‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺩ‪ .‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺟﺐ‬

‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﳒﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”‪ “Islam and Development‬ﰲ ﳎﻠﺔ ‪ World Development, Vol.8, 1980‬ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﰲ‪:‬‬
‫‪Kenneth P. Jameson and Charles K. Wilbur, Eds. Religious Values and Development (Oxford, England: Pergamon Press, 1980); Also Reprinted in,‬‬
‫‪Journal of human Development (Dhaka, Bangladesh) Vol. 3, No. 4, June 1991‬‬

‫)‪ (١‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﺘﺮﻭﻝ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻏﲎ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ )ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ( ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﱂ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻮﻡ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﹰﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺇ‪‬ﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻮﺻـﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜـﻮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ .‬ﻭﰱ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑـﺬﻟﺖ ﻟﺘﻔﺴـﲑ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ )ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ( ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﲣﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫؟ ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺿﻮﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﲢﺖ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﹰﺍ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻠﻚ "ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﻫﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ" ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﲑ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ‪. (Watt, 1972: 54; 82-85).‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻛﻨﺴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﲝﺜﻪ ﻋﻦ "ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﲣﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺰﻱ" )‪ (1967: 31-46‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ ﻷﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﻭﺍﱃ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ "ﲡﻌﻠﻬﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﻳﲔ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ" ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺳﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻳﻦ )ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ( ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻓﻜﺮﹰﺍ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﹰﺎ ‪ ، (Sutcliffe, C. R., 1975),‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺒﲑﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﲨﻌﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻔﺴـﺮ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ "ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺔ" ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﺃﺧﺘﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﺴﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺴﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﹰﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺸﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﻋﻔﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﳌﺎﻛﺲ ﻓﻴﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ ﺳﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻌﲎ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﻭﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﰱ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ( ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺴﲑ ﻭﻓﻘـﹰﺎ ﳍـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤـﻮﺫﺝ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺴﻠﱯ(‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﲣﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺠﻴـﺐ‬
‫)ﲰﺞ؟( ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺠﺞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻣﺜﺎﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﻨﻒ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﺠﺞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ‪-‬ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺻﺮﳛﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻟـﺮﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﰲ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻵﰐ‪:‬‬
‫)ﺃ( ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﻖ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳒﺪ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺸـﻜﻞ‬

‫‪١‬‬
 ‫ﳎﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺰﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﲔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳒﺪ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺏ( ﺃﻥ ﺃﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﺗﻀﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻗﺪ ﳒﺪ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﳎﺮﺩﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺟـ( ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠـﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘـﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺍﻣـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﺗﱰﻉ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺪﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺩ ( ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺜﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺜﻞ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻼ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺻ ﹰ‬

‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻔﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺤﺜﲔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﲔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﻣﻼﺀﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﳌﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﻭﺍﻵﺧـﺮ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻔﻬﻢ ﲨﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﺨﺼﺺ ﺍﳉﺰﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻟﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻔﲔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﻮﺿﺢ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻧﺘﺒﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﲟﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﻔﺴـﲑ ﺑـﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﳘﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (٢‬ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﳜﱪﻧﺎ ‪‬ﺳ‪‬ﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ )‪ (Sutcliffe 1975: 77-82‬ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﲎ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺂﻳﺎﺕ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﺭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﻀﻰ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﻣﻨﲔ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺒﻌﻮﻩ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﻋﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﰱ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺓ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻭﺩﻳﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣـﺎ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺛﻨﺘﲔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻔﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﲔ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺷﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻔﺸﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻛﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﰲ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﳍﻢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﳌﻌﲎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﲎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺳﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻭﺯﻣﻼﺅﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻳﻔﻬﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﷲ ﲟﻌﲎ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻪ ﻟﻺﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﷲ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻰﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﻣﺮﻩ ﻭﻧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻪ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺰﺓ ﻷﻱ ﲨﺎﻋـﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻰ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺔ ﺗﺴﻤﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻠـﻮ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﻷﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﷲ ﺇﳕﺎ "ﳛﺮﺭ" ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﻟﻐﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ -‬ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻭﳍـﺬﺍ ﻓﻤـﻦ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ ﺃﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﻣﻦ ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﻻﻃﻤﺌﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡ ﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﳊﻖ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﲟﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺃﻗﺮﺕ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻞ ﻓﻬﻨﺎ ﳎﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺳـﻊ ﻟﻼﺟﺘـﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸـﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺣـﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺯ ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻃﺒﻘﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺈ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﻧﺘﺠﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ )ﻭﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﱂ ﻳﺴـﺘﻤﺮ ﻃـﻮﻳﻼ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﳍﻢ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ( ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻓﺄ‪‬ﻢ ﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻷﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﻣﻲ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻳﺸﲑﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳉﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﺼﻴﻼ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻹﺭﺙ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﻣـﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﺿـﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺽ ﳍﺎ ﺇﲨﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﲔ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺈﳕﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻐﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻫﻮ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺌﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ )ﻧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ( ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺘـﺮﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻻ ﲡﺬ‪‬ﻢ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺣﺮﻳـﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﲎ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺋﺾ ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻏﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺩﻟﺔ ﺇﻣﺒﲑﻳﻘﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﲢﺴﻢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﲟﻌﲎ ﺃﺻﻴﻞ ﻭﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﳛﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻭﻗﻮﺓ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﲟﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﺧﻀﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﻟﻼﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﺒﲑﻳﻘﻰ ﺍﳊﺎﺳـﻢ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻄﻴﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺗﻪ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ – ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺃﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺳﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪﺍ ﲟﺎﻛﺲ ﻓﻴﱪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ " ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﲰـﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻳﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻟﻴﺘﺨﺬ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩﺍ ﻗﺪﺭﻳﺔ )ﺗﻮﺍﻛﻠﻴﺔ( " ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺭﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑﻭﻥ ‪(Moughrabi, 1978 :‬‬

‫)‪ .99-112‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﲔ ﻳﻔﻬﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ "ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ" ﰲ ﺣﻖ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜﺸـﻒ ﻷﻱ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺃﺛﺮﻩ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﰊ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻘﻪ ﰒ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌـﺮﻑ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‬
‫"ﻋﻨﺪﺋﺬ" ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﻜﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺛﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻫﺐ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﺍﳌﺴـﻠﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﻌـﺰﻝ ﻟﻄـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﻬﺰﺓ ﲡﻬﻴﺰﺍ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺎﻩ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻐﺎﻧﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﻭﺍﳉﺒﺎﻝ ﳐﺎﻃﺮﻳﻦ ﲝﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻟﻌﺰﻝ ﺣﻜﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻐﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺪﻋﻤﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰱ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﳒﺪ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺯﻕ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﱪﻧﺎ ﺳﺘﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺇﳝﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺤﻮﺛﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ )ﺑـﺎﻷﺭﺩﻥ( ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﻈﺔ ﺑﺮﻭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻷﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ )ﺍﳌﻮﻫﻮﻡ( ﺑﺘﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﻖ ﻓﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺷﻔﻮﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﳉﺄ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺟﲑﺗﺰ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬

