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Larter 2016 (David, Staff Writer Sightline Media Group, Marketing Coordinator
for Commonwealth Partnerships Group, Reporter for Richmond BizSense,
Gannett Government Media Corporation, Staff Writer for Gannett Government
Media Corporation, Operations Specialist for the US Navy, South China Sea
ruling bolsters tougher U.S. stance, NavyTimes, July 13, 2016,
http://www.navytimes.com/story/military/2016/07/12/south-china-sea-rulingbolsters-tougher-us-stance/86986924/)
An international panel rejected the legality of China's expansive claims to the
South China Sea that were furthered by extensive island-building, a tactic
that has drawn the ire of U.S. leaders. The ruling Tuesday was a victory for
the Philippines, which brought the case against China to the Permanent Court
of Arbitration, and also a win for U.S. Navy leaders who have warned China
was bullying its neighbors to bolster its claims to nearly all of the South China
Sea. The panel in The Hague, Netherlands, dismissed Chinas attempt to
create legal rights for features in the Spratly Islands chain by constructing air
strips and bases there. The ruling states that piling dirt and sand on rocky
outcroppings and reefs doesn't confer additional resource rights to the waters
around it. The ruling did not, however, resolve the competing sovereignty
claims for high-tide features such as Scarborough Shoal, which the tribunal
found were entitled to 12-mile territorial seas. The court did find that none of
the contested features were entitled to the 200-mile exclusive economic
zones, because none of them could support human habitation in their natural
state. The ruling was rejected outright by China, the Foreign Ministry of which
said the court overstepped its jurisdiction by tossing aside a previous
agreement between the Philippines and China to resolve the dispute
bilaterally. China has embarked on massive island-building to bolster claims
to exclusive economic rights to much of the South China Sea, and give them
a strong hand to develop deposits of oil and gas in areas near the Spratly
Islands.
The South China Sea Is the Reason the United States Must
Ratify UNCLOS
Cardin 2016 (Ben, Ben Cardin is a United States Senator from Maryland and
the Ranking Member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and its
Subcommittee on East Asia and the Pacific, The South China Sea Is the
Reason the United States Must Ratify UNCLOS, Foreign Policy, July 13, 2016,
http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/07/13/the-south-china-sea-is-the-reason-theunited-states-must-ratify-unclos/)
The July 12 ruling by a tribunal of the International Tribunal on the Law of the
Sea (ITLOS) in the case brought by the Philippines firmly rejected Chinas
expansive claims in the South China Sea. The court declared that the ninedash line, the foundation for Chinas historical claims in the region, had no
legal basis. The tribunal also determined that none of the land features in the
Spratlys, a group of contested reefs and atolls, meet the global standard for
island entitlements, and therefore neither individually nor collectively warrant
200 nautical mile exclusive economic zones (EEZ), as China asserted. The
decision is a hugely important moment for the Asia-Pacific order. Yet Beijing
has rejected this opportunity to play a more constructive role in the region,
repeatedly stating that it will not abide by the ruling. If Beijing wont be
helpful, what can the United States do to strengthen global institutions in the
region? Join the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS),
the international institution through which the ITLOS arbitration was
conducted. Such an action would communicate that for the United States,
resolution of maritime disputes in the South China Sea is not a question of
being for or against any particular country or its claims, but rather for being
on the side of international law, institutions and norms. The United States
played an instrumental role in forming UNCLOS in the 1970s, and in
subsequent negotiations worked to modify the treaty language to assure that
U.S. national interests were safeguarded. Yet although both Democrat and
Republican presidents have advocated its passing, the Senate has yet to
ratify it. This is regrettable. But just like when we helped forge UNCLOS more
than 40 years ago, we have much to gain from joining today. We shaped the
treaty to be very favorable to the United States: we reserved the only
permanent seat on the international council that will oversee deep seabed
mining, including potentially rich sources of untapped energy resources,
minerals, and precious metals. That permanent seat remains embarrassingly
vacant, and decisions are being made about seabed mining in international
waters without U.S. participation. Moreover, the estimated additional area the
United States could claim sovereignty under the continental shelf expansion
provisions of the treaty is an area across the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards
estimated at roughly one and a half times the size of Texas. Our failure to
ratify the treaty also undermines our ability to fully work with our allies and
partners in the South China Sea region. If we are not party to UNCLOS, it is
difficult for the United States to rely on the treaty to determine the legal
entitlements of mid-ocean features, which claims are lawful, and what exactly
constitutes the high seas. Its also harder for us to suggest it as the basis for
resolving claims and arbitrating disputes or to rely on EEZs drawn under
UNCLOSs auspices. Moreover, a broad set of stakeholders including the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce, environmental organizations, the military, and
industry specific trade groups representing commercial fishing, freight
shipping and mineral extraction all support U.S. accession to the treaty.
