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MAY 2017

I CAME HERE TO LEARN


The Achievements and Experiences
of Massachusetts Students Whose
First Language Is Not English
Shannon M. Varga, Max Margolius, Catalina Tang Yan,
Marissa L. Cole, & Jonathan F. Zaff
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Introduction
Youth whose First Language is Not English (FLNE)an
umbrella term that includes English Learners (ELs), youth
who have reached English proficiency, and other non-
native English speakers who have never been enrolled
in a formal EL program (see Figure 1)represent the
fastest growing segment of the United States public school
population.1 Despite evidence that FLNE students display
high levels of optimism and motivation for academic
advancement,2 they continue to have lower achievement3
and lower graduation rates than the national average.4

Research and theory suggest that positive school and


life outcomes emerge when the needs and strengths of
youth are aligned with the assets in their surrounding
environments; i.e., a supportive youth system. Among
these assets, supportive adults are critical for academic
success.5 Further research suggests, however, that FLNE
young people may experience complicated barriers to
connectionincluding language gaps6 and the social
capital required to navigate the education system.7 In
addition, language barriers can interfere with school
policies and practices designed to engage families.8
FLNE students face additional environmental stressors
(e.g., poverty, family separations, discriminatory socio-
political climates) that place them at greater risk for
disconnection.9

FLNE youth are demographically diversevarying in their home language, language abilities, immigration circumstances,
family situation, and socioeconomic status, among other factors related to academic success.10 For example, the term
FLNE could be used to describe both a native Spanish speaking student who is English proficient and doing relatively well
academically and a native Spanish speaking student who is not English proficient and struggling academically. Educational
approaches do not always reflect this diversity. Whether constrained by the law or limited by strained resources and capacity,
schools and districts nationwide, with some exceptions, tend to provide limited educational options for FLNE youth.

One in five students in Massachusetts is classified as First Language Not English (FLNE).11 Therefore, a deeper
understanding of both the diversity within this population and of young peoples lived experience will help schools, districts,
and the state provide the most appropriate and effective programs and policies to support them in reaching high school
graduation and beyond.12

Background
The Center for Promise undertook the research in I Came Here to Learn in the context of the GradNation State Activation
Initiative, a three-year collaboration between Americas Promise Alliance and Pearson that aims to increase high school
graduation rates by encouraging statewide innovation and collaboration, sharing knowledge to accelerate adoption of proven
strategies, and developing successful models all states can replicate. The Massachusetts Department of Elementary and
Secondary Education (ESE) is a grantee in this national effort.

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The Center for Promise takes the perspective that all young people FIGURE 1. Umbrella of First Language Not English Terms
have the potential for school and life success. This potential can
be realized when the needs and strengths of a young person
are aligned with the assets in a community. The role of schools,
families, and the broader community and society is to ensure First Language Not English (FLNE)
this alignment occurs, providing assets for all youth, removing
barriers to experiencing those assets, and helping young people
navigate and negotiate access to those assets; that is, that all English Learners (ELs) Non-native English
young people grow and develop within a supportive youth system. Speakers
Emergent
Drawing from this youth systems framework, the authors examine Bilinguals Former ELs
the experiences of young people in Massachusetts whose first
language is not English.

In recent years, Massachusetts has increased its high school


graduation rate from just below 80 percent to 86 percent. Despite
these large gains, challenges remain. According to ESE data, students whose first language is not English (FLNE)a group
that includes English Learners (ELs)account for 30 percent of all young people who leave school without a diploma in
the state. While Massachusetts has engaged in considerable work to improve educational outcomes for EL students, the
challenges that FLNE young people and their families face go beyond academic English acquisition and require a more
comprehensive approach that reaches beyond the education system. The findings and the recommendations in I Came Here to
Learn point Massachusetts and other states toward new ways of supporting stronger graduation outcomes for FLNE students.

Massachusetts Demographic Context


While ELs in Massachusetts tend to fare better than the national average for EL academic performance, ELs and FLNE
students, such as former ELs, still lag behind non-ELs in the state.13 Data show that ELs in Massachusetts tend to be
low-income, speak a wide variety of languages, and demonstrate poor academic achievement relative to their non-EL
counterparts. Their lower academic achievement is reflected by their performance on the statewide assessment, the
Massachusetts Comprehensive Assessment System (MCAS) and graduation rates compared to non-EL students.14

TABLE 1. Massachusetts First Time 9th Graders in SY 2010-1115


Non-FLNE FLNE Type of FLNE

Percent of Overall Student Population 76% 24% Current EL 7.3%

Other FLNE 16.7%

4-Year Graduation Rate (2014) 88% 70.6% Current EL 56%

Other FLNE 77%

5-Year Graduation Rate (2014) 91% 73% Current EL 60%

Other FLNE 79%

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GENERAL DEFINITIONS
Sheltered Content Instruction (SCI) reflects
educational strategies to make academic
content accessible to students who are not
yet proficient in English.

English as a Second Language (ESL) refers to


specialized instruction that works explicitly
on language development. ESL programs
provide systematic, explicit, and sustained
language instruction and prepares students
for general education by focusing on
academic and social language. ESL programs
aim to support students in increasing English
language skills and fluency often in smaller

Massachusetts Policy Context classes or pull out groupings.

Sheltered English Immersion (SEI) refers


The experience of being a student in Massachusetts identified
to an overall academic program that seeks
as English Learner (EL) in 2017 is influenced by statutory and
to support academic as well as language
policy changes at both the state and local level. Fifteen years
proficiency in the shortest time possible
ago, a ballot referendum, the Massachusetts English Language
by combining SCI and ESL instruction. SEI
Education in Public Schools Initiative (most commonly referred
program models can be language specific,
to as Question 2 or the Unz Initiative), required that all
grouping students who speak the same
children in Massachusetts public schools shall be taught English by
native language, or multilingual, where
being taught in English and all children shall be placed in English
students from various linguistic backgrounds
language classrooms.16 This led to the passage of Chapter 386of
are organized.
the Acts of 2002,An Act Relative to the Teaching of English in Public
Schools, which amended Chapter 71A of the Massachusetts General Two Way Immersion (TWI) programs
Laws.17 The law mandated that, in public schools, content would represent an integrated model that include
be taught primarily in English, and Sheltered English Immersion ELs as well as native English speaking
(SEI) became the predominant structure for educating ELs in students in the same classroom, and provide
Massachusetts. There are, however, some exceptions. Two Way core academic instruction in two languages
Immersion (TWI) is still permitted as pedagogy, but is rarely in order to develop biliteracy and bilingualism
offered.18 In addition, parents can advocate for another educational in both languages. Often these models
approach for their child apart from SEI, such as Transitional are referred to as 90/10, where in the
Bilingual Education (TBE), but this, too, has been uncommon. Out beginning 90 percent of instruction is in the
of the 85,762 EL students in Massachusetts in 2016, 93 percent were partner language and gradually shifts to a
receiving instruction in SEI.19 50/50 split where instruction is split evenly
Despite repeated attempts, Chapter 386 has yet to be overturned in both languages.
by the state legislature, leaving Massachusetts as one of only three
Transitional Bilingual Education (TBE)
states to mandate Sheltered English Immersion (SEI).20 While SEI
can be understood as a bridge program
programscan be effective for many students,some ELstudents
that seeks to develop content knowledge
may benefit from different types of programs. Indeed, asmore
and skills in students native language,
robust data on academic performance and graduation rates for EL
provide English as a Second Language (ESL)
students has become available, Massachusettshas offered several
instruction, while also working towards
new programs and implemented new policies aimed at makingmore
integrating students into mainstream classes
diverseeducational opportunities in Massachusetts moreresponsive
with native English speaking peers.
to theneeds ofELs. For further detail, see Appendix A.

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Research Overview
The study described in this report used a mixed-methods approach to answer the research questions. The Center for Promise
used a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods to gain a fuller picture of the lives of FLNE students than could be
gained from using only one method.

Through statistical analyses of statewide student-level data for more than 13,000 FLNE students, as well as group interviews
with 24 Latinx i young people in five cities throughout Massachusetts, the authors hoped to begin to answer these three
questions:

1. What distinct groups within the FLNE student population exist, as defined by clusters of characteristics (e.g., grades, age
and EL status)?

2. Are some groups more likely to graduate high school than others?

3. From the perspective of Latinx young people, what are the experiences and factors that contribute to their school per-
sistence or choice to leave?

Questions one and two framed the quantitative analyses (Latent Class Analysis and multilevel logistic regression), through
which the authors sought to better understand what enables and constrains academic performance among FLNE students
in Massachusetts, including whether there are differing levels of academic performance among distinct groups (classes)
of FLNE students and what variables are associated with variation in academic performance. Question three framed the
qualitative inquiry, through which the authors sought to learn more about the lived experiences of older Latinx FLNE young
people by speaking directly with them.

The goal of the quantitative analyses was to develop a deeper understanding of FLNE youth in Massachusetts. Specifically, the
authors were interested in whether unique groups of FLNE young people could be distinguished by combinations of common
variables (e.g., grades, age, EL status) which, in turn, might be associated with differing levels of academic performance.

i The authors use the term Latinx rather than Latina, Latino, or Latin@ because it is considered a more gender-inclusive descriptor. (See, for example,
Martinez, 2017.)

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The qualitative methods were designed to develop a deeper understanding of the lived experience of FLNE students,
specifically what motivated them to interrupt their education and leave school before graduation or to persist to a diploma
or credential. Given that there are 123 reported native languages in Massachusetts, the authors limited the qualitative aspect
of the research study to a single language, Spanishsince it is the language most commonly spoken among students (54
percent), followed by Portugueseto conduct a robust analysis. The authors conducted group interviews with young people
identified by school staff as particularly at risk for leaving school. The young people were older (age 18-25), spoke Spanish as
a first language, and had either left or considered leaving school.

Pursuing answers to the research questions through two distinct, robust approaches produced both lessons learned and
new questions to pursue. Overall, the results offer a story that complicates the traditional narrative about FLNE youth in the
United States. For instance, the research team found that:

There are highs and lows. Some FLNE groups graduate at rates on par or even substantially higher than their native
English-speaking peers. Others lag far behind. (See for example, the difference between Excelling Non-ELs and Low-
Income, Spanish Speaking Massachusetts Newcomers in the Quantitative Findings section.)

