros, y otros que se retiraron a una peque\u241?a elevaci\u24
3?n abatieron las armas en lugar de rendici\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella campa\u241?a se hab\u237?a enconado tanto que los soldados de C\u233?sar
no estaban dispuestos a ser tan misericordiosos como en Farsalia. Mataron por i
gual a los que empu\u241?aban las armas y a los que segu\u237?an resisti\u233?nd
ose. El furor lleg\u243? a tal punto que cuando algunos oficiales cesarianos int
entaron contener a sus soldados, estos los asesinaron tambi\u233?n, en parte por
que los ve\u237?an como arist\u243?cratas que por sus rencillas internas hab\u23
7?an provocado aquella larga guerra.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Diez mil soldados pompeyanos murieron ese d\u237?a. A lo largo de este libro he
puesto muchas veces en duda las cifras de bajas en las batallas de los romanos,
pero este n\u250?mero tiene todos los visos de ser veros\u237?mil. En cuanto a l
os mandos, la mayor\u237?a de los que escaparon acabaron mal. Metelo Escipi\u243
?n intent\u243? huir a Hispania en barco; pero cuando las naves del mercenario S
itio lo interceptaron, se clav\u243? su propia espada y se arroj\u243? al mar. A
franio cay\u243? en manos de este mismo Sitio, y C\u233?sar lo conden\u243? a mu

erte: una cosa era perdonar a un enemigo una vez y otra hacerlo dos veces.{\supe
r
[59]}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El rey Juba y Petreyo huyeron a Zama. Para su desgracia, no pudieron entrar en e
lla, pues al enterarse de la victoria de C\u233?sar la guarnici\u243?n les cerr\
u243? las puertas. Ambos se batieron en un extra\u241?o duelo a muerte para que
el enemigo no los capturara con vida; Petreyo gan\u243? y despu\u233?s orden\u24
3? a un esclavo suyo que lo matara con un cuchillo. (En otras versiones gana Jub
a).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Labieno consigui\u243? escapar hasta Hispania. All\u237? se reuni\u243? con los
hijos de Pompeyo, Cneo y Sexto, dispuesto a mantener viva la llama de la causa o
ptimate.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando Cat\u243?n, que segu\u237?a en \u218?tica, conoci\u243? la noticia de la
victoria de C\u233?sar, comunic\u243? a sus allegados: \u171?No quiero estar en
deuda con un tirano por sus obras ilegales. Cuando perdona a hombres de los que
no es el amo, C\u233?sar quebranta la ley\u187?. Despu\u233?s se suicid\u243?. C
on esta \u250?ltima decisi\u243?n se gan\u243? para la posteridad la fama de hom
bre \u237?ntegro e incorruptible, un romano de una sola pieza. Pero tambi\u233?n
hab\u237?a llamado tirano a Pompeyo antes de que le resultara \u250?til, y en e
l fondo no era m\u225?s que el representante de una oligarqu\u237?a bastante xen
\u243?foba que se cre\u237?a depositaria \u250?nica de las pr\u237?stinas virtud
es romanas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tras la batalla de Tapso, C\u233?sar convirti\u243? en provincia parte del reino
de Juba. El resto de su territorio se lo entreg\u243? al reino de Mauritania y
al renegado Sitio, que tanto le hab\u237?a ayudado. Tambi\u233?n impuso multas y
confisc\u243? propiedades a los individuos y comunidades que hab\u237?an ayudad
o a los pompeyanos. Con ello, como siempre, mataba dos p\u225?jaros de un tiro:
castigaba a los adversarios y hac\u237?a caja.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para evitar ulteriores motines entre sus tropas, C\u233?sar licenci\u243? a los
soldados veteranos m\u225?s conflictivos y les concedi\u243? tierras en dos nuev
as colonias, Cl\u250?pea y C\u250?rubis. Despu\u233?s nombr\u243? a Salustio gob
ernador de la provincia de \u193?frica Nova, reci\u233?n creada con los territor
ios arrebatados a Juba. En junio, por fin, zarp\u243? de nuevo hacia Italia.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
TRIUNFO Y DICTADURA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar regres\u243? a Roma a finales de julio del a\u241?o 46. El senado bat
i\u243? todas las marcas anteriores decretando cuarenta d\u237?as de acci\u243?n
de gracias, algo nunca visto, que duplicaba los que le hab\u237?an concedido tr
as someter la rebeli\u243?n de Vercinget\u243?rix. Tambi\u233?n se le otorg\u243
?, por fin, el triunfo que tanto tiempo llevaba esperando y al que hab\u237?a re
nunciado la primera vez que tuvo ocasi\u243?n a cambio de presentarse a las elec
ciones a c\u243?nsul.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En realidad, no fue un triunfo, sino cuatro seguidos, por derrotar a los galos,
a los egipcios, a Farnaces del Ponto y a Juba de Numidia. Este \u250?ltimo era u
n triunfo concedido por sus victorias en la guerra civil; pero, como se trataba
de un conflicto entre romanos y celebrarlo pod\u237?a resultar doloroso, el nomb
re de Juba lo disfrazaba un poco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La concesi\u243?n de cuatro triunfos tambi\u233?n supon\u237?a un r\u233?cord, p
ues los de Pompeyo a lo largo de toda su carrera hab\u237?an sido tres. De esta
manera, C\u233?sar dejaba bien claro qui\u233?n era el romano m\u225?s grande de
su \u233?poca y de todos los tiempos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los triunfos duraron del 21 de septiembre al 2 de octubre, aunque hubo algunos d
\u237?as intermedios sin desfiles. El primero empez\u243? con un mal presagio cu
ando el eje del carro de C\u233?sar se parti\u243? al pasar por delante del temp
lo de la Fortuna y tuvieron que traerle uno de repuesto. Como expiaci\u243?n o p
or demostrar su humildad, C\u233?sar subi\u243? m\u225?s tarde las escalinatas d
el templo de J\u250?piter Capitolino de rodillas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Ese triunfo fue el m\u225?s fastuoso: el p\u250?blico romano estaba hambriento d

e celebraciones, y adem\u225?s C\u233?sar hab\u237?a conseguido aquellas victori
as sobre los temidos galos, la pesadilla ancestral de los romanos. Cientos de ce
ltas altos y p\u225?lidos desfilaban como prisioneros. El m\u225?s llamativo de
todos era Vercinget\u243?rix, que llevaba seis a\u241?os prisionero. En los otro
s triunfos se vio asimismo a cautivos importantes, como Ars\u237?noe, la hermana
de Cleopatra, o el peque\u241?o Juba, hijo del rey de Numidia, que solo ten\u23
7?a tres a\u241?os.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A Juba con el tiempo le devolvieron el trono y se cas\u243? con una hija de Marc
o Antonio y Cleopatra. Ars\u237?noe tambi\u233?n sobrevivi\u243? al desfile, aun
que unos a\u241?os despu\u233?s fue asesinada en un templo por orden de Marco An
tonio. Quien corri\u243? peor suerte fue Vercinget\u243?rix: terminado el desfil
e, lo condujeron a la l\u243?brega celda del Tuliano y lo estrangularon de forma
ritual.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los cortejos triunfales mostraban, adem\u225?s de cautivos, carros llenos de mon
edas y lingotes arrastrados por bueyes. Buena parte de ese dinero se distribuy\u
243? entre los soldados: veinte mil sestercios por cabeza, el equivalente a m\u2
25?s de veinte a\u241?os de servicio para un legionario de C\u233?sar, y eso ten
iendo en cuenta que hab\u237?a doblado la paga a sus hombres. A los centuriones
les correspondieron cuarenta mil sestercios y ochenta mil a los tribunos y prefe
ctos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
No es de extra\u241?ar que los soldados desfilaran tan contentos por las calles,
con sus cotas de malla y sus cascos relucientes, sinti\u233?ndose el blanco de
todas las miradas. Mientras sus c\u225?ligas claveteadas resonaban sobre el pavi
mento, ellos demostraban que ten\u237?an una relaci\u243?n especial con su gener
al y pod\u237?an decirle lo que quer\u237?an, y lo mismo cantaban \u171?\u161?Es
conded a vuestras mujeres, que viene el conquistador cabeza de calabaza!\u187?,
que unos versos que ya mencionamos y que a C\u233?sar no le hac\u237?an tanta gr
acia:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\i
{
C\u233?sar conquist\u243? las Galias, pero Nicomedes conquist\u243? a Cesar.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u161?Mirad c\u243?mo ahora triunfa C\u233?sar por someter a las Galias,\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
mientras que no triunfa Nicomedes, que someti\u243? a C\u233?sar!\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} } {
Como buen l\u237?der popular, C\u233?sar no se olvid\u243? de la plebe urbana: m
\u225?s de trescientas mil personas recibieron aceite y trigo gratis, m\u225?s u
na bonificaci\u243?n de cuatrocientos sestercios. As\u237?, el pueblo de Roma re
cib\u237?a parte de los frutos del imperio. Por supuesto, se puede discutir si h
ab\u237?a algo de demagogia u oportunismo en estas medidas. Pero aunque C\u233?s
ar era un genuino miembro de la \u233?lite, convencido de su superioridad innata
, todos los indicios sugieren que se compadec\u237?a de los ciudadanos pobres. S
i no era as\u237?, al menos comprend\u237?a intelectualmente que la excesiva mis
eria en una ciudad gigantesca como Roma supon\u237?a un caldo de cultivo para la
violencia, y que por tanto hab\u237?a que paliarla. En cualquier caso, a los be
neficiarios de su generosidad les daban igual sus motivos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
La celebraci\u243?n no se redujo a las cuatro paradas militares. Entre desfile y
desfile, C\u233?sar organiz\u243? banquetes p\u250?blicos, con veintid\u243?s m
il mesas repartidas por la ciudad en las que, como dir\u237?a un hobbit, llov\u2
37?a bebida y nevaba comida. Tambi\u233?n hubo obras teatrales, cert\u225?menes
deportivos, carreras de carros y, c\u243?mo no, luchas de gladiadores.{\super
[60]} Se sacrificaron cuatrocientos leones, por primera vez se vieron jirafas en
Roma y cuarenta elefantes lucharon en una peque\u241?a batalla.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
En fin, ser\u237?a fatigoso proseguir con tanto festejo. Desde un punto de vista
m\u225?s pr\u225?ctico, C\u233?sar fue elegido dictador por tercera vez. En est
a ocasi\u243?n se le concedi\u243? un plazo sin precedentes, diez a\u241?os, con
la misi\u243?n de poner en orden la Rep\u250?blica ({\i

rei publicae constituendae}). Como muestra de honor, pod\u237?a sentarse en el s

enado en una silla curul junto a los c\u243?nsules y tomar la palabra el primero
, antes incluso que el {\i
princeps senatus}. Otro s\u237?mbolo que deb\u237?a halagar a esa {\i
dignitas} por la que tanto hab\u237?a luchado era el de los lictores: doce escol
taban a los c\u243?nsules y veinticuatro a los dictadores, pero a C\u233?sar le
concedieron setenta y dos en atenci\u243?n a que era dictador por tercera vez.\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n se le nombr\u243? {\i
praefectus morum} o guardi\u225?n de las costumbres durante tres a\u241?os, una
especie de censor sin colega. Como tal, pod\u237?a expulsar del senado a aquello
s miembros que considerara inmorales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ciertamente, era como para tener una indigesti\u243?n de {\i
dignitas} y olvidar aquella frase que supuestamente un sirviente susurraba al ge
neral durante el triunfo: \u171?Recuerda que eres mortal\u187?. Porque incluso e
l Estado encarg\u243? una estatua de bronce de C\u233?sar dominando el mundo con
ocido, con una inscripci\u243?n que lo defin\u237?a como semidi\u243?s.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
Al menos, C\u233?sar hizo borrar esa inscripci\u243?n. Y en un discurso en el se
nado, al darse cuenta de que la gente tem\u237?a que llevado por su orgullo se c
omportara como algunos de sus predecesores en el pasado, declar\u243? que \u233?
l no era como Mario, Cinna, ni Sila. Cada uno de ellos antes de derrotar a sus a
dversarios hab\u237?a mostrado piel de cordero para convertirse en un lobo tras
la victoria. \u201?l no pensaba hacer eso, pues su \u250?nica intenci\u243?n era
devolver a Roma la prosperidad y el orden del pasado.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Conociendo la famosa \u8212?aunque calculada\u8212? clemencia de C\u233?sar, pod
\u237?an pensar que no ment\u237?a. Hab\u237?a perdonado a viejos rivales, como
Cicer\u243?n, Bruto o Casio, e incluso a encarnizados enemigos como Marco Marcel
o.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, no todos sus enemigos hab\u237?an muerto ni se hab\u237?an pasado a
su bando. En Hispania todav\u237?a coleaban las \u250?ltimas brasas de la guerr
a civil, avivadas por Cneo y Sexto Pompeyo, que manten\u237?an viva la memoria d
e su padre. Pasada la euforia de las celebraciones, C\u233?sar no tuvo m\u225?s
remedio que pensar de nuevo en dejar la toga y colgarse el manto de general.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\s3 \afs28
{\b
{\ql
LA \u218?LTIMA BATALLA DE C\u201?SAR\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyph
par}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los problemas de Hispania eran en buena parte culpa de C\u233?sar. Ya comentamos
que hab\u237?a nombrado gobernador al antiguo tribuno Casio Longino, y que este
, con su codicia y su crueldad, se hab\u237?a granjeado los odios de todo el mun
do. Debido a ello, Hispania hab\u237?a vuelto a caer en manos de los pompeyanos.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Al principio, C\u233?sar, que deb\u237?a encontrarse exhausto despu\u233?s de ta
ntos a\u241?os de guerra incesante (tan solo hab\u237?a descansado de las armas
durante el crucero del Nilo), no le dio mucha importancia a lo de Hispania y pen
s\u243? que sus subordinados podr\u237?an encargarse del problema. Pero Cayo Tre
bonio primero y Fabio M\u225?ximo y Pedio despu\u233?s no cosecharon m\u225?s qu
e reveses.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En oto\u241?o del a\u241?o 46, Cneo Pompeyo el Joven hab\u237?a congregado bajo
su mando una fuerza impresionante formada por hispanos y veteranos de su padre.
En n\u250?mero, equival\u237?a a trece legiones. Por si fuera poco, se hab\u237?
a unido a \u233?l Labieno, que estaba dispuesto a seguir combatiendo contra el o
diado C\u233?sar hasta la muerte.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Comprendiendo que la amenaza era grave, C\u233?sar pens\u243? que o se encargaba
\u233?l mismo del problema o no dejar\u237?a de crecer como una bola de nieve.
En noviembre, C\u233?sar, que aquel a\u241?o tambi\u233?n era c\u243?nsul adem\u
225?s de dictador, dej\u243? a su colega L\u233?pido encargado de gobernar Roma
y parti\u243? hacia Hispania. En menos de cuatro semanas recorri\u243? m\u225?s

