China's decision to restrict candidate nominations for Hong Kong's election for chief executive has sparked massive

protests, with area residents and police engaged in a tense standoff dubbed the "umbrella revolution."

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In late August, the Chinese legislature's standing committee ruled that itwould not allow open nominations in Hong
Kong's 2017 electionfor chief executive. Instead, potential candidates must be endorsed by a special nominating body in
Beijing before securing a spot on the ballot.
That decision prompted small demonstrations that have since snowballed into what some are calling unprecedented
protests in the city.
"I think there's fear ... on the part of the authorities, that this is just the beginning of what could become escalating protests,"
says Susan J.Henders, a York University political science associate professor who has studied Hong Kong's political
development.

Who are the protesters?

The protests started shortly after the Chinese government's decision in August. Some university and high school students
organized a week-long boycott of their classes. Many have continued their absences after the initial week.

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Some students escalated the action and stormed Civic Square, which houses Hong Kongs central government offices, on
Hong Kong Island on the evening of Sept. 26.
Dubbed Occupy Central for Love and Peace, the organization piggy-backed on the students' momentum by
encouraging Hong Kong residents to join a mass sit-in at Civic Square in Admiralty this past weekend. Thousands
of protesters have joined the sit-in since it started.
While the movement began as a youth-led initiative, over the weekend it has grown to include other demographics.

What are their demands?

The protesters want fully democratic elections when they cast their ballots for the next chief executive.
CY Leung currently holds the position and presides over Hong Kong with assistance from the executive council. A special
election committee, made up of more than 1,000 members, elected Leung. The Central People's Government of China then
appointed him.

'I think there's fear ... that this is just the beginning of what could become escalating
protests'- Susan J. Henders, political scientist
Hong Kong's 2017 election will be the first time residents vote for their chief executive.

However, protesters were dismayed to learn that the election committee will pre-approve two to three candidates from which
the residents will choose a leader. The new chief executive will then still have to be appointed by the Chinese government.
The protesters want open nominations for the upcoming election.
Occupy Central also demanded that Leung's administration resume public consultation on political reform, but has since
shifted to calling for the chief executive's resignation.

What is Beijing's role in Hong Kong's government?

Britain handed control of Hong Kong, one of its former colonies, to China in 1997.

A protester hits a defaced cutout of Hong Kong's chief executive as they protest near the central government offices in the
business district of Admiralty. (Tyrone Siu/Reuters)
The two governments negotiated a so-called "one country, two systems" method of government that ensures Hong Kong
remains free of China's socialism. Hong Kong's basic law promises its capitalist system will remain untouched for 50 years.
Under the law, Hong Kong remains semi-autonomous. Despite China's involvement in Hong Kong's chief executive
selection, the "ultimate aim" is for the position to be filled "by universal suffrage," according to the basic law.
Many say Beijing is now backtracking on that promise.

How has the government responded?

Part of what makes this protest so unusual is the Hong Kong police force's reaction, explains Henders.
"It's very unusual for the Hong Kong police to react with such force, in particular the fairly extensive use of tear gas," she
says.

'It's very unusual for the Hong Kong police to react with such force.'- Susan J. Henders, political scientist
On Sunday, police responded to protesters attempting to push past cordons and barricades by employing 87 rounds of tear
gas, The Associated Press reported.
The police said they needed to use force and tear gas "to stop those acts which endangered public safety and public order,"
according to a statement.
There are unconfirmed reports police have also used rubber bullets in an attempt to manage the crowds.
The protesters' use of umbrellas among other equipment to shield themselves from the potential pain of tear gas and
rubber bullets has helped earned the movement the name the "umbrella revolution."
The strong showing could be an attempt to intimidate people, says Henders, with police hoping it will prevent the protests
from gaining strength in numbers.
However, on Monday, police seemed to shift their tactics with officers showing more restraint.

What happens next?

"Things are at an impasse," says Henders.
The Chinese government is unwilling to negotiate on details important to the pro-democracy movement, Henders explains,
while Leung has indicated he wants to extend public consultation.
Those participating in the mass sit-in have made it clear they're unwilling to back down, with leaders of Occupy Central
suggesting they're willing to be arrested for their non-violent protests.
Still, the movement may not have much support from Hong Kong residents, says Henders. Despite supporting democratic
development, many people in Hong Kong fear the financial repercussions of political instability, she says. They may not
support the movement's tactics of camping out in the city's financial district.

Yet support for the pro-democracy movement is growing outside HongKong, with solidarity demonstrations popping up in
Australia, Canada and the U.S.
It will be interesting to see how the global reaction impacts the outcome of Hong Kong's protests, she says.

Hong Kongs umbrella revolution - the Guardian briefing

The story behind the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests

Pro-democracy protesters flash lights outside the Hong Kong government headquarters. Photograph: Alex
Hofford/EPA
Jonathan Kaiman in Beijing
Tuesday 30 September 2014 09.25 BST

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Whats the story?

