NEW CLASS

Milovan Djilas

An Analysis of the
Counist System

An Atlantic Press book pu!islzed

THAMES AND HUDSON

London
The Pulishes wish to expess their
gratitude f editorial assistance to
Mr. Moton Puner and Mr. Konrad Kellen.
First pulished in Great Britain, 1957
All rights reserved _,
Printed in tlle United States of America
Preface
All this could told in different way: as the history of
contemporary revolution, as the expression of set. of opinions,
or finally, as the confession of revolutionary. little of each
of these may found in this document. t, even if this is an
inadequate syntesis of history, opiions and memoirs, it re-
flects my effort to give as complete d as brief picture as
possile of cotemporay Commuism. Some special or tech-
ical aspects may lost, but. the lager picture, I trust, will
that much simpler d more complete.
I have tried to detach myself fom my persoal prolems
not submittig to tem. circumstaces are, at. best, un-
certai d I am tl1erefore compelled to express my pesonal
obsevatios d expe1ieces astily; more detailed examina-
tio of my persoal situatio migt some day supplemet d
pehaps even chage some of my coclusios.
I canot descrie all the dimesions of the coflict in the
paiful u of our cotemporary world. Nor do I preted
to ko'\v any world outside. the Commuist '\Vorld, in '\Vhich I
had either the fortue or isfortue to live. When I speak of
world outside my o'\vn, I do so orlly to put my '\V world in
perspective, to make its reality clearer.
v
 vi PREFACE PREFACE vii
Alost everytblng in this book has been expressed soe in this book, although the book's primary purpose is not to
vvhere else, and in different way. Perhaps new fiavor, color, trace this evolution.
and nod, and s \v thougts, found here. That I consider it superfluous to criticize Commuism as an idea.
is soething--i fact, quite enough. Each 's experiences The ideas of equality and brotherood among men, whic
are unique, 1vorthy of couication to bls fello1v n. v exjsred in varying fors sice mn society began-and
The reader sluld not seek in this book some kind of social >vhich contemporary Comnism accepts in wod-are pin
or other pbllosophy, not even 1vhere I make generalized state- ciples to -vvhich fighters for progress and eedom 1vill al1vays
ents. i has been to present pictue of the Counist aspire. It 1vold 1vrong t.o criticize tese basic ideas, as \\rell
1vorld but not to philosophize about it. means of generaliza- as vai and foolis. The struggle to achieve t is part of
tions-even though I v sometimes found geeralization mn society.
avoidale. Nor v I egaged i detailed criticism of Comnist
metod of detaced observatio seeed to t most theory, although such criticism is needed d useful. I have
suitale for pesenting ateial. preises could concetrated descriptio of cotemporary Commism,
v been stregthened and conclusios could v touching upon theor-y l 1vhere necessay.
proved quotatios, statistics, and ecitals of evets. I order It is impossile to express all my observatios d exper-
to as simple and concise as possile, I v istead expressed ieces i 1vork as bief as this . I v stated only the most
observatios througl1 reasoig and logical deduction, keep- essential of tem, usig generalizatios 1v t \Vere un-
ig quotatios and statistics to iniu. avoidale.
I tblk ethod is appopriate for personal story d This account may appear strange t.o tose 1v live in t
for method of 'NOrking d thinking. o-Comrunist 1vold; it. \vould t seem uusual to tose 1v
Ding adult life I v taveled the entire road to live i t Cormuist : I claim no exclusive credit or dis-
Counist: the Iovvest to the blgest rung of the bler- tiction for peseting t picture of tllat 1vorld, nor f t
cicalladde, f local d national to inteational forums, ideas concerning it. They simply the picte d ideas of
d the foratio of t tue Counist Party and t \VOrld i \vblc I live. I am poduct of tat 1vor1d. I v
organizatio of the revolution to the estalishent of the so- contriuted to it. No1v I am one of its cr-itics.
called socialist society. No one copelled to r or to l on t surface is tbls incosistet. I v struggled i
t Counis. I d o1vn decisio according to t past, and am strgglig IlO\V, for better world. t stg
convictions, l, in so far as n can . Even toug gle may t produce the desired reslts. Nevertl1eless, t logic
I 1vas disillusioned, I do not belong to tose whose disillusion- of my action is contaied in t legt d contiity of that
rent 1vas sarp and t. I cut yself off gradually and struggle.
cosciously, building up the picture and conclsions I present
in this book. As I became iceasigly estranged fro the re-
ality of cotepor-ary Cornism, I came closer to the idea
of derocatic socialis. This personal evolution is also refiected
 CONTENTS

Origins 1
Character of the Revolution 15
The New Class 37
The Party State 70
Dogmatism in the Economy 103
Tyranny over the Mind 124
The Aim and The Means 147
The Essence 164
National Communism 173
The Present-Day World 191
 Origins

1.