de dos mil doscientos kil\u243?metros con su celeridad habitual. En esta ocasi\u

243?n viajaba en carruaje. Como era t\u237?pico en \u233?l, en lugar de dejarse
adormecer por los traqueteos sigui\u243? escribiendo cartas y resolviendo asunto
s diversos, e incluso encontr\u243? tiempo para escribir un poema titulado \u171
?Iter\u187? o \u171?El viaje\u187?. Un t\u237?tulo apropiado: sin duda de viajes
entend\u237?a mucho.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u233?sar contaba en esta campa\u241?a con ocho legiones, pero \u250?nicamente
dos de ellas eran veteranas: la Quinta {\i
Alaudae} y la D\u233?cima, de la cual se hab\u237?an licenciado muchos soldados.
Por muy buen general que fuese, las guerras las ganaban los soldados, y muchos
tem\u237?an que con legionarios tan biso\u241?os C\u233?sar corr\u237?a peligro
de que esta vez se le agotara la suerte. Por temor a que eso ocurriera incluso a
lguien que no era nada partidario de C\u233?sar como Casio, futuro conspirador d
e los idus, escribi\u243? a Cicer\u243?n criticando la estupidez y la crueldad d
e Cneo Pompeyo y pregunt\u225?ndose si no convendr\u237?a m\u225?s quedarse con
el amo antiguo y clemente; esto es, C\u233?sar ({\i
Ad Fam}., 15.19.4).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Durante el invierno del 46-45, C\u233?sar mantuvo con sus adversarios una guerra
de desgaste en la que poco a poco les comi\u243? el terreno. Fue un conflicto b
rutal. Tanto C\u233?sar como los pompeyanos pose\u237?an vastas redes clientelar
es en la pen\u237?nsula, por lo que la lucha entre romanos se convirti\u243? tam
bi\u233?n en una guerra civil entre hispanos extremadamente cruel.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Como siempre en estas campa\u241?as, hubo una batalla decisiva, que se libr\u243
? el 17 de marzo del 45 cerca de Munda, una poblaci\u243?n cuyo emplazamiento ex
acto se discute, pero que estaba situada en la B\u233?tica. Las tropas de Cneo P
ompeyo y Labieno se hallaban desplegadas en una colina. Bajo esta se extend\u237
?a una amplia llanura perfecta para maniobras de infanter\u237?a y caballer\u237
?a, y fue all\u237? donde form\u243? C\u233?sar a sus tropas, pues estaba desean
do acabar con aquella guerra de una vez por todas. Pero los pompeyanos no parec\
u237?an dispuestos a bajar. Quiz\u225? Cneo estaba siguiendo alg\u250?n consejo
de Labieno, que conoc\u237?a bien a C\u233?sar y pudo decirle algo as\u237?: \u1
71?El viejo es impaciente y, si esperas, te atacar\u225?\u187?.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
Y el viejo \u8212?ten\u237?a cincuenta y cuatro a\u241?os por entonces, pero era
evidente que se conservaba en forma\u8212? decidi\u243? atacar. Aunque cargar l
adera arriba siempre era una maniobra arriesgada, C\u233?sar observ\u243? de nue
vo que sus hombres deseaban luchar y los envi\u243? de frente contra el enemigo.
Convencido de que aquella iba a ser la batalla final de la guerra, el santo y s
e\u241?a que eligi\u243? fue \u171?Venus\u187?, en homenaje a la diosa de la que
proced\u237?a su linaje.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La batalla fue muy larga y dura, un combate de frente, sin grandes sutilezas t\u
225?cticas. Los hombres mataban y mor\u237?an en aquella ladera sin apenas ceder
terreno. Durante largo rato la l\u237?nea de combate se mantuvo en el mismo sit
io, pero luego ocurri\u243? lo que hasta entonces nunca hab\u237?a pasado, algo
impensable.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los veteranos de la D\u233?cima empezaron a retroceder.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
Cuando vio que se estaba abriendo una brecha en sus l\u237?neas y que el ala der
echa pod\u237?a ser derrotada, C\u233?sar, tal como coment\u243? despu\u233?s a
algunos amigos, se dio cuenta de que estaba en peligro de perderlo todo y baraj\
u243? la idea de arrojarse sobre su espada. Pero luego pens\u243? que pod\u237?a
tener un final m\u225?s glorioso que, de paso, le ofrec\u237?a un resquicio de
esperanza.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Levantando las manos al cielo, C\u233?sar rog\u243? a los dioses que no mancilla
ran su gloriosa hoja de servicios con un \u250?ltimo desastre. Despu\u233?s desm
ont\u243? del caballo, se quit\u243? el casco para que lo reconocieran, le quit\
u243? el escudo a un soldado y se puso en la primera fila, en el hueco que hab\u
237?an dejado los legionarios de la D\u233?cima reacios a combatir.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {

Como ni as\u237? consegu\u237?a animar a sus hombres, exclam\u243?: \u171?\u161?

Muy bien! \u161?Este ser\u225? el final de mi vida y de vuestro servicio en las
legiones!\u187?. Dicho esto, corri\u243? solo hacia el enemigo y no se detuvo ha
sta llegar a tres metros de su primera l\u237?nea.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando vieron que las jabalinas de los pompeyanos golpeaban el escudo de C\u233?
sar y algunas se quedaban clavadas en \u233?l, la verg\u252?enza y la devoci\u24
3?n por su general pudieron m\u225?s que el miedo, y los tribunos y centuriones
de las primeras filas corrieron en su ayuda. Siguiendo su ejemplo, los hombres d
e la D\u233?cima recordaron sus glorias pasadas y decidieron dar un \u250?ltimo
esfuerzo por el hombre que les hab\u237?a hecho conquistar la Galia y vencer en
Tapso y Farsalia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La carga renovada de la D\u233?cima abri\u243? una brecha en el ala izquierda en
emiga. Al verlo, Cneo mand\u243? tropas de refuerzo desde su ala derecha. Era el
momento que esperaba el rey Bogud de Mauritania, jefe de la caballer\u237?a ali
ada de C\u233?sar que se manten\u237?a en reserva. Al observar que las filas pom
peyanas raleaban en aquella zona, se lanz\u243? por all\u237? aprovechando el hu
eco y asalt\u243? el campamento enemigo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando se percat\u243?, Labieno envi\u243? refuerzos al campamento; es de supone
r que se trataba de escuadrones de caballer\u237?a, aunque el relato de Di\u243?
n Casio no lo deja muy claro, y tambi\u233?n pudieron ser algunas cohortes. En c
ualquier caso, esas tropas pasaron por detr\u225?s de las dem\u225?s unidades de
su propio ej\u233?rcito. Al verlas, los pompeyanos que formaban en las \u250?lt
imas filas malinterpretaron el movimiento y pensaron que o bien eran compa\u241?
eros suyos que hu\u237?an o cesarianos que los hab\u237?an sorprendido por la re
taguardia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El malentendido les hundi\u243? la moral y provoc\u243? una desbandada general.
En la persecuci\u243?n que vino a continuaci\u243?n los hombres de C\u233?sar co
ncedieron incluso menos cuartel que en la batalla de Tapso, y seg\u250?n se cuen
ta dieron muerte a treinta mil pompeyanos. Entre ellos cay\u243? Labieno, cuya c
abeza le llevaron a C\u233?sar como trofeo. En cuanto a los hermanos Pompeyo, Cn
eo logr\u243? huir pese a estar malherido. Unos d\u237?as despu\u233?s, no obsta
nte, lo capturaron y decapitaron, y su cabeza tambi\u233?n le fue enviada a C\u2
33?sar. Sexto, en cambio, lleg\u243? hasta el mar, se convirti\u243? en pirata y
durante un tiempo convirti\u243? Sicilia en su base de operaciones contra Octav
io y Marco Antonio, los herederos de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de todas estas operaciones, C\u233?sar viaj\u243? a diversas ciudad
es para arreglar cuentas. Cuando se present\u243? en H\u237?spalis (Sevilla), se
dirigi\u243? a la asamblea del pueblo. Esa ciudad, como tantas otras, hab\u237?
a apoyado a sus enemigos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En un discurso, C\u233?sar record\u243? a los hispalenses que siempre se hab\u23
7?a portado bien con ellos. En su primera magistratura, cuando fue cuestor en Hi
spania Ulterior all\u225? por el a\u241?o 69, los hab\u237?a tratado con especia
l atenci\u243?n y gran afecto. \u191?No recordaban que cuando fue pretor en el 6
2 solicit\u243? al senado que les levantara los tributos que les hab\u237?a impu
esto como castigo Metelo P\u237?o tras la guerra contra Sertorio? Tambi\u233?n s
e hab\u237?a personado en muchos juicios tanto p\u250?blicos como privados para
ayudar a los ciudadanos de H\u237?spalis, y eso le hab\u237?a granjeado la enemi
stad de hombres poderosos en Roma.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En un fragmento muy revelador de la mentalidad de un conquistador romano, C\u233
?sar les ech\u243? en cara que eran unos ingratos, y que odiaban tanto la paz qu
e las legiones nunca pod\u237?an ausentarse de su territorio. \u191?Acaso pensab
an en librarse de ellas pas\u225?ndose al bando de Cneo Pompeyo y luchando contr
a el pueblo romano? \u191?C\u243?mo eran tan ingenuos?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En ese momento siete siglos de historia de Roma, de triunfos y heroicidades memo
rables, de terribles crueldades, de reveses de los que la ciudad siempre se recu
peraba y, sobre todo, de un orgullo indomable hablaron por boca de C\u233?sar, e
l romano m\u225?s grande que hab\u237?a conocido el orbe:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
\u8212?Pero \u191?es que no os dabais cuenta de que, aunque me hubierais destrui
do, el pueblo romano tiene tales legiones que no solo podr\u237?an venceros a vo

sotros, sino incluso derribar el cielo?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphp

ar }{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
EP\u205?LOGO\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
A fuerza de convulsiones y heridas, la Rep\u250?blica hab\u237?a muerto en alg\u
250?n lugar del camino, pero ni ella misma se hab\u237?a dado cuenta.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de la batalla de Munda, C\u233?sar fue su enterrador.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Cuando en Roma se supo que C\u233?sar hab\u237?a vencido, se decretaron cincuent
a d\u237?as de acci\u243?n de gracias. Tambi\u233?n se le nombr\u243? \u171?Libe
rtador\u187? e {\i
imperator}. Hasta entonces este \u250?ltimo honor lo recib\u237?an \u250?nicamen
te los generales victoriosos en el campo de batalla, y por aclamaci\u243?n de su
s soldados. Ahora se le conced\u237?a a C\u233?sar para siempre; con el tiempo,
la palabra se convertir\u237?a en un t\u237?tulo de dignidad para designar a rey
es que eran o cre\u237?an ser m\u225?s que reyes.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero los honores solo hab\u237?an empezado. Cuando lleg\u243? a Roma en octubre
del a\u241?o 45, C\u233?sar celebr\u243? su triunfo por la \u250?ltima campa\u24
1?a de la guerra civil. Aquel desfile fue muy criticado, ya que no cab\u237?a ma
quillarlo bajo el disfraz de una guerra extranjera como se hab\u237?a hecho con
la campa\u241?a de \u193?frica contra el rey Juba.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin embargo, la oposici\u243?n no exist\u237?a o permanec\u237?a callada, y el s
enado y la asamblea siguieron concediendo a C\u233?sar honores sin precedentes.
\u201?l, y solo \u233?l, pod\u237?a vestir el manto p\u250?rpura y la corona de
laurel siempre que le pareciera oportuno, como si marchara en un desfile triunfa
l permanente. Se sustituy\u243? su silla curul por otra de oro para que presidie
ra los actos oficiales, se le levant\u243? una estatua encima de la Rostra que d
ominaba con su presencia a los oradores. Esta escultura no era m\u225?s que una
entre muchas que lo representaban, y una de ellas se alzaba nada menos que en el
templo de J\u250?piter en el Capitolio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El cumplea\u241?os de C\u233?sar se conmemor\u243? como fiesta oficial. El mes e
n el que hab\u237?a nacido, quintil \u8212?que hac\u237?a tiempo que no era el q
uinto sino el s\u233?ptimo del a\u241?o\u8212?, se convirti\u243? en julio en su
honor, y as\u237? se mantiene m\u225?s de veinte siglos despu\u233?s. Un homena
je en cierto modo merecido, ya que a \u233?l y al astr\u243?nomo grecoegipcio So
s\u237?genes se debe la reforma del calendario que se denomin\u243? \u171?julian
o\u187? y que acab\u243? con el desbarajuste que reinaba hasta entonces.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
Tambi\u233?n se le reconoci\u243? oficialmente como {\i
Divus Iulius}, el dios Julio, y se nombr\u243? a Marco Antonio nuevo sacerdote d
e aquel culto. Considerar dios a un gobernante no era algo ins\u243?lito en el M
editerr\u225?neo, pero parec\u237?a m\u225?s propio de las monarqu\u237?as helen
\u237?sticas o de Egipto. No hay que pensar por eso que C\u233?sar creyese que h
ab\u237?a sufrido una metamorfosis divina. \u201?l no era ning\u250?n loco como
Cal\u237?gula y, por muy convencido de su {\i
dignitas} que estuviese, resulta m\u225?s f\u225?cil imagin\u225?rselo con la ir
on\u237?a del emperador Vespasiano al morirse: \u171?Siento que me estoy convirt
iendo en un dios\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La divinizaci\u243?n o semidivinizaci\u243?n de un gobernante no era m\u225?s qu
e una cuesti\u243?n ritual y pr\u225?ctica. Al fin y al cabo, los romanos rend\u
237?an culto a los antepasados muertos: incluyendo a C\u233?sar en su superpobla
do pante\u243?n \u250?nicamente adelantaban ese culto unos a\u241?os. Porque, po
r si a C\u233?sar se le olvidaba el consejo que susurraba el esclavo a los gener
ales triunfadores, \u171?Recuerda que eres mortal\u187?, tambi\u233?n se le conc
edi\u243? el privilegio \u250?nico de ser enterrado dentro del pomerio, ya que l
os restos de alguien divinizado como \u233?l no contaminaban el recinto sagrado.
Era un honor, s\u237?, mas tambi\u233?n un recordatorio de que ni siquiera \u23