The journey is complicated. All young people are navigating a complex, multi-layered ecology in their daily lives.
Qualitative analyses revealed how young people whose first language is not English navigate these day-to-day
experiences. For example, among Latinx FLNE youth who took part in the group interviews:
Language proficiency is often a barrier, rather than a bridge, to connection to supportive adults and resources. (See the
language section in the Qualitative Findings for specific examples.)

Families may provide essential emotional support, but for those who have immigrated to the U.S. without one or both
parents, this support is weakened, therefore creating stress for the young person. (See the family support section in the
Qualitative Findings section for more examples.)

Competing priorities, such as the need to work or care for family members, combined with lack of support and resources,
often deter students from staying on the path to graduation. (See the self section in the Qualitative Findings section for
more examples.)

They came here to learn. All the young people with whom the authors spoke expressed motivation to better themselves
and were seeking supports that would enable them to reach their full potential, in school and in life. (See the motivation
section in the Qualitative Findings section for more examples.)

Understanding the complexity of young peoples experiences, including the factors that appear to drive differences in
academic performance for FLNE students, can aid policymakers and practitioners in designing, implementing, and dedicating
resources to interventions and supports to help all FLNE students graduate. For a detailed discussion of these insights, see the
Qualitative Findings section.

Why First Language Not English (FLNE)?


First Language Not English (FLNE) is a broad term used by the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary
Education (ESE) that refers to any young person whose native language is not English. Though nearly 5 million young people
are formally designated or engaged in EL programs in the U.S.,21 there are even more young people who are not captured
under the EL designation because they have reached proficiency (and, therefore, have been reclassified) or were proficient
in both languages to begin with (bilingual).

According to a report by the National Academies of Sciences,22 nearly 25 percent of U.S. born individuals have immigrant
parents, and the percentage of English-only speaking individuals has declined from 89 percent to 79 percent in the past
three decades. More specifically, in Massachusetts where this research was conducted, FLNE students represent over 20
percent of the student population, with EL students making up 8.5 percent of that population.23 Further, according to data
from ESE, the broader FLNE student population tends to demonstrate higher levels of academic performance than the EL
subgroup, but lower levels of academic performance compared to native English-speaking students.24 Most research to date

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has studied Massachusetts students in EL programs, which represent a small portion of FLNE students. Therefore, using the
broader FLNE designation allowed the research team to examine data about and consider the experiences of a wider array
of Massachusetts students. This new research, therefore, offers a broader view from which researchers, policymakers, and
practitioners can benefit when pursuing efforts to improve student success in school.

Review of the Literature


Several bodies of existing research offer context for the findings, including studies related to supportive school relationships
and climate, family support, family-school engagement, mentors and peers, and the current socio-political climate related
to immigration. Many of the young peoples comments in the qualitative findings echo themes in the literature. Existing
research may also offer clues to why achievement and graduation rate disparities persist.

Supportive School Relationships and Climate


Supportive relationships in school have been associated with school persistence and academic achievement.25 In particular,
supportive relationships with teachers have been linked to higher levels of motivation, engagement, and academic self-
efficacy.26 Supportive school relationships may be even more important for FLNE youth, especially immigrant youth, who
need strong relationships to assist with academic adjustment, a safe context for learning new cultural norms and practices27
and accumulating information vital to their ongoing academic success.28 Further, previous research suggests that supportive
relationships are key in creating a transcaring climate.29 A transcaring climate is described as an overarching school climate
of caring that transcends the dichotomies around language, culture, and place to create a third space that supports young
people in the fluid development of their cultural and language identities.30 Within this concept is authentic care from school
staff, characterized by seeing youth as more than students; high expectations; rigorous standards; and teachers believing and
expressing that youth are worthy and capable.31

However, a roundtable report developed as a result of a collaboration between the National Clearinghouse for English
Language Acquisition (NCELA) and the Office of English Language Acquisition (OELA) indicated only 29.5 percent of
teachers felt that they were trained appropriately to work with ELs in their classes, and 57 percent of teachers expressed the
need to receive more training to work more effectively with ELs.32

Despite the benefits of supportive school relationships for FLNE youth, 33 there is evidence that these youth, particularly
Latinx youth, experience high levels of discrimination and segregation in schools, 34 creating additional barriers for the
development of supportive school-based relationships.

Family Support
In previous studies, young people report family as providing an important source of support. Research specific to Latinx
culture includes the term familismo.35,36 In general, familismo refers to close familial relationships including ties with
extended family and a strong loyalty to, and responsibility for, one another.37 These studies have also shown that many Latinx
families believe deeply in the importance of education for advancement in life.38 Therefore many Latinx youth see their
parents as central and important sources of support39 and this parental support has been positively linked to Latinx youths
academic competence and achievement.40

However, immigrant youth may experience family separation, presenting a substantial barrier to experiencing sufficient
support and to graduating.41 This physical disconnection from family may destabilize the nuclear family relationships, while
threatening the youths socio-emotional and mental well-being and ability to build positive supportive relationships with
adults.42 Latinx immigrant youth separated from their families at an older age demonstrate higher dropout rates than non-
Latinx immigrant youth.43

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Socioeconomic constraints and parental


education can also limit the types of support
parents can provide for their children. And
undocumented status limits access to high-
wage jobs, social services, and educational
opportunities.44

Family-School Engagement
While strong family-school engagement
has consistently been identified as a strong
indicator of academic success,45 there are many
documented instances of poor school-family
engagement amongst Latinx communities
and schools. Some researchers suggest that
U.S. schools are not equipped to support
Latinx parental involvement.46 Often, families
arrive to the U.S. with limited English proficiency themselves and are unable to communicate with their childs schools and
teachers.47 Many school employees do not have the cultural background or language skills to understand and communicate
with their students families.48 As a result, families can feel disregarded and left out of their childrens education,49 and this
can contribute to misinformed beliefs about Latinx families aspirations for their childrens educational attainment.50 Further,
recent research estimates that more than half of all ELs have an undocumented immigrant parent51 and these parents tend
not to be engaged with school due to fear of deportation. This lack of parental involvement can contribute to poor academic
outcomes for young people.52

Mentors and Peers


Outside of school and home, strong relationships between young people and non-parental adults have been linked to
psychosocial benefits, including increases in self-esteem,53 and academic benefits, including a higher likelihood of completing
high school.54 Despite the prevalence and well-documented benefit of these relationships, there are very few studies that
examine non-parental adults outside of school as resources for Latinx youth.55 Peers from the same home country can also
serve as vital resources for Latinx youth, connecting them to programs, helping to orient them to school policies, and offering
language support.56 Studies have shown that peers can provide emotional support and a sense of belonging at school, which in
turn can facilitate academic persistence and success.57

Anti-Immigration Legislation and Perceived Discrimination


Perceived discrimination associated with anti-immigration legislation can serve as another obstacle to connection by
deterring legal immigrants from seeking services and becoming involved in their communities.58 Following the passage of
H.B.1070 in Arizona, similar bills targeting undocumented immigrants were introduced across the country.59 Race, ethnicity,
and immigration status can be conflated so that even proposed public policies aimed at undocumented immigrants can
engender a discriminatory national discourse regarding anyone perceived to be foreign. This, in turn, can create a hostile
social context and lead to experiences of marginalization and profiling.60 Research has found that anti-immigration legislation
is associated with increased levels of low self-esteem, higher levels of depressive symptoms, and decreased academic
performance.61

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Quantitative Study Design


Data
Student-level data were acquired from the state of Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education. The
authors included data from first-time ninth grade students who were enrolled in a Massachusetts public school by the end of
the 2010-11 school year. From this total sample of 76,744 students, individuals whose first (native) language was not English
(FLNE) and who were not removed from their schools due to Special Education classification (e.g., out-of-district placement;
N=144), were identified (see Appendix B), resulting in a sample of 13,075 students for this analysis.

TABLE 2. Demographics of First-Time Ninth Grade Students in Massachusetts, 2010-11 School Year
Sample size Age of sample Multi-racial/ % Eligible for free/reduced % in MA public school
(N) (Mean, SD) % EL* Non-Hispanic price lunch for more than two years
13,075 15.65, 0.87 58.1% 45.1% 73% 80.2%

*EL refers to students who participated in an EL program at least once during the two years prior to entering 9th grade and/or are in an EL program
in the 9th grade.

Analysis Plan
Latent Class Analysis (LCA) was used to examine whether frequently occurring clusters of FLNE students exist (Question
1). Eight indicators were used to identify unique clusters or classes of FLNE students (see Appendix C for full description of
indicators and handling of missing data):

whether EL program participation occurred at least once during the two years prior to entering 9th grade

free/reduced price lunch eligibility in 9th grade

SPED status in 9th grade

years in Massachusetts public schools

whether students passed all classes in ninth grade

eighth grade ELA MCASproficient or advanced vs. needs improvement or warning/failing

eighth grade Math MCASproficient or advanced vs. needs improvement or warning/failing

native language

Subsequent multi-level logistic regression analyses assessed links between class membership and 4- and 5-year graduation
status with fixed effects to account for school level factors (Question 2).

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Quantitative Findings
Latent Classes
FLNE students in Massachusetts are not a homogenous group. The students, who speak different languages at home (e.g.,
Spanish, Khmer, Creole) and who have been in this country for varied lengths of time demonstrate different levels of
proficiency in English and different levels of academic performance. As a result of the analysis of statewide data of FLNE
students, six unique categories, or classes, emerged.62 These classes were predictive of 4-year and 5-year graduation rates (see
Table 3).

Latent Class Analysis is used to identify clusters of students who share a combination of common characteristics,
rather than a single characteristic. Each class below is titled for the most likely combination of characteristics for
students in each class, though other combinations are possible (see Table 5 and Table 6).

Class 1: Students Likely Passing. This class represents students who are likely passing all their classes. There is no extreme
high performance or low performance based on ELA MCAS scores and 9th grade passing rate for this class. This is the
smallest class of students. Notably, the majority of students who identified their native language as Portuguese are in this
class.

Class 2: Excelling Non-EL Students. This class represents FLNE students who are doing well in all the academic indicators.
All the students in this class have the highest probability of passing their ninth grade courses, reaching proficiency
or higher on the ELA and Math MCAS, and have higher graduation rates than the state average. The majority of the
students in this class identified a Chinese dialect or Vietnamese as their first language.