Perhaps most importantly, our military leaders have stated that U.S.
participation will help them maintain navigational rights and with less risk
to the men and women they command. It has been long-standing policy that
the United States does not take a position on the ultimate disposition of the
competing maritime and territorial claims made by China and other countries
in the South China Sea. But we do have a position on how the claims are
http://www.npr.org/2016/07/17/486240079/in-south-china-sea-disputefilipinos-say-u-s-credibility-is-on-the-line)
"artificial posturing red line" on the Scarborough Shoal. Heydarian says that
mistrust of U.S. support helps explain the Philippines' tempered response to
the court's verdict. In return for "the Philippines not flaunting and taunting
the verdict," he speculates, "China will give guarantees in the short term at
least that it will not up the ante, it will not establish facilities in the
Scarborough Shoal and will actually perhaps give Filipino fishermen more
access to that area." That hasn't happened so far. Filipino fishermen who tried
this week were again turned back by Chinese vessels. But China and the
Philippines have been cautious at least with each other in their reaction
to the tribunal's ruling. There's an expectation here that this restraint will
last, at least for a few months. The softer approach, adopted by new Filipino
President Rodrigo Duterte, runs in stark contrast to the rancor that
characterized relations between China and the Philippines under his
predecessor, Benigno Aquino III. Jay Batongbacal expects the two sides to sit
down for bilateral talks on solving their dispute peacefully. "As long as they
don't make the situation any worse by taking an even harder line," he says,
or "additional unilateral action, I think there will be some room, at least, for
both parties to step back from the collision course that they seemed to be on
and work out a mutually acceptable solution." Carpio, the Supreme Court
justice, agrees that the Philippines and China will likely sit down and talk,
especially about exploiting natural resources beneath the sea. But he doesn't
expect China to compromise on Scarborough Shoal. He expects China to fill it
in and build, similar to what China did with with Spratly Islands further to the
south. The Philippines can't stop it, Carpio says. It's up to the Americans. But
how? "I don't know the answer to that, whether they can enforce that red line
or not," Carpio says. "But they will lose a lot of credibility if they say there is a
red line and the red line disappears." He says it doesn't just matter to the
Philippines. Japan, Vietnam and other countries engaged in maritime disputes
with China will take note of what Washington does next.
April 21, 2015. The exercise was part of annual Philippine-U.S. joint
maneuvers and took place some 137 miles east of the Scarborough Shoal in
the South China Sea. The Philippines brought the case to the Permanent
Court of Arbitration in The Hague, objecting to China's claims to maritime
rights in the disputed waters. The tribunal agreed that China had no legal
authority to claim the waters and was infringing on the sovereign rights of the
Philippines. As we reported Tuesday, the tribunal's rejection of China's "ninedash line" is legally binding, but essentially impossible to enforce. And China
certainly won't be voluntarily cooperating. "We do not claim an inch of land
that does not belong to us, but we won't give up any patch that is ours," the
official Chinese newspaper The People's Daily wrote on Wednesday. "China
will take all necessary measures to protect the inviolability of the territorial
sovereignty and maritime rights and interests." Wang Mao-lin, Taiwan's coast
guard commander for the Spratly Islands, speaks next to an image of Taiping
Island during a visit by journalists to the island on March 23. The island,
claimed by Taiwan, is one of many that are dispute in the South China Sea.
China's vice foreign minister, Liu Zhenmin, spoke even more bluntly. "The
Chinese government's stance on the ruling is clear ... it's nothing but a scrap
of paper," he said, according to the Financial Times. "It will not be enforced. "I
hope everybody puts the ruling in a paper bin or on the shelf, put it in the
archives and that's it," he said. "Eventually we need to go back to
negotiation." Liu said Beijing had the right to establish an air defense
identification zone over the disputed waters, if it so chose. He also suggested
there would be "tangible benefits" to the Philippines if the two countries sat
down at the negotiating table, The Associated Press reports. Members of the
Chinese navy stand guard on China's first aircraft carrier, Liaoning, in 2013.