3?l iba a vivir para siempre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

C\u233?sar ya era {\i
pontifex maximus}, pero ahora el cargo se convirti\u243? en hereditario para aqu
el a quien se lo legase. Tambi\u233?n se le nombr\u243? padre de la patria, cens
or perpetuo y un sinf\u237?n de t\u237?tulos m\u225?s que acompa\u241?aron al de
guardi\u225?n de las costumbres que ya mencionamos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Sin duda, el cargo de m\u225?s peso era el de dictador. Ya lo hab\u237?a ejercid
o durante unos d\u237?as en el a\u241?o 49 para organizar las elecciones, y desp
u\u233?s de Farsalia otra vez durante un a\u241?o entero. Antes de partir para M
unda se le hab\u237?a vuelto a nombrar dictador para diez a\u241?os, pero inclus
o eso no pareci\u243? suficiente, y en el 44, C\u233?sar recibi\u243? el t\u237?
tulo de {\i
dictator perpetuus}, dictador de por vida.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Quedaba claro, pues, que aquella acumulaci\u243?n de poderes no se le conced\u23
7?a para una emergencia, como la dictadura tradicional, ni tampoco para poner en
orden la Rep\u250?blica. La clave era que la dictadura, aquel r\u233?gimen auto
cr\u225?tico en que una sola persona dejaba de ser un primero entre iguales y di
rig\u237?a los destinos del Estado dominando a todos los dem\u225?s magistrados,
se convert\u237?a en el n\u250?cleo de la Rep\u250?blica. No iba a ser una medi
da temporal, sino permanente, la misma esencia del gobierno, que pasaba de ser u
na oligarqu\u237?a a una autocracia. Al menos mientras C\u233?sar viviera.\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
No era ninguna idea nueva. En los momentos de crisis extremas ya se hab\u237?an
otorgado poderes extraordinarios a algunos magistrados de modo que pudieran toma
r decisiones por encima de las rencillas de los clanes senatoriales. As\u237? ha
b\u237?a ocurrido con los cinco consulados consecutivos de Mario, o con la dicta
dura de Sila. Tambi\u233?n pas\u243? cuando los optimates nombraron a Pompeyo c\
u243?nsul en el 52 para que salvara la ciudad de la anarqu\u237?a, al mismo tiem
po que era proc\u243?nsul y manten\u237?a legiones en Italia. \u191?Qu\u233? dem
ostraba eso? Que el sistema ya no era operativo y hac\u237?a falta apuntalarlo c
onstantemente.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Unas instituciones bien dise\u241?adas deben funcionar en tiempos dif\u237?ciles
, no solo cuando todo marcha bien, del mismo modo que no sirve de mucho que el t
ejado de una casa nos mantenga secos cuando no llueve, pero tenga goteras al pri
mer chaparr\u243?n. Y la constituci\u243?n romana, aquel sistema en que una pequ
e\u241?a oligarqu\u237?a compet\u237?a fieramente por parcelas de poder, se hab\
u237?a convertido en un techo plagado de grietas y agujeros. Las viejas instituc
iones que tanto reverenciaban los romanos hab\u237?an servido para administrar u
na ciudad que al principio tan solo movilizaba una milicia de diez mil soldados.
Pero ahora Roma se hab\u237?a convertido en la due\u241?a del Mediterr\u225?neo
, gobernaba a decenas de millones de personas y controlaba un territorio que sup
eraba en extensi\u243?n a la mayor\u237?a de los estados nacionales de nuestros
d\u237?as.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A pesar de todo, las viejas inercias tardan tiempo en detenerse y a todas las cl
ases dominantes les cuesta renunciar a sus antiguos privilegios. No es que C\u23
3?sar anduviera pensando en acabar con la casta senatorial como tal, pero s\u237
? le estaba cortando las alas. Los miembros de esta reducida \u233?lite se hab\u
237?an percatado de que, si la nave del Estado segu\u237?a por el rumbo que C\u2
33?sar hab\u237?a decidido, en el futuro no podr\u237?an pilotarla a su antojo y
sin rendir cuentas como hab\u237?an hecho hasta entonces.\par\pard\plain\hyphpa
r} {
Por si fuera poco, C\u233?sar estaba introduciendo sangre nueva en la clase diri
gente, algo que hac\u237?a sentirse amenazados a los viejos clanes que llevaban
generaciones reparti\u233?ndose magistraturas, mandos militares, honores y rique
zas. Durante los a\u241?os de dictadura cesariana siguieron desempe\u241?ando el
consulado miembros de las antiguas familias, como la {\i
gens} Antonia, la Emilia, la Fabia o la Cornelia. Pero tambi\u233?n se empezaron
a escuchar apellidos (como Trebonio, Fufio, Vatinio, Hircio o Vibio) que jam\u2
25?s hab\u237?an aparecido en los fastos consulares y que hac\u237?an arrugar la
nariz a los arist\u243?cratas de toda la vida. Lo mismo ocurri\u243? con los pr

etores y con los senadores en su conjunto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

Al abrir tanto aquel club exclusivo, C\u233?sar amenazaba con destruirlo, o as\u
237? lo ve\u237?an quienes estaban dentro, que deb\u237?an pensar con tristeza:
\u171?Si todo el mundo es especial, nadie es especial\u187?.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
En el pasado, Roma se hab\u237?a hecho grande porque supo incorporar a su proyec
to a los pueblos a los que conquistaba otorg\u225?ndoles poco a poco la ciudadan
\u237?a. Como ya comentamos en {\i
Roma victoriosa}, la clave de su poder militar era el {\i
manpower}, esa cantera de soldados y mandos aparentemente inagotable que le perm
it\u237?a levantarse una y otra vez de sus derrotas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Desde principios del siglo II las cosas hab\u237?an cambiado. La oligarqu\u237?a
que dominaba el senado hab\u237?a decidido cerrar el paso a los nuevos ciudadan
os, lo que hab\u237?a provocado muchos conflictos, alguno de ellos a gran escala
como la Guerra Social. Pero ahora C\u233?sar se empe\u241?aba en conceder la ci
udadan\u237?a a nuevos territorios, como la Galia Cisalpina al norte del Po, y e
staba convirtiendo en senadores a miembros de las \u233?lites de toda Italia. \u
161?E incluso a galos! Tal como se quejaba un canto popular:\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {\i
{
C\u233?sar arrastr\u243? a los galos en su triunfo, pero luego los llev\u243? a
la Curia.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los galos se quitaron los pantalones y se pusieron la toga de senador.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} } {
Los m\u225?s recalcitrantes repart\u237?an folletos en el Foro en los que se le\
u237?a: \u171?Que nadie les diga a los senadores nuevos por d\u243?nde se va a l
a Curia\u187? (Suetonio, {\i
C\u233?sar}, 79).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Aquella supuesta invasi\u243?n extranjera pod\u237?a molestar de una forma vaga
al pueblo romano en general, ya que la xenofobia es una emoci\u243?n muy primari
a que se estimula con facilidad. Pero los afectados eran los miembros del viejo
orden senatorial.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Y fue entre ellos donde se empez\u243? a tramar la conspiraci\u243?n.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
Mientras C\u233?sar se entregaba a una vor\u225?gine de reformas \u8212?el nuevo
calendario, los cambios en los jurados de los tribunales, la ampliaci\u243?n de
l senado, el aumento en el n\u250?mero de ediles y pretores, la revisi\u243?n de
la lista de ciudadanos que recib\u237?an trigo gratis, la creaci\u243?n de colo
nias, las normas de fomento de la natalidad, por no hablar de las obras p\u250?b
licas como el Foro Julio\u8212?, un grupo cada vez mayor de senadores se reun\u2
37?a en concili\u225?bulos para analizar lo que estaba pasando. Progresivamente,
la opini\u243?n m\u225?s extendida era que solo hab\u237?a una soluci\u243?n pa
ra sus males y los de la Rep\u250?blica: matar a C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Llegaron a ponerse de acuerdo hasta sesenta conjurados, de los que la tradici\u2
43?n ha conservado diecis\u233?is nombres. Entre ellos hab\u237?a algunos antigu
os adversarios de C\u233?sar, como Bruto y Casio, que hab\u237?an pertenecido al
bando pompeyano durante la guerra civil. Pero tambi\u233?n se encontraban cesar
ianos, como Cayo Trebonio o D\u233?cimo Bruto, el eficaz legado que mand\u243? l
a flota de C\u233?sar en la batalla contra los v\u233?netos.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Los motivos que un\u237?an a aquellos hombres eran variopintos. Hab\u237?a algun
os a los que C\u233?sar no les hab\u237?a otorgado los honores que codiciaban, c
omo Galba, y otros se unieron a la conjura porque el dictador no hab\u237?a perd
onado todav\u237?a a alg\u250?n familiar pompeyano, como Tilio Cimbro. En genera
l, no ve\u237?an bien que una sola persona acaparara tanto poder y tantos honore
s, pues al hacerlo privaba a los dem\u225?s de la parte que leg\u237?timamente l
es correspond\u237?a. Algunos como Bruto parec\u237?an creer honradamente que es
taban salvando a la Rep\u250?blica en su conjunto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En cierto modo, C\u233?sar fue el culpable de su propia muerte. No me refiero a

que su dictadura le atrajera odios homicidas, cosa que tambi\u233?n ocurri\u243?

, sino a que no tom\u243? apenas precauciones para protegerse. Poco antes de su
asesinato, hab\u237?a despedido a la guardia personal hispana que lo acompa\u241
?aba desde hac\u237?a un tiempo. Cuando le advirtieron de que aquello era una im
prudencia, contest\u243? que su vida le importaba m\u225?s a la Rep\u250?blica q
ue a \u233?l mismo; parec\u237?a pensar que necesitaba m\u225?s tiempo para llev
ar a cabo sus reformas del que realmente le quedaba de vida.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
Cierto es que hab\u237?a cumplido con sus aspiraciones de poder y gloria, y que
su {\i
dignitas} hab\u237?a quedado m\u225?s que reivindicada, de modo que en ese senti
do pod\u237?a morir tranquilo. Cuando en una conversaci\u243?n entre amigos surg
i\u243? el manido tema de c\u243?mo prefer\u237?a acabar su vida cada uno, C\u23
3?sar dijo de forma muy reveladora que lo que mejor le parec\u237?a era una muer
te r\u225?pida e imprevista.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otra parte, su famosa clemencia significaba que no solo no se hab\u237?a lib
rado de sus enemigos (alguien como Sila no ten\u237?a por qu\u233? temerlos, pue
sto que apenas hab\u237?a dejado vivo a ninguno), sino que a muchos los hab\u237
?a perdonado y les hab\u237?a concedido altos cargos. La mayor\u237?a de ellos s
egu\u237?an siendo hostiles a C\u233?sar y, para colmo, convencieron a algunos d
e sus supuestos aliados de que la \u250?nica soluci\u243?n si quer\u237?an recup
erar las antiguas libertades era asesinar al dictador. Uno de los allegados a lo
s que tentaron los juramentados fue Marco Antonio, a quien Trebonio sonde\u243?
medio a\u241?o antes de los idus de marzo. Antonio no se sum\u243? a la conjura,
pero tampoco advirti\u243? a C\u233?sar, quiz\u225? porque pens\u243? que la co
nspiraci\u243?n no llegar\u237?a a nada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Antonio, precisamente, hab\u237?a dado un pretexto a los conjurados cuando en la
fiesta de las Lupercales le ofreci\u243? una diadema real al dictador. Este la
rechaz\u243? por dos veces en un gesto probablemente calculado y acordado con Ma
rco Antonio, para demostrar que no quer\u237?a ning\u250?n s\u237?mbolo de la re
aleza. Pero el comentario que corri\u243? fue que en realidad estaba deseando ce
\u241?irse esa diadema. Por otra parte, se propag\u243? el rumor de que seg\u250
?n cierta profec\u237?a los partos solo podr\u237?an ser vencidos por un rey, y
el imperio parto era precisamente el pr\u243?ximo objetivo de C\u233?sar.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Para incentivar m\u225?s los rumores, Cleopatra llevaba meses viviendo en Roma.
No dejaba de ser una soberana extranjera que ten\u237?a un hijo de C\u233?sar y
que, seg\u250?n las malas lenguas, estaba convenciendo a su amante para que se d
ecidiera a convertirse en rey y, todav\u237?a peor, para que trasladara la sede
de esa realeza a Alejandr\u237?a. En las hablillas contra Cleopatra se fund\u237
?an el odio romano a los reyes, la xenofobia y los prejuicios contra los orienta
les y las mujeres, un caldo de cultivo explosivo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Todav\u237?a se sigue discutiendo si C\u233?sar realmente aspiraba a la monarqu\
u237?a. No parece demasiado l\u243?gico. Ya acaparaba suficiente poder como dict
ador perpetuo, am\u233?n de todos los dem\u225?s cargos. {\i
Rex} solo era una palabra que no conven\u237?a utilizar y que no aportaba nada.
En cuanto a los s\u237?mbolos reales, \u191?para qu\u233? ponerse una diadema pu
diendo usar una corona de laurel o la corona c\u237?vica que se le hab\u237?a co
ncedido en Mitilene? A los romanos les gustaban sus propios s\u237?mbolos de pod
er, como las {\i
fasces}, y consideraban que, con su aparente sencillez, estaban muy por encima d
e los recargados signos de autoridad que ostentaban los monarcas extranjeros. A
Popilio Lenas le hab\u237?a bastado un sarmiento, una simple {\i
vitis} como la que llevaban en la mano los centuriones, para someter a su volunt
ad a todo un rey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Creo que podemos estar seguros de que C\u233?sar no quer\u237?a ser rey. De hech
o, su sucesor Octavio tuvo mucho cuidado no solo de no utilizar ese t\u237?tulo,
sino incluso de prescindir de la palabra \u171?dictador\u187?, que se hab\u237?
a convertido en t\u243?xica precisamente por C\u233?sar. Teniendo el poder, que
era lo importante, \u191?por qu\u233? empe\u241?arse en batallar por las palabra