The roots of modern mis1 reach back very far, al-

though they >vere dormant before tl1e development of mode1
industry i -.;vester Europe. Communism's basic ideas are the
Primacy of Matter d t Reality of Change, ideas borrmved
from tblnkers of t period just befoie the inception of Com-
rnunism. As Communism endures and gains strength, these
basic ideas play less d less impotat role. This is uder
standale: once i pmvei, Commuism teds to Iemodel t
rest of the -.;vorld accoding to its o-.;vn ideas and teds less and
less to change itseif.
Dialectics and materialism-te caging of t -.;vorbl inde-
pendently of hurnan -.;vill-formed the basis of the old, classical,
Marxist Commuism. s basic ideas -.;vere not originated
Communist theorists, suc as Marx or Engels. bor-
Io-.;ved them and -.;vove tem into -.;vhole, thus forming,
unintentionally, the basis for r1e1v conception of t -.;vorld.
idea of the Prirnacy of Matter was borrmved from the
French materialists of t eighteenth century. EIier thikers,
icluding Decritus in it Greece, had expressed it in
different way. The idea of t reality of chage, caused the
struggle of opposites, called Dialectics, was take over from
1
 2 NEW CLASS ORIGINS
Hegel; the same idea had n expressed in different \vay human society and t individual, and uses methods to estab-
He1-aclitus in ancient Greece. lish its power different from those its theories would suggest.
Without going into t details of t diffeences bet.,veen Beginning '\vit the preise tat t alone know the Iaws
Maxist ideas d precedig similar teories, it is necessary to which govern society, Counists aive at the oversiplified
poit out tat Hegel, in pesetig the idea of t Reality of and unscientific conclusio that this alleged knowledge gives
g, etaied the t of ugig supreme la\v, t t po,ver and the exclusive rigt to cange society and
or t Idea of t Absolute. As he expressed it, i t last aaly to control its activities. This is the r error of teir system.
sis t are ugl la'\vs '\vhic, indepedetly of lm Hegel claied tat t absolute r in Prussia was
will, gover nature, society, d um beigs. t incaration of bls idea of t Absolute. Counists,
Althoug stressig t idea of t Reality of g, :, on t oter d, clai tat t represent t incaration
d especially Engels, stated tat t la\vs of t objective or of t objective aspirations of society. Here is I' tan just
material world were ugl d idepedet of um one difference between t Counists and Hegel; tere is
beigs. '\vas ce1tai tat he '\vould discover t basic Ia,vs also difference bet1veen tl1e Comunists and absolute n
goverig life d society, just as Danvi d discovered t r. nr did not tblnk quite as blgly of itself as
la'\\'S goverig livig creatures. At rate, did clarify t Comunists do of teselves, r \Vas it as absolute as
some social la,vs, particular-Iy t way i '\Vi tese Iaws t are.
opeated i t peiod of early idustrial capitalism.
Tis fact l, v if accepted as accurate, canot in itself 2.
justify t tti of moder Communists tat dis-
coveed all t la1vs of society. Still less it justify their at- Hegel iself '\Vas probaly trouled t possile con-
t~mpt to :nodel society after tose ideas i t same '\vay tat clusions to drawn fro is own discoveries. For inst.ance,
l1vestock 1s d t basis of t discoveries of Lamarck d if everytblng '\Vas constantly being trasfored, wat '\Vould
Darwi. Huma society t compared to species of ai n to is own ideas and to t society '\Vi '\Vanted
mals or to iaimate objects; it is composed of individuals d to preserve? As professor royal appointet could
grou~s \vi are cotiuously d cosciously active i it, not v dared, in any case, to k pulic recoendations
grog d gig. for t iproveent of society on t basis of bls pilosopy.
. I t pret~nsios of contempOI'ary Commuism of beig, Tis '\vas not t case wit . As young n took
1f. not t uque and absolut.e, but in any case t igest active part in t 1848 revolution. "\vent to extrees in
sc1ence, based dialectical materialism, are idde t seeds dra,ving conclusios fro Hegel's ideas. Was not t loody
of its despotism. OI'igin of tese pretesios can foud class stuggle aging all over Europe straining to"\vard soething
i t ideas of , tougl1 blmself did t anticipate ne1v and blger? It. appeared not only tat Hegel '\Vas rigt
tem. tat is, Hegel as intetpreted Marx-but also tat pbllo-
?f course, contempora1y Communism does rt deny t sopical systes longer d eaning and justificatio, since
eXIstence of an objective or unchaging body of laws. However, science '\Vas discovering objective la1vs so rapidly, including
whe i power, it acts in an entirely different maner to'\vard tose applicale to society.
