Professional Documents
Culture Documents
ROSLYN M. FRANK
1
Cf. Jean Dominique Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, Grenoble, 1996. Richard von
Wolfram: Brenjagen und Faschinglaufen im oberen Murtale, in: Wiener
Zeitschrift fr Volkskunde, 1932, 37, p. 59-81.
2
. For example, Pastoureau subscribes to the view that the ftes de lours found in the
Pyrenean-Cantabrian region came into being only a few centuries ago after the bear
population of the zone became depleted. At the same time, however, he argues that
the bear might have been the first deity of humankind. Cf. Michel Pastoureau:
Lours. Histoire dun roi dchu, Paris, 2007, p. 23-52. Cf. also G. Caussimont: Le
mythe de lours dans les Pyrnes occidentales, in: Hommes, Animal, Socit:
2
Actes du Colloque du Toulouse, 1987 (Alain Couret and Frderic Oge, eds.),
Toulouse, 1989, p. 367-380.
3
Cf. Helmut Seebach: Strohgestalten in der sdwestdeutschen Fastnacht, in: Narri-
Narro, 2004, 4, http://www.narren-spiegel.de/Texte/strohbaeren.htm.
4
Cf. Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, p. 53, 213-214.
5
This study forms part a larger research project entitled Hunting the European Sky
Bears, for example, cf. Roslyn M. Frank: Hunting the European Sky Bears: When
Bears Ruled the Earth and Guarded the Gate of Heaven, in: Astronomical
Traditions in Past Cultures (Vesselina Koleva and Dimiter Kolev, eds.), Sophia,
1996, p. 116-142. Hunting the European Sky Bears: Candlemas Bear Day and
World Renewal Ceremonies, in: Astronomy, Cosmology and Landscape (Clive
Ruggles, Frank Prendergast and Tom Ray, eds.), Bognor Regis, England, 2001, p.
133-157. Hunting the European Sky Bears: A Diachronic Analysis of Santa Claus
and his Helpers, in: An Enquiring Mind: Papers in Honour of Alexander Marshack
(Paul G. Bahn, ed.), Woodbridge, CT, in press.
3
. Peillen: Le culte de l'ours chez les anciens basques, p. 171-172. For a discussion
8
of the widespread nature of this custom, cf. Rmi Mathieu: La patte de lours, in:
LHomme 1984, XXIV (1), p. 5-42. Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, p. 115-125
5
13
In certain zones of the Pyrenees the popular performances acted out each year by the
villagers include vignettes that reproduce scenes from the Bear Son saga. Cf. Violet
Alford: The Springtime Bear in the Pyrenees, in: Folklore 1930, XLI, p. 266-279;
The Candlemas Bear, in: National and English Review 1931 (Feb.), p. 235-244;
and Pyrenean Festivals: Calendar Customs, Music and Magic, Drama and Dance,
London, 1937.
14
Frank: Hunting the European Sky Bears: When Bears Ruled the Earth and Guarded
the Gate of Heaven, p. 133-135. Michel Praneuf: L'ours et les hommes dans les
traditions europennes, Paris, 1989. Tihomir P. Vukanovi: Gypsy bear-leaders in
the Balkan Peninsula, in: Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, 1959, 3 (37), p. 106-
125.
15
The motif of the Bear Son's descent to the underworld has many scholarly labels.
Aarne-Thompson classifies the story as The Three Stolen Princesses (Type 301)
with the following variants: Quest for a Vanished Princess (301A); The Strong
Man and His Companions Journey to the Land of Gold (301B); The Magic
Objects (301C) and The Dragons Ravish Princesses (301D) (cf. A. Aarne-Stith
Thompson: The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography, 2nd Rev.,
Helsinki, 1961, p. 90-93). Hansen classifies the tale similarly with some
modifications. He sees the story (301) combined often with Strong John (650)
(Der Starke Hans), a version of which appears in Grimm (cf. Terrence L. Hansen:
The Types of the Folktale in Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic and
Spanish America, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1957, p. 24-25, 75-77). At times a single
story may elaborate on a series of elements belonging to the longer Bear Son saga.
