CONTENTS

Acknowledgements Subscribers

page vii ix

PRELUDE 1. The Hungary of Michael Polanyi

PAUL IGNOTUS

3

PART ONE: TIlE SCIENTIST AS KNOWER

2. An Index to Michael Polanyi's Contributions to Science

JOHN POLANYI 15

3. Polanyi's Contribution to the Physics of Metals ERICH SCHMID 19

4. Rates of Reaction HENRY EYRING 25

5. The Size and Shape of Molecules, as a Factor in their Biological

Activity E. D. BERGMANN 37

PART TWO: mSTORICAL PERSPECTIVES

6. Kepler and the Psychology of Discovery

7. The Scientists and the English Civil War

ARTHUR KOESTLER 49

c. v. WEDGWOOD 59

8. Vibrating Strings and Arbitrary Functions J. R. RAVETZ 71

9. The Controversy on Freedom in Science in the Nineteenth

Century J. R. BAKER 89

PART THREE: THE KNOWLEDGE OF SOCIETY

10. Max Weber and Michael Polanyi

11. Centre and Periphery

RAYMOND ARON 99

EDWARD A. SHILS 117

12. The Republic of Science BERTRAND DE JOUVENEL 131

13. Machiavelli and the Profanation of Politics IRVING KRISTOL 143

14. Applied Economics: The Application of What? ELY DEVONS 155

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Contents

15. Some Notes on 'Philosophy of History' and the Problems of

Human Society

16. Law-Courts and Dreams

D. M. MACKINNON 171 ELIZABETH SEWELL 179

PART FOUR: THE KNOWLEDGE OF LIVING TIllNGS

17 The Logic of Biology MARJORIE GRENE 191

18. Origin of Life on Earth and Elsewhere MELVIN CALVIN 207

19. The Probability of the Existence of a Self-Reproducing Unit

E. P. WIGNER 231

239

Bibliography

vi

ACKNO

The editors wish to thar the Congress for Cui Republic for their gener all those who helped t mention in particular invaluable clerical assis

We wish to thank I permission to use prof~1 part of his forthcomin for Professor Calvin's ~ States Atomic Energy of the University of Lee tion of Professor Sc

In the notes and referen Know/edge is designated

J R. Baker

The Controversy on Fn together practical idealis have meant.

He now turned to educa . the teaching of mere facts approach their work wit li themselves, ' Wie ist das em

be the subject of study in evolutionary doctrine in thd pology, and linguistics.

Haeckel went on to a d ancient myths about creatia a Naturreligion based on tl social instincts of animals. kind of theology that wages of evolution, but to a religio nizes it, and utilizes it.

poverty could generate disease. He turned towards liberalism, and his political convictions never changed from that time onwards. Throughout life he was able to combine two deep interests-in science on one hand (especially cytology, pathology, and anthropology), and in politics on the other. He was a dominating person not only a thinker, but a doer, restless in his scientific and public activities, vehement and passionate, too, even in some of his scientific writings. He reached his highest achievement in the Cellularpathologie of 1859,3 in which he firmly established pathology on a cytological basis and expounded the origin of cells from pre-existing cells, in endless series.

Haeckel's education had been in medicine, like that of so many biologists of his time, and his teacher in pathology at Wilrzburg was no other than Virchow himself. Like the latter, he was both scientist and politician, and he, too, was a liberal. In the Germany of his day the 'advanced' thinkers in politics and religion were the chief adherents to Darwin's theory of the evolution of living organisms in general and of man in particular. And it was here that Haeckel found his bent for although he was no mean investigator, yet it did not fall to his lot to make many striking discoveries of a factual kind. His fame rested chiefly on his skill in expounding the doctrine of evolution. In his love of speculation he seemed almost like a re-incarnated Oken. Like Virchow, he was a doer as well as a thinker, and he set out to influence public opinion on man's place in nature, but he was so carried away by enthusiasm that some of his writings-especially Die Perigenesis der Plastidulet=wes» little short of fantastic.

The great debate between these two men took place at the Congress of German Naturalists and Physicians held at Munich in September 1877 5 Although eighteen years had elapsed since the publication of The Origin of Species." Haeckel felt it necessary to use the occasion to support the theory of evolution. He claimed that exact or experimental proofs were only applicable to a part of science. Elsewhere, and especially in morphology, it was proper to adopt the 'historical-philosophical' method, since organisms could only be understood through a study of their evolutionary history He admitted that the theory of recapitulation was not capable of direct experimental proof, yet he claimed that its validity was similar to that of the accepted theories in history, archaeology, and linguistics.