‫‪٣‬‬
‫ﻻﺣﻆ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎ ﺷﺒﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺴﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﳝﺎﺭﺳﻮﻥ "ﺧﺪﺍﻉ ﺍﻟـﻨﻔﺲ" )‪ (Geertz,1978: 17‬ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘـﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﳌﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻌﲎ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﻟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺄﺛﲑﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ ﺳﻮ ﻳﻔﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ "ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺋﺪ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺎﺋﻼ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ )‪ (Swift,1964 : 150‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﳒﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻴﱪ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﺅﻩ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ )ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ( ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﳏﻤﺪ )ﺻـﻠﻰ ﺍﷲ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﻧﻈـﺮﺓ ﺇﻗﻄﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺳﻠﻢ( ﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﻗﺪ ﺟﺎﺀﻩ ﰲ ﺃﲰﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺔ " ﺃﻥ ﺍﷲ ﳛﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﺛﺮ ﻧﻌﻤﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺪﻩ" ﺩﻟﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﻴﱪ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﻩ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻠﺬﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻤﺘﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺑﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺧﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﻖ ﺑﺘﺼﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻰ"!! )‪ ، (Weber, 1963 :263‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﲔ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﱯ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻘﻞ ﰲ ﺷﺪ‪‬ﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﻑ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﲢﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻛـﻼ ﺍﳌﺘﻄـﺮﻓﲔ )ﺍﻟﺒﺨـﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﺳـﺮﺍﻑ( ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻮﻳﻔﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﲟﺎ ﲰﺎﻩ "‬
‫ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﻝ" ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻰ ﲰﺔ ﻓﻄﻦ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ )‪ (Lichtenstadter, 1958 : 111‬ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺻﻒ ﺃﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺮﺓ ‪ ، (١٤٣ :‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ – ﻭ ﺃﻱ ﻧﺴﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺜﻠﻪ – ﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﴰﻮﻟﻴﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺘﺠﻨﺐ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﻃﺌﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺍﻵﻥ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺘﺼـﻮﺭ ﺃﳍـﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻫﺒﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻖ ﻓﻼﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﻌﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﺀ ﻓﻬﻢ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻌﻨﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ " ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴـﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴـﻠﻤﲔ"‬
‫ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﲟﻜﺎﻧﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﳒﻤﻊ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜـﺲ‬
‫ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻣﻌﺘﻨﻘﻴﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻟﻠﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻬﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﳉﻬﺪ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﳜﺮﺝ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﲝﺜﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (٣‬ﺗﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺇﱃ ﳕﺎﺫﺝ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺮﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﻗﻮﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺜﺒﺘﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ – ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﺑﺘﺤﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺈﺯﺍﺣﺘﻪ – ﻳﻘﻒ ﺣﺠﺮ ﻋﺜﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﻏﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ ﺟﲑﺗﺰ ﻣﺜﻼ ﳜﺼـﺺ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﺗﻪ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﻛﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﳍﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺪﻭﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻗﺪ ﻛـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺫﺍ ﺃﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﺘﲔ ﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ "ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﺗﻜـﺎﺩ ﺗﻌـﺎﺩﻝ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ" )‪ (Geertz: 14‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﲑ ﺑﺘﺎﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺣﺮﻡ ﲤﺜﻴﻞ ﺍﷲ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﲤﺎﺛﻴﻞ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺃﻭﱃ ﳛﺮﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺛﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﱪ ﻛﻔﺮﹰﺍ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﳒﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﲢﺖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺀ ﺍﳋﺎﺩﻉ‬