For example, the shamanically-coded Hungarian tale The Tree that Reached to the
Sky includes several episodes found in the older Basque version of the Bear Son
tale. Dgh has described it as containing elements from: The Three Stolen
Princesses (Type 301); The Ogre's (Devil's) Heart in the Egg (Type 302); The
Man on a Quest for his Lost Wife (Type 400); The Princess in the Sky Tree
(Type 468), with elements of The Grateful Animals (Type 554); The Youth
Transformed into a Horse (Type 314), and Three Animals as Brothers-in-Law
(Type 552A) (cf. Linda Dgh: Folktales of Hungary, Chicago, 1965, p. 312-314).
Substantial research has been done relating the Bear Son Tale to Beowulf (cf.
Robert A. Barakat: John of the Bear and Beowulf, in: Western Folklore, 1967,
26 (1), p. 111. Stephen O. Glosecki: The Wolf of the Bees: Germanic shamanism
and the Bear Hero, in: Journal of Ritual Studies, 1988, 2 (1): 31-53). In short, all
these motifs should be viewed as variations on the Bear Son saga discussed in this
study.
7
16
Paul Shepard: Bear essay (manuscript), 1995, p. 6.
17
va Schmidt: Bear Cult and Mythology of the Northern Ob-Ugrians, in: Uralic
Mythology and Folklore (Mihly Hoppl and Juha Pentikinen, eds.),
Budapest/Helsinki, 1989, p. 187-232.
18
Bill B. Brunton: Kootenai shamanism, in: Shamans and Cultures (Mihly Hoppl
and Keith D. Howard, eds.), Budapest/Los Angeles, 1993, p. 136-146. Mihly
Hoppl: Shamanism: Universal Structures and Regional Symbols, in: Shamans
and Cultures (Mihly Hoppl and Keith D. Howard, eds.), Budapest/Los Angeles,
1993, p. 181-192.
8
honor where the creatures blood and flesh were eaten. 19 Today in
Europe such hunts are encountered as re-enactments, as Good-Luck
performances in which a human actor mimes the role of the earthly
bear. After chasing after those present, especially young women,
the bear is captured, killed and falls down only to leap up once
again, resurrected. Previously, there appears to have been a final
interlude intended as a sending home ceremony in which the
earthly bears soul was sent back to heaven so that it could give a
report to the Sky Bear concerning the overall comportment of its
human descendants, for instance, whether they treated the animal
properly prior to killing it, whether they expressed their humility
and gratitude for the sacrifice made by the animal when it gave up
its life. The report, today often of a highly satiric nature, still forms
part of the conclusion of many Good-Luck Visits, and represents a
kind of evaluation or critique of the behavior of those visited or
present.20
In short, the earthly bears report served to inform the celestial
bear of the details of the behavior of its human offspring. A
positive report card guaranteed the health and well being of the
celestial bears human descendants. If the ceremonies were
properly performed, in the spring the bones of the earthly bear
would take on flesh anew in the form of bear cubs, while the souls
of all the other beings were thought to be released by the bear in the
spring when it awoke from hibernation, an action that in a hunter-
gatherer society would have guaranteed an abundance of game. 21
In the tales and related folk performances found across much
of Europe, the Bear Son intermediary often appears dressed as a
bear. This character, in turn, is often accompanied by a number of
musicians and false faces, masked figures that portray his Spirit
Animal Helpers, most particularly the White or Grey Mare and the
Female Eagle, while the latter appears in the performances at times
in the form of a Stork. 22 Ritual bear hunts are still performed in the
Franco-Cantabrian region and the Pyrenees, where today they are
acted out publicly during the period of Winter Carnival. 23 For
example, in Andorra the Festa de lOssa is celebrated both on
December 26th and during Spring Carnival. 24 Other data strongly
19
Lajoux: Lhomme et lours, p. 175-198. Zoya P. Sokolova: The Bear Cult, in:
Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia, 2000, 2 (2), p. 121-130.
20
Thomas Hollingsworth: A Basque Superstition, Folklore II, 1891, p. 132-133.
Roslyn M. Frank: Recovering European ritual bear hunts: A comparative study of
Basque and Sardinian ursine carnival performances, in: Insula (Cagliari, Sardinia),
2008, 3, p. 41-97, http://www.sre.urv.es/irmu/alguer/.