Tensions in the South China Sea have grown over territorial disputes between
China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam and others. The president of the
Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, has not responded to China since the decision
came down, the AP reports. Meanwhile, Taiwan has objected to part of the
tribunal's decision, which declared islands claimed by Taiwan to be rocks that
can't be used to establish maritime rights. The self-governing island, which
China regards as a rogue province, will continue to conduct patrol missions
through the disputed waters in fact, a Taiwanese ship headed out on patrol
on Wednesday. Small fishing boats sit in the dock in Tanmen on Hainan Island.
The government has subsidized the upgrading of Tanmen's fishing fleet as
part of its drive to exert more control in the South China Sea. The Chinese
public are angry as well. NPR's Anthony Kuhn explained on Facebook Live on
Tuesday that China has "really talked up its position" on the South China Sea,
so that the government is now concerned about how people will respond to
the tribunal's decision. That's now playing out online, Anthony reports
Wednesday. "China's Internet users have vented anger at the ruling, some
even calling for war against the U.S. and the Philippines," Anthony reports.
"Censors have deleted many of the more strident comments."
where a standoff with the Philippines prompted Manila to file the arbitration
case in 2013. Amarjit Singh, a senior consultant at IHS Country Risk,
predicted that after the ruling, the U.S. would undertake so-called "freedom
of navigation" patrols and flights within the area to reinforce the tribunal's
findings that various Chinese claims there are not valid. U.S. lawmakers are
urging such action. Influential Republican Sen. John McCain was among those
calling for the U.S. to regularly challenge "China's excessive maritime
claims." Since the tribunal ruled that some of China's artificial islands are
"low tide elevations" that are not entitled to 12 nautical miles of territorial
sea, the U.S. may be tempted to sail closer than it has in the past. "In theory
we could sail within 500 meters" of Mischief Reef, said Michael McDevitt, a
retired U.S. Navy rear admiral with long experience in the Pacific. The reef is
one of China's reclaimed islands, about 130 miles (210 kilometers) off the
Philippine coast. Cui said such operations are a threat to freedom of
navigation by commercial and civilian vessels. He compared Obama's
strategic pivot to boost the U.S. presence in the relatively stable Asia-Pacific
to American interventions in Middle East countries such as Iraq, Libya and
Syria implying that it could lead to turmoil.
Sea ever been affected? It has not, whether in the past or now, and in the
future there won't be a problem as long as nobody plays tricks," he said,
according to a transcript of his comments seen by Reuters on Monday. China
is the biggest beneficiary of freedom of navigation in the South China Sea
and won't let anybody damage it, Sun said. "But China consistently opposes
so-called military freedom of navigation, which brings with it a military threat
and which challenges and disrespects the international law of the sea," Sun
said. "This kind of military freedom of navigation is damaging to freedom of
navigation in the South China Sea, and it could even play out in a disastrous
way," he added, without elaborating. A U.S. Defense official, speaking on
condition of anonymity, said the United States reserved the right to carry out
freedom of navigation operations and the Chinese admiral's comments would
not change that. Sun also said the court case at The Hague must be used by
China's armed forces to improve its capabilities "so that when push comes to
shove, the military can play a decisive role in the last moment to defend our
national sovereignty and interests". Despite the warnings, China and the
United States have been maintaining open lines of communication, with U.S.
Chief of Naval Operations John Richardson meeting the head of the Chinese
navy, Wu Shengli, in Beijing on Monday. "I think that you can visit China this
time at our invitation, that shows both sides attach great concern to maritime
security," Wu told Richardson in brief comments in front of reporters. In the
meeting, Wu said China would not stop building reefs and islands in the sea,
state-owned Xinhua news agency reported, with that construction also a part
of China's efforts to bolster its claims. Separately, China's Maritime Safety
Administration said on Monday that an area just off the east of the island
province of Hainan would be a no-sail zone from July 19-21 while military
drills take place. China generally describes its exercises in the South China
Sea as routine. China's air force also said on its microblog it had recently
carried out "normal battle patrols" over the South China Sea involving
bombers, spy planes and flying tankers, including over Scarborough Shoal,
which is disputed with the Philippines. Such air patrols would become "a
regular practice" in the future, Xinhua reported an air force spokesman as
saying.
China has taken a leap towards clarifying its claims in the South China Sea,
but in a direction that could intensify frictions. The International Tribunal on
the Law of the Sea delivered a sweeping ruling Tuesday against China in an
arbitration case initiated by the Philippines. The result significantly limits the
size of the maritime zones and scope of maritime rights that China can
legally claim. Minutes later, the Chinese government issued a statement. In
it, China stakes claims to sovereignty over all land features in the South
China Sea, as well as entitlement to internal waters, territorial sea,
contiguous zone, the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and continental shelf
based on these islands, as well as historic rights in unspecified waters.
