Trafficking[edit]

Main article: Human trafficking in the People's Republic of China

Young women and girls are kidnapped from their homes and sold to gangs
who traffick women, often displacing the women by great distances.[73] In
order to ensure that the women do not run away, the men who purchase
them do not allow the women to leave the house.[74] Oftentimes the
documentation and papers are taken from the trafficked women.[74] Many
women become pregnant and have children, and are burdened to provide
for their family.[74]

In the 1950s, Mao Zedong, the first Chairman of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China, launched a campaign to eradicate
prostitution throughout China. The campaign made the act of trafficking
women severely punishable by law.[75] A major component of the campaign
was the rehabilitation program in which prostitutes and trafficked women
were provided "medical treatment, thought reform, job training, and family
reintegration."[75] Since the economic reform in 1979, sex trafficking and
other social vices have revived.[75]

Prostitution[edit]

Main article: Prostitution in the People's Republic of China

Shortly after taking power in 1949, the Communist Party of China embarked
upon a series of campaigns that purportedly eradicated prostitution from
mainland China by the early 1960s. Since the loosening of government
controls over society in the early 1980s, prostitution in mainland China not
only has become more visible, but also can now be found throughout both
urban and rural areas. In spite of government efforts, prostitution has now
developed to the extent that it comprises an industry, one that involves a
great number of people and produces a considerable economic output.

Prostitution has also become associated with a number of problems,

including organized crime, government corruption and sexually transmitted
diseases. As the Chinese favor a son more than girls in the family, there is a
disproportional larger marriageable aged men with no prospects for finding
enough women, they also turn to prostitutes. This is accentuated by many
married men and wives who do not live in one city together and they turn to
"consultants" for help.
While women in Japan were recognized as having equal legal rights to men
after World War II, economic conditions for women remain unbalanced.[3]
Modern policy initiatives to encourage motherhood and workplace
participation have had mixed results.[4] While a high percentage of
Japanese women are college graduates,[5] and many hold jobs, as of 2015
they typically earn 40% less than their male counterparts, and make up 77%
of the part-time work force.[6] Traditional expectations for married women
and mothers are cited as a barrier to full economic equality.[7

The lives of women in China have significantly changed throughout reforms

in the late Qing Dynasty, the Chinese Civil War, and rise of the People's
Republic of China, which publicly committed itself to gender equality.[2]
Efforts the new Communist government made toward gender equality were
met with resistance in the historically male-dominated Chinese society, and
obstacles continue to stand in the way of women seeking to gain greater
equality in China.

People with homosexual or bisexual orientations have long

been stigmatized. With the rise of the gay political movement in the late
1960s, however, homosexuality's condemnation as immoral, criminal, and
sick came under increasing scrutiny. When the American Psychiatric
Association dropped homosexuality as a psychiatric diagnosis in 1973, the
question of why some heterosexuals harbor strongly negative attitudes
toward homosexuals began to receive serious scientific consideration.

Homophobia

Read interviews with

Dr. George Weinberg

from 1997 and

2000
 Society's rethinking of sexual orientation was crystallized in the term
homophobia, which heterosexual psychologist George Weinberg coined in
the late 1960s. Weinberg used homophobia to label heterosexuals' dread of
being in close quarters with homosexuals as well as homosexuals' self
loathing. The word first appeared in print in 1969 and was subsequently
discussed at length in Weinberg's 1972 book, Society and the Healthy
Homosexual.

The American Heritage Dictionary (1992 edition) defines homophobia as

"aversion to gay or homosexual people or their lifestyle or culture" and
"behavior or an act based on this aversion." Other definitions identify
homophobia as an irrational fear of homosexuality.

Heterosexism Around the same time, heterosexism began to be

used as a term analogous to sexism and racism, describing an ideological
system that denies, denigrates, and stigmatizes any nonheterosexual form
of behavior, identity, relationship, or community (Herek, 1990). Using the
term heterosexism highlights the parallels between antigay sentiment and
other forms of prejudice, such as racism, antisemitism, and sexism.

Like institutional racism and sexism, heterosexism pervades societal

customs and institutions. It operates through a dual process of invisibility
and attack. Homosexuality usually remains culturally invisible; when people
who engage in homosexual behavior or who are identified as homosexual
become visible, they are subject to attack by society.

Examples of heterosexism in the United States include the continuing ban

against lesbian and gay military personnel; widespread lack of legal
protection from antigay discrimination in employment, housing, and
services; hostility to lesbian and gay committed relationships, recently
dramatized by passage of federal and state laws against same-gender
marriage; and the existence of sodomy laws in more than one-third of the
states.

Although usage of the two words has not been uniform, homophobia has
typically been employed to describe individual antigay attitudes and
behaviors whereas heterosexism has referred to societal-level ideologies
and patterns of institutionalized oppression of non-heterosexual people.
Limitations By drawing popular and scientific attention to antigay
hostility, the creation of these terms marked a watershed. Nevertheless,
they have important limitations.

Critics have observed that homophobia is problematic for at least two

reasons.

First, empirical research does not indicate that heterosexuals' antigay

attitudes can reasonably be considered a phobia in the clinical sense.
Indeed, the limited data available suggest that many heterosexuals who
express hostility toward gay men and lesbians do not manifest the
physiological reactions to homosexuality that are associated with other
phobias (see Shields & Harriman, 1984).

Second, using homophobia implies that antigay prejudice is an individual,

clinical entity rather than a social phenomenon rooted in cultural ideologies
and intergroup relations. Moreover, a phobia is usually experienced as
dysfunctional and unpleasant. Antigay prejudice, however, is often highly
functional for the heterosexuals who manifest it.

As antigay attitudes have become increasingly central to conservative

political and religious ideologies since the 1980s, these limitations have
become more problematic. However, heterosexism, with its historic macro-
level focus on cultural ideologies rather than individual attitudes, is not a
satisfactory replacement for homophobia.

Believe half of what you see, none of what you hear.

http://www.alternet.org/civil-liberties/14-shocking-global-human-rights-
violations-2013

http://br.youthforhumanrights.org/what-are-human-rights/videos/born-free-
and-equal.html

https://popculture.knoji.com/top-10-taboos-in-world/