 4 NEW CLASS ORIGINS
In science, Comte's pos1t1v1sm llad already triumphed as of all of Marx's work, >vhich they considered as beig virtuaHy
method of inquiry; tlle Englisll scllool of political economy coplete. Science gradually yielded to propagada, and as
(Smitll, Ricardo, and otllers) 1vas at its lleight; l laws result, propagada teded r d r to represent itself
1vere being discovered from day to day in t atural sciences; as science.
md idustry 1vas carvig out its t on t basis of scie Beig product of bls tie, Marx deied the need for
tific techology; and t wouds of youg capitalism revealed kid of pilosopy. His closest friend, Engels, declared tat
temselves i t sufferig d the begiig struggle of the pbllosopy had died 1vit t developmet of sciece. Marx's
proletariat. Appently this 1vas t onset of t doiatio tesis >vas t at all origial. so-called scietific philosopy,
of sciece, v over society, and t eliinatio of t.he capital- especially after Cote's positivis d Feuerbac's ater
istic t of o;vership as t final obstacle to u happi- ialism, d t geeral fasblo.
ess d freedom. It is easy to uderstad 1v Marx deied t the d for
time 1yas ripe for one great coclusio. Marx had t and t possiility of estalisblg any kid of pilosophy. It
t darig d t dept to express it, but tere 1vere social is arder to uderstad >v bls successs tried to arrage his
forces availale 1vblch he could rely. ideas ito an all-iclusive syste, ito 1v, exclusive pilos
Marx >vas scietist and ideologist. As scietist, made opy. v toug they deied t d for any kid of
important discoveies, paicularly i sociology. As ideol- pilosopy, i practice t created dogma of teir w 1vi
ogist, furnised t ideological basis for the geatest and tl1ey cosidered to t "ost scietific" or tlle "l scie
ost impotant political moveents of d blstory, 1vhich tific" syste. I peiod of geeral scietific etusias and
took place first in and are mv taking place in Asia. of great canges brougl1t about i eveyday life and industry
But, just because he >vas scietist, ecooist, d sociol- science, t could t l but aterialists and to
ogist, Marx never thougt of constctig all-inclusive consider teselves tl1e "l" represetatives of t "l"
philosopblcal or ideological syste. said: "One tig scietific vie>v and ethod, particularly since t epresented
is certai; I t Marxist." His great scietific talent gave social stratu 1vblc 1vas i confiict 1vit all tlle accepted
t geatest advantage over all bls socialist. pedecessors, ideas of tlle tie.
suc as >v d Fourier. fact t.hat did rt isist on Marx's ideas >vere infiueced t scietific atospere of
ideological all-inclusiveness bls >v pbllosopical syste bls time, bls o>vn leaings to>vard sciece, and his evolu
gave him an even geater advantage over bls disciples. Most of tionary aspir-atio to give to t 1vorking-class oveent
the latter >vere ideologists and only to very liited degree- r or less scientific basis. His disciples 1vere ifiueced
as t exaples of Plekanov, Labriola, Lenin, Kautsky, and diffeent envionent d differet otives 1ven t
Stalin >vill sl>v-scientists. i main desire 1vas to construct conveed bls Yie>vs into dogrna.