s?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Los conjurados eligieron el d\u237?a 15 de marzo, los idus, porque el tiempo se
les agotaba. El 18 de marzo del a\u241?o 44 C\u233?sar ten\u237?a previsto aband
onar Roma y viajar a Grecia, donde ya lo aguardaba su ej\u233?rcito. Proyectaba
una campa\u241?a r\u225?pida de castigo en la Dacia y despu\u233?s otra mucho m\
u225?s ambiciosa contra el imperio parto. Hab\u237?a que vengar la derrota de Ca
rras y recuperar las \u225?guilas que Craso hab\u237?a perdido. Aquella iba a se
r la expedici\u243?n m\u225?s ambiciosa de la historia de Roma: C\u233?sar hab\u
237?a movilizado a diecis\u233?is legiones y diez mil jinetes, y estaba planeand
o abrir un canal en el istmo de Corinto para que las l\u237?neas de suministro d
e Italia a Oriente se ahorraran varios d\u237?as de navegaci\u243?n.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
\u191?Qu\u233? habr\u237?a ocurrido si C\u233?sar no hubiese sido asesinado? Es
imposible saberlo. C\u233?sar era mucho mejor general que Craso y tambi\u233?n q
ue Marco Antonio, que a\u241?os despu\u233?s fracas\u243? en otra campa\u241?a e
n Partia. Pero ni aun as\u237? su victoria habr\u237?a sido inevitable, pues ya
hemos visto que durante sus campa\u241?as estuvo varias veces a escasos cent\u23
7?metros del desastre, y que la \u250?nica forma de predecir la historia es hace
rlo desde el futuro. En cualquier caso, esas especulaciones son campo para las u
cron\u237?as, y no renuncio a hacerlas alg\u250?n d\u237?a, pero en el terreno d
e la ficci\u243?n.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La noche del 14 al 15 de marzo la mujer de C\u233?sar tuvo malos sue\u241?os y l
e pidi\u243? que no asistiera a la sesi\u243?n del senado. \u201?l tampoco se en
contraba muy bien, por lo que estuvo a punto de hacer caso a Calpurnia. Eso alar
m\u243? a los conjurados, y D\u233?cimo Bruto corri\u243? a su casa a convencerl
e de que acudiera a la reuni\u243?n para no ofender a los senadores.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
Finalmente, C\u233?sar sali\u243? de la {\i
domus publica} y atraves\u243? el Foro para dirigirse al teatro de Pompeyo, en c
uyo p\u243?rtico se iba a reunir el senado. Se cuenta que por el camino se encon
tr\u243? con un ar\u250?spice etrusco que le hab\u237?a advertido de que corr\u2
37?a peligro aquel d\u237?a. \u171?Los idus de marzo han llegado\u187?, le dijo
C\u233?sar. \u171?Pero no han pasado\u187?, respondi\u243? el adivino.\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando lleg\u243? a la entrada del p\u243?rtico, uno de los conjurados, Trebonio
o D\u233?cimo Bruto, se llev\u243? aparte a Marco Antonio para charlar con \u23
3?l. Por una parte, Marco Antonio era un hombre violento y de una tremenda fuerz
a f\u237?sica, por lo que no conven\u237?a pelearse con \u233?l. Hay que tener e
n cuenta que las armas que llevaban los conjurados eran cuchillos y hab\u237?a q
ue usarlos peleando cuerpo a cuerpo. Aunque se abalanzaran varios sobre Antonio,
aquel al que agarrara del cuello lo iba a pasar mal, y en esas situaciones cada
miembro de un grupo piensa que le puede tocar a \u233?l individualmente.\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
Por otro lado, la idea de los conjurados no era organizar una matanza como la qu
e pretend\u237?a Catilina o las que hab\u237?an ensangrentado Roma con Mario, Ci
nna o Sila: \u250?nicamente quer\u237?an acabar con el dictador, que entend\u237
?an que era el gran problema de la Rep\u250?blica. Muchos de ellos ni siquiera o
diaban a C\u233?sar, de quien se reconoc\u237?a en general que era una persona a
fable y clemente. En realidad, deseaban eliminar al s\u237?mbolo m\u225?s que al
hombre.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Dentro de la sala donde se reun\u237?a el senado, C\u233?sar se dirigi\u243? hac
ia su asiento dorado de dictador, colocado junto a la silla curul del \u250?nico
c\u243?nsul de aquel a\u241?o, Marco Antonio. Los conspiradores formaron un cor
rillo a su alrededor, podemos imaginar que con el coraz\u243?n latiendo a casi d
oscientas pulsaciones por minuto. Tilio Cimbro, aquel cuyo hermano segu\u237?a e
n el exilio, se acerc\u243? para pedirle que lo perdonara. En ese momento otro d
e ellos, Publio Servilio Casca, se puso detr\u225?s de C\u233?sar y le asest\u24
3? una pu\u241?alada en el cuello.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Con los nervios, Casca solo le hiri\u243? de refil\u243?n, pero aquella fue la s
e\u241?al para los dem\u225?s. Todos tra\u237?an dagas escondidas bajo las togas

y se las clavaron una y otra vez. C\u233?sar luch\u243? usando los pliegues de
su toga como protecci\u243?n, pero recibi\u243? hasta veintitr\u233?s pu\u241?al
adas; una de ellas, que le perfor\u243? el pecho, habr\u237?a sido mortal por s\
u237? sola seg\u250?n dictamin\u243? el m\u233?dico que le hizo la autopsia.\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando comprendi\u243? que iba a morir, C\u233?sar se cubri\u243? la cabeza con
la toga para no perder la compostura y se desplom\u243? muerto junto a la estatu
a de Pompeyo (una estatua que no hab\u237?a mandado derribar como habr\u237?an h
echo Mario o Sila en su lugar). Si en verdad le dijo a Bruto \u171?\u191?T\u250?
tambi\u233?n, hijo?\u187? es algo que forma parte de la leyenda.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Aquel asesinato fue est\u233?ril. Los conjurados pensaban que con matar a C\u233
?sar bastar\u237?a para que, por arte de magia, volviera la Rep\u250?blica olig\
u225?rquica en la que hab\u237?an vivido (o, m\u225?s bien, en la que hab\u237?a
n cre\u237?do vivir, pues el proceso de transformaci\u243?n ven\u237?a de largo)
. Si esperaban recibir el aplauso de los dem\u225?s senadores o que el pueblo de
Roma los llevara a hombros por las calles, se llevaron una decepci\u243?n. El s
enado se qued\u243? pr\u225?cticamente paralizado, y fueron el c\u243?nsul Marco
Antonio y el {\i
magister equitum} de C\u233?sar, L\u233?pido, quienes negociaron con los magnici
das para evitar, al menos de momento, un ba\u241?o de sangre.\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
En cuanto al pueblo, cuando el 18 de marzo se ley\u243? el testamento de C\u233?
sar y se supo que hab\u237?a legado a cada ciudadano trescientos sestercios m\u2
25?s el disfrute de sus jardines al otro lado del T\u237?ber, la multitud estall
\u243? en gritos de ira. El funeral oficial estaba previsto en el Campo de Marte
, pero la gente destroz\u243? los bancos y las sillas de los magistrados, encend
i\u243? una pira en pleno Foro y quem\u243? all\u237? el cad\u225?ver de C\u233?
sar.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Para Cicer\u243?n y otros senadores, toda aquella multitud no era m\u225?s que g
entuza. Deb\u237?a de haber personas de toda extracci\u243?n social, pero los qu
e contaban para el gran orador eran los {\i
boni}, la \u171?buena gente\u187?, la suma de los senadores y los \u233?quites.
Pero para el pueblo llano, C\u233?sar era alguien que, con todos sus defectos y
aunque fuese calvo y se acostara con Nicomedes como cantaban sus soldados, mirab
a por su bienestar. Ser\u237?a por convicci\u243?n o por fr\u237?o c\u225?lculo;
pero la gente no era est\u250?pida y sab\u237?a qu\u233? pol\u237?ticos favorec
\u237?an sus intereses y qui\u233?n ordenaba repartir el trigo que significaba l
a diferencia entre la vida y la muerte. Aunque la tradici\u243?n literaria sobre
personajes como Saturnino o Clodio es muy negativa, la plebe urbana quer\u237?a
a esos l\u237?deres populares. No olvidemos que la mayor\u237?a de los textos c
l\u225?sicos que nos han llegado los escribieron miembros de la \u233?lite, y qu
e para saber lo que pensaba \u171?la chusma\u187? tenemos que leer bastante entr
e l\u237?neas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Del mismo modo, esa plebe quer\u237?a a C\u233?sar y repudiaba a sus asesinos. L
a libertad que Bruto, Casio y los dem\u225?s conjurados hab\u237?an querido rest
aurar no afectaba a la mayor\u237?a de los ciudadanos, que no encontraban gran d
iferencia entre que los gobernara un aut\u243?crata como C\u233?sar o una oligar
qu\u237?a. Ciertamente, si el aut\u243?crata repart\u237?a trigo y tierras, lo p
refer\u237?an a los honrados optimates como Cat\u243?n que no hac\u237?an nada p
or ellos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El fracaso de la conspiraci\u243?n se demuestra en que poco tiempo despu\u233?s
todo hab\u237?a vuelto a las andadas. Dos a\u241?os y medio m\u225?s tarde, en o
ctubre del 42, se libraba una nueva batalla entre romanos. En la llanura de Fili
pos, en tierras de Macedonia, se enfrentaron el ej\u233?rcito de los llamados li
bertadores, mandado por Bruto y Casio, y el de los herederos pol\u237?ticos de C
\u233?sar, Marco Antonio y Octavio, que hab\u237?an formado un nuevo triunvirato
con L\u233?pido.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Bruto y Casio fueron derrotados y no tardaron en suicidarse, que era la salida m
\u225?s honrosa de un romano cuando era vencido por sus compatriotas. Antonio y

