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is an ambitious military training exercise involving army units from eighteen countries
ten members of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN,) plus eight observer
states India, Japan, Korea, China, Russia, the United States, Australia, and New Zealand. It
is scheduled to be held from 2-8 March, in Pune, headquarters of the Indian Armys Southern
Command.
This is the largest Ground Forces Exercise ever conducted on Indian soil and would
be conducted with themes based on Humanitarian Mine Action and Peacekeeping
Operations. It is interesting that India was readily accepted as the host, planner and
manager of the first such war game. May be because India is crucial to maintaining the
geopolitical balance of the extended region, and serve as a bridge between China and the
United States. It is, moreover, the preferred strategic partner for the littoral states on the
South China Sea, as it riles Beijing less to see these countries concert with India than with
the US. The multinational military exercise is an outcome of 2015 ADMM Plus (ASEAN
Defence Ministers' Meeting).
Permanent commission
A permanent commission means a career in the Army/Navy till one retires. A permanent
commission also entitles 20 years of service and a pension.
SHATRUJEET
With about 30,000 soldiers in action, the Indian Army recently conducted a major
Exercise called SHATRUJEET in deserts of Rajasthan. During the exercise, the
capability to Strike deep in enemy territory in an integrated Air-Land battle environment
was tested. The operationally oriented exercise is focusing on validating integrated
theatre
battle
platforms and systems as well as long range precision targeting vectors. Indian Army
undertakes such exercises at regular intervals at different levels to ensure forces are
provided real war like situations and are kept in high state of battle readiness.
Silica Aerogel
ISRO scientists have developed the worlds lightest synthetic material called silica
aerogel or blue air or frozen smoke.
battalion commanders for two to three years and exit to a non-command post by the time
they reach the age of 40. To bring down the age to 37 years, it had recommended creation
of an additional posts for colonels.
Upholding the policy, the bench said that the command exit model is "laudable" and
intended to make Army more efficient and better equipped for combat situations. "There is
nothing perverse, unreasonable or unfair about the policy that the age of officers serving in
Combat Arms and Combat Arms Support will be lowered by creating additional vacancies to
be allotted on Command Exit Model," the bench said.
Army comprises three streams Combat Arms(Armoured Corps, Infantry, Mechanised
Infantry), Combat Support Arms(engineers, signals, artillery air defence) and Services (Army
Service Corps, Army Ordnance Corps and other minor) but the creation of additional posts
was not made in the Services stream, compelling the officers to challenge the policy before
Armed Forces Tribunal on the ground being discriminatory. Allowing the plea, the tribunal in
March last year quashed the policy.
The Centre thereafter approached the Supreme Court which stayed the operation of the
order. Additional solicitor general Maninder Singh told the apex court that the policy was in
the larger interest of national security and it did not violate any right of the officers
belonging to Services. The Centre during the hearing had also agreed to create additional
141 posts for Combat Arms Support.
Agreeing with his contention, the Supreme Court allowed Centre's appeal. "We partly allow
these appeals and while setting aside the order passed by the Tribunal direct that the
appellants shall create 141 additional posts of colonel to be allocated to combat support
stream," the court said."We have, in that view, no hesitation in holding that there was
neither any recommendation regarding reduction in age profile of unit commanders in
services nor was there any recommendation for creation of additional vacancies to benefit
officers serving in those formations," it said.
The difference in the pension of present and past pensioners in the same rank occurs on
account of the number of increments earned by the defence personnel in that rank.
The Government recently issued the much awaited One Rank One Pension or OROP
notification. Although, a formal announcement on OROP was made in September 2015, no
official order was issued because of Bihar elections and the Election Commissions Model
Code of Conduct.
With this announcement, over 25 lakh veterans across the country will get at least
Rs. 3,000 to 5,000 more in pensions depending on their last rank and years of service.
Details:
According to the notification, the government will pay the arrears of OROP in four
equal half-yearly installments. However, all family pensioners, including those receiving
special or liberalized family pension and gallantry award winners, will get their arrears in
a single installment.
The pension of past pensioners would be fixed on the basis of the pension of retirees
of 2013, and the benefit will be granted from July 1, 2014.
The government has reversed its contentious proposal to exclude ex-servicemen who
had sought premature retirement from the ambit of OROP.
The government has also notified the appointment of a judicial committee to look
into anomalies of OROP. The panel will submit its report in six months.
However, Ex-servicemen are not happy with this notification mainly because of the following
reasons:
The notification says that in future, the pension would be re-fixed every 5 years.
However, ex-servicemen had been demanding revision of pension every two years, if not
one.
The notification says pension will be re-fixed for all pensioners on the basis of the
average of minimum and maximum pension of personnel retiring in 2013 in the same
rank and with the same length of service. The veterans had demanded to take into
account the maximum and not the average.
The Government has appointed a one man judicial commission to examine issues,
while veterans want the committee to comprise soldiers only.
The appointment of the committee is in keeping with the points of the notification
issued by the government in November for implementing the scheme.
The committee will make recommendations on removal of anomalies that may arise
in the implementation of the OROP, which the government notified on November 7. It will
also address inter-service anomalies, and any other matter referred by the Central
Government.