syste out of Marx's ideas; tbls 1vas especially t.rue of tose If t political needs of t 1vorking-class oveent in
who kne1v little pbllosophy and d even less talent for it. As t Europe had not deanded ne1v ideology coplete in itself,
tie passed, Marx's successos evealed tendency to present t pbllosopy t.hat calls itself Marxist, t dialectical aterial
his teachings as finite and all-inclusive concept of the >vorld, is, \\rould have been forgotten-disissed as soeting t
and to regad temselves as esponsile for t contiuation particularly profound or even origial, toug Marx's -
 6 NEW CLASS ORIGINS 7
noic and social studies are of the ighest scientific and literary indstrial revolution or of the struggle of the indstrial prole-
rank. tariat for better life. It -.;vas no accident that tlle friglltful
strengt of Marxist pbllosophy did not Iie in its scie poverty d brutalizatio of t masses 1vich accompanied i
tific eleets, but i its ti -.;vith ass oveent, d dstrial cllange had po-.;verfl inflence Marx.. His most
ost of all in its ephasis tl1e objective of chagig society. importat -.;vork, Das Kapital contains number of important
1

It stated agai and agai that. the existig -.;vorld -.;vould chage and stining pages this topic. recurring crises, -.;vhich
siply because it d to cange, tat it bore the seeds of its \vere caracteristic of tlle capitalism of t nineteent tr,
-.;v oppositio d destruction; tat the -.;vokig class -.;vated togeter -.;vit t pover-ty and the apid incease of t popula-

this chage and -.;vould l to effect it. Inevitaly, the influ-
ence of this philosophy increased d created i the Europea
-.;vorkir1g-class ovement the illusio tl1at it -.;vas omnipotent,
at least. as method. I countries -.;vere siilar conditios did
t exist, sucl1 as Great Britai and the United States, t
ifluece d iportace of this pilosophy -.;vas insigificat,
despite the stegtll of the -.;voking class and the -.;vorkig~class
vt.
As sciece, Maixist philosophy -.;vas rt iportat, sice it
-.;vas based mainly Hegelia d materialistic ideas. As tlle
ideology of the -.;v, oppressed classes d especially of political
ovements, it marked an epocl1, first in Europe, and later in
Russia d Asia, povidig the basis for -.;v political move-
et d -.;v social system.
. \Vorbl \Var s d become militar-istic po-.;ver, and therefore
Marx thought tat the replacemet of capitalist society
1vould brougt t revoltioay stggle bet-.;vee rnilitaism" \vas l temporary, \vartime s of develop-
its t-.;vo basic classes, the bogeoisie and t poletariat. The
clas seemed all t mor-e likely to him s in the capital-
istic system of tat time t poverty d -.;vealth kept increas-
ing kd, t opposite poles of society tat -.;vas tlle Englis trade-uio rovemet. placed too much em-
sk periodic ecoomic crises.
I t last analysis, Marxist teachig 1vas t prodct of t
tiorl, logically led Marx to t belief tllat revoltio -.;vas the
only soltion . .r did not cosider revoltio to ievita
le in all contries, paticlarly not i tlse -.;vere democratic
istittios -.;v already tradition of social life. cited as
examples of s contries, i one of is talks, tlle Neterlands,
Great Britai d tlle United States. Ho-.;vever, can con-
clde from his ideas, take as -.;vole, tat the ievitaility
of revoltion -.;vas one of bls basic beliefs. believed i revo-
ltio d preaced it.; -.;vas revoltioary.
l\Iarx's revoltioay ideas, -.;vi 1vere coditional and t
univesally applicale, were cllaged Li ito absolte d
lllliversal piciples. I The lnfantile Disorder of "Left-Wing"
Communism peraps bls most dogmatic 1vork, Li devel-
1
oped tese piciples still more, differig -.;vit Marx's position
that revoltion -.;vas avoidale in cer-tai tis. said tat
Great ritai cold no loger regaded as contry i
1vi revoltio 1vas avoidale, s drig t First
tlle Br-itis \Vorkig class d t i t. evoltion.
Li d, t l in is failre to nderstad that "Bitish
et, t s failed to foesee t frter development
of democacy d ecoomic pogress i Gr-eat !itai or other
\Veste cotr-ies. also did t uderstand t natre of
pllasis or1 is \V, or Marxian, detenniistic, scietific ideas
d paid too little attention to the objective social role d
 8 NEV CLASS
potentialities of the 1vorking class in more highly developed
countries. Although he disclaimed it, he did in fact proclaim
his theories and the Russia evolutionary experience to
universally applicale.
According to Marx's ypothesis and his coclusions the
subject, the revolution >vould r first of all in the higbly
developed capitalist counties. Marx believed that the results
of the revolutio-that is, the ne1v socialist society->vould lead
to ne1v and higher level of freedom tha tat prevalent in
t existing society, in so-called lieral capitalism. This is
undestandale. In the very act of rejectig various types of
capitalism, Marx 1vas at the same time pi"Oduct of his epoch,
t lieral capitalist epoch.