Class 3: Above Average ELs. This class represents students who have the highest probability of being enrolled in
an EL program and are graduating above the state average for ELs. Many of the students in this class identified a
Chinese dialect or Cape Verdean as their native language.

Class 4: Low-Income, Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers. This class represents primarily Spanish
speaking students who are likely proficient in English, are eligible for free/reduced price lunch and have been in
Massachusetts schools for longer than two years. The students in this class generally achieve proficiency or higher
on their ELA MCAS. The majority of students in this class identified Spanish as their first language.

Class 5: Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers. This class represents students who are newcomers
to Massachusetts public schools and who are from low-income families. They also represent the oldest students in
the sample (an average age of 16 at the end of 9th grade). Students in this class are likely eligible for free/reduced
price lunch. The majority of students in this class identified Spanish or Haitian Creole as their primary language.

Class 6: Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish. This class represents students who have the highest probability,
relative to the other classes, of being eligible for free/reduced price lunch. These are students who have lived in
Massachusetts for more than two years, but who continue to struggle academically. It is possible that high poverty
or lack of resources is associated with these students academic performance. The majority of students in this class
identified Spanish as their first language.

Emerging Themes from Latent Class Analysis


EL does not equal low performing. The Above Average ELs class represents students who have all been enrolled in EL
programs within the past two years. There is a high probability that these students are passing all ninth grade
courses. These students are likely achieving proficiency above the state average for EL students for the Math
MCAS and ELA MCAS. Further, their graduation rates are higher than the statewide average for ELs (70 percent
vs. statewide 56 percent for the 2010-11 cohort).

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Some FLNE students are achieving academic success. With 2,410 young people, the Excelling Non-ELs class represents
18.5 percent of the 9th grade FLNE students in Massachusetts in 2010-11. All students in this class passed all
ninth grade courses, both the math and English Language Arts (ELA) portion of the grade 8 state standardized
assessment (the MCAS), and are graduating at a higher average four-year rate than native English-speaking peers
(92 percent vs. statewide 88 percent), further emphasizing the heterogeneity in young people characterized as
FLNE students.

Not all Spanish speakers are the same. While Spanish is the most common first language among FLNE students in
Massachusetts, it is notable that Spanish-speaking students were distributed across three unique classes with
varying levels of performance. The Low-Income, Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers were in fact likely
reaching proficiency as evidenced by almost all the students reaching proficiency or higher on the grade 8 ELA
MCAS and having very few students enrolled in EL programs recently. While their four-year graduation rate (79
percent vs. 88 percent) is lower than the state average for non-EL students, they are likely performing much higher
relative to the Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers, and Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish.

Two groups of FLNE students clearly need more support. The Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers,
and Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish represent the two classes with the lowest four-year graduation rates.
They are similar to Low-Income, Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers in terms of native language and the
percentage who likely qualify for free or reduced lunch, but have two notable differences. First, Low-Income,
Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers, have been in Massachusetts for two years or less, and second, 44 percent
of the Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish likely qualify for special education (the highest relative to any other
class).

More time might lead to additional students attaining a diploma. Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers,
and Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish have the largest increases in graduation rates once five-year rates are
considered. These classes are also predominantly Spanish speaking and include the largest number of students
who are new to Massachusetts public schools.

The quantitative findings offer insights into the diversity within the FLNE population. However, the findings also raise
questions about what is contributing to the difference in performance across classes, particularly for the Low-Income,
Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers, Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers, and Differentiated
Learners Who Speak Spanish classes comprised of mostly native Spanish-speaking young people from high-adversity
settings.

TABLE 3. Massachusetts 4- and 5-Year Graduation Rates


Classes % 4-year graduates % 5-year graduates

Class 1: Students Likely Passing 73%** 75%**

Class 2: Excelling Non-EL Students 92%* 92%*

Class 3: Above Average ELs 70%*** 73%***

Class 4: Low-Income, Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers 79%* 82%*

Class 5: Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers 44%* 49%*

Class 6: Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish 53%* 58%*

* Probability of 4- and 5-year graduation in comparison to all other classes (p<0.01)


** Probability of 4- and 5-year graduation in comparison to all other classes (p<0.01) except High Performing ELs
*** Probability of 4- and 5-year graduation rates in comparison to all other classes (p<0.01) except Varied Group
Students in classes 1 and 3 tended to graduate high school at similar rates while comparisons between all other classes suggested significant differences
in the probability of graduation.

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Qualitative Study Design


Participants and Group Interview Procedures
The research team conducted group interviews in five citiesBrockton, Chelsea, Revere, Somerville, and Worcesterto hear
firsthand about the lived experiences of FLNE youth.

The research team collected data in two steps. The authors conducted group interviews in four public school districts and
one nonprofit community-based organization in Massachusetts. Prior to the first group interview, participants were given a
survey that solicited demographic information (e.g., age, country of origin), and information about school (e.g., grade level;
see Table 4). Staff, school teachers, and administrators recruited and identified students to participate in the research study
through referrals, phone calls, and fliers. All of the participants identified themselves as first-generation immigrant youth,
born outside of the U.S. All youth identified Spanish as their first language, and none of their parents were born in the U.S. All
participants and names mentioned were replaced with pseudonyms for this report.

Sample questions for the interviews included, If you left high school, why did you leave before graduating? If you are in high
school, have you thought about leaving school? Why or why not? and How was your experience learning English in school?
Youth were provided with all materials in both English and Spanish. The group interviews ranged from 60 to 90 minutes long
and began with ice breakers before delving into the group interview protocol. The group interviews were conducted in both
English and Spanish, allowing youth to respond however they felt most comfortable. If a young person responded in Spanish,
his or her words are translated into English. If the response was in English, the words are shown only in English.

Qualitative Findings
Across the five sites, FLNE Latinx youth provided detailed descriptions of the various challenges and supports that shape
their experiences living in the United States. While their lives and school experiences varied, analysis of their stories
revealed several places where their descriptions converged. The young people described competing financial, academic, and
familial priorities, relationships in and out of school, academic and professional goals, and the challenges they encounter.
Their experiences and descriptions were intertwined and ultimately the three following contexts were important to
understanding their lived experiences: the self, family, and school.

The authors cannot identify the class (as discussed in the quantitative findings) to which each young Latinx young person
may belong. Therefore, the qualitative results will not be reflective of all the classes. However, some of their experiences
seem to align with the classes called Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers, and Differentiated Learners Who
Speak Spanish (e.g., time in country, performance, persistence).

The Self
Across all sites, young people discussed motivation, language, and competing priorities as integral to who they are and why they
persist in and out of school. These three themes comprise the self and are presented first because the young people bring
the self into every context. Therefore, the themes discussed in this section will be relevant and present in the following
sections regarding family and school.

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MOTIVATION
Integral to the immigrant experience is a search for something better.63 All the young people included in this study described
in rich detail their internal motivationto learn English, to succeed in school and graduate, and to take care of themselves
and their families. Sebastin,ii a rising senior, explained,

...I crossed the border for a better future. And I have the opportunity now I want to take advantage of
it, because the suffering I had to get here, Im never going to forget it. And so, if I suffered, I have to do
it for a reason, and Im not going to take for granted this opportunity I have. So, Im going to keep on
going, Im going to keep on studying until whenever God allows me to.

Another student, Lina, expressed her motivation to succeed:

A m lo que me motiva a seguir en la escuela What motivates me to keep on going and


es demostrarle a las personas que no creyeron stay at school is to demonstrate to the people
en m, que voy a llegar a ser alguien. En that didnt believe in me, that Im going to be
especial a mis paps, porque ellos una vez someone. Especially, to my parents, because
me dijeron que yo no iba a ser nadie, que yo they told me once that I was not going to
no iba a llegar a ningn lado. Entonces yo be anyone in life, that I was not going to get
quiero demostrarle no solo a ellos sino a que anywhere. So I want to demonstrate not only
hay mucha gente afuera, me entiendes? Que to them but also to a lot of people out there,
no lo ven uno como una persona, que ven you know what I mean? People that dont see
que uno no vale nada. Primeramente quiero you as a person. People that see that youre
demostrarles que puedo tener un diploma de not worth anything. First of all, I want to show
Norte High School, que puedo tener un buen them that I can have a diploma from North
trabajo, me entiendes? Que puedo llegar a ser High School, that I can have a good job... That
alguien en la vida. I can become someone in this life.

Across group interviews, students described in rich detail both internal motivation and external motivation, which drives
them every day.

LANGUAGE
For the young people interviewed as part of the study, however, motivation is often insufficient to help them to succeed.
One of the primary identifying characteristics of this population is language ability. The young people expressed an
understanding that language is key to success in the United States, as Mateos quote illustrates:

Yo, parte de mi opinin, yo pienso de que In my opinion, I think that learning English in
el aprender ingls en este pas es como una this country is like an advantage and its like
ventaja y es una puerta de que uno se abre a a door that you open to yourself to be able to
s mismo, para poder tener comunicacin con communicate with Americans.
Americanos.

Youth from across the group interviews remarked that language operated as a gateway to academic success, interpersonal
connection, and successful communication of their needs.

ii All participant names were replaced with pseudonyms.

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However, young people also described how language acted as a barrier to social understanding, creating situations in which
they could not explain or advocate for themselves.

Yo me acuerdo cuando mi primer da, cuando I remember my first day of school. In my first
fue mi primer da, tuve mi primera detencin. day, I had my first detention. Because of my
Por mi mentor... yo llegue al [ELL program [peer] mentor. At that time... I came to [EL
name] y me dijeron Bueno, hoy empiezas... ya program name] and they said to me Ok, today
estaba contento y llamaron a un muchacho you start school... I was feeling happy and they
y me dijeron l va a ser tu mentor... escuch called a guy... And they said to me hes going
que dijo la profesora, lo llevaba hasta la clase to be your mentor I heard the teacher said
que t ests ahorita y despus le muestras to him take him to the class youre going now
todo lo que es la high school y yo vea que and give him a tour of the high school after
nunca entrbamos a la clase, pas media hora, your class I noticed that we never entered a
una hora y nosotros estuvimos caminando y classroom. Half an hour and an hour passed
l saludando a todos, iba al bao, se iba a lavar by and we were walking and he was saying
la cara, esprate en el bao me deca que hi to everyone. He went to the bathroom to
toquen y yo what the fuck qu hacemos? wash his face and he said to me, Wait for me
Se supone que tengo que ir a la clase y poom in the bathroom until the bell rings, and I
nos agarr en el segundo piso un security was like, What the fuck? What are we doing?
Ey, vengan aqu dijeron Qu hacen? y Im supposed to go to class. And boom, the
yo como no hablaba ingls ni nada trate de security guard caught us in the second floor.
decirles hasta yo nuevo le deca, y an as Hey, come over here they said. What are you
me pusieron detencin y me cambiaron al doing? And like I didnt speak English at all,
mentor. but I tried to tell them even saying me new.
And even then, they put me in detention and
they changed my mentor.

