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126 Secularism & Secularity
Secularization
Now to the issue of secularization. How is this defined in the modern
Scandinavian welfare states? Three partly overlapping points cover the common
understanding fairly well:
• Social affairs should be handled in a “rational” way, meaning that no
religious or other “metaphysical” belief systems should be allowed to
interfere with—not to say govern—political decisions. Nor should
religious values, feelings and interests be given special considerations in
the handling of social affairs.
• There should be no interference of religion in the political, social,
educational, and scientific fields.
• Religion is privatized and should be regarded and handled by citizens
purely as a question of a person’s “inner” beliefs.
128 Secularism & Secularity
Yet in this context a remarkable fact is that during the whole process of
modernization the state-church system in Denmark and Sweden has remained
intact. Denmark today maintains a state church, and Sweden separated church
from state only at the turn of the millenium. The present state-church system in
Denmark implies:
• According to the constitution (§54) the Evangelical Lutheran Church is
the Danish People’s Church (Folkekirke) and is as such supported by the
state, which means that the Lutheran religion and its institutions and
churches are given a favored place among religions in Danish society.
All tax-paying citizens, regardless of their personal religious beliefs, thus
contribute to the priests and bishops of the Folkekirke.
• According to §56 of the constitution the King (or the Queen if she is
the Head of State, as is presently the case) has to belong to the Lutheran
Church.
• The governmental system includes a “Ministry for the Church” headed
by one member of the Danish government (at present the person in
charge is also the Minister for Education). The Danish government
appoints the leading officials of the Folkekirke, such as the Archbishop
and the bishops.
• Every year the official opening of Parliament is accompanied by a
Lutheran religious service in the annexed church (Slotskirken).
• Practically all citizens are automatically members of the Folkekirke from
birth. Not to be so included requires that the citizen takes an initiative to
leave the church. At present 83 percent of the Danish population belong
to the Folkekirke.
• The public community schools (Folkeskolen) all teach “Christianity
classes.” Only when pupils reach the senior classes are they taught about
other religions. When the children reach the 7th or 8th grade they are
given 48-56 lessons at their school in order to prepare for their religious
confirmation.
• Most, if not all, official holidays in Denmark, such as Christmas,
Easter, Pentecost, Christ’s Ascension, etc. follow the Lutheran Church
calendar.
There rests a strange paradox in this: from one point of view Denmark
is clearly a Christian country—as are by more or less the same standards the
other Scandinavian countries. Looked at from another point of view, however,
10. The Paradox of Secularism in Denmark 129
Given the context, the Prime Minister’s implicit attack on “legalistic (law)
religions” clearly refers to Islam. It is noteworthy that in the article quoted above,
the prime minister also proclaimed both that the Danish state does not have—
and shall not have—any religion, and that he is a warm supporter of the existing
Danish state church system, the Folkekirken. Thus he wrote:
Religious beliefs of course affect a person’s attitudes to many of the
topics that are debated in the public space...in that way religious faith
influences both attitudes and actions...in that respect religion will always
be present in the public space.... The Danish history and culture and
Danish society is penetrated by Christian thinking—simply because
most Danes are Christians…. In that regard religion and politics can
not be separated.
On the same occasion the speaker of the Danish Parliament,10 a member of
the same political party as the Prime Minister, in his speech stated:
Denmark is an old Christian country. This has been imprinted in gen
erations. We see it in the arts and in the literature. We can note it in
our flag —the cross-banner.
The Vice Prime Minister and leader of the Danish Conservative Party,
Bendt Bendtsen, on the same occasion reiterated the same line of thought and
warned that:
Pushing our religion—Christianity—into the backyard.... We enjoy
religious freedom in this country, but religious freedom does not mean
equality among religions. Christianity has and shall have a favored
position.
Two days later, the vice prime minister, in an interview in the largest Danish
morning newspaper, elaborated on his position:
Christianity is under pressure…rather than abolishing religion in
the public space it may be timely for us to strengthen the Christian
foundations of our society.... Denmark and Western Europe rest on a
foundation of values that build on Christianity.... Christianity is in the
public space, and I acknowledge the values that Christianity give me as
a person and as a politician, and I don’t want to hide that.11
It should be noted in this context that neither the prime minister nor the
vice prime minister approve of the idea that religious symbols—be it a Christian
cross or a Muslim hijab—should be prohibited in public.