Haeckellet himself go on a favourite theme-the' soul' in animate and inanimate nature. The single-celled animals showed sensitiveness, imagination (Vorstellung), volition, movement. The 'Monera' or still simpler organisms were also sensitive and capable of movement. This was only possible if the Plastidule or molecules of protoplasm were themselves of similar nature, and it was therefore necessary to believe in the existence of a Plastidulseele. Since the combination of carbon with hydrogen, oxygen, and sulphur to form Plastidule involves the production of a soul, it was legitimate to speak also of atom-souls. Haeckel considered these beliefs to be consistent with his monistic philosophy, which, in his view, bound

90

Virchow bad recently rna evolution." He had deploret exhibited by the Darwinists, of Oken's school. He had et the need for demonstrable the mutability of species ev felt that the younger generat

Virchow bad not arrived u he obtained a copy of it. conflicted with his own. He sary It appears that he had subject, but decided to chan Haeckel. Four days after th extemporary speech, which . been in genial mood, for his teen times by the merriment pose was serious enough. As anxious lest the nation sho would happen if they abando suffer if theories were expou be untrue. If the doctrine of e in the schools, even though it he emphasized how fragmen schliche Wissen Stiickwerk: is! ziert, ist eben die Kenntniss 1]

He attacked Haeckel's claii should be based on the Plastid, of carbon, hydrogen, oxygen,

" like that of so many biolY at Wiirzburg was no other both scientist and politician,

of his day the' advanced' idherents to Darwin's theory al and of man in particular. or although he was no mean ke many striking discoveries

his skill in expounding the on he seemed almost like a oer as well as a thinker, and

place in nature, but he was his writings-especially Die

fantastic.

ok place at the Congress of Iunich in September 1877 5 publication of The Origin of casion to support the theory rrimental proofs were only especially in morphology, it lical' method, since organ~ of their evolutionary histlation was not capable of

its validity was similar to lology, and linguistics. -the' soul' in animate and wed sensitiveness, imagina, Monera' or still simpler movement. This was only ~plasm were themselves of I believe in the existence of DD with hydrogen, oxygen, bduction of a soul, it was considered these beliefs to hich, in his view, bound

The Controversy on Freedom in Science in the Nineteenth Century together practical idealism and theoretical realism-whatever that may have meant.

He now turned to education, the main theme of his address. He opposed the teaching of mere facts to the young. Both teacher and pupil would approach their work with infinitely more interest if they always asked themselves, ' Wie ist das enstanden?' Causes, not simply their results, must be the subject of study in the schools. He demanded the teaching of the evolutionary doctrine in the fields of cosmogeny, geology, biology, anthropology, and linguistics.

Haeckel went on to a direct attack on 'church religions', with their ancient myths about creation, and urged that they should be supplanted by a Naturreligion based on the 'natural moral law' that evolved from the social instincts of animals. The future, he claimed, did not belong to the kind of theology that wages a fruitless war against the victorious doctrine of evolution, but to a religion that takes possession of the doctrine, recognizes it, and utilizes it.

'ards liberalism, and his poline onwards. Throughout life !D. science on one hand (espe, and in politics on the other. er, but a doer, restless in his

passionate, too, even in some est achievement in the Cellulished pathology on a cytolls from pre-existing cells, in

Virchow had recently made known his attitude towards the doctrine of evolution." He had deplored the tendency to unwarranted generalization exhibited by the Darwinists, whom he compared with the Naturphilosophen of Oken's school. He had emphasized the danger of wild hypotheses and the need for demonstrable facts. He himself had been prepared to accept the mutability of species even before the publication of the Origin, but he felt that the younger generation needed to be recalled to prudence.

Virchow had not arrived in Munich when Haeckel gave his address, but he obtained a copy of it. He saw at once how Haeckel's whole outlook conflicted with his own. He considered that a further warning was necessary It appears that he had intended to address the Congress on another subject, but decided to change his plans and issue a direct challenge to Haeckel. Four days after the latter had spoken he made a remarkable extemporary speech, which was subsequently published." He must have been in genial mood, for his words were interrupted no fewer than nineteen times by the merriment and approval of his audience, but his purpose was serious enough. As a deputy to the Prussian parliament, he was anxious lest the nation should lose confidence in its scientists, and this would happen if they abandoned themselves to speculation. Science would suffer if theories were expounded to the public and subsequently found to be untrue. If the doctrine of evolution could be proved, it should be taught in the schools, even though it were bound up with socialistic opinions, but he emphasized how fragmentary human knowledge was (' alles menschliche Wissen Stiickwerk ist ') and pleaded for humility (' Das, was mich ziert, ist eben die Kenntniss meiner U nwissenheit ').