There were many examples like Marcos, in which youth were penalized because they lacked the English language skills to
explain themselves. David described an interaction where he and his friends (also FLNE youth) were questioned about using
disrespectful language in school hallways. David tried to explain that his English-speaking peers were responsible for the
disrespectful language, but he and his friends were punished instead:

Todo lo que nosotros hablamos y decimos, Everything we talk and say, everything we
nosotros hablamos con la verdad pero speak with the truth, but nobody believes us.
nosotros no nos creen, les creen ms a ellos, They believe more to them [native English
por eso yo no he dicho nada y bueno por nada speakers]. Thats why I havent said anything,
lo castigan porque me dan dos horas y media and, well, they punish you for nothing,
de castigo por haberle dicho eso y quien iba because they punished me for two hours and
hablando mal era l y no nosotros. a half for having said that to them, and the
person who was talking bad was him, not us.

In addition to feeling as if he was incapable of communicating to make the case for his own innocence, David believed that
even if he did speak English, he would not truly be heard by school personnel. Multiple youth brought up this same belief,
which stems from language ability but is compounded by other factors such as perceived discrimination and the sociopolitical
climate. As a result, initial limited language proficiency could ultimately discourage youth from reaching out to school
personnel or other adults for assistance.

Overall, Latinx youth saw language as both a bridge and a barrier in their lives in the United States. As FLNE youth, they felt
their English proficiency followed them throughout different contexts and colored their experiences. This will be further
discussed in a subsequent section regarding school climate.

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COMPETING PRIORITIES
Repeatedly, the researchers heard stories of competing priorities in the lives of young people whose first language is not
English. Having to choose between attending school, maintaining steady employment, and caring for family caused many to
leave school at one point in time; many others considered interrupting their education. Those interviewed, including Julio,
Dario and Daniel, reported feeling tension between school attendance and other demands at home.

Algunos estudiantes trabajan de tres a doce Some students work from 3:00 to 12:00 at
de la noche y llegan a la una de la maana night and they get home around one in the
a la casa y a las 6:30 o 6:00 tienen que estar morning, and around 6:30 or 6:00 they have to
despertados para venir ac, so siento de be awake to come here [school]. So I feel that
que tal vez es mucha presin, por lo cual maybe theres a lot of pressure, which some
algunas personas mayores no entienden. Unos adults dont understand. Some say Oh, theyre
dicen, Oh, ellos estn en la escuela, qu in school, what worries do they have? Just
preocupacin tienen, solo hacer tarea?, pero homework?, but they dont know that a lot of
no saben que muchas veces uno de joven sufre times one whos young suffers more than an
ms que un adulto. adult. Julio

La escuela y el trabajo, no es para cualquier School and work its not for anybody.
persona. A veces uno toma decisiones que No. Sometimes I make decisions where No,
Voy a dejar la escuela y voy a trabajar mejor y Im gonna leave school and Im gonna work
se queda con el poco de ingls que sabe. instead, and I stay with the little English that I
know. Dario

Quin me va a pagar los bills? Nadie. Whos gonna pay my bills? Nobody. So, I
Entonces, uno tiene que salir adelante o have to keep on going or survive by myself,
sobrevivir por uno mismo y ellos a veces and sometimes there are things that they
son cosas que uno no... piensan que a lo they think that because were at school were
mejor porque estamos en la escuela estamos little ones, we dont have responsibilities
pequeos, no tenemos responsabilidades with anything and sometimes we have more
de nada y a veces nosotros tenemos ms responsibilities than they do. We have people
responsabilidades que ellos. Tenemos gente to feed in our countries, brothers that are
que darle de comer en nuestros pases, trying to move on, going to school, things like
hermanos que pasan adelante tambin, que that... Daniel
estudian, cosas as...

Young people across sites clearly articulated major


challenges they face when balancing academics and work
priorities. Julio and Dario highlight not only the level
of exhaustion that young people experience working
extended hours after school, but also frustration when
these multiple responsibilities are not acknowledged
by school personnel. As Daniel describes, students also
have major responsibilities as adults, particularly when
supporting not only themselves, but also their family
members.

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Family
Close ties with family were frequently discussed as relevant to youths academic persistence, engagement, and performance.
Youth talked about the close ties and various supports they received from family members that contributed positively to their
academic achievement and general well-being, as well as the emotional toll of being separated from family members due to
immigration.

FAMILISMO
Familismo refers to the unique interconnected relationships that characterize many Latinx families and communities. Young
people in the group interviews demonstrated how familismo operated in their lives, describing a strong sense of unity and
loyalty to family and often choosing to prioritize family over personal needs.64 When asked whether they had an adult at
school they felt connected to, many youth instead described their relationships with their families. Mara offers one example.

Como si yo tengo un problema en mi casa o Its like, if I have a problem at home or with
con alguien y esto se lo puedo contar a mis somebody, I can tell my parents, and if I want
paps y si yo quiero contrselo a alguien to tell someone else, I rather call my parents
mejor le llamo a mis paps y les cuento todo and tell them all about it, but I dont feel like
pero no me siento como para irle a decir a going to a teacher My parents know my life
un maestro mis paps saben lo que es de and they know how to advise me.
mi vida ellos tienden a saber cmo darme un
consejo.

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FAMILY SUPPORT
Along with the emphasis the Latinx FLNE students place on family ties, they described how their families encouragement
impacted their academic persistence and engagement. Beatrz, a high school senior, describes her relationship with her mom:

I would say I have a good relationship with my mom. My mom, when its school wise, she does help me
a lot. She motivates me. Even when Im feeling down or like Im notlike I dont wanna do homework
sometimes, cause you get lazy sometimes, but shes like, Oh, you gotta do this, and you gotta do that.
I want you to graduate. I want you to go to college. She has like a future for me planned out, and its
like I understand what she wants. Like, she expects a lot from me, and that for me is likeit gives me
motivation, but at the same time, its like a weight on me, cause its like you have to do good, cause not
only do you have to prove yourself, that you can be better and that you can be someone, but also your
family, so she helps me a lot. Beatrz

Young people in all five cities spoke about parents and extended family members deep interest in fostering their academic
success, and the essential care and socio-emotional support their families provided to them. Though youth described
family members as providing deep emotional support and setting high academic expectations, they often described family
members or caregivers lack of physical participation in school meetings.Sometimes this was due to time conflicts and other
responsibilities, but other times, parents lack of participation in school meetings raised questions about the disconnect
between the emotional support that families were able to provide and the tangible academic support that was often elusive.

Mi pap nunca tiene tiempo y mi mam nunca My dad never has time and my mom has never
ha venido a una reunin yo le deca, Mam come to a meeting (at school) Id say to her
te mandaron esto, una nota que deca a qu Mom, they sent you this, a note that said
hora se iba a hacer la reunin. Yo a esa hora what time the meeting was going to be. I cant
no puedo, yo no puedo ir. Y entonces yo deca, at that time, I cant go at that time. So Id say,
ellos me dicen que vaya a la escuela pero yo they tell me to go to school but I dont see the
no veo el apoyo de ellos. support from them. Ana

Competing priorities and lack of shared language are also described in the literature as significant barriers for caregivers in
building relationships with school personnel, but also to their participation in school-based activities.65 Mario describes how
both he and his mother have sacrificed family time to make ends meet:

Ella si conmigo es muy buena, pues. Me quiere Shes really good with me, I guess. She loves
y todo. Una mam normal, pero no tenemos me and all that. Shes a normal mom, but we
ese tiempo como de mam e hijo. Sino que havent spent that time as a mother and son.
ella trabaja, yo trabajo, cuando yo llego del Instead, she works, I work. When I come
trabajo, yo voy a dormirme. O hacer tareas, a back from work, I go to sleep, or sometimes
veces. Y para no ir a despertarla a ella, no, la I do homework And I dont want to wake
dejo que duerme y que descanse. Y la miro her up, I rather let her sleep and rest. I dont
hasta el fin de semana en la maana... Y veces see her until the next weekend in the
uno desea como ir a, no s, salir con ella o morning And sometimes Ive wanted to, I
llevarla a comer a algn lado. Los cumpleaos dont know, like go out with her, take her out
de ella trabajando. Los cumpleaos mosyo to eat somewhere. Shes spent her birthdays
he pasado 3 cumpleaos aqu, trabajando. A working. My birthdaysIve spent my past
veces yo me digo mi feliz cumpleaos en el three birthdays here, working. All of them.
espejo, ah cuando estoy en el baoy yo, Sometimes I say to myself happy birthday in
gracias. the mirror when Im in the bathroomand I
replied to myself, thank you.

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In listening to Mario, it was evident that although he appreciates his mom and expresses interest in spending time with her
as a mother and son, they are both constrained by work. These responses reflect various challenges that Latinx immigrant
families experience while trying to support young peoples academic engagement and foster their well-being.

FAMILY SEPARATION
Youth spoke consistently about the importance of family members in their lives as sources of great strength, but one reality
of the immigration experience is that family members can be separated from one another, and many youth described
being separated from one or both parents before or after immigrating to the U.S. Sometimes, youth spoke about remaining
connected from afar using technology, but the theme of separation was prevalent throughout. Across all five sites, youth
shared the adverse effects this separation had on their socio-emotional wellbeing and academic engagement, and also on
family relationships. Luisa spoke about all these emotions converging while she was trying to text her mother on Mothers
Day.

Es que yo tena el telfono, pero yo le estaba Its just that I had my phone, but I was texting
escribiendo a mi mam, era el da de la my mom, it was Mothers Day, by the way. I
madre, por cierto. Yo le estaba escribiendo was texting her something and she (teacher)
algo y ella me rega... y yo como que me scolded me I was very sensitive, I started
andaba sensible, me puse a llorar. Y luego ella crying. And then she came and said to me,
lleg y me dice ests bien? si le digo yo. Y Are you ok? Yes, I said to her. And she
ella me pidi disculpas, me dijo disclpame si apologized to me. She said, Im sorry if I was
yo te habl fuerte o algo. No era mi intencin talking to you harshly or so. It wasnt my
hacerte sentir mal pero yo no estaba llorando intention to make you feel bad. But I wasnt
por eso, estaba llorando por mi mam que la crying for that, I was crying because of my
extrao. mom, because I miss her.