Chinas previous position was more ambiguous. China exerts indisputable
sovereignty over the South China Sea Islands and the adjacent waters and
is entitled to relevant maritime rights and interests based on the South China
Sea Islands as well as historic rights in these waters, the foreign ministry
said a few days before the ruling. Rather than speaking of undefined rights
and interests in undefined waters, Beijing has now adopted the language of
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in naming the
maritime zones it claims, although it does not plan to follow its spirit. By
claiming internal waters those within a countrys territorial sea baseline
Beijing has sent a strong signal of its intention to treat the Spratlys as an
archipelago, draw a baseline around it and claim the extended maritime
zones outward. This is not new: China had revealed its hand days before the
Tribunals verdict, when the foreign ministry said the island group, which
China calls Nansha, as a whole are entitled to territorial sea, exclusive
economic zone, continental shelf and other maritime rights and interests. A
normal baseline under UNCLOS is the low-water line along the coast. The
convention also allows archipelagic states to draw straight baselines around
the outermost points of the outermost islands and drying reefs of the
archipelago that includes the main islands. Should Beijing follow through by
encircling the island chain in a straight baseline, it would directly contradict
the Tribunals conclusion that the Spratly Islands cannot generate maritime
zones collectively as a unit. China has already drawn a straight baseline
around the Paracel Islands, claimed also by Vietnam but controlled
exclusively by China. A Chinese baseline around the Spratlys would enclose
features occupied by other claimants. China controls seven of them; Vietnam
controls 21; the Philippines holds nine; Malaysia five; and Taiwan one.
According to UNCLOS, a state has complete sovereignty over its internal
waters. It does allow for the right to innocent passage within a straight
baseline around an archipelago. Would China, however, consider trips by
resupply ships from rival claimants to Spratlys as innocent passage, which
shall be continuous and expeditious, or would it take enforcement actions
against them in its claimed internal waters? A Chinese baseline around the
Spratlys would be challenged by the United States. Washington already
argues that Beijing may not draw an archipelagic straight baseline around the
Paracel Islands because China does not meet UNCLOSs definition of an
archipelagic state. In January 2016, the U.S. sent a warship into the Paracels
on a Freedom of Navigation operation. It would almost certainly contest a
Spratly baseline with naval vessels as well. With a baseline, China would
claim a 200-nautical mile EEZ outward from it. That large swath of water
could become a theater for dangerous encounters between the U.S. and
Chinese militaries. The U.S. holds that military forces of all nations have highseas freedom in EEZs and that prior notification or consent is not required
from the coastal state for military activities. China insists that reconnaissance
activities in its EEZ without prior notification and permission violate both
domestic and international law, and has routinely intercepted U.S.
reconnaissance flights and vessels. The different interpretations of rules have
caused multiple close calls as well as a collision in 2001 between a U.S. EP-3
reconnaissance plane and a Chinese F-8 fighter jet that killed a Chinese pilot.
In its latest rendition of South China Sea claims, Beijing has yet to specific
what constitutes its definition of historic rights or where it would claim those
rights, leaving room perhaps for negotiations. It is also unclear whether China
will claim an EEZ from the Scarborough Shoal, despite the Tribunals ruling
that it is a rock, entitled to a twelve-nautical mile territorial sea but nothing
more. China appears, however, to be hardening into a position of claiming the
Spratlys collectively as an archipelago and asserting exclusive entitlement to
the natural resources in a large area in the southern half of the South China
Sea, rich in fisheries and hydrocarbon reserves, or a basis to regulate foreign
military activities in those waters. In principle, clarity from Beijing is welcome,
but clarification can also mean calcification of positions. When China reveals
its bottom line, can the rest of the world live with it?