He attacked Haeckel's claim that all ideas concerning the spiritual life should be based on the Plastidulseele. Until one could define the properties of carbon, hydrogen, oxygen, and nitrogen in such a way as to show that a

91

J. R. Baker

The Controversy on Freedon though it contained an importai of years, Virchow claims that students.

With some justice, Haeckel I morphology, especially so far as not hesitate to agree with the Is own knowledge.

Haeckel ridicules the idea tlu proved by experiment. Virchow remains of extinct animals, brought forward, and no expel Mesozoic mammalia are known to assume that the rest of the ske to be consistent, must suppose tl skeletal element was the lower jl

Haeckel uses his full capacity suggestion that the doctrine of el ism. Virchow's vague remarks 0 as meaning that the horrors of t] to be regarded as a consequence points out with some effect that be used, on the contrary, to supp should try to stifle the doctrine f progress. He makes it clear thai savagely on 'den bodenlosen Wi

He expresses his surprise that their teaching to demonstrable f~ their pupils on miracles and reli]

Here and there Haeckel desce describes Bastian (a supporter, Councillor of Confusion'. He b~ up in political life, for arguing ill ing human skulls, and for mo\ . large one (Berlin). He views \1 science might be centrally plam city, and castigates the biologists standing and disregard of the thJ

Huxley's preface to the Englisl little essay in characteristic vein. to come down heavily on Haeck friends and both were public cha gives full credit, however, to ViJ impressed. Indeed, he finds him general proposition in Vireho ! have been so unfavourably receii

soul must necessarily arise from their combination, there should be no teaching on the subject in the schools.

In a remarkable and unexpected passage, reminiscent of Polanyi's Science, Faith, and Society." Virchow admitted that faith has its place even in science (' Es gibt in der That auch in der Wissenschaft ein gewisses Gebiet des Glaubens '). In both science and religion there were three partsa certain quantum of objective truth, a broad middle path of faith, and a region of subjective and fanciful ideas. He himself could not entirely renounce the subjective spirit in science, but he saw how necessary it was to be objective.

He stated clearly the necessity for freedom of inquiry (die Freiheit der Forschung), and recognized that research-workers must pose and discuss their Problerne ; but these must not be taught to the public as doctrines. He himself would not be surprised if it were found that man had animal ancestors, but there was no proof yet. Intermediates might be found in the future, but the known fossil men were not more ape-like than the most primitive people living at the present time.

Virchow ended by assuring the audience that scientists would receive from the government all necessary security and support in whatever directions their Problerne might lead them. His speech made a profound impression, not only on those present, but throughout Germany.

It is to be noted that Virchow drew a clear distinction between die Freiheit del' Forschung and die Freiheit der wissenschaftlichen Lehre. The former he demanded as a necessity; but he feared the teaching of speculative ideas in schools, because he thought that the reputation of science would be endangered.

Haeckel had left Munich before Virchow arrived, but the latter's speech was already available in print next month. Haeckel was not the man to leave such criticism unanswered. His reply took the form of a small book, first published "in the year after the Munich conference.l? and subsequently translated into English and provided with a preface by T. H. Huxley." This work is less fanciful than many of Haeckel's writings. It gives the impression of careful compositon. The argument is effective, despite the polemical style.

Haeckel's main purpose appears to have been to discredit Virchow by a personal attack. He pays tribute to all that he owes to his former teacher, and even allows that it was Virchow who first converted him to monism, the philosophy that dominated the rest of his life. He claims, however, that Virchow has undergone a profound change in outlook. The latter was formerly an inspiring teacher just because he was willing to discuss his ideas with his students, instead of confining himself to the recitation of demonstrable facts; he did not by any means reject the publication of hypotheses in his earlier days. His famous generalization, Omnis cellula e cellula, was only a theory, not a fact; indeed, it was not universally valid,

92

J R. Baker

Huxley realized that the advance of science required the collaboration of men of two very different kinds. 'The one intellect is imaginative and synthetic, its chief aim is to arrive at a broad and coherent conception of the relations of phenomena, the other is positive, critical, analytic, and sets the highest value upon the exact determination and statement of the phenomena themselves.' Huxley mentions that neither Haeckel nor Virchow is a typical example of either of these schools. He might have said that Haeckel was an extremist of the first, and that Virchow himself could lay little claim to represent the second, however much he might admire it.14

Although Huxley is considerate towards Virchow, he rebukes him for trying to establish a connection between the evolutionary doctrine on one hand, and socialism and revolution on the other