Research suggests Latinx immigrant youth may experience higher levels of depression associated with family separation.66
While Luisa may not be depressed, here she describes the act of holding in the emotions and feelings that she experiences
while living separated from her mother. Despite the teachers good intentions and efforts, Luisa keeps the true reason for her
tears from her teacher. The feelings of loss and yearning for family connection Luisa experiences, as well as her decision to
keep the details of her family situation private, may further impact her level of engagement in class.

School Climate
One of the most powerful, consistent themes that emerged from conversations with young people about their experiences in
school relates to school climate. Some young people described unsupportive and discriminatory actions and messages they
received from school personnel and peers. Others described school climates that supported each young person, with teachers,
administrators, and peers demonstrating authentic care for young people and appreciation for their individual backgrounds.
Young people consistently spoke about the impact that these different messages had on their school experiences and levels of
engagement.

UNSUPPORTIVE/DISCRIMINATORY CLIMATE
Young people in all five cities spoke about repeated experiences of discrimination in school that contributed to their
perceptions of an unsupportive school climate. The young people expressed a desire to learn English and a desire for
connection, but often felt ignored, unheard, and perceived as having lower competence because of their lack of language
proficiency. Mario described the cumulative internalizing effect of these experiences.

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Tal vez no le dicen en la cara a uno, pero les Maybe they dont say it to you in your face, but
tiran como indirectas a uno. Por un ejemplo, they do it indirectly. For example, you come
usted llega y me dice Hi y yo estoy nuevo. and say Hi to me, and Im new. What can I
Qu le puede responder si no s nada? say to you if I dont know anything? Imagine
Imagnese Ellos tal vez se burlan de uno, that... They maybe laugh at you, because you
porque t no sabes ingls Que cuando uno dont speak English... When you come here,
llega casi ni lo quieren ver Uno hasta camina people dont even want to look at you... You
con la cabeza para abajo. even walk with your head down.

Some youth described how school policies that label and categorize students can foster unwelcoming climates. David spoke of
his experience with an ID card unique for EL students:

Cuando vine aqu a la escuela me lo dieron When I came to school they gave [an ID] to
Cuando vamos por el pasillo todos dicen son me... When we walk down the hall, everyone
los inmigrantes, el grupo de inmigrantes, y yo says, Here come the immigrants, the group of
no he querido tener problemas yo los escucho immigrants, and I havent wanted to get into
y me quedo callado porque yo no quiero trouble, so I listen to them and I remain quiet
problemas y ac yo vengo a aprender. because I dont want any problems and I came
here to learn.

Language barriers also interfered with students ability to


advocate for themselves or communicate with school staff, which
led to feelings of disconnection from the school and even, on
occasion, the desire to leave school.Clara described how her
discomfort with speaking English and fear of being ostracized not
only contributed to her reluctance to participate in class, but also
affected how she approached her teacher. Clara did not ask for
help because she does not believe she will be supported.

Clara:
The only challenge that Ive had at school is
speaking English. I dont like to stand up in
front of the class and talk I always get grades
that are not very good because I dont like to do
presentations. I dont like reading and its just
difficult. Because teachers want all the students
to stand up in front of class and participate to get
good grades, but the other ones laugh because we
say something wrong or because of the accent.

Interviewer:
And that has made you think to want to leave
school sometimes?

Clara:
Yeah I wanted to complain with the teacher, because theres a guy that speaks Spanish, hes Puerto
Rican, and he has an accent, hes learning English now, and every time that he answers a question out
loud or something, [students] laugh... They just dont understand what we feel. Thats why they do it.
Ive thought about talking to the teacher, butI dont think she will do anything about it.

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Other times, young people perceived lower academic expectations as discriminatory. David explains what he is learning in
his EL program as compared to the mainstream classrooms next door:

El programa donde estamos hemos aprendido The program in which we are, weve learned
porque la verdad tenemos un poquito duro but the rest of the students aside from [ELL
la cabeza y nos ha costado, pero a los dems program name], those who are not in it, they
estudiantes aparte de [nombre del programa do teach them and assign them homework.
de ELL] todos los dems no estn en esto, s They set expectations for their students in
les ensean, les dejan trabajos. Le exige en class and they learn a lot, but we dont...were
clases y ellos aprende mucho pero nosotros learning the same, almost the same thing all
no porque estamos viendo lo mismo, casi lo day.
mismo todo el da.

David went on to explain that in his school, all the students learning English are separated from the mainstream students.
He and other students in his program described having a single worksheet to work on for the entire day. As he described
above, he interprets this as school staff having lower expectations of FLNE students. Students with similar experiences
shared that lower academic expectations from school staff limited their ability to learn English quickly and discouraged
them from having high expectations for themselves. Below, Mateos thoughts on the English Language Arts standardized
state assessment are an example of how these perceived low expectations can breed internal doubt and be detrimental to a
students academic performance and persistence.

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...[Y]o pienso que nosotros todava no ...I think that were still not ready, at an
estamos preparados en el ingls para recibir English level to take that exam (MCAS). And
un examen de esos y pues nosotros tenemos well, we have to take that exam to transition
que hacer ese examen para pasar el ao de to the next years school grade, so, last year, I
escuela, so, yo el ao pasado, no me senta didnt feel prepared to do it. Because I didnt
preparado para hacerlo, porque no saba knowI knew some English, but I didnt feel
saba algo de ingls, pero no me senta prepared to do so. So that brought me down
capacitado paraso, entonces eso me bajaba and didnt motivate me to keep on going.
el nimo para seguir adelante.

David and Mateo described their desire for relevant, challenging content and high quality academic instruction as well as
additional scaffolding and academic supports. These examples demonstrate that curriculum and academic expectations also
send powerful messages to students about how they are perceived and what they can achieve.

Despite the experiences of discrimination, the young people included in this study were often resolute in their goals. Jos
describes how he finds inspiration and strength in response to the racism he experiences at school.

S pertenezco por el motivo que a uno lo ven I do belong for the reason that people look
de menos y es donde uno agarra ms fuerza down on me and thats where I gain more
y para demostrar que uno no es menos que strength to show that Im not less than others,
otro sino que todos somos iguales Yo he instead were all equal... Ive had so many
tenido muchos problemas en esta escuela problems in this school ever since I started
desde que comenc a estudiar siempre he school, Ive always had problems, so I didnt
tenido problemas y entonces no me pareci y like it and sometimes Ive wanted to leave
varias veces he querido dejar la escuela. Por school. For example, bullying from the way
ejemplo del bullying de la forma de como uno one dresses, the way one speaks, the way one
se viste, la forma en que uno habla, la forma walks... The truth is that seeing that racism
en que uno camina... La verdad al ver ese that they have on us, one gains like more
racismo que nos tienen ellos uno agarra como courage to learn, to learn English and show
ms coraje para aprenderlo, para aprender el that you can.
ingls y demostrar que t puedes.

SUPPORTIVE CLIMATE
While unsupportive relationships can promote a discriminatory and negative school climate, some youth described how
supportive relationships can mitigate the negative climate and create a lasting positive effect on their school experience.
While many of the youth described having negative experiences, they persisted in school because of relationships with
supportive adults. For instance, Marcos described how the support he receives from his school social worker and another
teacher outweigh some of his negative school experiences and keep him engaged in school.

Siempre solo dos personas me han apoyado There are always two people that have
mucho. Que son Ms. Gmez y Ms. Brown. supported me a lot, which are, Ms. Gmez
Siempre me han apoyado en mis estudios, en and Ms. Brown. Theyve always supported my
m. Me han ayudado a dar nimos, porque si education and myself. Theyve supported me
no fuera por ellas, quizs yo no estuviera aqu to motivate me, because if it werent because
en la escuela todava. of them, maybe I wouldnt be here at school
still.

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The young people described many ways that teachers, administrators, or other school-based personnel supported them.
Sometimes that was through general encouragement around academic support. Sebastin describes:

Y, mis maestras en la escuela, ellos son And also my teachers, they are really good
muy buenos, y siempre estn ah conmigo and theyre always there for me They always
Siempre me dicen: Siempre t enfcate en tell me, Always focus on what you want to
lo que t quieres cumplir, y nunca te des accomplish and never give up. I know you can
por vencido. S que t puedes. Y, eso me ha do it. And that has helped me a lot to learn
ayudado bastante a, a aprender el ingls, y English and also other things, to keep on
tambin en otras cosas, de poder seguir, para going and achieve my goals.
llegar a mis metas.

Other times young people experienced support through more general expressions of care, such as a teacher noticing a young
persons affect, asking how the young person was doing, or making a phone call home when a young person was absent or
late. Lina described how those phone messages inspired her to return to school.

Mi maestros me pasaban dejando mensajes, My teachers spent time leaving me (voice)


tena mil mensajes en el telfono. Tienes messages, I had about a thousand messages in
que regresar, hazlo por tu futuro. Y no s, my phone. You have to come back (to school),
personas que me motivaron a venir ac. Y do it for your future. And I dont know, people
ms porque te digo, me puse a pensar, dije, Ya that motivated me to come here. And more
fui dos aos, me faltan otros dos. Cmo no because I started thinking, I said I already
voy a pasar? O sea, tengo que ir. went to school for two years and I have two
years left. How am I not going to pass? I mean,
I have to go.

TRANSCARING CLIMATE
Some youth described their experiences of school climate in ways that appeared to align with a transcaring climate. A
transcaring climate is more than a supportive school climate; instead, it is an atmosphere where students feel recognized and
valued as people and for the diversity in their languages, cultures, and personal histories.67 In transcaring school climates,
curriculum, programs, and interpersonal interaction reflect that value.
Young people described several instances where teachers or school staff helped to foster transcaring climate.

