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Regarding the capital and population center of Suriname, the sociolinguist Tjon
paradise” in Eithne B. Carlin and Jacques Arends’s Atlas of the Languages of Suriname
(Carlin & Arends 237). Indeed, few spots in the world boast a greater heterogeneous
assortment of cultures, religions, and languages as does the Guiana Shield. Located on
the northeastern corner of South America, this region’s diversity is due to a history of
colonialism and labor of foreign indentured servants and contract workers. Regions of
the Guiana Shield were initially colonized by British, Dutch, and French settlers, in
separate colonies known as the Guianas. Sandwiched between French Guiana on the east
and what was then British Guiana (now independent and known as Guyana) is the area
presently called Suriname, formerly Dutch Guiana. The Guianas have long been
anomalies in the New World, distinct from the Spanish-dominated conquest of South and
Central America, and the Portuguese-speaking Brazil runs along the entire southern
border. Also contributing to the peculiarity and mystery of the region is the relatively
sparse population and untouched nature, which incidentally means that many indigenous
peoples’ lands have been more or less uncorrupted. How does this small, sparse
population, isolated from the more populated nations of South America, adapt to the
exploration, Suriname has the unique position of being surrounded by three nations all
Guyana on the west adds to the influence. Influence from former English settlements and
from Spanish and indigenous languages is also significant. It is the only Dutch-speaking
independent nation in the New World (or any Germanic language other than English, for
that matter), and also the only independent South or Central American country not to
even share a border with a Spanish-speaking nation (French Guiana also does not border
Perhaps most interestingly, due to a harsh and long history of slavery and importation of
a distinctive dialect of Hindustani1, Javanese, Hakka, and many Creole languages with
roots in Africa that date back to the African slave trade of the 17th and early 18th century
(Forte 10).
as well as some influence from the separate Austronesian, Sino-Tibetan, and Niger-
Congo families. As with many nations around the Caribbean Sea, many of these
simply as Sranan, is important in serving as a lingua franca between the wide range of
ethnicities and peoples of the country. Although the only official language of Suriname is
1
Hindustani is a name given to several mutually intelligible languages of northern India, including but not
limited to Hindi and Urdu. The name given to the Surinamese dialect of these languages is Sarnami
Hindustani.
Dutch, Sranan Tongo is classified as an English-based Creole. Historically, this is a
consequence of English farmers and their West African slaves settling the coastal regions
of Suriname in the middle part of the 17th century. The dominance of English in
Suriname did not last for much longer than thirty years, as the Dutch came to rule the
colony in 1667, rendering the prevalence of English as the superstratum language of the
Creole as something of an oddity (Braun & Plag 4). Dutch influence on Sranan’s
contrast, Jamaican Creole developed during a period of British rule and slave labor on
sugar plantations ranging from 1655 to 1834, and long periods of dominance of Creole
superstratum languages such as this are indeed more typical of Caribbean Creole
Tongo, which also has incorporated large amounts of Dutch and Portuguese in addition to
The Portuguese influence on Sranan is not, as one might expect, from across the
southern border with Brazil- in fact the southern part of Suriname is nearly uninhabited,
leaving essentially no sphere of influence around the southern border. Since the
Portuguese were the first Europeans to settle in the West African lands from where the
British farmers acquired their slaves, Portuguese characteristics may have already been
present in some of the languages of West Africa, so the Portuguese influence actually
predates that of English (Lalla & D’Costa 1990). An alternative theory points to
evidence of early settlement attempts in Suriname prior to the arrival of the first wave of
British settlers in 1651. The nationality of these settlers is unknown, but Portugal has
been speculated upon as a possible origin. Although the “Portuguese-based lexical
element… has been calculated at some 4% for Sranan” (Forte 6), it is much greater in
some other Creoles of Suriname that have since mostly died out in favor of Sranan, such
as Saramaccan, for which the Portuguese-based lexical element is “some 35%” of the
common phenomenon around the Caribbean, since their native languages were widely
varied and often not mutually intelligible. The history behind English’s rise as a Creole
throughout the Caribbean region, with differing levels of divergence from English and
levels of influence from other languages, independent origins for each of these Creole
languages have usually been assumed. Due to geographical barriers, this explanation
seems intuitive. A bold and unique hypothesis, however, has been proposed by Norval
Smith, who points to some striking similarities between Sranan and other Caribbean
English-based Creoles, specifically Guyanese Creole, Jamaican Creole, and even the Krio
language of Sierra Leone, which was largely formed by repatriated slaves from the
(Forte 7), suggesting that the similarities between Sranan Tongo and other pidgins and
creoles around the Caribbean were not simply the results of having the same or similar
superstratum and substrate languages, but in fact had direct influence on one another. In
Smith’s own words: “Virtually all the creoles spoken in the Caribbean area, together with
Guyanese, and the various creoles of Suriname, share such a number of striking features
languages vary widely between these English-based creoles. The African components of
Sranan Tongo, for instance, are mostly rooted from the Gbe language of Ghana, Togo,
and Benin; and from Kikongo, which is predominantly spoken around the Congo (Braun
& Plag 4) (Gordon 2005). Krio, on the other hand, shares a significant amount of
derived.