The Controversy on Fr did, if it had not been cone neither of the contestants I!~ evidence on this subject.~~ showing characters interme to be expected.l" and Virch like than certain existing 1 known for many years, do skeleton. Although nowad ancestry of modern man, paid so little attention to !ill merely remarking on his lai preface to the English editi Virchow's claim that no in modern human cranium is Although this is true, yet fo the 1870s, and Virchow's a

In his book, Haeckel had made the sensible observation that it was for the teachers to decide what should be taught. There is, indeed, no freedom of learning if a central organization determined the curricula of all the educational establishments in a country. It is essential that some at least of the schools and universities should be autonomous. Article 20 of the Prussian Charter laid it down that 'Die Wissenschaft und ihre Lehre ist frei', but in fact there was central planning of all education under a Minister. In a sense the latter supported Virchow, for he forbade schoolmasters to teach Darwinism, but at the same time he excluded biology from the cunicula of all senior classes in schools." This was a result of the controversy that neither Haeckel nor Virchow could have foreseen and both must have deplored.

This account of the controversy on freedom in science in the 'seventies of the last century will have shown how radically it differed from the more serious and more protracted struggle of the 1930s and '40s. In the latter, the whole of science was at stake. If the propaganda for the central planning of all scientific research had succeeded, science could scarcely have survived. In the 'seventies no one had any intention of restricting the freedom of research workers to choose the subjects of their investigations. The proposed restriction was in a less important field, and it is not possible now to assert exactly what restriction Virchow proposed. Did he really intend that lecturers at German universities should not be permitted to discuss scientific theories with their students? It seems scarcely credible, and in fact he did not make any clear statement to this effect. It seems that he was thinking rather of schools, where it is appropriate that the instruction in science should be mainly factual. He was genuinely alarmed. He feared that under Haeckel's influence there might be a recrudescence of the Naturphilosophie of Oken. He himself had come under Oken's sway in early life, had seen the errors of Naturphilosophie, had revolted against it, and now showed a convert's enthusiasm.

It is very doubtful whether this controversy would have flared up as it

94

1. M. POLANYI, 'Rights a Stud., Oct., 1939, p. I 2. ANON., The Society for.

Constitution. 3rd editf 3. R. VIRCHOW, Die Cellule cher und pathologisch 4. E. HAECKEL, Die Perigei Lebensteilchen, Berlin.

5. E. HAECKEL, 'Ueber di zur Gesamtwissensch 14-22. R. Virchow, Vej (no title).

6. C. DARWIN, On the Or' London, Murray, 1859 7 R. VIRCHOW, 'Ueber die !

Arch. Path. Anat. Phy

8. R. VIRCHOW, Versamm.

Freiheit der Wissenscha Berlin, Wiegandt, 187 2nd edition, translated Murray, 1878.

9. M. POLANYI, Science, Fa Press, 1946.

10. E. HAECKEL, Freie Wine Rudulf Virchow's Milne modern en Staat', Stuttg 11. E. HAECKEL, Freedom ill

fatory note by T H. H]

12. R. VIRCHOW, Die Cellular

13. E. HAECKEL, Freedom ill .s

14. It may be mentioned in pa

J. R. Baker

for his contributions to the cell-theory. Remak (1852, 1855), not Virchow, made the first clear and solidly-backed general statement of the way in which cells multiply. The coining of the catch-phrase, Omnis cellula a cellula (1885) or e cellula (1859), gave Virchow an underserved advantage over Remak. See J. R. Baker, 'The Celltheory: a Restatement, History and Critique. Part IV. The Multiplication of Cells.' Quart. J. Micr. Sci., 94, pp. 407-40. Cf. F. Remak, 'Ueber extracellulare Entstehung thierischer Zellen and uber Vermehrung derselben durch TheiJung,' Arch. Anat. Physiol. Wiss. Med., 1852 (no vol. no.), pp. 47-62 and Untersuchungen uber die Entwickelung der Wirbelthiere, Berlin, Reimer, 1855.

15. E. NORDENSKlOLD, The History of Biology: A Survey (translated), New

York, Tudor, 1946, p. 522.

16. E. HAECKEL, 'Ueber die heutige Entwickelungslehre' (see note 5 above).

17. R. VIRCHOW, Die Freiheit der Wissenschaft (see note 8 above).

18. C. DARWIN, The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex. Second edition, London, Murray, 1874.

19. E. HAECKEL, Freedom in Science (see note 3 above).

PAl

The Kno\

The laws and the mor to live within their Ira position in relation to the standards by wbicJ valid. My analysis of faith addressed to sud wishes to safeguard i\ realize and resolutely I its hopes and infinite b

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