S, me siento que soy parte de aqu porque... I do feel like I belong here... theyve helped me
me han ayudado bastante, no programas, sino a lot, not programs, but mostly Ms. Gmez.
que como Ms Gmez que ella siempre manda Shes always calling us, so she always knows.
llamar a uno, so ella sabe siempre. Trata de She tries to make you feel like youre part of
hacerlo sentir como parte de la escuela, como the school. Like were all like a community,
que somos como una comunidad, podramos we could say that, so, we feel more familiar to
decir, so nos sentimos como familiarizados each other Dario

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Dario and Daniel reflected on how curriculum, in this case a particular project, communicated teachers authentic care for
them and created a sense that their histories were valuable and respected.

Dario: Dario:
Pues que todos los maestros hablan aqu, Well, I think that all the teachers talk
de cada uno como fue nuestra vida me about how each of our lives were, I
imagino. Nuestro viaje de nuestro pas imagine, our journey from our home
hasta aqu verdad? Porque el primer countries to here, right? Because in the
ao, cuando yo vine, nosotros escribimos first year, when I came here, we wrote a
un libro con l... Escribimos un libro book with him (pointing at a classmate)...
de inmigracin. Que cada uno tena We wrote a book about immigration.
que escribir un prrafo, y de todos los That each of us had to write a paragraph
alumnos hicimos un solo libro. Que hasta and with all the classmates as well, we
ahorita, todava tengo ese libro en la made it into one book. That up until now,
casa. I still have that book at home.
Daniel: Daniel:
I still have it too. I still have it too.
Dario: Dario:
Y pues siento que, por esa manera, siento And so, I feel that, that way, I feel like the
que las maestras tambin tratan de teachers are also trying totrying to get
tratan de sacarnos informacin, para information out of us so they can know
ellas saber ms de nosotros. more from us.
Daniel: Daniel:
Entonces, yo pienso de que nadie sabe So I think that nobody knows our stories
mejor nuestras historias que Ms. Gmez. better than Ms. Gmez.

At this school, many students said that teachers made an effort to understand the impact of their immigration experiences,
creating a feeling that teachers cared about them not only as students but as people. Another young person, Ana, who left
school to support her family when her parents could no longer work, describes how the transcaring climate at her school
extended after she left, with the teacher encouraging her to return and asking about her family.

Yo aunque tal vez me sal de clases yo fui Even though I left school I went to my
a la graduacin de mi amiga Llego y este, friends graduation I arrived and when the
cuando ya termin la graduacin, y veo graduation ended, I see my teacher whos
a mi profesora que tena actualmente de currently teaching algebra and says to me, Ah
algebraY me dice, Ah, Ana estas aqu. Ella Ana youre here. She doesnt speak Spanish.
no habla espaol. Incluso ella me deca, que She even asked me to show her pictures of
le mostrara fotos de mi hermanita y ella le my little sister and she sent her a book that
mand un libro a ella que deca, se llama Mi said, its called My Monkey and I, but it was
mono y yo. Pero estaba, vena en espaol y en in English and Spanish And she gave me the
ingls... Y me da el libro y yo me quedo, guau! book and I was like, Wow! So, I saw her at
Entonces, igual a ella la v en la graduacin y the graduation and also the English teacher.
tambin v a la profesora de ingls. Me dice, She said to me, Ana, you can also do it So,
Ana t lo puedes hacer tambin. Entonces even when I dont come here to school, they
ellas, aunque yo no venga ac, ellas siguen (teachers) continue to support me.
apoyndome.

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Multiple teachers approached Ana at the graduation ceremony to encourage her to return to school, while continuing to
respect her family obligations and the reasons why she left.

A transcaring climate is not only experienced through youth-adult interactions. It can also encompass peer-to-peer
interactions and can be facilitated by adults who do not speak the young peoples native language as well as those who do.

Me voy a una maestra que conozco, despus I go after school to [see] a teacher that I know,
de escuela, Ms. Snchez... Ella si se queda Ms. Snchez She does stay after school every
todos los das ayudando, ayudando en las day helping students from all English levels,
tareas de todos los alumnos, que que van en el like level 1 with their homework. Everyone
nivel todos de ingls, nivel 1. Se quedan todo, stays, and I stay back as well. And all of us
y yo voy ah tambin. Y ah nos apoyamos support each other, because English level 1
entre nosotros mismos, porque los de nivel 1 students, those in English level 2 know less,
de ingls, nivel 2 saben menos, menos ingls less English than I do, so were there, helping
que yo, y ah estamosnos ayudamos entre each other out.
nosotros mismos.

When the young people reported experiencing characteristics of a transcaring climate, they also reported feeling a sense of
connection and belonging to the school, which encouraged persistence in school and a desire to give back. Beatrz describes
how her experience of feeling supported motivates her to create that same experience for new students who do not speak
English.

She helps me. I help her, too... When new students come in from Spanish-speaking countries, she
sometimes calls me down so I can give them like a little tour around the school and just explain to
them how the locker works and everything so I help her with that I like it because its like you get to
help these other students and its like youre willing to... I want to help them because its like my first
day here it was just crazy so I understand how they must feel, right? I mean they must feel the same
way Yeah and especially because you know theyre Spanish. We communicate better, understand
each other more.

Peers are a crucial resource for language acquisition and overall academic support. Young people interviewed for this study
provided examples of feeling seen, heard, and cared for, and that motivated them to create that same experience for
their peers who were themselves learning English. One student, Mateo, highlighted a way schools could capitalize on the
importance of peer-to-peer relationships to help students feel a greater sense of belonging and acceptance.

Debera desarrollar programas o proyectos, They should develop programs or projects


para desarrollar la comunicacin entre todos to develop communication among all the
los estudiantes. Estar todos unidos y no students. To be all united and not see each
vernos diferentes uno hacia otro, porque esa other different from one another, because
es el gran problema de ac, eso es lo nico. De thats the biggest problem here, thats the only
ah, lo dems pienso que est bien todo. thing. From there, I think everythings good.

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Conclusion
Decades after legislation and policy first gave EL youth full access to the United States education system,68 research is
still finding that, on average, FLNE students lag behind their native English-speaking peers in academic performance and
persistence to graduation.69 The authors of this report sought to take two approaches to understanding FLNE students school
experiences. The first approach revealed that FLNE students are a not a homogenous group. Considering constellations of
variables including eligibility for free/reduced price lunch, length of time in school, age, and EL status, the authors found
distinct classes of FLNE students exist in Massachusetts. Further, the authors found that membership in specific groups can
predict with high certainty a students probability of graduating from high school within four or five years, in comparison
to other groups. These findings suggest that a variety of factors compound one another in ways that are associated with
academic performance and persistence. Knowledge of these factors can lead to stronger interventions that include specific
pedagogical approaches and robust student supports.

The second approach took an in-depth look at the lived experiences of Latinx students who seemed to have similar
characteristics to two distinct classes identified in the quantitative analysis: Low-Income, Spanish Speaking Massachusetts
Newcomers, and the Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish. While the prevailing narrative across the U.S. and in
Massachusetts is that Latinx FLNE students are lower performing70 than their English-speaking peers, the authors analyses
revealed the numerous and complex barriers that FLNE Latinx youth might encounter throughout their school and home
lives that contribute to or hinder their academic performance and persistence. Young people also revealed supports and
approaches that led them to feel accepted and supportedboth academically and personally.

Ultimately, the approaches and findings in this report shed light on the diversity within the FLNE population, while
challenging the prevailing narrative about Latinx FLNE student performance. While this report is an important first step,
more research needs to be conducted in order to further understand the different groups of FLNE students that exist and
the lived experiences of young people who speak languages other than Spanish. Given that FLNE students make up roughly
one-fifth of the student population in Massachusetts, more work that seeks to understand the experiences of FLNE students is
necessary to provide the most appropriate and effective support through graduation and beyond.

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Implications
The Center for Promise research team went straight to the source and asked FLNE young people what improvements they
would make to programs, policies, and practices to help other students learn English and persist in school through graduation.
Presented here are recommendations based on their responses and experiences.

Create more opportunities for connection.


Youth described how connection with peers and adults is important for battling prejudice and fostering a sense of community
in school. Peer-to-peer collaboration has been linked to increased school engagement and performance. Schools are uniquely
positioned in the lives of FLNE youth to provide opportunities for connection to adults and peers within the walls of the
school building and in the broader community. This might include opportunities for young people to assume leadership roles
and to serve their communities.

Debera desarrollar programas o proyectos, They should develop programs or projects


para desarrollar la comunicacin entre todos to develop communication among all the
los estudiantes. Estar todos unidos y no students. To be all united and not see each
vernos diferentes uno hacia otro, porque esa other different from one another, because
es el gran problema de ac, eso es lo nico. De thats the biggest problem here, thats the only
ah, lo dems pienso que est bien todo.iv thing. From there, I think everythings good.
Mateo

Continue to increase opportunities


for teacher training and sharing of
promising practices.
Many of the youth the authors spoke with expressed a
desire for shared language with teachers. Highly effective
educators, who are trained to serve EL students, are
critically important to the states efforts to increase
academic performance for all EL and FLNE youth and
can help provide them with the supports necessary to
reach graduation. Continuing to provide educators with
increased opportunities to learn from one another, share
promising practices, and receive input from the youth they
serve will help educators to better meet the diverse needs
of the FLNE student population.

I think like if some teachers that are


teaching in high school, theyll speak
Spanish, it will help a lot if they speak both
English and Spanish. Sandra

Students were encouraged to respond in either English or Spanish, depending on their preference. Responses in Spanish have been translated into
iv

English; responses in English are presented only in the original language.

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Engage young people in the design of educational programs that serve FLNE
students.
Young people have unique expertise and insight into the educational experiences that will lead to their academic success.
Empowering youth and including their feedback in conversations about their educational experience can help educators
structure more student-centered curriculum and programs for FLNE youth. When asked, young people expressed their
desire for more bilingual staff, increased opportunities for employment assistance, and greater opportunities to interact with
their native English-speaking peers.

Dira yo que la mejor regla seria que nos Id say that the best rule would be to talk to us
hablaran pues, un tiempito espaol para pues in Spanish for some time so we get used to it
mientras nos acostumbramos, aprendemos lo and we learn the basics, and then just English.
bsico y ya despus puro ingls. Pues, esa es Thats one of the rules we have here and I like
una de las reglas que est aqu, que me gusta that rule. Julio
esa regla.

Provide more flexible programs for older youth.


Older youth spoke about the need to earn money to take care of family and how this was often in conflict with their desire to
attain a high school diploma. Providing flexibility to help these young people balance their family responsibilities and course
load could lead to increased graduation rates. Superintendents and principals have accomplished this by creating flexible
schedules (on a student-by-student basis), offering programs, such as internship programs, that prepare young people for the
workforce, and providing opportunities for blended learning.