21
Boris Chiclo: Lours shaman, in: tudes mongoles et sibriennes, 1981, 12, p. 35-
112. Ossian Elgstrm and Ernst Manker: Bjrnfesten, Lulea [Sweden], 1984.
Praneuf : L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes.
22
For further discussion and photos of contemporary European performances in which
the bear and its trainer along with the White Mare and Stork appear, cf. Roslyn M.
Frank: Hunting the European Sky Bears: Aquila and the Female Eagle Shaman.
Presentation at the Oxford VIII International Conference on Archaeoastronomy /
15th Annual European Conference for Astronomy in Culture, Klaipeda, Lithuania,
July 22-31, 2007, http://www.uiowa.edu/~spanport/people/frank-publications.html.
23
For a discussion of similar public re-enactments and Good-Luck Visits conducted on
Candlemas Bear Day (February 2) and understood to form part of the world renewal
ceremonies associated with the Spring Carnival period, cf. Frank: Hunting the
European Sky Bears: Candlemas Bear Day and World Renewal Ceremonies, p.
133-157. Avelino Molina Gonzlez and Angel Vlez Prez: L'ours dans les ftes et
carnavals d'hiver: La Vijanera en Valle d'Iguna, in: L'ours brun: Pyrnes,
Abruzzes, Mts. Cantabriques, Alpes du Trentin (Claude Dendaletche, ed.), Pau,
1986, p.134-146.
24
Michel Praneuf: L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 62.
9
Mythic Origins of European Otherness, Ann Arbor, 1994. Pierre Duny-Ptr : Basa
Jauna le seigneur sauvage dans les lgendes basques, in: Socit des Sciences
Lettres et Arts de Bayonne, 1960, 92-94, p. 87-105. Christophe Gros: L'Homme
Sauvage. Une figure rituelle du Carnaval alpin, in: Nous autres (Erica Deuber
Ziegler and Genevive Perret, eds.), Gollion/Genve, p. 227-258, http://www.ville-
ge.ch/meg/pdf/tabou_1.pdf. Thierry Truffaut: Apports des carnavals ruraux en Pays
Basque pour l'tude de la mythologie: Le cas du 'Basa-Jaun', in: Eusko-Ikaskuntza.
Sociedad de Estudios Vascos. Cuadernos de Seccin. Anthropologa Etnologa,
1988, 6, p. 71-81.
33
Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann: Das Weihnachtsfest: Eine Kultur- und
Sozialgeschichte der Weihnachtszeit, Luzern und Frankfurt/M, 1978, p. 29. Violet
Alford: The Hobby Horse and Other Animal Masks, London, 1978, p. 116. Praneuf :
L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 63.
12
with the person of the bear trainer. Even the dancing bears long
pole, the standard prop of all bear trainers, was attended to
narratively and reinterpreted as the bishops walking stick, his staff
of office. As a result of these symbolic reinterpretations, the legend
ended up providing the populace with an ingenious justification for
conducting Good-Luck Visits: the narrative became a means of
justifying deeply ingrained patterns of belief while slightly
modifying them. At the same time by associating the dancing bear
with a given saints day, those wishing to carry out Good-Luck
Visits were given a green light. Indeed, in many locations the
performances continued to be conducted with relatively little
interference from the Church authorities.
For example, today in many parts of Europe on the saints day
in question, November 11th, an actor appears in the guise of the
bishop St. Martin. But, more importantly, when the individual
dressed as a bishop does appear, he continues, as before, to be
accompanied on his rounds by a bear-like creature, his pagan
double. In short, these ursine administrants, in recent times merely
ordinary human actors, perform their duties authorized by a kind of
Christian dispensation that permits them to continue to preside,
quite discreetly, over the festivities.38 In turn the bishop in question
takes over the role and attributes of the bear trainer through this
process of symbolic hybridization. Thus, the meaning of the
bishops companion, the masked figure representing the bear, is
transparently obvious once one understands the mechanisms of
hybridization involved in the renaming processes themselves. 39 In
short, any attempt to discover the identity of the furry, often
frightening, masked figures associated with St. Martins day must
take these facts into account (Figure 3).
38
Miles: Christmas Customs and Traditions: Their History and Significance, p. 208.