Octavio, arrinconando poco a poco a L\u233?pido, se repartieron el poder y los t

erritorios del imperio.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s de Filipos, quienes hab\u237?an pensado en C\u233?sar como un tiran
o comprendieron cu\u225?l era la aut\u233?ntica tiran\u237?a. La represi\u243?n
que llevaron a cabo Antonio y Octavio fue brutal, una purga que seg\u243? las fi
las del senado y la nobleza sirvi\u233?ndose de nuevo del infame procedimiento d
e las proscripciones. Ambos ten\u237?an sus propias filias y fobias, pero interc
ambiaron muertos como quien intercambia cromos; fue como si Mario y Sila se hubi
eran puesto de acuerdo para matar a sus enemigos al mismo tiempo.\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
Cuando hab\u237?an despejado de piezas el tablero de juego, Antonio y Octavio em
pezaron a tener choques entre ellos, como era inevitable. Durante un tiempo coex
istieron a rega\u241?adientes, Octavio en la parte occidental del Mediterr\u225?
neo y Antonio en Oriente, donde gobernaba desde Alejandr\u237?a al lado de Cleop
atra. Pero al final esta coexistencia result\u243? imposible y se declar\u243? u
na guerra abierta entre ambos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
El 2 de septiembre del a\u241?o 31, en el mar J\u243?nico, cerca de la ciudad de
Accio, la flota de Octavio, mandada por su legado Agripa, derrot\u243? a la de
Marco Antonio y Cleopatra. Los dos amantes huyeron a Alejandr\u237?a y no tardar
on en suicidarse, brindando argumento para futuras tragedias, novelas y pel\u237
?culas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Octavio se convirti\u243? en el amo de la Rep\u250?blica, que segu\u237?a llam\u
225?ndose as\u237?, y no tard\u243? en acaparar tantos t\u237?tulos y poder como
su difunto t\u237?o abuelo. \u191?Qui\u233?n era este personaje que hasta ahora
no hab\u237?a aparecido en nuestra historia?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cuando C\u233?sar muri\u243?, Octavio representaba una sorpresa y tambi\u233?n u
na inc\u243?gnita. Era hijo de Acia, sobrina de C\u233?sar, y no ten\u237?a m\u2
25?s que dieciocho a\u241?os en marzo del 44. En los \u250?ltimos tiempos se le
hab\u237?a visto mucho con el dictador, lo que hab\u237?a resucitado las viejas
hablillas sobre Nicomedes y la sexualidad de C\u233?sar, y se contaron muchos ch
istes obscenos sobre la desfloraci\u243?n de aquel tierno efebo.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
A decir verdad, C\u233?sar hab\u237?a comprendido que el joven Octavio era extra
ordinariamente inteligente y capaz. En su testamento, aunque ten\u237?a otros j\
u243?venes parientes para elegir, el dictador nombr\u243? a Octavio heredero e h
ijo adoptivo, por lo que pas\u243? a llamarse oficialmente Cayo Julio C\u233?sar
Octaviano.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La adopci\u243?n pose\u237?a valor no solo familiar, sino tambi\u233?n pol\u237?
tico: se entend\u237?a que un hijo heredaba las virtudes, la clientela y la misi
\u243?n pol\u237?tica de sus antepasados, aunque lo fueran por adopci\u243?n com
o en el caso de Escipi\u243?n Emiliano. En ese sentido, Octavio hered\u243? en t
odos los sentidos los planes de C\u233?sar e incluso los ampli\u243?.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
A menudo se dice que el proyecto de C\u233?sar fracas\u243? porque a su muerte s
e produjo una sangrienta guerra civil. Pero fue precisamente su asesinato lo que
la desencaden\u243?. De haber vivido m\u225?s a\u241?os, quiz\u225?s habr\u237?
a logrado consolidar el nuevo sistema autocr\u225?tico y la transici\u243?n entr
e \u233?l y su seguidor habr\u237?a sido m\u225?s pac\u237?fica.\par\pard\plain\
hyphpar} {
En cualquier caso, esa transici\u243?n culmin\u243? en el a\u241?o 27. Octavio a
dopt\u243? oficialmente el nombre de Augusto, \u171?consagrado por los augurios\
u187?, y se convirti\u243? en la m\u225?xima autoridad con el t\u237?tulo de {\i
princeps}, \u171?el primer ciudadano\u187?. A partir de entonces, Augusto, que h
ab\u237?a sido tan despiadado como Sila, pudo permitirse gobernar como un aut\u2
43?crata ben\u233?volo al estilo de su t\u237?o abuelo C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
Suele considerarse el a\u241?o 27 como el final de la Rep\u250?blica y el princi
pio del Imperio romano, aunque la Rep\u250?blica tradicional ya llevaba mucho ti
empo boqueando en su agon\u237?a. El siglo que transcurri\u243? entre la ca\u237
?da de Cartago y la muerte de C\u233?sar fue un tiempo de convulsiones, luchas d

espiadadas, traiciones, violencia callejera y guerras civiles. Pero la competenc

ia y los conflictos entre todas aquellas personalidades tan acusadas \u8212?Esci
pi\u243?n, los Graco, Saturnino, los dos Catones, Sila, Mario, Metelo, Sertorio,
Cicer\u243?n, Catilina, Pompeyo, C\u233?sar y un largo etc\u233?tera, por no ha
blar de sus enemigos extranjeros como Yugurta, Espartaco o Mitr\u237?dates\u8212
? convierten el final de la Rep\u250?blica en una de las \u233?pocas m\u225?s fa
scinantes de la historia de la humanidad.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Despu\u233?s vino otra etapa, con sus luces brillantes y sus sombras tenebrosas:
la era de Augusto y sus sucesores imperiales. Aunque los l\u237?mites del Imper
io no se desplazaron demasiado, todav\u237?a hubo generales que llevaron los est
andartes romanos a fronteras m\u225?s remotas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Pero ese, por supuesto, es otro relato.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphp
ar }{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
CRONOLOG\u205?A\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {\ql
753} Fundaci\u243?n de Roma. 509 Tarquinio el Soberbio es derrocado. Se instaura
la Rep\u250?blica. 154-138 Guerra contra los lusitanos. 149-146 Tercera Guerra
P\u250?nica. 146 Destrucci\u243?n de Cartago por Escipi\u243?n Emiliano. Destruc
ci\u243?n de Corinto. Grecia se convierte en provincia romana. 143-133 Guerra de
Numancia. 139 Muerte de Viriato. 135-132 Primera Guerra Servil en Sicilia. 133
Escipi\u243?n Emiliano toma Numancia. Tribunado de Tiberio Graco. \u193?talo leg
a el reino de P\u233?rgamo a Roma. Se crea la provincia de Asia. Asesinato de Ti
berio Graco. 123 Tribunado de Cayo Graco. 122 Cayo Graco es reelegido tribuno de
la plebe. 121 Asesinato de Cayo Graco y de sus partidarios. 120 Se crea la prov
incia de la Galia Transalpina, tambi\u233?n conocida como Galia Narbonense o, en
los textos de C\u233?sar, simplemente como Provincia. 113 Los cimbrios aparecen
en el reino de N\u243?rico y derrotan al c\u243?nsul Cneo Papirio Carb\u243?n.
112-106 Guerra de Yugurta. 110 Yugurta derrota a Aulo Postumio Albino, legado de
su hermano Espurio. 109 Cecilio Metelo toma el mando de la guerra contra Yugurt
a. 107 Mario es elegido c\u243?nsul y recibe el mando de la guerra contra Yugurt
a. Posibles reformas militares. El c\u243?nsul Casio Longino es derrotado y muer
to en la Galia por la tribu de los tigurinos. 106 Yugurta es capturado por Lucio
Cornelio Sila, cuestor de Mario. 105 Dos ej\u233?rcitos consulares al mando de
Servilio Cepi\u243?n y Malio M\u225?ximo son destruidos en Arausio por los cimbr
ios y teutones. 104 Segundo consulado de Mario. Segunda Guerra Servil en Sicilia
. 103 Tercer consulado de Mario. Primer tribunado de Saturnino. 102 Cuarto consu
lado de Mario, que vence a los teutones en Aquae Sextiae. 101 Quinto consulado d
e Mario, que derrota a los cimbrios en Vercelas junto a Lutacio Catulo. 100 Sext
o consulado de Mario. Segundo tribunado de Saturnino, que termina con graves dis
turbios y su asesinato y el de sus partidarios. Se aplica el {\i
senatus consultum ultimum}. Nace Julio C\u233?sar. 91 Tribunado de Livio Druso,
que muere asesinado. Su muerte provoca el estallido de la Guerra Social. 91-88 G
uerra Social entre la Rep\u250?blica y sus aliados italianos. 89 Manio Aquilio p
romueve una invasi\u243?n fallida del Ponto. Contraataque de Mitr\u237?dates. 89
-84 Primera Guerra Mitrid\u225?tica. 88 Matanza de romanos e it\u225?licos en As
ia conocida como \u171?V\u237?speras asi\u225?ticas\u187?. Tribunado de Sulpicio
Rufo. El c\u243?nsul Sila recibe el mando de la guerra contra Mitr\u237?dates,
pero Sulpicio se lo arrebata y se lo otorga a Mario. Sila marcha contra Roma con
su ej\u233?rcito y despu\u233?s parte a Grecia. 87 Mario y Cinna entran en Roma
y eliminan a los partidarios de Sila. Sila asedia Atenas y el Pireo. 86 Sexto c
onsulado de Mario, que muere a los pocos d\u237?as. Sila toma Atenas y el Pireo,
y vence en las batallas de Queronea y Orc\u243?meno. 85 Paz de D\u225?rdanos en
tre Sila y Mitr\u237?dates. 84 Sila reorganiza la provincia de Asia. Cinna muere
en un mot\u237?n de sus tropas. 83 Sila desembarca en Brindisi. 83-82 Primera g
uerra civil. 82-72 Campa\u241?as de Sertorio en Hispania. 82 Batalla de la puert
a Colina. Dictadura y proscripciones de Sila. c. 80 Se crea la provincia de Cili
cia. 79 Sila abandona el cargo de dictador y muere meses despu\u233?s. 78 El c\u
243?nsul Emilio L\u233?pido intenta dar un golpe de Estado. 77 {\i

Senatus consultum ultimum} contra L\u233?pido. 76 Pompeyo viaja a Hispania para

luchar contra Sertorio. Batalla y asedio de Lauro. 74 Nicomedes lega el reino de
Bitinia al pueblo romano. 73 Sertorio muere asesinado. 73-70 Rebeli\u243?n de g
ladiadores y esclavos acaudillada por Espartaco. 72 Pompeyo reorganiza Hispania.
Craso se enfrenta al ej\u233?rcito de Espartaco. L\u250?culo empieza su campa\u
241?a contra Mitr\u237?dates. 71 Derrota y muerte de Espartaco. 70 Consulado de
Pompeyo y Craso. 67 Pompeyo lleva a cabo su campa\u241?a contra los piratas en t
odo el Mediterr\u225?neo. 66 Pompeyo recibe el mando para la guerra en Asia y de
rrota a Mitr\u237?dates. Tigranes de Armenia se somete a Roma. 65 Campa\u241?a d
e Pompeyo contra albanos e iberos. 64 Pompeyo convierte Siria en provincia roman
a. 63 Pompeyo reorganiza Oriente. Muerte de Mitr\u237?dates. Consulado de Cicer\
u243?n y conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina. 62 Mandato de C\u233?sar como pretor. Esc
\u225?ndalo de Clodio y la {\i
Bona Dea}. 61 Pompeyo regresa de Oriente. C\u233?sar gobierna Hispania Ulterior.
60 C\u233?sar regresa a Roma, pero renuncia al triunfo para presentarse al cons
ulado. 59 Consulado de C\u233?sar. Primer triunvirato entre C\u233?sar, Pompeyo
y Craso. 58 Tribunado de Clodio en Roma. Campa\u241?as de C\u233?sar contra los
helvecios y Ariovisto. 58-51 Guerra de las Galias. 57 Campa\u241?a de C\u233?sar
contra las tribus belgas. Batalla del r\u237?o Sabis. 56 Campa\u241?a de C\u233
?sar contra los v\u233?netos. Acuerdo de Luca entre C\u233?sar, Pompeyo y Craso.
55 Segundo consulado de Pompeyo y Craso. C\u233?sar cruza el Rin. Primera exped
ici\u243?n a Britania. 55-53 Primera rebeli\u243?n de la Galia acaudillada por D
umn\u243?rix. 54 Segunda invasi\u243?n de Britania. 53 C\u233?sar vuelve a cruza
r el Rin. Craso es derrotado por los partos y muere en la batalla de Carras. Ana
rqu\u237?a y disturbios en Roma, con choques entre las bandas de Clodio y Mil\u2
43?n. 52 Segunda rebeli\u243?n de la Galia acaudillada por Vercinget\u243?rix. B
atallas de Gergovia y de Alesia. Clodio es asesinado en Roma. {\i
Senatus consultum ultimum}. Pompeyo es nombrado c\u243?nsul sin colega para rest
aurar el orden. 51 C\u233?sar termina de someter la Galia. 50 Los optimates inte
ntan que C\u233?sar renuncie a su mando en la Galia. 49 C\u233?sar cruza el Rubi
c\u243?n e invade Italia. Pompeyo y los optimates se retiran a Grecia. Primera d
ictadura de C\u233?sar. 49-45 Guerra civil entre el bando de C\u233?sar y los op
timates, dirigidos en la guerra por Pompeyo. 48 Campa\u241?a de Dirraquio. Batal
la de Farsalia. Pompeyo huye a Egipto y es asesinado. C\u233?sar conoce a Cleopa
tra en Alejandr\u237?a. Empieza la guerra alejandrina. 47 Termina la guerra alej
andrina. Campa\u241?a de C\u233?sar contra Farnaces. Segunda dictadura de C\u233
?sar. 46 Campa\u241?a de \u193?frica de C\u233?sar contra los optimates. Batalla
de Tapso. Tercera dictadura de C\u233?sar. 45 Campa\u241?a de C\u233?sar en His
pania. Batalla de Munda. Fin de la guerra civil. 44 C\u233?sar es nombrado dicta
dor perpetuo. Idus de marzo. 42 Batalla de Filipos. 31 Batalla de Accio. 27 Empi
eza el principado de Augusto. Imperio romano. {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s1
\afs32
{\b
{\qc
MAPAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\
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}}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {
\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
\u205?NDICE DE ENLACES\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\
plain\hyphpar} 1. V\u237?deo de introducci\u243?n {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=210:roma-el-scorpio}
2. Material gr\u225?fico general {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=220:roma-ilustracione
s} 3. El campamento romano {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=207:roma-el-campament
o} 4. Los senadores romanos {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=212:roma-el-senador}
5. Las guardias en el campamento {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=209:roma-la-guardia-d
el-campamento} 6. La batalla del r\u237?o Mutul {\i