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‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺘﻘﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻳﻨـﻬﻢ "‬
‫‪. (1973: 145).‬‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺠﺞ ﺍﳌﺄﻟﻮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺻﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻫﻮ ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﰲ ﻋﻘﺎﺋﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻭﺳـﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ‪ .‬ﻫـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ؟ ﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﻌﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﲝﻴﺚ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺗﻪ ؟ ﺃﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺟﻌﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ؟ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤـﺚ ﻳـﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﱄ )ﲟﻌﲎ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﺜﻠﻰ ﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ( ﺇﻻ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﺩﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﺒﻨﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻔﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ‪-‬ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪-‬ﻋـﻦ ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﳊﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺩﺍﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺜﺒﺘﻮﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮﻧـﻮﺍ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻳـﺰﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ – ﺃﺟﻼﻓﺎ ﻏﻼﻇﹰﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﲔ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﺟﻬﺪﺕ ﻟﻜﺘﻨﺴﺘﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺴـﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺜﺒـﺖ ﺃ‪‬ـﻢ ﻛـﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻣـﻨﻈﻤﲔ ﻭﻣﺘﺤﻀـﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫)‪ ، (Lichtenstadter : 33-46‬ﻭﲢﺪﺙ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻧﺪﳎﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻋـﺮﻑ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺑﺎﳊﻀـﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻫﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲤﺜﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﹰﺎ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻻ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﳍﺎ ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﻋﻬﺪﹰﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﳌﺆﻟﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﺭ ﻟﻨـﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ "ﺑﻌﺒﻘﺮﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﻟﻌﺪﺓ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺣﱴ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺮﻯ ﺍﻻﳓﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺻﺎﻟﻪ" ‪ ،(Ibid. :22).‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﹰﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧـﻪ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ )ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ( "ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻭﺻـﻼ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻴﻪ" ‪ (Watt, 43).‬ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟـﻊ ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ )‪ (Schacht & Bosworth, 1974; Watt, 1972‬ﺑﺘﻔﺼـﻴﻞ ﻣـﺎ ﺃﲨـﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻮﻉ ﺃﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺫ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳜﺮﺝ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺣﺠﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺴﺒﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺸﲑ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﻳﺮﺟﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ "ﺑﺎﻫﻈﺔ" ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ – ﺟﺰﺋﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗـﻞ‬
‫– ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ‪ ، (Landau,1958).‬ﳑﺎ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﺪﻕ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ "ﰲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ" ﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﺎﱏ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﳏﺘﻮﻡ ﻟﻺﺻﺎﺑﺔ ﺑـﺎﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﺒﲎ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﱂ ﺗﻜﺪ ﲣﺮﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻷﻱ ﺑﺎﺣﺚ ﺟﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﲤـﺎﺭﺱ ﺣﻴﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺼﲑﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﻮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﻤﻌﻪ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻋﻦ ﲢﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﺎﳋﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺳﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺰﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﻤﻬـﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴـﺔ‬

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‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺼﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻹﺑﺮﺍﺯﻩ ﻭﻫﻮ ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻟﻸﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﳌﺒﺘـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺍﻧﻪ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﳌﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺪﻓﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻠﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻳـﺔ ﺭﻏـﻢ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻤﺘﺎﺯﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻈﻮﺍﻫﺮ ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (٤‬ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﲨﺎﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺣﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ "ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻜﺘﺸﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ )‪ (Watt; 84‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻂ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻬﻞ ﻭﺍﳋﺮﺍﻓﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻗﻤﺔ "ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﰲ ﻋﺼﺮﻫﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﲝﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺜﺒـﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﺘﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻨﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺇﻧﻨﺎ ﺣﱴ ﻻ ﳓﺘﺎﺝ ﻟﺘﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﺠﺘﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻨﺎ ﻹﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺻﺤﺔ ﺣﺠﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ "ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ" ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﺗﻜـﻦ ﻣـﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻏﲑ ﺻﺎﱀ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ؟ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻵﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑـﺎ‬
‫)ﻭﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ( ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ؟ ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻻﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻕ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﲔ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﲔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺑﺪﺀﹰﺍ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺸـﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻟﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ‪ :‬ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴـﺔ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -١‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻟﻠﺮﺳﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﻰ ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺼـﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔـﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻮ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺣﺘﻮ‪‬ﺎ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺍﻧﻪ ﳝﺜﻞ "ﺍﳋﻄﺔ" ﺍﻹﳍﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻤﻠﺔ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳋﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﺗﻔﺘـﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳋﱪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺈﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺴـﺎﻭ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴـﺔ‬