July 12 was a dark day for fervent Chinese nationalists. An international court
based in the Hague issued a long-awaited ruling, rejecting many of Chinas
territorial claims in the hotly contested South China Sea, where China has
clashed with the Philippines, Vietnam, and other countries over land features
and fishing rights. After the tribunal announced its judgment at 5 pm Beijing
time, declaring that Chinas historical claims in the region have no legal
basis, a massive wave of anger erupted across Chinese social media, where
grassroots nationalism flourishes. But to the ruling Communist Party, such
itself is an insult to China. Why would we wait for the result for this kind of
crap? With such a large military, why dont we just go fight to get back [what
is ours]? The post that was later removed. Were definitely going to fight,
wrote another user in a deleted post. We cant lose even one dot means
that we must take back the reefs and islands that Vietnam and other
countries have occupied. How can we take them back? We can only rely on
fighting. To understand why Chinese authorities would want to suppress
speech that supports Beijings official line, its important to understand the
risks that unbridled nationalism pose to the party. Grassroots reactions
represent an opportunity and a challenge for the Chinese government, which
wants to harness public opinion but fears its power to destabilize the regime,
said Jessica Chen Weiss, a professor of government at Cornell University who
studies Chinese nationalism. The Chinese government tends to suppress
grassroots nationalism when it wants room for maneuver in handling foreign
incidents. Weiss told Foreign Policy, However tough the Chinese
governments response, it is unlikely to satisfy these ultra-nationalist
demands for war. Weiss said that censoring extreme voices is part of
Chinas risk management strategy. Beijing has made its position
uncompromisingly clear to both domestic and international audiences that
land features within the Nine Dash Line are its sovereign territory. In 2012,
China revised its passports to include a map which claimed the South China
Sea as Chinese territory. In 2014, the government issued a new vertical map
that portrayed the South China Sea as a continuous part of China, replacing
previous horizontal maps that included the sea only as a pop-out. Chinese
state media outlets have repeatedly emphasized that China has indisputable
sovereignty over islands and reefs in the South China Sea. While likely
intended to strengthen national resolve and put forward a strong face to the
outside world, this strategy is risky. If the party is unable to maintain Chinas
territorial integrity, or if it is unwilling to heed popular calls for tougher
measures, it runs the risk of being viewed as too weak to defend Chinas
national interests. Grassroots nationalists may unleash their anger against
the party itself. Beijing has often emphasized that peace in the region is vital
for prosperity, indicating that while maritime claims are important, it is
unlikely to start a war with the Philippines or the United States. But an ultranationalist populace may pressure the government to take reckless
measures. Territorial sovereignty is a highly sensitive issue in China. During
the 19th century, the ruling Qing dynasty was unable to fend off European
incursions, resulting in key territorial concessions to Britain, France, and other
countries. The Republic of China, which governed mainland China from 1912
until it retreated to Taiwan in 1949, similarly was unable to stop invading
Japanese forces in the 1930s. Many Chinese remember the weakness of the
Qing and Republicans governments with shame and derision and admire the
strength of the current government. Since the founding of the Peoples
Republic of China in 1949, a major source of legitimacy for the party has been
its ability to prevent similar territorial incursions. While extreme speech was
not completely scrubbed from Chinas online spaces, the substantial
censorship in the aftermath of the ruling serves as a reminder: Just as Chinas
internal security budget often exceeds its military spending, even in the
throes of a major territorial dispute, Beijing continues to view threats to the
country as originating more from within than from without.
For years, overfishing in the territorially contested South China Sea has
depleted local fish stocks. But since 2012, the controversial construction of
artificial islands has ecologically devastated the disputed water way. Recently
released satellite images show man-made scarring on at least 28 reefs. The
impact of the dredging and land reclamation projects are compounding the
pre-existing impacts of fishing, said Dr. Terry Hughes, a James Cook
University professor of Marine biology, adding that the Asian countries
building artificial islands there are having a substantial environmental impact.