This is precisely the variation that might lead to the necessity of a lingua franca
among Maroons, even with English as the superstratum language of all groups. Smith
does not (and cannot) explain in exact detail how such a pan-Caribbean English-based
example in which the Garifuna language of the American Arawakan family spread across
the Caribbean to Central America from its origins on the island of St. Vincent in the
southeastern Caribbean Sea as its speakers dispersed. This isolated incident of population
dispersal proves, at the very least, that cross-Caribbean creoles can significantly influence
one another, although Smith’s theory for a single pan-Caribbean Creole is still not
60% of the Surinamese population and functions effectively as a lingua franca among
Suriname’s population, it has yet to become universal. It still has not obtained a status as
an official language, Dutch remaining the only one. Dutch has traditionally been used
exclusively by Suriname’s government and most national media, although recently shifts
have been made to include Sranan Tongo among such dialogue (part of Suriname’s
national anthem, for instance, is written in Sranan). Traditionally, however, Dutch has
been the more formal, elite language of the nation. Additionally, Dutch is taught
compulsorily in schools (Forte 10) (de Kleine 216). Despite the appearance of classicism
their heritage, the usage of a distinct Surinamese dialect of Dutch is unabashed, and any
compulsory primary teaching of Dutch is the primary reason for its preservation, as
Sranan has been revealed as the primary medium of social interaction, even among the
white population, during the 17th and 18th centuries (Forte 11). Compulsory primary
Dutch education was mandated in 1876, which, apart from ensuring the preservation of
Dutch in Suriname, contributed to the fusion of “structural influences from the other
languages, particularly Sranan, on Dutch” (Forte 11). De Kleine goes so far as to declare
Surinamese Dutch “a language variety in its own right,” and argues that the lack of
that are also found in European Dutch but which have assumed new functions in
Tjon Sie Fat said, of the linguistic distribution of Paramaribo, that “Dutch [is]
used in formal and Sranan in informal situations.” This in itself is typical of creolized
Caribbean nations; the European language dominating the government and upper class,
while the creole prevails in informal contexts. Fat follows this statement up with
another usage of Sranan that, in contrast to his previous statement, is not applicable to all
Caribbean creoles, stating “Stylistically simplified Sranan is also the main inter-ethnic
language” (Carlin & Arends 237). One interesting consequence of Suriname’s ethnic
diversity is that Sranan Tongo serves essentially the same purpose for which it was
Americans, and Europeans; rather than only uniting the various West African languages
of the slaves.
The portion of the population not using Sranan Tongo as a lingua franca largely
consists of direct descendents of the Dutch settlers, or of one of three major waves of
immigrants following the initial importation of African slaves. By 1863, when the first
contract laborers were brought from various locations in Asia, Sranan and other creoles
were already well-formed and widely used, so any influence exerted on Sranan
morphology by these laborers’ languages is presently minimal (Forte 10). Aside from
Surinamese Dutch, Carlin and Arends identify three major “Eurasian languages” spoken
Kejia (Hakka) (Forte 10). All three of these languages have maintained a sizeable
population of speakers in Suriname even while facing Dutch’s prestige and Sranan’s
pervasiveness within their homeland’s boundaries, for reasons that have as much to do
with cultural pride and preservation as with complicated language barriers. In the case of
Hakka, the Chinese language spoken by the majority of the immigrants from China in the
19th and 20th centuries, a mentality of a diaspora identity has preserved Chinese culture
and unity in Suriname, along, not surprisingly, with the language. Paul Brendan claims
that “Chinese are very often treated as foreigners with no particular bond to Suriname,
other than economic,” and that as a people, they are “not interested in acquiring Dutch,
since they are focussed [sic] on the social order of Chinese culture rather than on social
Suriname has the Hakka language been compromised, as the 1990s saw an influx of
immigrants from other parts of China, who associated naturally with the Hakka people,
and as a result Mandarin has become a lingua franca among much of the Surinamese
Chinese community (Brendan 236) (Forte 13). The Javanese population has preserved
their native language as well, with little divergence. Probably due to its complete
isolation from other Austronesian or related languages, it has stayed the most well-
In contrast, the Indian immigrants’ need for a lingua franca occurred almost
immediately upon their arrival to Suriname in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, due to
a variety of native languages being spoken among the population. Thus, the dialect (or
language) of Sarnami Hindi was born. Since it consists of mixed elements from a group
However, Sranan Tongo is commonly learned among the Indian population and any
notion of a diasporic identity they may possess has not been discussed along the same
wavelengths as that of the Chinese, perhaps due to the fact that a plurality of the
phenomena. Its incredible linguistic and cultural diversity helps to paint clearer pictures
2
Defined by Jeff Siegel as “a stable linguistic variety which results from contact between varieties which
are subsystems of the same linguistic system” (Forte 13) (Damsteegt 254).
languages to fuse and diverge versus the factors that allow languages to be conserved
even among surroundings that are overrun with a remarkable range of other languages.
Sranan Tongo, and the rise of a lingua franca is shown to be natural and unpredictable
Reference:
Brendan, Paul. “Chapter IX, Kejia: A Chinese Language in Suriname.” Atlas of the
Languages of Suriname. Eds. Carlin, Eithne B. and Jacques Arends, 2002. Leiden:
KITLV Press.
Braun, Maria and Plag, Ingo. “How Transparent is Creole Morphology? A study of Early
Sranan Word-Formation.” Yearbook of Morphology 2002. Eds. Geery Booij and Jaap van
Marle. 15th ed. Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003.
Forte, Janette Bulkan. “Review Essay: Atlas of the Languages of Suriname.” Kacike: The
Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and Anthropology. 20 May 2003.
Lalla, B. and D’Costa, J. Voices in Exile. London: The University of Alabama Press,
1989.
Smith, Norval. “Chapter V, The History of the Surinamese Creoles II: Origin and
Differentiation.” Atlas of the Languages of Suriname. Eds. Carlin, Eithne B. and Jacques
Arends, 2002. Leiden: KITLV Press.
“Suriname.” CIA – The World Factbook. 31 May 2007. Central Intelligence Agency. 13
May 2007 https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ns.html