www.emersonkent.com/map_archive/battle_of_the_muthul_ river_ii.htm} 7. Los m\u23

3?dicos en Roma {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=213:roma-los-m%C3%A9d
icos} 8. La formaci\u243?n en tortuga {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=208:roma-la-tortuga}
9. El {\i
gladius} {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=214:roma-el-gladius}
10. La cota de malla {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=215:la-cota-de-malla}
11. Los gladiadores {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=215:la-cota-de-malla}
12. La religi\u243?n: el larario {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=217:roma-y-la-religi%
C3%B3n-el-larario} 13. Matronas y vestales {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=218:roma-matronas-y-v
estales} 14. El escorpi\u243?n {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=211:roma-el-escorpi%C
3%B3n} 15. Mapa de Gergovia {\i
www.gottwein.de/imag03/gergovia01.jpg} 16. El asedio de Alesia {\i
http://cocheapunto2.files.wordpress.com/2009/07/ sitio-de-alesia-2.jpg} 17. Tr\u
225?iler de presentaci\u243?n {\i
http://soniadores.com/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=219:roma-trailer-cort
o-contraportada} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
BIBLIOGRAF\u205?A\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain
\hyphpar} {
FUENTES ANTIGUAS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
La mayor\u237?a de estos textos se pueden encontrar traducidos al espa\u241?ol e
n la Biblioteca Cl\u225?sica Gredos, con buenas introducciones y abundantes nota
s. Tambi\u233?n hay ediciones de buena calidad en Akal Cl\u225?sica, en C\u225?t
edra y en Alianza. He manejado asimismo ediciones biling\u252?es de la Loeb y, e
n varios casos, los textos en lengua original que aparecen en los portales Lacus
Curtius y Perseus Digital Library. Recomiendo este \u250?ltimo sitio en particu
lar porque cuenta con hiperv\u237?nculos directos a diccionarios de lat\u237?n y
griego.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
En los casos en que un autor tiene m\u225?s de una obra citada en este libro, lo
indico con iniciales.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
APIANO, {\i
Historia romana}. Se divide en dos partes: {\i
Guerras civiles (BC)} y {\i
Guerras extranjeras}. Estas \u250?ltimas, a su vez, est\u225?n organizadas seg\u
250?n los enemigos a los que se enfrent\u243? Roma. En este libro cito las guerr
as contra Cartago {\i
(BP)}, Mitr\u237?dates {\i
(BM)} y los hispanos {\i
(BH)}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
AULO GELIO, {\i
Noches \u225?ticas}. No es una obra hist\u243?rica, pero s\u237? una fuente de a
bundantes an\u233?cdotas y referencias.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
C\u201?SAR, {\i
La guerra de las Galias (BG}) y {\i
La guerra civil (BC}). Tambi\u233?n las obras \u171?cesarianas\u187? escritas po
r subordinados o militares suyos: {\i
La guerra de Alejandr\u237?a (B. Al.), La guerra de \u193?frica (B. Af}.) y {\i
La guerra de Hispania (BH}).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CICER\u211?N. Tanto sus discursos como sus cartas son una fuente muy valiosa par
a conocer esta \u233?poca.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CORNELIO NEPOTE, {\i

Vidas de varones ilustres}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

DIODORO DE SICILIA, {\i
Biblioteca hist\u243?rica}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
DI\u211?N CASIO, {\i
Historia de Roma}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
DIONISIO DE HALICARNASO, {\i
Historia antigua de Roma}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
ESTRAB\u211?N, {\i
Geograf\u237?a}. Muy interesante como tal obra geogr\u225?fica, y adem\u225?s ab
unda en detalles hist\u243?ricos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
FLORO, {\i
Ep\u237?tome de la historia de Tito Livio}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
FRONTINO, {\i
Estratagemas}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
JUSTINO, {\i
Ep\u237?tome}, un resumen de la obra de un historiador del siglo I a.C. llamado
Pompeyo Trogo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
LUCANO, {\i
Farsalia}. Se trata de un poema sobre la guerra civil entre C\u233?sar y los pom
peyanos, no de una obra hist\u243?rica, pero sirve como complemento en ocasiones
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
OROSIO, {\i
Historias contra los paganos}, o simplemente {\i
Historias}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
PLINIO EL VIEJO, {\i
Historia natural}. Obviamente, no se trata de un libro de historia, pero en esta
obra se encuentran muchas referencias a costumbres, reformas, an\u233?cdotas co
ncretas, etc.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
PLUTARCO, {\i
Vidas paralelas}. Para esta \u233?poca resultan de especial inter\u233?s las bio
graf\u237?as de Cat\u243?n el Viejo, Tiberio y Cayo Graco, Mario, Sila, L\u250?c
ulo, Craso, Sertorio, Pompeyo, Cat\u243?n el Joven, Cicer\u243?n, C\u233?sar, An
tonio y Bruto.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
POLIBIO, {\i
Historias}. Por desgracia, los libros que narran los \u250?ltimos tiempos de la
Rep\u250?blica han llegado solo en fragmentos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
SALUSTIO, {\i
La guerra de Yugurta (Yug.), La conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina (Cat.)} y los fragm
entos de sus {\i
Historias}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
SUETONIO, {\i
Los doce C\u233?sares} y, en particular, la vida de C\u233?sar.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
T\u193?CITO, Sus obras hist\u243?ricas tratan de \u233?pocas posteriores, pero s
u {\i
Germania} es la obra principal para conocer las costumbres de los pueblos germ\u
225?nicos de la Antig\u252?edad, aunque hay que tratar su informaci\u243?n con c
uidado, ya que abunda en t\u243?picos.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
TITO LIVIO, {\i
Historia de Roma desde su fundaci\u243?n}. Ocurre lo mismo que con Polibio: los
\u250?ltimos libros de su monumental obra se han perdido, y solo disponemos de u
nos tristes res\u250?menes llamados {\i
Periochae}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
VALERIO M\u193?XIMO, {\i
Dichos y hechos memorables}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
VELEYO PAT\u201?RCULO, {\i
Historia romana}.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
OBRAS DE CONSULTA Y MONOGRAF\u205?AS\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
ADKINS, L. y ADKINS, R. A., {\i
Handbook of Life in Ancient Rome}, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1998.\par\pa

rd\plain\hyphpar} {
ASTIN, A. E., WALBANK, F. W., FREDERIKSEN, M. W. y OGILVIE, R. M., {\i
The Cambridge Ancient History. 2nd Edition. Vol. VIII. Rome and the Mediterranea
n to 133 B.C}., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
BAKER, A., {\i
The Gladiator}, Ebury Press, Londres, 2000.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
BILLOWS, R., {\i
Julio C\u233?sar. El coloso de Roma}, Gredos, Madrid, 2011.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
ar} {
BOATWRIGHT, M., GARGOLA, D. J. y TALBERT, R. J. A., {\i
The Romans: From Village to Empire}, Oxford University Press, Nueva York, 2004.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
BRUNT, P. A., {\i
Italian Manpower. 225 B.C.-A.D. 14}, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1987.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
The Fall of the Roman Republic and Related Essays}, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 198
8.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CANFORA, L., {\i
Julio C\u233?sar. Un dictador democr\u225?tico}, Ariel, Barcelona, 2007.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
CARCOPINO, J., {\i
La vida cotidiana en Roma en el apogeo del Imperio}, Temas de Hoy, Madrid, 1989.
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CASSON, L., {\i
Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World}, Johns Hopkins University Press, Balt
imore, 1995.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CEBRI\u193?N, J. A., {\i
La aventura de los romanos en Hispania}, La Esfera de los Libros, Madrid, 2004.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CHERRY, D., {\i
Frontier and Society in Roman North Africa}, Oxford University Press, Oxford 199
8.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CHRIST, K., {\i
Sila}, Herder, Barcelona, 2006.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
CONNOLLY, P. y DODGE, H., {\i
Las legiones romanas}, Espasa, Madrid, 1990.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
The Ancient City. Life in Classical Athens & Rome}, Oxford University Press, Oxf
ord, 1998.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
COOK, S. A. (ed.), {\i
The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. IX. The Roman Republic 133-44 B.C}., Cambrid
ge University Press, Cambridge, 1932.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
COWAN, R., {\i
Roman Battle Tactics. 109 B.C.-A.D. 313}, Osprey, Oxford, 2007.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
CROOK, J. A., LINTOTT, A. y RAWSON, E., {\i
The Cambridge Ancient History. 2nd Edition. Vol. IX. The Last Age of the Roman R
epublic, 146-43 B.C}., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992.\par\pard\pla
in\hyphpar} {
CUNLIFFE, B., {\i
The Ancient Celts}, Oxford University Press, Oxford-Nueva York, 1997.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
D\u8217?AMATO, R., {\i
Roman Centurions 753-31 B.C}., Osprey, Oxford, 2011.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
DALBY, A., {\i
Food in the Ancient World. From A to Z}, Routledge, Londres, 2003.\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
DELBRUCK, H., {\i

History of the Art of War. Vol. I. Warfare in Antiquity}, traducci\u243?n de J.

Renfroe, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln y Londres, 1990.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
ERDKAMP, P. (ed.), {\i
A Companion to the Roman Army}, Blackwell, Oxford, 2007.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
EVANS, R., {\i
Roman Conquests. Asia Minor, Syria and Armenia}, Pen & Sword Military, Barnsley,
2011.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
FAGE, J. D., {\i
The Cambridge History of Africa. Vol. II. From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050}, Cambri
dge University Press, Cambridge, 2002.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
FIELDS, N., {\i
Roman Conquests. North Africa}, Pen & Sword Military, Barnsley, 2010.\par\pard\p
lain\hyphpar} {
FLETCHER, J., {\i
Cleopatra the Great}, Harper Collins, Nueva York, 2008.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
FOX, R. L., E{\i
l mundo cl\u225?sico. La epopeya de Grecia y Roma}, Cr\u237?tica, Barcelona, 200
7.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
FREDOUILLE, J., {\i
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ain\hyphpar} {
FREEMAN, P., {\i
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GARNSEY, P., {\i
Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World}, Cambridge University Press, C
ambridge, 1988.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
GILLIVER, K., {\i
Caesar\u8217?s Gallic Wars. 58-50 B.C}., Routledge, Londres y Nueva York, 2005.\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
GOETZ, W., BELOCH, C. J. {\i
et al}., {\i
H\u233?lade y Roma. El origen del cristianismo}, Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1975.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
GOLDSWORTHY, A., {\i
Roman Warfare}, Cassell, Londres, 2000.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
The Complete Roman Army}, Thames & Hudson, Londres, 2003.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
\u8212?, {\i
Caesar\u8217?s Civil War 49-44 B.C}., Routledge, Londres, 2005.\par\pard\plain\h
yphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
Grandes generales del ej\u233?rcito romano}, Ariel, Barcelona, 2005.\par\pard\pl
ain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
The Fall of Carthage}, Phoenix, Londres, 2006.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
C\u233?sar, la biograf\u237?a definitiva}, La Esfera de los Libros, Madrid, 2007
.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
The Roman Army at War 100 B.C.-A.D. 200}, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 2008.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
\u8212?, {\i
Antonio y Cleopatra}, La Esfera de los Libros, Madrid, 2011.\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
GRANT, M., {\i
A Guide to the Ancient World}, Barnes & Noble Books, Nueva York, 1997.\par\pard\

plain\hyphpar} {
GREENIDGE, A. H. J. y CLAY, A. M., {\i
Sources for Roman History, B.C. 133-70}, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1903.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
GRIFFIN, M. (ed.), {\i
A Companion to Julius Caesar}, Blackwell, Oxford, 2009.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
GUILL\u201?N, J., {\i
Vrbs Roma. Vida y costumbres de los romanos}, 3 vols., S\u237?gueme, Salamanca,
1988.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
HARRIS, W., {\i
Guerra e imperialismo en la Roma republicana}, Siglo XXI, Madrid, 1989.\par\pard
\plain\hyphpar} {
HOLLAN, T., {\i
Rubic\u243?n. Auge y ca\u237?da de la Rep\u250?blica romana}, Planeta, Barcelona
, 2007.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Oxford Classical Dictionary}, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999.\par\par
d\plain\hyphpar} {
HOYOS, D., {\i
The Carthaginians}, Routledge, Londres, 2010.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
HYLAND, A., {\i
Equus. The Horse in the Roman World}, Yale University Press, Londres, 1990.\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
ISENBERG, I., {\i
Julio C\u233?sar}, Ed. Albom / Timun Mas, Medell\u237?n, 1965.\par\pard\plain\hy
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{
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JONES, T. y EREIRA, A., {\i
Roma y los b\u225?rbaros}, Cr\u237?tica, Barcelona, 2008.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
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phpar} {
KEAVENEY, A., {\i
Sulla. The Last Republican}, Routledge, Londres y Nueva York, 2005.\par\pard\pla
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The Army in the Roman Revolution}, Routledge, Londres y Nueva York, 2007.\par\pa
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KEPPIE, L., {\i
The Making of the Roman Army}, Routledge, Londres, 1998.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
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MATYSZAK, P., L{\i
os enemigos de Roma}, Ober\u243?n, Madrid, 2005.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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MCKENZIE, J., {\i
The Architecture of Alexandria and Egypt 300 B.C.-A.D. 700}, Yale University Pre