Si. Yo habl con la profesora si poda dejar I talked to the teacher... to see if they could
entrar por lo menos a las nueve de la let me come in... at least 9 a.m. so I could rest
maana para yo descansar un poco ms. Pero a little bit more. But, I had to take the class
el detalle era que la primera clase que yo tena in the first period because it was necessary
era necesaria para la graduacin. Entonces no for graduation. So, they couldnt change it for
me la poda cambiar. me. Ana

Provide more comprehensive student supports.


Young people come to school with multiple needs. Recognizing this, schools can serve as hubs of resources and connection
that extend beyond academics, providing supports based on the needs of their student populations. Full-service community
schools, as well as nonprofit organizations, such as Beacon Centers in New York City, offer models for how schools can create
partnerships to provide these supports.

Si mi pap est operado, mi mam no trabaja, If my dad had surgery, my mom does not
solo yo trabajo. Entonces me toc que dejar work, I only work. So, I had to leave school
la escuela por eso... mi profesora me dio la because of that... My teacher gave me a free
tarjeta del bus gratis.. pero incluso yo senta bus pass, but I even felt it was not enough,
que no era suficiente, porque tena que llevar because I had to bring money home. Ana
dinero a la casa.

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Support the student by supporting the family.


Schools should continue to mine research and best practices to better engage and support families. One strategy might
include incorporating family engagement technologies, such as Kinvolved, creating Family Centers,71 conducting home
visits, and deliberately recruiting family and community members to be involved in the daily life of the school. Districts
can support these efforts by allocating resources to a school counselor, social worker, or family engagement specialist who
can serve as the link between home and school. In addition, offering opportunities for family members to learn English
specifically at their childs school could lead to an increase in the parents level of comfort with their childs educational
environment.

Pienso de que si el gobierno creara, por lo I think if the government could create, at
menos programas, para estudiar de un cierto least, programs to study for a certain period
tiempo por las tardes, para gente mayor, of time in the afternoons for older people, I
siento que eso sera como una ayuda extra, feel like thatd be like an extra support that
que nos estuviesen dando a nosotros los theyd be giving us, Latino youth as well as
latinos, tanto como los hijos y padres de parents. Daniel
familia.

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APPENDIX A
Massachusetts Policy Context
As more robust data on academic performance and graduation rates for EL students has become available, the state has
offered several new programs and implemented new policies aimed at making educational opportunities in Massachusetts
more responsive to the needs of ELs:

RETELLTeacher Preparation and Qualification: Partly in response to recommendations from the U.S. Department of
Justice, in 2012 the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education (ESE) instituted the RETELL
(Rethinking Equity and Teaching for English Language Learners) initiative. Part of this more comprehensive effort
at improving teaching and learning conditions for ELs involved an additional 45-hour teacher endorsement in SEI for
core academic content teachers with any EL students in their classes. Between September 2012 and July 2016, state-
sponsored professional development was offered to help teachers earn this endorsement, and roughly 40,000 teachers
and administrators were trained in SEI during that time. The endorsement was required as of July 1, 2016, and now
districts, educational collaboratives, and institutions of higher education offer courses to teachers. In addition, teacher
preparation programs require the coursework.72

SLIFEIdentification and Classification of Students with Limited and/or Interrupted Formal Education (SLIFE): After the 2002
law, many students either mistakenly opted out of SEI services or were misclassified.73 Under the 2002 law, students
who had been in Transitional Bilingual Education (TBE) programs were moved into SEI settings. However, parents could
opt out of EL services with their students being placed in general education settings. If a district has 20 students whose
parents opt them out of education, from the same spoken language, then the parents can ask that the district establish a
Transitional Bilingual Education (TBE) program.

Recently, a new subgroup of the EL population has been identified by ESE. Recognizing the unique educational profiles
of many FLNE students and the need to develop a more robust system of evaluating individual student needs, in
2015 ESE instituted the SLIFE guidance, a process to identify and provide services for EL students with limited and/
or interrupted formal education.The SLIFE guidance stipulates that when a new student enrolls in a school district,
it is the districts obligation to determine whether the student is an EL and to place that student in an appropriate
instructional program. 74 SLIFE lays out classification steps and protocols so school districts can assess students
language needs and develop an educational program to meet those academic and language needs. This classification
allows for an individualized treatment plan that includes the components of SEI (ESL & SCI) but has options for more
intensive sheltered instruction as well as guidance/counseling supports to help a young person gain language and
academic skills.75 Districts are establishing SLIFE programs to better meet the needs of these learners.

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APPENDIX B
Methods
Quantitative Participants
Student-level data were acquired from the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education. The authors
included data from first-time ninth grade students who were enrolled in a Massachusetts public school by the end of the 2011-
12 school year. From this total sample of 76,744 students, individuals whose first (native) language was not English (FLNE)
and were not removed from their schools due to Special Education classification (e.g., out-of-district placement; N=144), were
identified (see Table 2), resulting in a sample of 13,075 students for this analysis.

Quantitative Analysis Plan


Latent Class Analysis (LCA) was used to examine whether there exist frequently occurring clusters of FLNE students
(question 1). Eight indicators were used to identify unique clusters or classes of FLNE students:

EL program participation ninth grade achievement


free/reduced price lunch eligibility eighth grade ELA MCAS
SPED status eighth grade Math MCAS
years in Massachusetts public schools native language.

Subsequent multilevel logistic regression analyses assessed links between class membership and 4- and 5-year graduation
status with fixed effects to account for school level factors (Question 2).

Qualitative Participants and Procedure


To understand the lived experiences of FLNE students, the research team collected data in two steps. The authors conducted
group interviews in four public school districts and one nonprofit community-based organization in Massachusetts.
Participants (n=24) participated in two group interviews each and were given a $40 gift card per session. Prior to the first
group interview, participants were given a survey that solicited demographic information (e.g., age, country of origin), and
information about school (e.g., grade level; see Table 4). Staff, school teachers, and administrators recruited and identified
students to participate in the research study through referrals, phone calls, and fliers. All of the participants identified
themselves as first-generation immigrant youth, born outside of the U.S. All youth identified Spanish as their first language,
and none of their parents were born in the U.S. All participants and names mentioned were replaced with pseudonyms for
this report.

TABLE 4. Qualitative Sample


Sample size (N) Gender Age of sample Countries of origin Current educational context First language Spanish

24 15 Male 18-25 El Salvador = 10 Attending traditional high 24


6 Female Puerto Rico = 3 school = 18
Guatemala = 3 Not in school = 5
Honduras = 5 Attending 2- or 4-year college
Dominican Republic = 2 =1

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The group interview protocol was developed by the research team and generally covered young peoples experiences in
school, at home, and outside of school. In addition, the protocol specifically covered why youth leave or persist in school.
Sample questions include, If you left high school, why did you leave before graduating? If you are in high school, have you
thought about leaving school? Why or why not? and How was your experience learning English in school? Youth were
provided with all materials in both English and Spanish. The group interviews ranged from 60 to 90 minutes long and began
with ice breakers before delving into the group interview protocol. The group interviews were conducted in both English and
Spanish, allowing youth to respond however they felt most comfortable.

Analysis
The authors took a phenomenological approach to qualitative data analysis.76 This method is ideal for capturing the common
meaning for a group of individuals lived experiences of a concept or phenomena.77 All data were analyzed using QSR
Internationals NVivo 10 qualitative data analysis software. Transcripts were coded separately by two researchers who later
met to reconcile any differences until they reached 100 percent agreement. In addition, all research team members met on
a weekly basis to ensure fidelity of coding. In keeping with the phenomenological approach, the research team began their
analysis by reading over the transcripts and coding for significant statements (e.g., I want to be somebody in life) or themes
(e.g., social support) that recurred throughout the group interviews across all five sites. This was an iterative process where
the authors constantly reread transcripts and allowed themes to emerge from the data until the authors no longer saw new
recurring statements. Then, in keeping with a hermeneutical phenomenological approach,78 the researchers met and reflected
on the essential themes to interpret what constituted the nature of the FLNE students lived experiences. This was an
iterative process where the researchers consulted with colleagues unfamiliar with the data to reduce bias in interpretation.

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APPENDIX C
Description of Latent Class Analysis (LCA) Indicators and
Missing Data
With the exception of EL status and 8th Grade MCAS scores, all indicators were derived from the end of the 2011 academic
year (i.e., June 2012) data. Age was continuously coded, and three variablesstudent race, native language, and school
districtwere coded as categorical variables. All other variables were dichotomous.

English Learners (EL). Students were identified as EL if they had participated in EL programing anytime between the
October of 2009 (the beginning of 7th Grade) and June of 2012 (the end of 9th Grade). Students who had participated in
EL programming were given a value of 1, while non-EL students were given a value of 0.

Free/Reduced Price Lunch. Students who were identified as eligible to receive free or reduced price lunch in June of 2012
were given a value of 1. All other students were given a value of 0.

9th Grade Achievement. If students were receiving passing grades in all of their 9th Grade coursework, they were given a
value of 1. If a student was failing any course, they were given a value of 0.

8th Grade MCAS Scores. Students 8th Grade ELA and Math MCAS scores were coded into separate dichotomous variables
with Proficient or Advanced scores given a value of 1 and Needs Improvement or Warning scores given a value
of 0.

Special Education (SPED) Status. Special Education status was coded as 1 if students were currently participating in
SPED programming. All other students were given a value of 0.

Years in Massachusetts Public Schools. Students who had been enrolled in Massachusetts public schools for more than two
years as of June 2012 were given a value of 1. Students who had been enrolled in Massachusetts public schools for two
years or less were given a value of 0.

Language. Eight language categories (Spanish, Portuguese, Hatian Creole, Chinese (including Mandarin and Cantonese),
Vietnamese, Cape Verdean, Khmer/Khmai, and Russian) were created based on the most predominant languages
that students reported speaking. A ninth category, Other, was created to represent all other languages that students
reported speaking. This category is not intended to represent a homogenous group, but rather was created to capture low
frequency languages for which the small number of students represented in each prevents meaningful interpretation.

Gender. Students gender was coded as 1 (female) or 0 (male).