39
In addition to the Pyrenean zone, across much of France and the rest of Western
Europe the dancing bear is called Martin; in the Carpathian region of Romania
among its nicknames are Mos Martin (Old Martin), Mos Gavrila (Old Gabriel), as
well as Frate Nicolae (Brother Nicholas). In other parts of Europe the bear is often
called Blaise, a name linked to the date of February 3 and to the figure of St. Blaise,
the patron saint of bears. In addition, this saints day coincides neatly with the day
after Candlemas Bear Day, the latter being celebrated on February 2. In the Balkans,
however, it is St. Andrew who is presented as the patron of bears. Cf. Arnold
Lebeuf: Des veques et des ourses: tudes de quelques Chapiteaux du Clotre de
Saint Lizier en Couserans, in: Ethnologia Polona, 1987, 13, p. 257-280. Praneuf:
L'ours et les hommes dans les traditions europennes, p. 61-71.
15
45
Adapted from Erich and Beitl: Wrterbuch der Deutschen Volkskunde, p. 564.
46
George Halpert: A Typology of Mumming, in: Christmas Mumming in
Newfoundland: Essays in Anthropology, Folklore and History (Herbert Halpert and
George M. Story, eds.), Toronto. 1969, p. 34-61. For further discussion of these
characters as well as excellent illustrations of them, cf. Weber-Kellermann: Das
Weihnachtsfest: Eine Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte der Weihnachtszeit, p. 24-42.
47
Ray Cashman: Mumming with the Neighbors in West Tyrone, in: Journal of
Folklore Research, 2000, 37 (1), p. 73-84. For photos cf.
http://www.iupress.indiana.edu/journals/folklore/feature/mumming.html.
18
48
Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours, p. 216, citing Jean Bernard Muller: Les murs et usages
des Ostyaks et la manire dont ils furent convertis la religion chrtienne du rite
grec, Paris, 1732.
19
49
Matti Sarmela: The Bear in the Finnish Environment: Discontinuity of Cultural
Existence. Trans. by Annira Silver (2005). Appendix: Ritva Boom (1982). Helsinki,
2006, http://www.kotikone.fi/matti.sarmela/bear.html.
50
Sarmela: The Bear in the Finnish Environment. Discontinuity of Cultural Existence.
51
Along with Hungarian (Magyar), Khanty and Mansi (Ob-Ugrian) make up the Ugric
(or Yugric) branch of the Finno-Ugric family.
52
Schmidt uses the term astral bear rather than celestial bear. Cf. Schmidt: Bear
Cult and Mythology of the Northern Ob-Ugrians, p. 192.
53
E. A. Alekseenko: The Cult of the Bear among the Ket (Yenisei Ostyaks), in:
Popular Beliefs and Folklore Tradition in Siberia (Vilmos Diszegi, ed.),
Bloomington, Indiana/The Hague, 1968, p. 175-191. B. Klmn: Two Purification
Rites in the Bear Cult of the Ob-Ugrians, in: Popular Beliefs and Folklore
Tradition in Siberia (Vilmos Diszegi, ed.), Bloomington, Indiana/The Hague,
1968, 85-92.
20
(Voguls) tell a story of the earthly bear's origin on a cloud near the
Great Bear constellation. The bear comes down to earth to establish
the Brenfest ceremony, and then returns to the sky. Like other
bears since then, which are killed, the bears spirit was to be sent
home in accordance with the ceremony that it had taught humans at
the beginning of time.54 In the Khanty sacred tale, there is an
explicit spatial dimension to the tale, a vertical axis so that when
the tale begins the main character, a bear cub, is portrayed as
inhabiting a hut in the Upper World. At this point in time bears still
lived in heaven. Then, one day Father Bear goes out on a hunt.