Between 2012 and 2015, Chinese fishermen have used large, extended
propellers affixed to utility boats to chop the reefs and prepare for the
construction of artificial islands. Fishermen scour the ocean floor for giant
clam shells, which are prized as jewelry and luxury items that sell for up to
$150,000. According to Dr. John McManus, a University of Miami marine
biologist, while building on the reefs is not new, Chinas large-scale
construction of a military base and runways is resulting in unprecedented
environmental damage. Suddenly we have this massive situation where
large areas of coral reef are being buried," he said. "In the end it was almost
13 square kilometers 13 million square meters that was destroyed, just
in terms of being buried under these islands, and this was a huge, huge
shock. Chinas Foreign Ministry has said the artificial islands are to be used
for civilian purposes, search and rescue missions, as well as defense. In an
interview with Australian media, Wu Shicun, president of the National
Institute for South China Sea Studies, said China has been building in the sea
according to a green construction ethos, with strict ecological protection
measures guiding the construction. But Samantha Lee of the World Wildlife
Fund says any construction in the waterway risks damaging the reefs and the
already depleted fish stocks that rely on them to survive. If the sediment
concentration of the water is too high, it will block off the sunlight and which
will cause adverse impact to the growth of the coral," said Lee, a marine
conservation advocate. "And again, if the sediment content is too high, it will
block the gills of the fish. McManus has long argued for the establishment of
a peace park in the sea and the brokering of a joint resources management
On July 12, an arbitral tribunal issued its ruling in Philippines vs. China, the
case brought by Manila challenging Chinas claims and actions in the South
China Sea. While much of the case dealt with the nitty-gritty details of the
status of certain features under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea
(UNCLOS) or on the legal legitimacy of historic rights, one section veered
away from the legal and into the scientific. In addition to evaluating Chinas
claims, the tribunal has been asked to look at how Chinese activities had
impacted the marine environment of the South China Sea. The tribunal found
that China had caused severe harm to the coral reef environment,
specifically in reference to Chinas recent large-scale land reclamation and
construction of artificial islands. By undertaking such activities, the tribunal
ruled that China had violated its obligation to preserve and protect fragile
ecosystems and the habitat of depleted, threatened, or endangered species
and inflicted irreparable harm to the marine environment. The tribunals
comments on environmental issues, like much of the rest of the ruling,
directly contradicted numerous statements from the Chinese government. On
June 16, 2015, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lu Kang told reporters,
in no uncertain terms, that Chinas construction activities on the Spratly
Islands had not and would not cause damage to the marine ecological
system and environment in the South China Sea. Earlier, on April 28, 2015,
another Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Hong Lei, had rejected the notion that
Chinas island-building was harming the environment. Chinas construction
projects have gone through years of scientific assessments and rigorous
tests, and are subject to strict standards and requirements of environmental
protection, Hong said. Such projects will not damage the ecological
environment of the South China Sea. In its ruling, the tribunal noted that it
had asked China to provide its environmental assessment studies, which are
states activities should not cause trans-boundary harm to other states. This
applies not only to incidental effects like pollution, but with even more force
to activities that are purposely planned and executed, especially in areas
where disputing states are additionally obliged not cause permanent damage
pending settlement. Chinas action, undertaken on such a massive scale,
significantly damages the marine environment of the South China Sea and
surrounding waters, and heralds the further degradation and depletion of
their living resources. Chinas own marine scientists have previously called
attention to the decline of sensitive coral reefs in the South China Sea by as
much as 80% due to ravenous economic exploitation; with reclamation, the
remaining 20% stand to be lost as well. Thus, there is some truth to Chinas
claim that the reclamation activities are not directed against any state: the
long-term damage done is indiscriminate and undirected, making it much
worse. In attempting to exclusively secure and control natural resources, it is
also destroying the most fragile and sensitive marine resource base of the
South China Sea and diminishing everyone elses. It has engaged in
environmental aggression on a regional scale, and turned reclamation into a
environmental weapon of mass destruction.
Australia has been issued with an unusually blunt warning from China stay
out of the South China Sea or risk damage to bilateral relations. China's
Foreign Ministry has said it was shocked by remarks Foreign Minister Julie
Bishop made on AM on Wednesday, that China should abide by the UN ruling
and Australia would continue freedom of navigation exercises. China has
called the UN tribunal that ruled it has no claim over the South China Sea a
farce, an American conspiracy and the ruling a piece of waste paper. Now it
has turned its fiery rhetoric and threats towards Australia and Ms Bishop. Lu
Kang, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman, said Ms Bishop's assertion that
China should abide by the decision and that it was final and legally binding
was wrong. "Frankly speaking, I was shocked by the remarks from the Foreign
Minister Bishop," he said. "Australia should not treat the illegal ruling from an
illegal arbitration court as international law." He warned Ms Bishop's
declaration, that Australia would continue freedom of navigation flights and
patrols in the South China Sea, would threaten bilateral relations. "Australia is
not a party to the South China Sea issue. "We hope Australia should firmly
abide by the promise not to hold a position when there is a territorial dispute.
"Carefully talk and cautiously behave. Australia should not do anything which
will damage regional peace, stability and security as well as the relations
between China and Australia." The Chinese are angered that Ms Bishop
claimed China's reputation as a rising superpower could suffer if it ignored
the decision. Mr Lu Kang warned Australia should not treat international law
as a game. "China has lodged serious representations to Australia regarding
the wrong remarks delivered by the Australian leaders," he said. "We are
firmly against this." And in more threats, China said it would decisively
respond against anyone who takes provocations against its security interests
in the South China Sea. China has said it has the right to establish an air
defence zone to protect its interests and any freedom of navigation flights or
patrols by Australia will be seen in Beijing as a direct challengse.