I developig the Marxist stad that. capitalism must re-
placed not only igher economic and social fom-that is,
socialism-but higl1er form of human freedom, the Social
Democrats justifialy considered themselves to Marx's suc-
cessos. They d less ight to tis claim than the Com-
munists, 1vho cited Marx as the source of their idea that the
replacement of capitalism can take place only revolutionary
means. Hmvever, both groups of Marx's follo>vers-the Social
Demoats d t Commnists->vee only partly rigt i cit.-
ing him as t basis for tl1ei ideas. In citing Marx's ideas t
1vere defending teir o>vn practices, >vhich d oiginated in
diffeet, and already canged society. d, althog both
cited and depended on Maxist ideas, the Social Deocatic d
Comunist nveents developed in diffeent diections.
In cottries >vhere political and econoic pogess 1vas dif-
ficult, and 1v t >vkig class played 1veak role in society,
the d s slo1vly to k syste and dogma out of Altougl1 it d in fact also been dd in t East, Marx-
Marxist teaching. Moeover, i countr'ies >v econoic forces
and social relations 1vere t yet ripe for idustrial cange, as i
Russia and later in Cina, tl1e adoption and dogmatization of
the revolutioay aspects of Marxist teacings was rapid
and coplete. r >vas empasis on revolution the work-
ORIGINS 9
ing-class ovement. In such countries, Marxism grew stronger
and stroger d, 1vith the victory of t revolutionary party, it
became the dit ideology.
In coutries suc as Gr, 1vere t degree of political
and ecoornic progress made revolutio unnecessary, t derno-
cratic and reforrnist aspects of Marxist teacing, rater t
t revolutionary ones, domiated. ati-dogrnatic ideologi-
cal d political tendencies geerated empasis reform
the 1vorkig-class movernent.
I the first case, t ties 1vit Marx 1v st!'engtened, at
Ieast in out1vard r. In the second case, t 1vere
1veakened.
Social developrnet and the developrnent of ideas led to
severe scism i the European socialist rnovemet. Roghly
speaking, t canges i political and econornic conditions co-
incided 1vith chages i t ideas of tl1e socialist teorists,
because they interpreted reality in elative manner, that is,
i incornplete d one-sided 1vay, m tl1eir 0\V partisan
poit of vie1v.
Lein in Rsia and Bernstein i Gernay the t>vo ex-
tremes through 1vhich t diffeent canges, social and eco-
ornic, d t diffeet "ealities" of t 1voking-class move-
ments foud expessio.
Alrnost othing ernained of oigial :arxism. In the West
it had died out or 1vas in t process of dying out; in the East,
as esult of t estalisrnent of Cornrnuist rule, only res-
idue of foralisrn and dogmatisrn ernained of Marx's dialectics
and mateialisrn; tis 1vas used for t pur-pose of cernenting
po1ver, justifying tyanny, d violating urnan coscience.
ism operated tere as rigid dogrna 1vit increasing po1ver. It
1vas rnore than an idea tere; it 1vas ne1v government, nevv
econorny, 1v social systern.
Altoug Marx d furnised bls disciples 1vit t impets
for s developrnent, d Yery little desire f suc develop-
 10 NEW CLASS
ment nor did he expect it. History betrayed this great master
as it has others 1vho have attempted to interpret its laws.
What s been the nature of t development since Marx?
In the 1870's, the formation of corporatios d monopolies
had begu in courries 1vere the idustrial revolution d
already take place, suc as Germany, Eglad, and t Uited
States. This developmet 1vas in full swing the beginning
of the Hvetiet century. Scientific analyses were made of it
Hobson, Hilferding, and others. Leni, in Imperialism, the
Final Stage of Capitalism, made political analysis, based
il on tllese authors, containing predictions whic v
proved mostl inaccurate.
Marx's teories about tlle increasing impoverisment of t
1vorking class 1;vere not. out developents i those
coutries from 1vblch bls theories d been derived. However,
as Hugh Seton-'\>Vatson states in From Lenin to Malenkov,*
they appeared to reasonaly accurate for the most part in
t case of the agrar'ian East European countries. Tus, while
in the vVest his stature 1vas redced to that of blstorian and
scholar, Marx became the pophet of ne1v era in easte
Europe. His teachings d itoxic.atig effect, similar to
w religion.
sitatio i 1vestern Europe tllat contribted to the
theories of Egels and Marx is descied Andre Maurois in
the Ygoslav edition of The History -Df England:
Wen Engels visited :nst in 1844, found 350,000
>vokers sd and crmvded into darnp, dirty, broken-down
houses >vere tlley breathed an atrnospllere reserniing mix-
ture of 1vater and coal. In t rnines, he saw half-naked
wornen, who 1vere teated Iike tlle lowest of draft animals.
Cllildren spet the day in dark tunnels, wllere t were
employed in opeing and closing t primitive openings for
ventilation, and i oter difficlt tasks. I t industy,
exploitatio reached suc point tat four-year-old cllildren
worked for virtually .