‫‪٦‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻇﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ "ﺻﺎﳊﺔ" ﻓﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺒﲔ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﰒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﻰ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺭﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﺽ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﰒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﺤﻘﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﱂ ﻳﺆﺩ ﺻﻠﻮﺍﺗﻪ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﱂ ﻳﺆﺩ ﻓﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﻡ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﰒ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺑﻌـﺾ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﺼﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﲢﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺄﺗﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻃﻞ‪ -‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻲ "ﺃﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﺼـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﷲ" )‪ . (Landau :127‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﷲ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻔﺴﺮ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻖ‬
‫ﳍﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﻭﺃﻓﻌﺎﻟﻪ )ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ( ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﳌﺎ ﲰﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﺭﻗﻌﺔ "ﺍﻷﻣﺔ" ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﲢﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﺪﺍﺭ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﳍﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﻳـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺿﺨﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﲜﺪ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﲔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﹰﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺿﻴﻒ ﺃﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﳌﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻉ )ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ( ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺑﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺓ ﻟﻸﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻜﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ ﺑﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﻭﺗﻼﻣﻴﺬﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﻐﻤﺴﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻏﻤﺮﺓ ﲪﺎﺳﻬﻢ ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻻﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﻏﻠﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ )ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﲢﺖ ﺃﻱ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ( ﻻﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳊـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ‪-‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺋﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻬﺎﺀ‪ -‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬
‫ﻻﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﻘﻖ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻫﱯ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺭﲟﺎ ﺩﻓﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﲦﻨـﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﻴـﹰﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺘـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺮﻭﻧﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﱂ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻨﻴﺖ ﻋﻠـﻰ ﺃﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﻨﻨﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻗﺪ ﻇﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺪﺓ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﺗﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻠـﺘﻐﲑ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻘﺪﺕ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺪﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻏﲑ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺗﻴﻤﻴﻪ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﻮﱃ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﲔ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﱂ ﻳﻐﻠﻖ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻟـﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻤـﺎ ﻳﺘﺼـﻞ‬
‫ﻼ(‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ )ﺃﻥ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺃﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﳏﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﺇﺫ ﻧﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﶈﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﻟﻨﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻯ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﻭﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺭﻙ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻢ ﻓﻠﻨﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻻﻧﺪﺍﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻳﻌﺔ ‪" ..‬ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﻓﻘـﻂ‬

‫‪٧‬‬
‫ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻞ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ‬
‫‪(Ibid.,‬‬‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺋﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﳍﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻭﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼـﻴﺔ"‬
‫‪ .128).‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﺃﻱ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺃﻧﻪ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ ‪‬ﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﺇﳕﺎ ﳛﺮﻡ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻗﻮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺪﻣﺮﹰﺍ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻗﺒـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﲔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﻄﲑﺓ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -٢‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻟﻌﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻖ ﺃﻥ ﳓﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻮﺭ ﻭﰱ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﻟﺘﺤـﺮﻯ ﻛﻴﻔﻴـﺔ ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﲑ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻜﻔﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﻨﻘﻄﺔ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻷﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻛﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ﺗﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﱯ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺘـﺮﺓ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺠﻠﺖ ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻟﻐﺰﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻐﻮﻝ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻭﰱ ﺃﻭﺍﺧـﺮ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻇﻬﺮﻭﺍ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻭﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻛﺄﻣﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻫﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﺎﻣﻮﺍ ‪-‬ﺑﺒﺄﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﲪـﺎﺓ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻡ ‪(Encyclopedia‬‬

‫‪ Britannica, 1974, Vol.9 :934).‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺍﺗﺴﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﲢﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﻣﺪﺍﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﺖ ﲦﻨﹰﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻟﻜﻲ ﲢﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻄﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺑﺴـﺒﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺄﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺇﻻ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﻛﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﳓﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﰱ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺳﻴﻄﺮ‪‬ﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻀﻌﻒ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﺣﺪﺓ ﺇﺫ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲢﺎﻭﻝ ﺻﺪ ﻫﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ )ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌـﺪﻩ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﻠﺠﺄ ﻟﻠﻘﻬﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳋﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﺴـﻴﻄﺮ‪‬ﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﳋﻼﻓﺔ ﻟﺘﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺿﻔﺎﺀ ﺻﺒﻐﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻬﻤﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬
‫ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﻠﻪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻳﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻘﻮﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻈﻤـﺔ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺰﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﺎ ﳚﺮﻯ ﺣﻮﳍﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻔﻮﻕ ﻧﻈـﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﻭﱂ ﻳـﺮﻭﺍ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻣﱪﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﲑ ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ "ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﰱ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﻭﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﲏ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺜﻤـﺎﻧﻴﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻻ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﲔ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ" ‪.(Britannica : 783-784).‬‬