10. The Paradox of Secularism in Denmark 131
“We have a society based on Christianity, and this means that there is room
for Muslims to cultivate their religion. I do not approve of prohibitions and law
regulations on this field,” he said.12
It may be noted here how sharply the Danish, and in a larger context, the
Scandinavian, interpretation of secularism, differs from the more well-known
French understanding of this, as summarized in the concept of laïcité.
A Secularized Lutheranism
In Denmark, as in the other Scandinavian countries, an institutionalized Luth
eran Christian belief system today exists in symbiosis with dominating secular
values. In these countries the values and system of democracy have strong
popular backing, as do the ideas of freedom of expression, freedom of assembly,
and the right to individual choice—for instance in religious beliefs and practices.
These “secular” notions extend to the ideas of gender equality, children’s rights,
and that each individual has the right to choose romantic partner(s) and to shape
his or her sexual life style according to personal preferences.
This amalgamates into what I, for want of a better notion, label a dominant
cosmology of secularized Lutheranism. Although Denmark (and Sweden) is a
country in which most of the citizens by tradition belong to the Lutheran state
church Folkekirken, Christianity as a practiced religion does not characterise the
life of a large segment of the population.
The number of churchgoers on any regular Sunday is below 5 percent of
the adult population13 and even on the religious holidays (with the exception
of the traditional Danish Christmas Eve service) doesn’t rise much above that.
A good 80 percent of the population can be characterized as “secular” in the
sense that religious practices do not have any place at all in their daily lives.
Nor do they in any substantial part support the Christian-Democratic political
party—in Denmark that party attracts hardly 2 percent of the voters in general
elections (in Sweden a little over 4 percent).
Paradoxical as it may seem, still most of the citizens are members of the
Folkekirke. The church is used by a large majority of the citizens only for lifecycle
events—entry and exit services—birth/baptism, confirmation, weddings (to a
lesser extent) and death/burials.
However, even if religious practices have a remarkably weak hold on the
vast majority of Danes and Swedes, and even if secular values are strongly
held, the everyday world view and daily life ethics of most Danes and Swedes
are profoundly coloured by certain Christian, or rather Lutheran, values: the
Protestant ethics14 of hard work and diligence, combined with a preference for
handling human affairs in a “rational” way. In an analysis of the formation of
132 Secularism & Secularity
the modern Danish and Swedish welfare states three intertwined processes
have been pointed out: rationalism, secularism and individuation.15 Religion is
regarded as purely a question of private inner beliefs.
Within the cosmology of secularized Lutheranism virtually everything is
measured according to its utility, nothing is really ”holy,” and religiosity should
play no role in social affairs. This penetrates the Danish and Swedish societies
to the extent that the very categories by which one organises and evaluates social
affairs in Denmark and Sweden are tinted by the tacit values and viewpoints of
the secularized Lutheran cosmology.
Nearly a year after the infamous so-called Muhammad Crisis, when Danish
embassies and flags where burned in several Muslim countries, Danish Prime
Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen reiterated and underlined this attitude.
We should regard each other as citizens and as human beings and not
as Christians, Muslims, Jews, Hindus or Buddhists. Religion should be
erased as a criterion when organizing the activities of public institutions
and in the construction of laws.16
Even if not as outspoken as in some other countries, such as the Jewish state
of Israel and the Muslim Republic of Pakistan, there prevails in Denmark an
intriguing relationship between religion and nation.
Looking at the Danish society from the point of view of the sociology
of religion, it is quite striking that regardless of a citizen’s stand on religious
issues, the vast majority of them are members of the Folkekirken. They are, of
course, also Danish citizens, and also share what may be called a perspective of
Danishness, referring to the certain cultural prism through which one experiences
the world.
These three factors, secularized Lutheranism, Danish citizenship, and Danish
ness as a prism of experiencing, constitute three cornerstones of a triangle into
which any Dane can be placed.
This may manifest itself in the way one perceives society and interprets
social justice, but also with a rather special affection, bordering on religious
devotion, for nature as such. There is a way of appreciating wild forests, red
cottages, empty landscapes, and beaming sunshine that is more or less “typically
Swedish.” The fact that the songs of Swedish folklore and the special products of
Swedish cuisine evoke positive associations and feelings among some Swedes is
only because they are Swedish.