New York, Frederick . Praeger, 1953.
ORIGINS 11
Encels lived to see an entirely different picture of Great
~ .
Britai, but he sa>v still r lil and-wat 1s r
important-opeless poverty in Russia, the Balka~s, Asia d
Africa.
Technological iproveents brougl1t about vast and con-
crete hs i the vVest, is fro every poit of vie-~v.
led ~ tlle for-matio of oopolies, d to the partiti?
of the 1vorld ito spllees of iterest for tlle developed coutes
d for t oopolies. Tlley also led to the Fist World War
d t October Revolutio.
I the developed couties the rapid rise in productio and
tlle acquisitio of coloial sources of materials d arkets
mateially chaged t positio of the 1vorkig class. The strug-
gle f fr, for better aterial coditios, together 1vith
t adoptio of parliaentary fors of govement,
mor-e l d valale tl1a11 revolutioary ideals. I s places
revolutio became onsensical and urealistic.
The countl'ies 1vhic were t yet idustrialized, paticularly
Russia, 1vere in an etirely diffeet situatio. They found
temselves i dilerna; they llad either to becorne idustrial
ized, or to discotiue active participatio the stage of
stor-y, tig ito captives of t developed coutries and
teir oopolies, ts doomed to degeneracy. Local capital
and t class and paties repr-esentig it 1v too 1veak to solve
the proiems of rapid idstrializatio. In tese coutries evo
ltio became inescapaie ecessity, Yital need for t
ti, and only one class could bing it about-te poletaiat,
or the revoltioay t r-epr-esenting it.
The eason f tbls is tat tl1ee is immutale la.v-that
hurnan society and all idividuals paticipating i it str-ive
to increase and pefect dti. I doig tbls t come in
coflict \vit oter societies d individuals, so tat t corn-
pete 1vit oter i oder to SUI"\'iYe. This is and
expansio of podction costatly faces natral and sociai
baiers, sucl1 as individual, political, legal, d international
 12
NEW CLASS
customs and relationships. Since it rnust overcorne obstacles,
society, that is, those who at give nrnent represet its
productiYe forces, rnust eliminate, change, or destroy the ob-
stacles \Vhich arise either inside or outside its boundaries.
Classes, parties, political systerns, political ideas, are expres-
sio of t.his ceaseless patter of rnovernent and stagnation.
N society or nation alla...vs production to lag to such an
extent tlt its existence is threatened. lag rneans to die.
People never die \villingly; they are ready to undergo sacri-
fice to overcorne the difficlties \Vhich stand in the >vay of their
econornic prodctio d thei existece.
The enviromet d the material d intellectual level de-
terrnie the metld, forces, d meas tat will used to
brig about. t developmet d si of productio,
d t social I'esults >vhich follo>v. Ho>vever, t ecessity for
tl1e developmet d expansio of pi'oductio-uder ideo-
logical r or social fOl'ce-does t deped idividuals;
because t >vis to survive, societies d ations fid the
leaders d ideas >vi, at giYe momet, are best suited to
that 'i\'i t must and \vish to attain.
Revolutioary Marxism >vas ti'ansplated drig t period
of monopolistic capitalism fmm t idusti'ially developed
\Vest t.o coutries of the idustrially udeveloped East, s as
Russia d i. Tis is about the time >v socialist move-
mets \vere developig i t East d \Vest. Tis stage
of t socialist movement began >vit its uificatio and cetral
izatio i t Secod Iteatioal, d eded \vit division
ito t Social Democatic (I'eform) >ving and t Communist
(revolutionary) >vig, leadig to t I'evolutio i Russia d
t fomatio of t Tird Iteational.
I coutries >vere tei'e \Vas no otei' 1vay of brigig about
idustrializat.io, there >ve!'e special atioal reasos for t
Commuist revolutio. Revolutioary movemets existed in
semi-feudal Rssia over half tr before the r
of t Marxists i the late nieteeth cetury. Moreover, there
ORIGINS 13
\vere urget d
specific concrete reasons-international, eco-
omic, political-for revoltion. The basic reaso-te vi~al
d for idustrial cage->vas commo to all t coutes
s as Russia, l, and Yugoslavia, \Vl1ere revolutio took
place.
It >vas istically ievitale that. most of t European
socialist vts after Marx \Vere not l ateialistic and
Marxist, but to cosiderale degee ideologically excl~ive.