‫ﻭﲢﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳋﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﱐ‪-‬ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺘﺮﺓ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺭﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴـﺔ – ﻟﺘﺴـﻠﻂ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﲔ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﲔ ﳒﺤﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺫﺍﺗـﻪ –‬
‫ﻭﺇﱃ ﺣﲔ‪ -‬ﰲ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻑ ﻣﺪ ﺍﳍﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﻠﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﻫﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﺪ ﹰﻻ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﳕﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻐﲑﺓ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳎﺮﺩ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻫـﻮ ﺍﻟﺸـﻐﻞ‬

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‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻟﻌﺪﺓ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﻫﻮﺭﺓ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺑـﺪﺅﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ‪‬ﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ )ﺗﻘﺰﱘ( ﳕﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -٣‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺗﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻛﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻼ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﻀﻮﻉ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺍﻷﺗﺮﺍﻙ ﳍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﲔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﻈـﺮ ﳍـﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺄﻋﺪﺍﺀ ﻟﺪﺩﺍ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﺀﻭﺍ ﻟﺸﻦ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺻﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻟﻮﻥ ﻳﺼﻔﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺄ‪‬ﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﱐ "ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻳﺮﻳﺔ" )‪ ، (Patai : 301‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﻗﹰﺎ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳـﹰﺎ ﻻ ﳚـﻮﺯ ﺃﻥ ‪‬ﻤﻠـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﺀﻭﺍ ﳝﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﺩﻳﻨﹰﺎ ﳐﺘﻠﻔﹰﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺁﺗﻮﺍ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺓ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﺛﻘـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻔـﻮﻗﻬﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﹰﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺧﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﻝ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺑﻄﺮﻗﻬﻢ ﻫﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺢ ﻣﺜـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ "ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ" ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺟﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻇﻨﻮﺍ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻓﻠﺤﻮﺍ ﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﻧﲑ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻭﻗﻌﻮﺍ ﻓﺮﻳﺴﺔ ﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﺘﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﲢﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﻼﻉ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺎﱀ – ﺑﻄﺮﻕ ﺧﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧﹰﺎ ﻭﻓﻈﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧـﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﺣﺪﻳﺚ" –ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻭﺭﰊ ﺃﻭ ﻏﺮﰊ‪ -‬ﺗﻌﲎ "ﺟﺪﻳﺪ" ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬
‫"ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ" ﺗﻌﲎ "ﺳﻴﺊ" ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﺓ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻄﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﳊﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺼﻒ ﺟﲑﺗﺰ "ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺄ‪‬ـﺎ‬
‫ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻛﻠﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﺪﺍﻣﹰﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﻘﲔ" ‪ (Geertz : 64).‬ﻭ ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻌﺮﻭﺍ ﺭﻓﻀﹰﺎ "ﺭﻭﺣﻴﹰﺎ" ﻟﻠﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﲣﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺣﱴ ﺣﻘﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺑﻜﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺳـﻠﻮﻛﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﺳﻮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺋﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺎﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﱐ ﻗﺪ ﻋﺎﻕ ﳕﻮ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﲑ ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﳍﺬﺍ ﻓﺈ‪‬ﻢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﺍﳉﺎﻫﺰ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺢ ﻓﺈ‪‬ﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺘﺮﻭﺍ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻠﺔ ‪،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﺘﻪ‬
‫" ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ" ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﲎ ﺃﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺻﻴﻐﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ "ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ" ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﳓﻦ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﺣﲔ ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺗﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺩﻋﻮ‪‬ﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﺃﺷﺮﻧﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﹰﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﲎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻌﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻼﺀﻣﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻟﻠﻈـﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﺒ ﹰ‬

