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What is a dictator, or an authoritarian? I'll bet you think you know. But perhaps
you don't. Sure, Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin, and Mao Zedong were dictators. So
were Saddam Hussein and both Hafez and Bashar al Assad. But in many cases the
situation is not that simple and stark. In many cases the reality -- and the morality
-- of the situation is far more complex.
Deng Xiaoping was a dictator, right? After all, he was the Communist Party boss of
China from 1978 to 1992. He was not elected. He ruled through fear. He approved
the massacre of protesters at Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989. But he also led
China in the direction of a market economy that raised the standard of living and
the degree of personal freedoms for more people in a shorter period of time than
perhaps ever before in recorded economic history. For that achievement, one could
arguably rate Deng as one of the greatest men of the 20th century, on par with
Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt.
So is it fair to put Deng in the same category as Saddam Hussein, or even Hosni
Mubarak, the leader of Egypt, whose sterile rule did little to prepare his people for
a more open society? After all, none of the three men were ever elected. And they
all ruled through fear. So why not put them all in the same category?
Or what about Lee Kuan Yew and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali? During the early
phases of Lee's rule in Singapore he certainly behaved in an authoritarian style, as
did Ben Ali throughout his entire rule in Tunisia. So don't they both deserve to be
called authoritarians? Yet Lee raised the standard of living and quality of life in
Singapore from the equivalent of some of the poorest African countries in the
1960s to that of the wealthiest countries in the West by the early 1990s. He also
instituted meritocracy, good governance, and world-class urban planning. Lee's
two-volume memoir reads like the pages in Plutarch's Lives of the Noble Grecians
and Romans. Ben Ali, by contrast, was merely a security service thug who
combined brutality and extreme levels of corruption, and whose rule was largely
absent of reform. Like Mubarak, he offered stability but little else.
You get the point. Dividing the world in black and white terms between dictators
and democrats completely misses the political and moral complexity of the
situation on the ground in many dozens of countries. The twin categories of
democrats and dictators are simply too broad for an adequate understanding of
many places and their rulers -- and thus for an adequate understanding of
geopolitics. There is surely a virtue in blunt, simple thinking and pronouncements.
Simplifying complex patterns allows people to see underlying critical truths they
might otherwise have missed. But because reality is by its very nature complex, too
much simplification leads to an unsophisticated view of the world. One of the
strong suits of the best intellectuals and geopoliticians is their tendency to reward
consequently despised in the West. But, helped by energy prices, he has restored
Russia to some measure of stability, and thus dramatically improved the quality of
life of average Russians. And he has done this without resorting to the level of
authoritarianism -- with the mass disappearances and constellation of Siberian
labor camps -- of the czars and commissars of old.
Finally, there is the most morally vexing case of all: that of the late Chilean
dictator Augusto Pinochet. In the 1970s and 1980s, Pinochet created more than a
million new jobs, reduced the poverty rate from a third of the population to as low
as a tenth, and the infant mortality rate from 78 per 1,000 to 18. Pinochet's Chile
was one of the few non-Asian countries in the world to experience double-digit
Asian levels of economic growth at the time. Pinochet prepared his country well
for eventual democracy, even as his economic policy became a model for the
developing and post-Communist worlds. But Pinochet is also rightly the object of
intense hatred among liberals and humanitarians the world over for perpetrating
years of systematic torture against tens of thousands of victims. So where does he
fall on the spectrum from black to white?
Not only is the world of international affairs one of many indeterminate shades, but
it is also one in which, sometimes, it is impossible to know just where to locate
someone on that spectrum. The question of whether ends justify means should not
only be answered by metaphysical doctrine, but also by empirical observation -sometimes ends do justify means, sometimes they don't. Sometimes the means are
unconnected to the ends, and are therefore to be condemned, as is the case with
Chile. Such is the intricacy of the political and moral universe. Complexity and
fine distinctions are things to be embraced; otherwise geopolitics, political science,
and related disciplines distort rather than illuminate.
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