Aaist tem \vere uited all t forces of t old soCiety:
d .
l, scool, private owersblp, govermet an , mme Im-
portat, t vast. pO\ver macin~ry '~i t cou
tries d developed since early times t face of t constant
cotinetal >var.
w >vants to cange t >vold fudamentally must
first of all interpi'et it fudametally d "witlut r."
/Jf::; >v movement must i~eologically exclusive, esp:ciall.y
i! if i is the l 1vay victory 'iVOil. d If t1s
\;\ t is sccessful, its v success must stregten its -
, I'e s':lhd ideas. ug successes trg "adveturous" par-
liametay metlds d sti'ikes stregteed t .eformist tr~d
i the Ge!'ma d oter Social Demoatic part1es, t Russn
\vorkers, \v could t improve their positio kopeck
\\'itot loody liquidatios, d no i but to use \veapos
to escape despair d deat starvatio.
othe coutries of easte1 -ld, Czeco
slovakia, gr, Rumaia, d Bulgaria-do not fall dr
tis rule at Ieast t t first t coutries. did t
experien~e revoltio, sice t Commuist system w~s im-
posed them t pO\ver of tlle Soviet Arrny. d1d n?t
even pess for indstrial chage, at least t t Comust
metod, for some of t had already attaied it. I tese
coutries, revolutio >vas imposed from the outside d frorn
above, foreign bayoets d t macblnery of force. The
Commuist movements >vere weak, except i the ost devel-
oped of t coutries, Czechoslovakia, 1vhere the Comuist
 l4 NEW CLASS
:~t had closely resemled leftist d paliametary
~ooalist movemets up to the time of diect Soviet itervetion
th~ 1v~r and the coup d'etat of February 1948. Sice the Com-
must~ these coutries 1vere 1veak, the substace d forl
of the1r Commuism had to idetical 1vith that of the
U.S.S.~. The U.S.S.R. imposed its system them, d the
dom:stic Communists adopted it gladly. The 1veaker Cor
mus~. 1vas, t~e ~ore it h.ad to imitate v in form its "ig
brother -totalitaria Russiail Commuism. Character of the Revolution
Coutries such as France and Italy, 1vich had relatively
st:ong Commuist movements, had llard time keepina up
;vh the industrially better-developed coutries, d thu; r 1.
t soci~l diffic~lties. ~ince tlley. llad already passed througll
democratrc and dustal revolutios, their Commuist move~ History sh01vs that in countries where Commuist revolu-
me?ts differed gre~tly m those in Russia, Yugoslavia, and tions have taken place other parties too have been dissatisfied
h. Terefore, France and Italy revolution did not v 1vith existig coditios. The best example is Russia, where the
real chance. Since they 1vere livina and operatina in an evi~ party which accomplished the Cornmunist revolution 1vas t
ronment of political democracy, eve~ t Ieaders of teir Com-
l revolutionary -t.
~unist part~es 1~ere t l to free teselves entirely of par- However, l the Communist paties were both revolu-
llametary Illuss. As far as revolutio 1vas rd, they tioary i their opposition to the status quo d stauch and
teded to rely mote the iteratioal Commuist move cosistent i their support of t.he idustrial transforrnatio. I
met d t~ aid of the U .S.S.~ tl:a teir o>vn revolutioary practice, tbls meant radical destruction of estalished O>mer-
po1~er. Terr follo1ver~, coSideg teir leaders to fighters ship relatios. No other party 1vet so far in t.his respect. None
agat~st poverty d misery, a'ively believed tat t party 1vas
1vas "industrial" to that degree.
fightg for broader d truer deocracy. It is less clear 1vhy these parties had to socialist i their
Moder~ Commuism g as idea 1vit the iceptio of program. Under the back1vard coditions existig i Czarist
moder~ dustry. It is dyig out or beig elimiated i tose Russia, capitalist private 01mership not l sho1ved itself in-
c~utrres 1vhe:re idustrial developent has acbleved its basic capale of rapid idustrial trasformation, but actually ob-
a1ms. It flouriSes i those coutries 1vhere tbls s t yet structed it. The private property class had developed i
happeed. coutry i 1vhich extrernely po1verful feudal telatioships still
. historical role of Commuism i t udeveloped coun- existed, 1vhile monopolies of rnore developed countries retained
t:Ies has. det,:rmied the course and the character of the revolu- their grip this enormous area abouding in ra1v rnaterials
t whh It has d to brig about.
a!ld markets.