‫‪٩‬‬
‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﰲ ﺫﻟـﻚ‬
‫ﻼ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻟﻸﺳﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ )ﻣﺼﺮ –ﺗﻮﻧﺲ –ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ … ﺍﱁ( ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻴﺜﻤﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ( ﻓﺄ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﻘﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺃﺻﻮﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠـﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻼ ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﲎ ﺍﻟـﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺳـﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴـﺔ‬‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﻔﺖ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺭﲰﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﺍﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﻼ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺃﻣـﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺑـﺎ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍ‪‬ﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﺒﺢ ﺿﺪ ﺗﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺮﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻓﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﹰﺎ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ "ﲢﺎﻳﻠﻴﺔ" ﻟﻠﺪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋـﺪ ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺻـﻔﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻛﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ‪ ،(Levy, 1965: 256-257),‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻻ ﳚﺪ ﺑـﺪﻳ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﻓﺾ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻤﻮﺍ ﻋـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ "ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ" ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻋﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺸﺠﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫‪(Parkinson :‬‬

‫)‪ ، 44‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﺘﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﲢﺖ ﻣﺒـﺪﺃ‬
‫"ﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﻴﺢ ﺍﶈﻈﻮﺭﺍﺕ" ﻭﻣﺒﺪﺃ "ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ"‪.‬‬

‫‪ -٤‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳊﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﻗﺪ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ )ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴـﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻔﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳊﺎﺳﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﳕﻮ ﻧﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ‪‬ﺎ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﰲ ﲣﻠﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﻥ ﹸﻛﺘﺎﺑﹰﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﳉﺰﻡ ﲟﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺳـﺘﻨﺠﻮ ﰲ ﳕﻮﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺤﻰ ﺭﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ‪ ، (Rodinson, in, Jomo, 1977: 243).‬ﻓﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﳚـﺐ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺣﻖ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ" ﺍﳌﻄﻠـﻖ‬‫ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ "ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ" ﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺷﻜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ "ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ" )‪ (Jomo: 243‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﱂ ﻧﱭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﻌـﺰﻻﹰ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺖ ﺣﺠﺘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻤﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻼﻩ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺁﺛﺎﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺳـﻴﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘـﺎﺭﳜﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﳑﺎ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺪﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺿﻮﺣﹰﺎ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻏﲑ ﺫﺍ ﻣﻌﲎ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻔﺴﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﻨـﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺴـﲑﺍﺕ ﻏـﲑ‬
‫ﻼ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ ﲢﺎﻭﻝ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴﹰﺎ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﲰﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻮﻻﺕ "ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺜﻴﺔ" ﻭﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺎ‪‬ﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ "ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋﻴﲔ" ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭﺍﻟـﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺒـﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺪﻓﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻣﻐﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻏﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻄﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻰ ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺎﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺤﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺿﻌﻒ ﰲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻟﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺤـﺪﻳﺚ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻬﻼﻙ ﰲ ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﺃﻧﺎﺱ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺒﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﻄﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻄﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍ‪‬ﺪﻳﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻔﻠﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻋﺰﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎﺿﻴﻬﺎ ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺒـﺪﻭ ﻟﻨـﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻏﺒـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﺣﻴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺮﺭﻭﺍ ﻷﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻧـﻪ ﻟﺒﻨـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻼ – ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬‫ﻧﻈﻤﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ‪‬ﻢ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻴﻤﻬﻢ‪ -‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺮﻣﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬
‫ﻳﻔﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﻮﻥ "ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻨﲑﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ" !!‪.‬‬

‫)‪ (٥‬ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﻭﺧﺎﲤﺔ‬

‫ﳓﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺇﺫ ﻻﺣﻈﻮﺍ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻇﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺒﲔ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻀﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﻧﺴﻮﻥ ﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻄﻖ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴـﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻼﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﻳﺔ )‪.(Jomo: 243‬‬

‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﺿﻨﺎ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﲤﺰﻗﺎﺕ ﺧﻄﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺪﺭﺍ‪‬ﺎ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻓـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻠﻬﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻌﲎ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗﻮﻗـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻷﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻟﻌﺪﺓ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ‬
‫‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﰲ ﺿﻤﺎﺋﺮﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺌﻴﺐ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﲔ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﳕﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﲔ ﺃﻋﻀـﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﲔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻟﻮﺍﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻧﻮﺍﻋﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺷﺒﺎﻉ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺴﺔ ﺑﺪﺀﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﰒ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋﻼﺕ ﰒ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﳌﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﺗﺴﲑ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻮﻗﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺋﻖ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺩﺧﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﱯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻧﻜﺴﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌـﻲ ﻓﻨﺠـﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻤﻮ ﻷ‪‬ﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃ‪‬ﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﻴﺪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﻌﲎ ﻓﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻜﻞ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﺇﳕﺎ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ ﻭ‪‬ﺬﺍ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻄﻪ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﳕﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺘﺮﻭﻛﹰﺎ ﺑﻜﻠﻴﺘﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ‪-‬ﻣﻌﻮﻗﹰﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻌـﻮﻕ‪-‬‬

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‫ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﻳﲏ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﺸ ‪‬ﺮﻉ‬
‫ﳏﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﷲ ﺳﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺩﻳﺴﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﺃ‪‬ﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ "ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺔ" ﻭﺃ‪‬ـﻢ‬
‫ﻳﻠﻌﺒﻮﻥ ﻭﻓﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﺎﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺷﺎﺭﻛﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎ‪‬ﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻳﺴﻲﺀ )ﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ( ﻓﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻭﻳﺼﻮﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺺ ﰲ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴـﺔ ﻓﻴﻨـﺎ‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺟﲑﺗﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺪﻭﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ "… ﺇ‪‬ﻢ ﳝﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﻓﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻓﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﱪﻭﺗﺴﺘﺎﻧﺘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻨﻔﻌﻬﻢ! ﺧﺬ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺄﻟﻮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﺮﺓ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻨﻘﺼﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻛﻔـﺎﺀﺓ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (Geertz,‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺟﲑﺗﺰ )ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﻃﲔ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ( ﱂ‬ ‫‪1963 :28).‬‬ ‫ﺇ‪‬ﻢ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻼ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ"‬
‫ﻳﻜﻠﻒ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﻔﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﳊﻖ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺻﻔﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤـﺎ ﺍﻟﺴـﺒﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ؟ ﺇﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺇﻻ ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺮ ﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ " ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻴﺔ" ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺿﺤﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺃﻗﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻭﺧﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻩ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ‪" ،‬ﻓﺎﻹﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻔﻲ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻜﺘﺒﻮﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﹰﺍ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻔﺴﺮﻩ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﶈﻠﻠﲔ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﻩ ﺃﺻﻴﻞ ﳜﺘﺮﻕ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪-‬ﻭﺍﻟﱴ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴـﺔ ﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﻭﻏﺎﻟﺒﹰﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ‪ -‬ﰲ ﺍﺟﺘﺬﺍﺏ ﻭﻻﺀ ﻭﺣﺐ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﲔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﺎ ﺗـﺒﲔ‬
‫ﺃﺧﲑﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺪﺩﺍﺕ ﲣﻀﻊ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ "ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮﻳﺔ" ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﲑﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺪﻋﻮﺓ "ﻧﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﻣﺎ" ﺇﱃ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ "ﳓﻮ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ" ﻗـﺪ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺑﺄﻱ ﲦﻦ ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻐﺮﰊ ﻣﻮﺿﺤﹰﺎ "ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻳﺘﻬﺎﻭﻯ‬
‫ﲢﺖ ﻭﻃﺄﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻫﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﺮﺿـﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﻳﻜﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼـﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﻠﻔـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﳊﻀﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ" )‪.(Moughrabi, 1978‬‬

‫ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﻮﻥ )‪ (Zaman, 1979‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴـﻞ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﺗﻠـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻈﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ )ﺃﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ( ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺻﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ‪ /‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻓﺄﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺍﺭﻕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﰲ ﻇﻠﻬﺎ ﳛﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻄﻰ ﺣﻴـﺎ‪‬ﻢ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﲎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣﺮ ﲢﺘﻤﻪ‪ -‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﻧﺴﻖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﰲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﺎ‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬

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