Race/Ethnicity. Students race/ethnicity was coded in line with procedures outlined by the Massachusetts Department
of Early and Secondary Education (DESE). Racial/ethnic categories included Hispanic, Black, White, Asian American,
American Indian, Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander and Multiracial Non-Hispanic.

Age. Age was calculated by subtracting each students date of birth from June 1, 2012.

School District. Students enrollment was defined as the school district where they were enrolled in June of 2012.

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TABLE 5. FLNE Classes


% Passing % Advanced % Advanced % Enrolled
all 9th grade or Proficient or Proficient in MA public
N % EL % Free lunch courses math MCAS ELA MCAS % SPED schools >2 years % Female Age

Class 1: Students Likely Passing


549 21% 3% 74% 3% 56% 37% 91% 46% 15.61

Class 2: Excelling Non-EL Students


2410 5% 31% 100% 100% 100% 2% 96% 51% 15.26

Class 3: Above Average ELs


754 100% 65% 99% 83% 53% 0% 31% 50% 15.99

Class 4: Low-Income, Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers


3632 15% 88% 66% 38% 97% 3% 98% 51% 15.45

Class 5: Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers


2169 96% 78% 50% 0% 8% 5% 15% 46% 16.13

Class 6: Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish


3561 52% 94% 44% 1% 3% 44% 100% 44% 15.72

TABLE 6. Native Languages and Class Membership


Spanish Portuguese Haitian Creole Chinese dialect Vietnamese Cape Verdean Khmer Russian Other

Class 1: Students Likely Passing


15% 50% 7% 3% 1% 0% 0% 6% 17%

Class 2: Excelling Non-EL Students


9% 10% 1% 23% 11% 0% 3% 7% 35%

Class 3: Above Average ELs


3% 16% 6% 25% 10% 20% 2% 3% 15%

Class 4: Low-Income, Long-Time Residents, Non-EL Spanish Speakers


67% 6% 5% 1% 3% 2% 4% 0% 11%

Class 5: Low-Income, Spanish Speaking, Massachusetts Newcomers


58% 2% 13% 1% 0% 8% 0% 0% 17%

Class 6: Differentiated Learners Who Speak Spanish


77% 4% 3% 0% 1% 2% 3% 0% 9%

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Missing Data
In cases with missing data, class membership was determined by all available data, using the principle of Maximum
Likelihood Estimation.79 For example, if students had data on six of the eight LCA indicators, their results were determined
using information from those six variables. Every student had data for five of the indicators and there was very little missing
data on the remaining variables. See table below.

TABLE 7. Amount of Missing Data, by Indicator


N Coverage % Missing
EL Enrollment 13075 100% 0%
Free/Reduced Price Lunch 13075 100% 0%
Special Education Status 13075 100% 0%
Years in Massachusetts Public Schools 13075 100% 0%
Native Language 13075 100% 0%
Passing 9th Grade Courses 11576 88.54% 11.46%
8th Grade Math MCAS 10229 78.23% 21.77%
8th Grade ELA MCAS 10150 77.63% 22.37%

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ENDNOTES
1 Niehaus & Adelson, 2014.
2 Capps et al., 2015.
3 Hill & Torres, 2010; Garcia-Reid, Peterson & Reid, 2015.
4 NCES.gov, 2016.
5 Cornelius-White, 2007; Roorda, Koomen, Spilt, & Oort, 2011.
6 Roffman, Suarez-Orozco, & Rhodes, 2003.
7 Lukes, 2013.
8 Olsen, 2014; Slama, 2014.
9 Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2009; Hill & Torres, 2010.
10 National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2017.
11 NCES.gov, 2016; DART, 2014
12 Jimerson, Patterson, Stein, & Babcock, 2016.
13 Sanchez, 2017; DART, 2014
14 Slama, Haynes, Sacks, Lee, & August, 2015.
15 DART, 2014.
16 The 190th General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, (2002).
17 Ibid.
18 Slama et al., 2015.
19 Mangone, 2017.
20 Slama, 2014
21 Sanchez, 2017.
22 National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2017.
23 DART, 2014.
24 Ibid.
25 Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2009; Wentzel, 1999.
26 Demaray & Malecki, 2002; Somers, Owens, & Piliawsky, 2008; Kalil & Ziol-Guest, 2008.
27 Suarez-Orozco, C., Pimentel, A., & Martin, M., 2009; Suarez-Orozco, Rhodes, & Milburn, 2009.
28 Roffman, et al., 2003.
29 Garcia, Woodley, Flores, & Chu, 2012.
30 Garcia et al., 2012
31 Ibid.
32 Ballantyne, Sanderman, & Levy, 2008.
33 Alfaro, Umana-Taylor, & Bamaca, 2006; Suarez-Orozco, Pimentel, & Martin, 2009; Garcia-Reid et al., 2015.
34 Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2009; Hill & Torres, 2010; Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007.
35 Cordova, Ciofu, & Cervantes, 2014; Umana-Taylor et al., 2014; Alfaro et al., 2014; Henry, Plunkett, & Sands, 2011.
36 Cordova et al., 2014; Umana-Taylor et al., 2014, Alfaro et al., 2014; Henry et al., 2011.
37 Henry et al., 2011; Ceballo, 2004.
38 Halgunseth, Ipsa, & Rudy, 2006.
39 Henry, et al., 2011.
40 Crean, 2004; Jeynes, 2007; Garcia-Reid et al., 2015.
41 Suarez-Orozco, Todorova, & Louie, 2002.
42 Suarez-Orozco et al., 2002.
43 Gindling & Poggio, 2012.
44 Bean, Leach, Brown, Bachmeier, & Hipp, 2011.
45 Jeynes, 2007.
46 Hill & Torres, 2010.

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47 Garcia-Reid et al. 2015.


48 Behnke, Gonzalez, & Cox, 2010; Suarez-Orozco, & Suarez-Orozco, 2009.
49 Ramirez, 2003.
50 Behnke et al., 2010; Wright & Levitt, 2014.
51 Capps, et al., 2015.
52 Abrego, 2014.
53 Hirsch et. al, 2000.
54 Sanchez, Esparza, & Colon, 2008.
55 Sanchez et al., 2008.
56 Molloy Elreda, Kibler, Johnson, Karam, & Futch, 2017; Suarez-Orozco, Pimentel, & Martin, 2009; Stanton-Salazar, 2004.
57 Johnson, Simon, & Mun, 2014; Suarez-Orozco, Pimentel, & Martin, 2009; Cooper, 2013.
58 Ybarra, Sanchez, & Sanchez, 2016.
59 Aguirre, 2012.
60 Almeida et al., 2016; Aguirre, 2012.
61 Rhodes et al., 2015; Rios-Salas & Larson, 2015; Szkupinski Quiroga, Medina, & Glick, 2014,
62 The authors used a Latent Class Analysis (LCA) to determine whether there were frequently occurring clusters of FLNE students in
Massachusetts.
63 Lukes, 2013.
64 Henry et al., 2011; Ceballo, 2004.
65 Gregg, Rugg, & Stoneman, 2012.
66 Suarez-Orozco et al., 2002.
67 Garcia et al., 2012.
68 Olsen, 2014.
69 Slama, 2014.
70 Slama, et al., 2015.
71 Mapp, 2008.
72 See http://www.doe.mass.edu/retell/2012-1207SEIendorse.html#6.
73 Serpa, 2011.
74 Uriarte & Tung, 2009; See SLIFE guidance document http://www.doe.mass.edu/ell/guidance/SLIFE-Guidance.pdf.
75 Serpa, 2011; See SLIFE guidance document http://www.doe.mass.edu/ell/guidance/SLIFE-Guidance.pdf.
76 Creswell, 2013.
77 Ibid.
78 Ibid.
79 Akaike, 1998.

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The Center for Promise is the applied research institute for Americas Promise Alliance, housed
at the Boston University School of Education and dedicated to understanding what young
people need to thrive and how to create the conditions of success for all young people.
Center for Promise
Boston University School of Education
621 Commonwealth Avenue, 4th oor
Boston, MA 02215
CfP@AmericasPromise.org
www.AmericasPromise.org/CenterforPromise

Americas Promise Alliance is the nations largest network dedicated to improving the lives of
children and youth. We bring together more than 400 national organizations and thousands
of community leaders to focus the nations attention on young peoples lives and voices, lead
bold campaigns to expand opportunity, conduct groundbreaking research on what young
people need to thrive, and accelerate the adoption of strategies that help young people succeed.
GradNation, our signature campaign, mobilizes Americans to increase the nations high school
graduation rate to 90 percent by 2020. In the past 12 years, an additional 2 million young
people have graduated from high school.

Suggested Citation
Varga, S.M., Margolius, M., Tang Yan, C., Cole, M.L. & Zaff, J.F. (2017). I Came Here to Learn: The
Achievements and Experiences of Massachusetts Students Whose First Language Is Not English.
Washington, DC: Americas Promise Alliance.

Acknowledgements
The Center for Promise would like to thank the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and
Secondary Education, specifically Nyal Fuentes for his leadership on the GradNation State
Activation Initiative and Carrie Conaway, Paula Willis, Kathryn Sandel, Paul Aguiar, Melanie
Manares, and Audrey Mangone for their input and assistance throughout this project.
This research could not have been completed without the voices of the young people and the
assistance from staff from Revere High School, Chelsea High School, Somerville High school,
Brockton High School and Worcester Straight Ahead Youth Ministries, Inc.
The authors are grateful to Dr. Leigh Patel, Associate Professor at Boston College, Lynch
School of Education and Dr. Yasuko Kanno, Associate Professor at Boston University, School of
Education for taking the time to review this report and providing valuable insight and feedback.
The authors express deep gratitude to Alicia Doyle Lynch for serving as the lead quantitative
researcher on this project and to doctoral research assistant Jingtong Pan for providing
additional quantitative support throughout the project. In addition, to Michelle Hynes and
Beth Peabody for helping to present these complex quantitative and qualitative findings in a
cohesive narrative that highlights the voices and experiences of the young people. And to Patty
ORourke and Loreta P. Ansaldo, who assisted with the translation of the accompanying Spanish
executive summary. And to Miriam Rollock, Sean Flanagan, Eva Harder and Stefanie Weiss for
their editing support.
Finally, the authors would like to thank former Center for Promise research scientist, Alice
Donlan, and doctoral research assistant, Elana McDermott for their support in the early phases
of this project.
This research study, I Came Here to Learn, is generously
supported by Pearson.

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