Over the past two decades cultural globalization has challenged whatever
Danishness has meant to Danes. In particular, the migration of Muslim groups
into the Danish welfare state. Today, approximately 6 percent of the inhabitants
of Denmark are immigrants or children of immigrants, not all of them Muslims
but most of them refugees from Turkey, the Middle East, and to a lesser extent
workforce immigrants from Pakistan. Their presence in Denmark has become a
major issue on the contemporary political scene in Denmark. Having for long
been a country of extraordinary cultural homogeneity––the very phenomenon
of a culturally “deviant” presence in the Danish society, and in particular the fact
that it is a Muslim group, has sharpened the awareness among Danes of their
own cultural heritage, life-style, and values.
This has, to some extent, led to a strengthened awareness of, and stress on,
Denmark’s Christian heritage. Christianity in Denmark may be said to have
developed into an ethno-cultural demarcation sign. The situation has also meant
that the Danish Government has launched commissions to define a Danish
cultural canon in all fields of the arts, including stating which Danish literary
works should be compulsory readings in schools.
But more significantly in this context, this has meant a sharpened articu-
lation of the secular values modern Denmark celebrates: political freedom,
freedom of expression (including the right to criticize and even to ridicule
religious and other “holy” texts and symbols), individualism (also within the
family, for instance with respect to children’s rights) and every individual’s right
to live according to one’s own individual preferences, sexual liberalism (includ
ing relaxed attitudes to homosexuality, to being “daringly dressed” in public,
to pornography, etc.), and women’s rights and gender equality in all spheres
of life.
Not only have these secular values become more clearly articulated than
before, they are nowadays also launched, at times aggressively, as values that
express the very essence of contemporary Danishness. One implication is that
those who, for cultural and religious reasons, cannot accept these values become
targeted for being non-Danish, and at times even harassed for representing
values basically antithetic and hostile to Danishness.
134 Secularism & Secularity
popular 19th century Danish Christian priest, writer, and philosopher Frederik
Severin Grundtvig.
A celebrated notion in his philosophy is the notion of “the people” (folket).
In his understanding “the people” is synonymous with “the Danes”—entrusted
with a particular folkesjæl (soul or spirit of the Danish people) and constituting
a certain folkestam (the tribe of Danes)—that by implication is Christian but at
the same time also secular.
The political exploitation of such ideas apparently has deep cultural reso
nance among the Danish population. When referring to the celebrated notion
folket, what is denoted is the Danish ethnos, rather than a demos corresponding
to the “the inhabitants of Denmark.” As a consequence, much of the political
discourse in Denmark today centers around blatantly ethnocentric and
outspokenly anti-multiculturalist propositions.
A corresponding tendency towards neo-nationalism now penetrates also
into the sentiments of some of the other “indigenous” European populations.
There are similar tendencies towards developing an ethnically and/or religiously
defined social identity among some of the newly arrived groups on the European
scene.
Taken one by one, each of these tendencies is potentially xenophobic and
at times also manifests itself in xenophobic attitudes and actions.20 Paradoxically
enough then, considering the ongoing European integration within the eco
nomic and political spheres, in its shadow a kind of neo-tribalism within the
social and cultural spheres seems to be emerging.
Endnotes
1. Esping Andersen, Gosta. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, (Cambridge:
Polity, 1990).
2. The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Quality of Life Index. 2005. The Economist. April
1, 2007. http://www. economist.com/media/PDF/Quality_OF_LIFE.pdf.
3. Global Youth. 2007. Kairos Future. April 1, 2007. http://www.kairosfuture.com/en/
international/projects/globalyouth or http://www.kairosfuture.com/en/node/1012
4. Giddens, Anthony. The Consequences of Modernity, (Cambridge: Polity, 1990).
5. Ibid.
6. Dencik, Lars. “INTO THE ERA OF SHIFTS—How everything gets designed in
an increasingly non-designed world” Ed. Lars Dencik. SHIFT: Design as Usual or a
New Rising, (Stockholm: Arvinius, 2005), pp. 6-29.
7. cf. Dencik, Lars. “Transformations of Identities in Rapidly Changing Societies” Eds.
138 Secularism & Secularity