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MEIER, C., {\i
Caesar. A Biography}, Basic Books, Nueva York, 1982.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
MORLEY, N., {\i
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D. 200}, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1996.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
MOURITSEN, H., {\i
Plebs and Politics in the Late Roman Republic}, Cambridge University Press, Camb
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NICOLLE, D. y MCBRIDE, A., {\i
Rome\u8217?s Enemies 5. The Desert Frontier}, Osprey, Oxford, 1991.\par\pard\pla
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Rome and Her Enemies}, Osprey, Oxford, 2005.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Armas de Grecia y Roma}, La Esfera de los Libros, Madrid, 2008.\par\pard\plain\h
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Caesar in Gaul and Rome}, University of Texas Press, Austin, 2006.\par\pard\plai
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Rome at War. Farms, Families and Death in the Middle Republic}, University of {\
i
North} Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2004.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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A Companion to the Roman Republic}, Blackwell, Oxford, 2006.\par\pard\plain\hyph
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SPRAGUE DE CAMP, L., {\i
The Ancient Engineers}, Ballantine Books, Nueva York, 1963.\par\pard\plain\hyphp
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}{\page } {\s1 \afs32
{\b
{\qc
Notas\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[1]} Por desgracia, los libros en que Polibio narr\u243? la Tercera Guerra P\u25
0?nica se han perdido, y apenas conservamos fragmentos. Tenemos que conformarnos
con Diodoro, con textos sueltos de Livio, Plutarco y otros autores y, sobre tod
o, con Apiano, cuya narraci\u243?n de esta guerra se basa fundamentalmente en Po
libio, un historiador de mucha m\u225?s calidad.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[2]} {\i
War and Imperialism in Republican Rome}, p. 238. Hay edici\u243?n espa\u241?ola,
pero esta es mi propia traducci\u243?n sobre el original en ingl\u233?s.<<\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[3]} Existen incoherencias en el texto de Apiano que hacen pensar que quiz\u225?
Serviliano se encontraba en Roma y que fue un legado suyo, posiblemente M\u225?
ximo Emiliano, quien sufri\u243? la derrota y acept\u243? la rendici\u243?n.<<\p
ar\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[4]} Las bellas artes que implican un trabajo manual no gozaban ni de lejos del
prestigio que tienen ahora. Un noble pod\u237?a dedicarse a la literatura, pero
pintar, esculpir o incluso tener demasiada habilidad tocando un instrumento musi
cal eran actividades propias de gentes de baja condici\u243?n. En el caso de un
rey, como este \u193?talo o como el padre de la c\u233?lebre Cleopatra, que se e

norgullec\u237?a de su virtuosismo con la flauta, se atribu\u237?an estas conduc

tas a una extravagancia exagerada o directamente a un trastorno mental.<<\par\pa
rd\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[5]} \u191?Qu\u233? viene antes, la oferta o la demanda? Esto dice Estrab\u243?n
sobre el asunto: \u171?Causa de ello es que los romanos, que se hicieron ricos
tras la destrucci\u243?n de Cartago y de Corinto, usaban muchos esclavos y los p
iratas, percat\u225?ndose de la facilidad de la ganancia, florecieron en masa de
dic\u225?ndose ellos mismos a la pirater\u237?a y adem\u225?s comerciando con lo
s esclavos\u187? ({\i
Geograf\u237?a}, 14.5.2). As\u237? que era la econom\u237?a romana la que foment
aba la pirater\u237?a que luego se convirti\u243? en una amenaza para esa misma
econom\u237?a, en un c\u237?rculo que, con toda justicia, puede calificarse de v
icioso.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[6]} Hay una historia parecida que habla de dos serpientes y un sacrificio, rela
cionada con otro Tiberio Sempronio Graco, t\u237?o del marido de Cornelia, que f
ue c\u243?nsul en el a\u241?o 213. Este tipo de an\u233?cdotas corr\u237?an como
las leyendas urbanas de hoy y cambiaban f\u225?cilmente de protagonistas.<<\par
\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[7]} Lo curioso es que precisamente en esa zona se han realizado prospecciones a
rqueol\u243?gicas con resultados sorprendentes: seg\u250?n sus autores, a finale
s de la Rep\u250?blica hab\u237?a una gran densidad de poblaci\u243?n en el sur
de Etruria y la mayor\u237?a de las propiedades eran granjas de peque\u241?a ext
ensi\u243?n. \u191?Fue err\u243?nea o exagerada la percepci\u243?n de Tiberio du
rante su viaje? Podr\u237?a ocurrir. Los humanos tendemos a generalizar con muy
pocos datos, sobre todo si lo que vemos nos impacta de forma primaria y emociona
l. Por supuesto, cabe otra posibilidad: que Tiberio estuviera en lo cierto y los
cient\u237?ficos que han hecho las prospecciones se equivoquen. Los datos arque
ol\u243?gicos siempre son muy discutibles. Como se\u241?ala Keaveney: \u171?Debe
r\u237?amos tener en cuenta que la arqueolog\u237?a es tan vulnerable al revisio
nismo como la historia\u187? ({\i
The Army in the Roman Revolution}, p. 21).<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[8]} La mayor\u237?a de los muertos eran j\u243?venes, a menudo adolescentes, qu
e todav\u237?a no se hab\u237?an casado (los ciudadanos pod\u237?an ser reclutad
os a partir de los diecisiete). Los varones romanos sol\u237?an contraer matrimo
nio al acercarse a la treintena, cuando la mayor\u237?a de ellos ya no ten\u237?
an, te\u243?ricamente, que volver a alistarse. En cuanto a las mujeres, como pro
medio ten\u237?an diez a\u241?os menos que sus maridos en su primer matrimonio (
muchas viudas volv\u237?an a casarse).<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[9]} Si la cifra suena exagerada, hay que tener en cuenta que las nubes de lango
stas pueden llegar a tener un tama\u241?o que resulta casi inconcebible. La mayo
r nube atestiguada en tiempos hist\u243?ricos sobrevol\u243? Nebraska en 1875. S
eg\u250?n varios testigos, tard\u243? cinco d\u237?as en pasar, por lo que se ca
lcula que med\u237?a casi tres mil kil\u243?metros de longitud y que superaba lo
s veintisiete millones de toneladas. Con esa biomasa, podemos imaginar c\u243?mo
dejar\u237?a los cultivos que atravesaba.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[10]} Probablemente el reparto no hizo m\u225?s que confirmar una divisi\u243?n
que ya exist\u237?a en la pr\u225?ctica, pues da la impresi\u243?n de que Yugurt
a pose\u237?a mucha m\u225?s influencia entre las tribus situadas en la parte oc
cidental de Numidia. Su campo natural de acci\u243?n deb\u237?a de hallarse orie
ntado hacia el oeste: as\u237? lo demuestra que se casara con una hija de Boco,
rey de Mauritania.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[11]} Hay que se\u241?alar que algunos manuscritos cambian el nominativo singula
r {\i

armatus} por un dativo plural {\i

armatis}, lo que se traducir\u237?a por \u171?todos [\u8230?] los que salieron a
l paso de los hombres armados [de Yugurta]\u187?. Como se ve, a veces la interpr
etaci\u243?n de un texto puede cambiar por una sola letra.<<\par\pard\plain\hyph
par} {
{\super
[12]} {\i
The Crisis of Rome}.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[13]} El comentario de Salustio implica que era algo inusual, y que los ciudadan
os que ten\u237?an que trabajar para ganarse la vida rara vez participaban en la
s votaciones, lo que dejaba la pol\u237?tica en manos de las clases acomodadas q
ue ten\u237?an tiempo libre y recursos y pod\u237?an permitirse asistir a los co
micios. Se trata de una cuesti\u243?n clave que diferenciaba a Roma de una aut\u
233?ntica democracia como Atenas, donde los ciudadanos que asist\u237?an a las a
sambleas y tribunales recib\u237?an una paga diaria a cuenta del Estado.<<\par\p
ard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[14]} Hay fuentes que relacionan el nombre de los cimbrios con el de los cimerio
s, un pueblo de habla indoeuropea que habitaba al norte del mar Negro y que, exp
ulsado por los escitas en el siglo VIII, emigr\u243? a Asia Menor y poco despu\u
233?s desapareci\u243? de los registros hist\u243?ricos. Convertir la doble m de
l griego {\i
Kimm\u233?rioi} en la br de {\i
K\u237?mbroi} no ser\u237?a un cambio fon\u233?tico imposible. Cfr. una evoluci\
u243?n similar desde el lat\u237?n al espa\u241?ol: {\i
hominem > homne > homre > hombre}, o {\i
feminam > femna > femra > hembra}. Por lo dem\u225?s, no hay apenas pruebas que
relacionen a cimbrios y cimerios. Como me imagino que a muchos lectores el nombr
e \u171?cimerio\u187? les evocar\u225? a Conan el B\u225?rbaro, recordar\u233? a
qu\u237? que su creador, Robert E. Howard, utiliz\u243? para su geograf\u237?a i
maginaria nombres de procedencias y \u233?pocas variadas que a \u233?l le sonaba
n ex\u243?ticos; lo cual no deja de resultar gracioso para nosotros considerando
que uno de los top\u243?nimos que eligi\u243? fue el de Zamora.<<\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
{\super
[15]} Todo este relato es muy conjetural, pues las fuentes sobre la batalla son
confusas y contradictorias.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[16]} \u171?La evoluci\u243?n de la panoplia y de las t\u225?cticas galas\u187?,
en {\i
Desperta Ferro}, 2, 2.\u170? edici\u243?n, p. 23.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[17]} En cuanto a los tigurinos, que no hab\u237?an llegado a entrar en combate,
al conocer el destino de sus aliados cimbrios regresaron prudentemente a sus ti
erras de Helvecia. No volver\u237?an a enfrentarse contra los romanos hasta el a
\u241?o 58, cuando C\u233?sar los combati\u243?.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[18]} Es posible que esta ley se presentara no en 103 sino en el a\u241?o 100, d
urante el segundo tribunado de Saturnino. En tal caso, podr\u237?amos pensar que
Cepi\u243?n hijo actu\u243? contra Saturnino por venganza, y no al contrario. P
or otra parte, es curioso c\u243?mo denomina Cicer\u243?n a esos seguidores arma
dos de Cepi\u243?n: {\i
viris bonis}, \u171?hombres buenos\u187?, esto es, miembros de la aristocracia.
El otro t\u233?rmino que usaban para referirse a s\u237? mismos, {\i
optimates}, \u171?los mejores\u187?, es pr\u225?cticamente una traducci\u243?n d
el {\i
\u225?ristoi} que usaba la \u233?lite griega.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[19]} Y tambi\u233?n, obviamente, entre los due\u241?os anteriores de esas tierr

as, que se hab\u237?an visto obligados a abandonarlas por la invasi\u243?n de lo

s cimbrios.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[20]} En \u233?poca imperial, varios m\u233?dicos aseguraban conocer la f\u243?r
mula secreta del mitridato, hasta el punto de que Juvenal satiriz\u243? sobre el
tema: \u171?Tu larga senectud de ciervo empieza a torturar a tu joven hijo. Ya
est\u225?s tardando en buscar a Arqu\u237?genes para comprarle la f\u243?rmula q
ue compuso Mitr\u237?dates. Si quieres recoger otros higos y acariciar otras ros
as, has de tener el medicamento que tanto los padres como los reyes deben beber
antes de las comidas\u187? (14.250 y ss.). Autores como Celso o Galeno ofrec\u23
7?an f\u243?rmulas que inclu\u237?an decenas de ingredientes con los que se prep
araban p\u237?ldoras del tama\u241?o de una almendra que despu\u233?s se tomaban
con vino.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[21]} Llamado as\u237? por las V\u237?speras sicilianas, una matanza de francese
s que se produjo el 30 de marzo de 1282 en la isla de Sicilia. Tambi\u233?n aqu\
u237? fue la poblaci\u243?n la que actu\u243? contra quienes consideraba ocupado
res, pero la diferencia es que solo \u8212?entre comillas\u8212? murieron tres m
il franceses.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[22]} Para este relato de la batalla he reunido los testimonios de Apiano y Plut
arco con informaciones aisladas que brinda Frontino. Hay autores que atribuyen l
a historia de los carros y las estacas a la batalla de Queronea. Sin embargo, co
nsiderando las operaciones de caballer\u237?a que se desarrollaron all\u237? de
un extremo a otro del campo de batalla, no creo que este estuviera delimitado po
r zanjas como en Orc\u243?meno.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[23]} En cualquier caso, nunca se vio a tantos legionarios combatiendo unidos en
un solo escenario y como un \u250?nico ej\u233?rcito. La dificultad para estos
ej\u233?rcitos gigantescos que a menudo aparecen en las fuentes antiguas no cons
ist\u237?a tanto en conseguir suficientes hombres como en mantenerlos en el mism
o sitio. Los problemas eran de \u237?ndole pr\u225?ctica, como encontrar lugares
con suficiente agua potable y establecer l\u237?neas de suministro para tantos
soldados y animales de carga. Tambi\u233?n hab\u237?a que tener en cuenta las co
ndiciones sanitarias, pues a mayor aglomeraci\u243?n de hombres y bestias m\u225
?s posibilidades hab\u237?a de que se propagaran epidemias.<<\par\pard\plain\hyp
hpar} {
{\super
[24]} Norbano, Escipi\u243?n, Mario el Joven y Carb\u243?n. El \u250?nico de ell
os que se salv\u243? fue Escipi\u243?n, exiliado en Masalia. Seguramente Sila no
se empe\u241?\u243? en perseguirlo porque hab\u237?a estado a punto de llegar a
un acuerdo con \u233?l durante la guerra.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[25]} Hay que a\u241?adir que sobre esta historia existen dudas, ya que la fuent
e principal es Cicer\u243?n, enemigo mortal de Catilina. En la obra de Salustio
{\i
La conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina}, donde no se dice ni una cosa buena del persona
je, no se mencionan sin embargo estos cr\u237?menes.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[26]} No ocurri\u243? lo mismo en el Samnio, pero por otra raz\u243?n: aquellos
parajes monta\u241?osos eran m\u225?s apropiados para la ganader\u237?a que para
la agricultura. Sila deseaba convertir a sus veteranos en campesinos sedentario
s, no en pastores n\u243?madas con su tendencia ancestral a bajar de los montes
para saquear a sus vecinos de las llanuras.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[27]} Las excavaciones en Valencia han proporcionado pruebas del brutal tratamie
nto al que somet\u237?an los romanos a las poblaciones conquistadas. Entre ruina
s quemadas que se corresponden a la toma de la ciudad por Pompeyo, se han encont
rado restos humanos con se\u241?ales de haber sido torturados. Un cad\u225?ver,
por ejemplo, ten\u237?a las piernas cercenadas y un {\i

pilum} que le hab\u237?an introducido por el recto.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