Veterans have rejected this commission. They have been demanding for a five-member
judicial commission with representatives from the military.
Other members include: Minister of State for Defence, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of
Naval Staff, Chief of Air Staff, Defense Secretary, Secretary Defense Research &
Development, Secretary Defense Production, Chief of Integrated Staff Committees (HQ
IDS), Director General (Acquisition) and Deputy Chief of Integrated Defence Staff.
The main aim of the DAC is to fast-track procurement process of the armed forces by
optimally utilising the available budget.
The DPP 2016 will have a new category, Indigenously Designed Developed and
Manufactured (IDDM) platforms, which will be the priority route for procurements.
Within this two sub-categories have been created, one with mandatory 40% domestic
content for a domestic design and the other mandating 60% local content if the design is
not Indian. The domestic companies eligible under this will have majority Indian control
and operated by Indian nationals.
In addition to building a technology base in the country, the government through the
Department of Defence Production will fund private R&D for which various norms have
been stipulated.
Each of the three Services will have a Major General-rank officer for project
management to be run on road map in line with the long-term perspective plan.
Given the limited choices in defence equipment technology production, the DPP says
bids can be accepted even if there is only one supplier.
The policy lays stress on micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), and on Make in
India. A 10 per cent weightage has been introduced for superior technology, instead of
selecting the lowest bidder only in financial terms.
DPP 2016, however, falls far short of the expectations raised by the Narendra Modi
governments ambitious Make in India push that aims to transform the country into a
global manufacturing hub. India is the worlds largest importer of defence equipment, and
indigenising production is key to such a plan. The DPP is noticeable for the absence of
Chapter VII, titled Strategic Partners and Partnerships, which the Defence Minister said
would be notified separately.
Under Strategic Partnerships, select Indian private companies were to be given
preferential status in major defence projects. The inability of the Centre to finalise a credible
policy to radically increase indigenous military manufacturing is a sure sign that India will
remain heavily dependent on defence imports. Given the countrys robust financial growth,
one of its greatest leveraging points is the annual spend on procurement. India has all the
necessary prerequisites for a robust military-industrial complex: a diverse private sector, a
large base of engineering institutes, and a growing defence budget.
The fact that India faces a combination of security threats from both state and non-state
actors is an obvious reason why it needs to be self-reliant in military equipment. There is
another important reason why India needs an indigenous military-industrial complex: it will
significantly reduce the potential for corruption in military procurement. However, the new
procurement policy does not inspire hope that domestic defence production will grow
sufficiently.
Pillars:
Broadband highway,
E Governance
Electronic Delivery of services to all units and formation headquarters
Army Cloud
Army Cloud includes a Central Data Centre, Near Line Data Centre, both in Delhi and
a Disaster Recovery
Provides Infrastructure as a Service (IaaS) to pan Army Users as the first Cloud
Services.
Digi- locker
User: Store, Share and Access the data from anywhere anytime on the Army Data
Network.
It is ranked 34 among the worlds aerospace and is among the top four in Asia by
turnover. It is also Indias sole maker of military aircraft.
HALs production portfolio includes Sukhoi-30, Mirage 2000 fighters; the DRDO-ADAs
Light Combat Aircraft that is in the final configuration; trainer aircraft including the
British-make Hawks; transport aircraft for the Forces; and military helicopters.
Currently, HAL is pursuing high-end research to create the countrys future aircraft
and aeroengine technologies.
Around the same time, German submarine maker HDWs officials told the Indian
ambassador that they paid 7 per cent commission to middlemen in a deal to supply
submarines to the Indian Navy. The investigations wound up some time in the early 2000s,
with the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) closing the case saying it had not been able to
find any clinching evidence.
The 1990s was a wasted decade for military procurement thanks largely due to the
disruption of the Soviet Union, Indias biggest military supplier. However, the Kargil conflict
of 1999 and the military modernisation it kick-started were accompanied by machinations.
After Tehelkas Operation West End exposed the murky modus operandi of defence
deals, the CBI filed several FIRs pertaining to procurements.
Punishing no one
Nobody gets punished, or so it seems. That was the case in the jeep scandal, and that was
the case in Bofors, HDW scandals and after the Tehelka expos.
One of the least discussed aspects of military scams in recent years is how most of the
allegations against major middlemen and companies that emerged in Operation West End
have all disappeared.
All defence scandals have an international dimension to them. Though the money paid
originates from the government exchequer, it is paid abroad, and commissions are
distributed across secretive tax havens. Despite the complexity of the cases, none of our
investigation agencies have cared to develop any significant skills in tracking global financial
transactions, especially where it involves tax havens, shell companies and proxy directors.
The political stakes
However, there is more to this than meets the eye. Black money, including that from arms
deals, has a powerful role in Indian politics. Political parties, except for a couple of
exceptions, suck in massive amounts of black money to sustain their operations and their
lavish election-time spending. Arms deals continue to be a key source of such illegal funding,
although the bouquet in recent years also includes money from real estate, land deals,
mining, etc.
There is no willpower visible as yet to dramatically reverse Indias appetite for foreign
acquisitions, only the promise that this absurd theatre will return in the not-too-distant
future.