While he is absent, the little bear manages to break the lock on the
hut and enters the courtyard of heaven. But being an ungainly cub,
her paw sinks deep through the floor of the Upper World, and,
looking through the hole, the cub glimpses Middle Earth and the
people who inhabit it. She is so pleased by what she sees that she
pleads with her father, Numi-torum, to allow her to visit the world
below, and finally convinces him. However, she receives
permission only after being instructed by her father to reward the
good people and punish the wicked. She is also told to explain to
humans how to conduct the bear ceremony, letting people how they
are to act, and to communicate to them the meaning of ceremonys
ritual component.55
Upon its demise, the slain bears soul was said to return home
where it would convey the details of its death and the feast held in
its honor to a chief or animal master, the Guardian of the Animals
who, in turn, appears to have been identified with or otherwise
connected to the celestial bear. In a fashion reminiscent of the
actions attributed to the main character of the Finno-Ugric tale, we
find that in the Basque version of the Bear Son saga, one day when
Father Bear goes out to hunt, Little Bear manages to remove the
stone blocking the entrance to the bear cave, breaking the lock so to
speak, and he then heads off to explore the outer world, but without
the explicit permission of his father, the Great Bear.
Because of the strong matrifocal nature of Khanty society,
female shamanism was prevalent.56 For this reason in the Khanty
texts, the figure of the Little Bear intermediary is portrayed as
female rather than male. There is evidence for a female-oriented
interpretation of the European materials also which may be
reflected in the figures of the pre-Christian Basque goddess Mari
and her animal helpers, the Italian Befana and the Germanic
Percht(a)/Bercht(a). In the case of the latter figure we should keep
in mind that the etymology of this term (and its phonological
variants such as precht and brecht) takes us back to the etymon of
Germanic words for bear, namely, *bher- bright, brown which
also shows up in Hans Rupert/Ruprecht: Das Wort percht
entspricht althochdeutsch peraht/beraht und bedeutet strahlend,
glnzend, und es ist in dieser Bedeutung in Eigennamen wie
54
Paul Shepard and Barry Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth and
Literature, New York, NY, 1992, p. 62.
55
Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw. The Bear in Nature, Myth and Literature, p.
63.
56
O. Nahodi: Mother Cult in Siberia, in: Popular Beliefs and Folklore Tradition in
Siberia (Vilmos Diszegi, ed.), Bloomington, Indiana/The Hague, 1968, p. 387-406.
Marjorie Mandelstam Balzer: Sacred Genders in Siberia: Shamans, Bear Festivals
and Androgyny, in: Gender Reversals and Gender Cultures (Sabrina Petra Ramet,
ed.), London/New York, 1996, p. 164-182. In this regard the ferocity and bravery
displayed by a female bear when protecting her cubs should not be underestimated.
21
Religious connotations
Shepard summarizes the Khanty beliefs, saying:
For the Ostyaks [Khanty], the bear serves as a delegate from
the world of the supernatural, the world beyond man. The feast
of the bear is intended to make clear the connection between
the holy places where the ceremony was performed and heaven
itself. By enacting the feast, the Ostyaks ensure that their souls
will wander to that holy spot where the fate of humans is
finally decided. In a sense, then, their lives rest in the hands of
the bear.58
In contrast to the Finno-Ugric mythic traditions, the European Bear
Son is born of a human female and a great bear. When he is seven
years old he tells his mother that he wants to go out into the world,
and gains her permission, sometimes saying that he wants to do so
in order to play with human children. After the hero manages to
remove the stone that serves as a lock on the bear cave, he takes off
along with his mother, although soon afterwards she disappears
from the story. While in these extant European Bear Son narratives
there is no explicit mention of an association between the Bear
Sons father and a celestial bear, there is other evidence that
supports such a conclusion: there are clear indications of a residual
belief in a celestially conceived ursine deity among the Basques. 59
For example, the celestial bear is portrayed as residing in heaven,
seated next to St. Peter, while the first question that St. Peter asks a
persons soul upon its arrival at the Gate of Heaven is: How did
you treat the bears? In the same regard, at local hermitages and
sacred sites across Europe we encounter the presence of bear
imagery, stories of saints and their bear companions. In fact, the
names of saints connected to such sites (e.g., St. Ursula) often
resonate linguistically with the former ursine occupants venerated
by the local populace.60
Indeed, after analyzing residual linguistic and ethnographic
evidence, the Basque researcher Patziku Perurena did not hesitate
suggest that to the Bear Son hero, who is called Hamalau in
Euskera, would be best understood as the central pre-Christian
deity of the Basques (Hamalaua, gure Jaingo Hamalau, our
57
Erich Mller and Ulrich Mller: Percht und Krampus, Kramperl und Schiach-
Perchten, in: Mittelalter-Mythen 2. Dmonen-Monster-Fabelwesen (Ulrich Mller
and Werner Wunderlich, eds.), St. Gallen, 1999, p. 450,
http://www.fmueller.net/krampus_de.html.