{\super
[28]} \u171?Un hombre muerto era visto por los romanos como una sombra desprovis
ta de su sustancia, un \u8220?vac\u237?o\u8221?. Era mediante el derramamiento d
e sangre humana, el mism\u237?simo fluido de la vida, como se propiciaba a los m
uertos devolvi\u233?ndoles una realidad transitoria\u187?. Alan Baker, {\i
The Gladiator}, p. 13.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[29]} Algunos editores del texto griego cambian {\i
eutukh\u232?s}, \u171?buena suerte\u187?, por {\i
atukh\u232?s}, que significa lo contrario, correcci\u243?n que probablemente se
debe a que conocen el desenlace de la historia.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[30]} Sobre c\u243?mo llev\u243? a cabo la medida Craso existen discrepancias en
tre Plutarco y Apiano, las dos fuentes principales.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[31]} Lo que est\u225? claro es que el mismo C\u233?sar no naci\u243? de esta ma
nera. La ces\u225?rea solo se llevaba a cabo cuando la mujer parturienta estaba
muerta o se esperaba que no sobreviviera. Se cuenta que Escipi\u243?n Africano n
aci\u243? de este modo. Pero en el caso de C\u233?sar ser\u237?a imposible, pues
to que su madre vivi\u243? cuarenta y seis a\u241?os despu\u233?s de dar a luz a
su hijo.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[32]} Esta es la teor\u237?a m\u225?s extendida, aunque justo es decir que algun
os autores hacen nacer a C\u233?sar en el 101 o el 102.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
{\super
[33]} El nombre de J\u250?piter proven\u237?a de una ra\u237?z indoeuropea con t
res vocalismos posibles, *Dieu-/Diou-/Diu-, que en cada idioma dieron resultados
fon\u233?ticos muy distintos. Por ejemplo, en griego *Dieu-s se convirti\u243?
en Zeus, pero el acusativo era Dia. En lat\u237?n, la forma de dirigirse a \u233
?l como padre, *(D)I\u250?s-pater, evolucion\u243? a Iuppiter, que ha dado nuest
ro J\u250?piter. Aunque probablemente los romanos no eran conscientes de la etim
olog\u237?a, el adjetivo {\i
dialis} deriva de esta ra\u237?z. Curiosamente, es posible que el t\u233?rmino {
\i
flamen}, \u171?sacerdote\u187?, tenga el mismo origen que el s\u225?nscrito {\i
brahman}.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[34]} {\i
Nam Caesari multos Marios inesse}: literalmente, \u171?pues en C\u233?sar hay mu
chos Marios\u187?.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[35]} {\i
La conjuraci\u243?n de Catilina}, 25.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[36]} Sobre esto hay discusiones entre los estudiosos, ya que te\u243?ricamente
hab\u237?a que tener cuarenta y dos a\u241?os para presentarse a c\u243?nsul, mi
entras que C\u233?sar lo hizo con cuarenta. Algunos opinan que los patricios com
o C\u233?sar gozaban de dispensa para hacerlo dos a\u241?os antes y otros que en
realidad no naci\u243? en el a\u241?o 100, sino en el 102. Personalmente, me in
clino por la primera postura.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[37]} Por supuesto, hay muchas discusiones sobre el aquitano y el origen del vas
co. Al faltar documentos escritos, la principal prueba a la que recurren los exp
ertos es la toponimia. Los lectores interesados pueden consultar {\i
Vascos, celtas e indoeuropeos. Genes y lenguas}, de Fco. Villar y Blanca Prosper
, especialmente a partir de la p\u225?gina 512.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[38]} {\i

La guerra de las Galias}, 2.19-28.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

{\super
[39]} Aunque era de familia patricia, Clodio se pudo presentar gracias a que en
el a\u241?o 59 se hab\u237?a hecho adoptar por un plebeyo llamado Publio Fonteyo
que, curiosamente, era m\u225?s joven que \u233?l. Fue una especie de farsa ben
decida por C\u233?sar y Pompeyo como {\i
pontifex maximus} y augur, respectivamente. Clodio deber\u237?a haber tomado el
nombre de su \u171?padre\u187? adoptivo, pero lo \u250?nico que hizo fue cambiar
su propio apellido, Claudio, por otra forma m\u225?s popular y propia del lat\u
237?n coloquial, monoptongando el diptongo au en la o de Clodio.<<\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
{\super
[40]} En Roma no existi\u243? nada parecido a una fuerza de polic\u237?a hasta l
os {\i
vigiles} de \u233?poca imperial. El orden p\u250?blico era responsabilidad de tr
es magistrados de rango inferior a los cuestores, los {\i
tresviri capitales}, a los que por la noche sustitu\u237?an los {\i
quinqueviri cis Tiberim}, \u171?los cinco hombres a este lado del T\u237?ber\u18
7?. Pero apenas dispon\u237?an de medios para imponer su autoridad. El orden se
manten\u237?a, en general, por la ayuda mutua entre los ciudadanos y gracias a l
os grupos de clientes de la \u233?lite. Sin embargo, a veces dichos grupos no se
movilizaban para evitar la violencia, sino para ejercerla, como ocurri\u243? en
el asesinato de Cayo Graco. Normalmente, exist\u237?a mucha m\u225?s violencia
en la sociedad romana (como en cualquier sociedad del pasado) que en la nuestra.
Para la percepci\u243?n err\u243?nea que tenemos de nuestra \u233?poca como esp
ecialmente violenta, recomiendo vivamente leer {\i
Los \u225?ngeles que llevamos dentro} o {\i
La tabla rasa}, ambas escritas por el psic\u243?logo cognitivo Steven Pinker.<<\
par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[41]} Sobre el poco valor econ\u243?mico que se le conced\u237?a a Britania, es
reveladora esta carta de Cicer\u243?n escrita a su amigo \u193?tico en la \u233?
poca en que se llevaba mejor con C\u233?sar: \u171?Se espera el resultado de la
guerra en Britania. Se sabe que los accesos a dicha isla est\u225?n amurallados
por asombrosos acantilados. Tambi\u233?n se sabe que en esa isla no hay una sola
pepita de plata ni esperanza alguna de bot\u237?n salvo esclavos; \u161?y ningu
no de estos, como te puedes imaginar, ser\u225? experto en literatura o en m\u25
0?sica!\u187? (lo que los har\u237?a m\u225?s valiosos en el mercado). ({\i
Ad Att}., 4.16).<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[42]} Di\u243?n Casio a\u241?ade que el mensaje estaba cifrado (40.9), sustituye
ndo cada letra por la que iba tres puestos por delante en el alfabeto \u8212?por
ejemplo, escribiendo deltas en lugar de alfas\u8212?. Seg\u250?n Suetonio en su
biograf\u237?a de C\u233?sar (56.6), este sol\u237?a recurrir al mismo procedim
iento cuando quer\u237?a comunicar un mensaje secreto. Sospecho, sin embargo, qu
e C\u233?sar cambiar\u237?a de clave de vez en cuando.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{
{\super
[43]} El mismo Casio que luego colaborar\u237?a con Bruto en los idus de marzo.<
<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[44]} Curiosamente, mientras todo esto ocurr\u237?a, esas mismas calles se ve\u2
37?an m\u225?s espl\u233?ndidas que nunca. Sobre todo en la zona del Foro y del
Campo de Marte, gracias a las fastuosas obras p\u250?blicas pagadas con los boti
nes de guerra de Pompeyo y C\u233?sar, que incluso en esto rivalizaban; todav\u2
37?a de forma amistosa, cierto es.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[45]} En ocasiones, algunas legiones avanzaban sin apenas impedimenta, con racio
nes para dos o tres d\u237?as que cargaban ellos mismos, pero sabiendo siempre q
ue por detr\u225?s ven\u237?a el convoy de suministros protegido por unidades de

reserva.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[46]} Al principio del libro octavo, Hircio afirma: \u171?Todos saben con qu\u23
3? perfecci\u243?n y estilo est\u225?n escritos [los {\i
Comentarios}], pero nosotros sabemos adem\u225?s con cu\u225?nta rapidez y soltu
ra lo hizo. C\u233?sar pose\u237?a no solo facilidad y elegancia para escribir,
sino tambi\u233?n aut\u233?ntica habilidad para explicar sus planes\u187?. Un co
mentario que no puedo sino suscribir, mientras hago votos por que se vuelva a tr
aducir a C\u233?sar en los institutos.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[47]} Seg\u250?n Veleyo Pat\u233?rculo (2.47.1), los muertos en sus campa\u241?a
s fueron cuatrocientos mil. Plinio, en cambio, habla de casi un mill\u243?n dosc
ientos mil (7.92). La cifra de Veleyo parece m\u225?s veros\u237?mil, aunque eso
no quiere decir que la obtuviera de una fuente fiable.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar
} {
{\super
[48]} Las sesiones a las que asist\u237?a Pompeyo se celebraban fuera del recint
o sagrado del pomerio, ya que \u233?l, como proc\u243?nsul, no pod\u237?a traspa
sarlo.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[49]} Seg\u250?n Suetonio, {\i
Iacta alea est}, \u171?Los dados han sido arrojados\u187? ({\i
C\u233?sar}, 32), aunque suele citarse en otro orden, {\i
Alea iacta est}.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[50]} Tambi\u233?n pod\u237?a haberlo le\u237?do en Her\u243?doto, que contaba c
\u243?mo se utilizaban esas embarcaciones en el \u201?ufrates: eran tan redondas
como un escudo y fabricadas con cuadernas de madera de sauce recubiertas de pie
les bien tensas y rellenas de paja. Con ellas bajaban a Babilonia, manej\u225?nd
olas entre dos hombres y llevando a un asno de pasajero. All\u237? vend\u237?an
la carga que transportaban, la paja y las cuadernas, y despu\u233?s regresaban a
pie a su pa\u237?s con las pieles a lomos del asno.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[51]} En este caso, C\u233?sar solo habla de los ciento veinte impactos. El rela
to de la {\i
aristeia}, el momento de furor guerrero de Esceva, aparece en Valerio M\u225?xim
o y m\u225?s hiperb\u243?lico en la {\i
Farsalia} de Lucano.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[52]} Aqu\u237? hay que aclarar posibles ambig\u252?edades. Cuando se dice que l
as legiones romanas sol\u237?an formar en {\i
triplex acies} o l\u237?nea triple, no implica que esas l\u237?neas fueran hiler
as con un solo hombre de fondo. En realidad, cada {\i
acies} o l\u237?nea, que estaba compuesta por varias cohortes, pod\u237?a tener
entre cuatro y diez filas de profundidad.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[53]} \u171?The Civil War\u187?, en {\i
The Ancient Cambridge History}, volumen 7, parte 2, edici\u243?n de 1927.<<\par\
pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[54]} La antigua Alejandr\u237?a es una ciudad pr\u225?cticamente perdida por lo
s terremotos, la destrucci\u243?n causada por el hombre y la subida del nivel de
l mar en aquella zona. No se sabe exactamente d\u243?nde se hallaban ni c\u243?m
o eran exactamente muchos edificios importantes, como los palacios reales, la Bi
blioteca o la tumba de Alejandro. Del Faro apenas quedan restos y ni siquiera ha
y consenso sobre si estaba construido al extremo de la isla de Faros o en un isl
ote muy cercano, que es la hip\u243?tesis que utilizo en el texto. Sin embargo,
poco a poco, gracias sobre todo a la arqueolog\u237?a submarina, se va conociend
o m\u225?s sobre Alejandr\u237?a, y es posible que en el futuro se puedan precis
ar m\u225?s detalles.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {

{\super
[55]} Auletes tuvo otra hija mayor que Cleopatra, llamada Berenice; pero \u233?l
mismo la hizo ejecutar por intentar usurparle el trono durante su exilio. Por l
o visto, nacer en la familia real de Alejandr\u237?a ten\u237?a m\u225?s peligro
que atravesar la Suburra a medianoche.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[56]} Para informarse m\u225?s sobre las cisternas de Alejandr\u237?a y ver foto
graf\u237?as de estas aut\u233?nticas \u171?catedrales subterr\u225?neas\u187?,
como han sido definidas, recomiendo visitar la p\u225?gina {\i
http://www.touregypt.net/featurestories/alexandriacisterns.htm}.<<\par\pard\plai
n\hyphpar} {
{\super
[57]} En {\i
Roma victoriosa}, hablando de la batalla del lago Trasimeno, escrib\u237? sobre
los legionarios que sufrieron la emboscada de An\u237?bal: \u171?Pero quienes te
n\u237?an armas m\u225?s pesadas se hund\u237?an y se ahogaban\u187?. No he lleg
ado a hacer la prueba de nadar con una cota de malla, pero pensando sobre esa cu
esti\u243?n me di cuenta de que uno no tiene por qu\u233? hundirse autom\u225?ti
camente como un plomo, aunque evidentemente nadar con diez o quince kilos de pes
o extra debe de ser mucho m\u225?s dif\u237?cil. De hecho, muchos buceadores uti
lizan trajes enteros de cota de malla para protegerse de los mordiscos de los ti
burones. Mi conclusi\u243?n es que en trechos cortos un buen nadador podr\u237?a
salvarse.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[58]} Richard Billows, {\i
Julio C\u233?sar. El coloso de Roma}, p. 367.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[59]} Una excepci\u243?n fue el erudito Varr\u243?n, acaso por el respeto intele
ctual que C\u233?sar sent\u237?a por \u233?l.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\super
[60]} A algunos ciudadanos les molest\u243? que mientras los gladiadores combat\
u237?an C\u233?sar se dedicara a leer y contestar correspondencia, pues lo inter
pretaban como una muestra de altivez. Esta an\u233?cdota, transmitida por Sueton
io, da lugar a un jugoso di\u225?logo entre Augusto y Livia en la magn\u237?fica
serie {\i
Yo, Claudio}.<<\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {\par\pard\hyphpar }{\page } }