Hong Kong, one of the worlds most important financial hubs, has exploded into protest. Since Sunday night,
the so-called umbrella revolution has turned the citys gleaming central business district into a virtual conflict
zone, replete with shouting mobs, police in riot gear, and clouds of tear gas. Tens of thousands of Hong Kong
residents young and old, rich and poor have peacefully occupied major thoroughfares across the city,
shuttering businesses and bringing traffic to a halt. They claim that Beijing reneged on an agreement to grant
them open elections by 2017, and demand true universal suffrage. Organisers said on Monday that the protest
would not end until Beijing changes its electoral guidelines and Leung Chun-Ying, the citys pro-Beijing chief
executive, steps down. Neither side seems prepared to back off, and nobody knows how the standoff will end.

How this happened

Hong Kong, a former British colony of 7 million people, has been governed under a one country, two systems
framework since it was handed back to Chinese control in 1997. The principle is simple in theory Beijing is
responsible for the citys defence and foreign affairs; Hong Kong enjoys limited self-governance and civil
liberties, including an independent judiciary and unrestricted press.
Its top political post that of chief executive is chosen by a nominating committee of 1,200 people, most of
them from pro-Beijing elites. Yet when Beijing regained control over the city, it promised that the region would
be able to elect its top leader by universal suffrage by 2017. The group guiding the current protests set up 18
months ago by two professors and a baptist minister under the banner Occupy Central with Love and Peace
threatened to paralyse the citys central business district if Beijing broke its word.

A student protester rests next to a defaced cut-out of Hong Kongs chief executive Leung ChunYing.Photograph: Wong Maye-E/AP
Nobody knew when, or if, the protest would occur, but in August Beijing passed a reform framework to
stipulate universal suffrage on its own terms only two or three committee-vetted candidates who love the
country would be allowed to run. Activists considered this the last straw. Students began a class boycott last
Monday and, galvanised by a city-wide surge in support, staged a large-scale protest outside of the city
government headquarters on Friday night. Occupy Central mobilised on Sunday. The rest is unfolding as you
read.

The issues
Will Hong Kong get democracy?
Probably not. Top Communist party officials have put their full weight behind the proposal for committeevetted candidates, and have shown no sign that theyll be willing to heed protesters demands. Above all, Beijing
fears that the city, if left to its own devices, would choose a pro-democratic candidate, potentially planting the
seeds for a movement to break away from mainland control. And for a leadership already grappling with
separatist movements in the western regions Tibet and Xinjiang, any sort of successful independence
movement would set an unthinkable precedent.
Relations with Beijing
The civil disobedience campaign is about more than open elections its about the future of the citys
relationship with Beijing. Hong Kong residents say that over the past few years, the central government has
been slowly and systematically tightening its grip over the city, leading them to feel politically marginalised and
economically squeezed. Real estate markets have flooded with mainland money, making home ownership

prohibitively expensive. Local media outlets have begun to rigorously self-censor, for fear of losing advertisers.
Outspoken voices have been threatened, even attacked.

A woman picks up a yellow ribbon - a symbol of the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement. Photograph: ALEX
OGLE/AFP/Getty Images
Echoes of Tiananmen
The main question burning in the minds of most Hong Kongers is how this will all end and almost everyone
involved can surmise a worst-case scenario. Hong Kongs former security chief Regina Ip said on Monday
that the city government fears a mini-Tiananmen presumably that the protests would be violently
dispersed, perhaps by the Chinese military. Nobody wants to see a repeat of 4 June 1989, when Beijing
dispatched the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) to open fire on peaceful pro-democracy protesters. The PLA
maintains a garrison in Hong Kong, but Leung said in a televised address on Monday morning that the Hong
Kong government would not call in the troops. Chinese state media has also emphasised the central
governments confidence in Hong Kong authorities to deal with the protests themselves. That said, the protests
continue to escalate, and Beijing seems ready to stand its ground, no matter what the cost.
The view from the mainland
While the blanket censorship makes it difficult to assess public sentiment towards the protest (state media has
taken a hardline on the protests and censors blockedor scrubbed clean social media, mainland citizens have
responded to past Hong Kong demonstrations with a mixture of puzzlement, envy and disdain. Similar protests
on the mainland would be unthinkable even organisers of seemingly benign demonstrations are subject to
extreme intimidation, even prosecution. Mainstream Chinese society holds economic growth and social

stability as sacrosanct, and many mainlanders wonder why a city which benefits tremendously from its
mainland ties would turn on its most important benefactor.

A composite image shows eight Hong Kong pro-democracy protesters with covered faces. Photograph: ALEX
HOFFORD/EPA
The future of One Country, Two Systems
At the end of last week, the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, urged Taiwan to reunite with
mainland China under a Hong Kong-style one country, two systems framework. His words left many analysts
scratching their heads. Why invoke the systems virtues when its supposed beneficiaries are in the middle of an
unprecedented revolt? Taiwans democratic leadership rejected Xis comments, saying that our government
has no way of accepting them.
This weeks protests may be the most chaotic scenes Hong Kong has experienced since a violent, anti-British
riot racked the city in 1967 and many residents are taking it as evidence that the one country, two systems
framework is fundamentally flawed, a recipe for political gridlock and social unrest. Regardless of the protests
outcome, Beijing has almost certainly already lost one of its most valuable assets in the southern city: the trust
of its residents.