58
Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth and Literature, p.
63.
59
Cf. Frank and Arregi Bengoa: Hunting the European Sky Bears: On the Origins of
the Non-Zodiacal Constellations, p. 15-43. Hollingsworth: A Basque
Superstition, p. 132-133
60
For a more detailed account of the celestial bear and religious sites connected to it,
cf. Roslyn M. Frank: Rethinking the Linguistic Landscape of Europe: The Indo-
European Homeland in Light of Palaeolithic Continuity Refugium Theory
(PCRT).
22
61
Patziku Perurena: Euskarak Sorgindutako Numeroak, Donostia, 1993, p. 265.
62
Christian Bernadac: Le premier Dieu, Paris, 2000, p. 370. Lajoux: L'homme et
l'ours, p. 213-220. Pastoureau: Lours. Histoire dun roi dchu, p. 23-51.
63
Shepard: Bear essay, p. 6. Paul Shepard: The significance of bears, in:
Encounters with Nature: Essays (Florence R. Shepard, ed.), Washington,
DC/Covelo, CA, 1999, p. 92-97.
64
Gary Snyder: The Practice of the Wild, San Francisco, 1990, p. 155-174.
65
Sarmela: The Bear in the Finnish Environment. Discontinuity of Cultural Existence.
23
66
Sarmela: The Bear in the Finnish Environment. Discontinuity of Cultural Existence.
67
Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in Nature, Myth and Literature, p.
59.
68
David Rockwell: Giving Voice to Bear: North American Indian Myths, Rituals and
Images of the Bear, Niwot, Colorado, 1991, p. 193.
69
The following observations by Matheiu might be applicable to the ursine symbolic
order embodied in European ritual practices: "On peut alors parler, au moins dans
l'imaginaire, de mtamorphose du chamane en ours: des lgendes chinoise et
amricaines content l'histoire de sorciers ou de hros rellement changs en ours. En
fait, cette croyance en rvle une autre: si le chamane peut se transformer en ours,
c'est parce que l'ours est lui-mme un homme mtamorphos. Dans les aires
gographiques tudies ici, il n'est gure de conviction plus profondment ancre: il
fut un temps o l'ours tait un homme; grattez sa peau, vous trouverez un tre
humain (Mathieu : La patte de lours , p. 13).
70
Robert A. Brightman: 2002. Grateful Prey: Rock Cree Human-Animal
Relationships, Regina, Saskatchewan. Boris Chiclo: Lours shaman, in: tudes
mongoles et sibriennes, 1981, 12, p. 35-112. Irving A. Hallowell: Bear
Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere, in: American Anthropologist 1926, 28:
1-175. Elgstrm and Manker: Bjrnfesten. David Rockwell: Giving Voice to Bear:
North American Indian Myths, Rituals and Images of the Bear.
24
71
Lajoux: L'homme et l'ours. Shepard and Sanders: The Sacred Paw: The Bear in
Nature, Myth and Literature.
72
For a more detailed discussion of the value system embedded in the ursine
cosmology, cf. Roslyn M. Frank: Shifting identities: A Comparative Study of
Basque and Western Cultural Conceptualizations, in: Cahiers of the Association for
French Language Studies 2005, 11 (2), p. 1-54,
http://www.afls.net/Cahiers/11.2/Frank.pdf.
73
Nurit Bird-David: Animism Revisited: Personhood, Environment, and Relational
Epistemology, in: Current Anthropology, 1999, 40, p. 67-91.
74
Cf. Frank: Shifting Identities: The Metaphorics of Nature-Culture Dualism in
Western and Basque Models of Self, p. 66-95.
25
75
Daniel Fabre and Charles Camberoque: La Fte en Languedoc: Regards sur le
Carnaval aujourd'hui. Toulouse, [1977] 1990. Patrick Mabey: Smeared Soot and
Black Blood: Reintroducing the Brown Bear to the Pyrenees and its Festivals
(M.A. Thesis in Environmental Humanities), University of Utah, 2007.