Czarist Russia, accordig to its history, had to latecomer
15
 16 NEW CLASS
with espect to the industrial revolution. It is the only
coutry 1vhich did t pass trough t.he Reformatio and
the Reaissace. It did not have anythig like t.he medieval
Europea city-states. Back1vard, semi-feudal, wit absolutist
moarchy d bureaucratic centralism, 1vith rapid i.s
of t.he proletariat i several centers, Russia found erself in
the wirlpool of modem world capitalism, and in t sares
of the financial interests of t.he gigantic banking centers.
Lenin states i his work Imperialism, the Final Stage of
Capi:alism tat t.hree-fots of the capital of t large baks in
Rusa was in the hads of foreig capitalists. Trotsky i his
history of the Russia revolution emphasizes that foreigners
cotrolled forty per cent of the sares of idustrial capital ir1
Russia, and that this percentage >vas v geater in some lead-
ig idustries. As for Yugoslavia, foreigers had decisive
influence in the most impotant brar1ches of Yugoslav economy.
These facts alone do not v anyting. But they smv that
foreigtl capitalists used teir pmver to k progress in these
countries, to develop tem exclusively as teir \\'11 sources of
raw materials and cheap labor, 1vith tlle result that tese na-
tions became unprogtessive and even began to decline.
party >vhic d t historic task of carrying out t
revolution in tese countries d to anti-capitalistic in its
internal policy d ati-impeialistic in its foreig policy.
Internally, domestic capital 1vas 1veak, and 1vas largely
~nst_rument or affiliate of foreig capital. It 1vas rt t cap-
Italist. class but aotller class, t proletariat 1vich 1vas arisino-
from the icreasing v of t peasantry, tat 1vas vitall;
interested i t industrial revolutio. Just as t elimination
of outrageous exploitation \\'as atter of Iife d deatll for
t.hose w already were proletaians, so 1vas industrialization
atter of survival for tose 1\' in their t w about to
become proletarians. movement 1vi represented bot.h
of tese d to ati-capitalistic, tat is, socialistic in its
ideas, slogans and pledges.
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 17
revoltioary party cold not seriosly contemplate exe-
ction of idustrial revoltio nless it concentrated all do-
mestic resoces in its o1vn ds, particlarly tlse of native
capitalists against 1\'hom the asses 1vere also emittered because
of severe exploitatio d t use of inmane ethods.
revolutioary party had to take siilar stad against foreig
capital.
Other parties 1vere ul to follo1v similar program.
of tem eitl1er aspired to return to t old system, to preserva-
tio of vested, static relatioships; or at. best, to gradal and
peaceful development. Even t paies 1vhich 1vere anti-capital-
istic, as f example t SRs (Socialist-Revolutionay Party) in
Russia, aspired to1vard eturnig society to idyllic pimitive
peasant . Even t socialist parties s as t Mensheviks
in Russia did not go farter tan to push for tl1e violet over-
tro>v of the barriers to f capitalist development. took
t poit of vie1v t.hat it. >vas ecessary to v fully developed
capitalism i der to arrive at socialism later. Ho1vever, the
prolem 1vas different; t etrn to t old system d
uampered development of capitalism 1v impossiie for
tese conties. N eiter solutio 1vas l, dr t given
intematioal and internal coditions, of resolving t urgerlt
im of ftr development of these contries, i.e., teir
industrial revolutios.
l t 1vhic 1vas i favor of the ati-capitalist
revolution d Iapid idustialization d pr-ospects for suc-
cess. Obviosly tat party d to , i additio, socialist i
its covictions. But sice it 1vas oliged to operate under pre-
vailig conditios i general, d i t labor or socialist
moveents, s party d to deped ideologically t
t of t inevitaility d sefuless of moden industry
as 1vell as t tenet tat revoltion v\'as avoidale. This
concept aleady existed, it \vas ss only to modify it.
concept was Marxis-its 1evolutioary aspect. Associatio 1vit
revolutio-y Marxis, >9it t n socialist move-
 18 NEW CLASS
ment, \Vas natural for t party the. Lat.er, wit t develop
met of t revoltio and with the orgaizational changes in
t deyeJoped coutries, it became just as essential for it to
separate itself from t reformism of European socialism.
The inevitability of revolution and of rapid industrializatio,
wi exacted enormous sacrifices and involved rutbless vio-
lence, required t only promises but faith in t possibllity of
t kingdom of eaven on eart. Advancig, as oters also do,
alog the lie of least resistace, the supporters of revolution
and industrialization often departed from estalised Marxist
d socialist doctrie. However, it. was impossile for them to
shed the doctrine etirely.
Capitalism d capitalist relatiosblps were t proper d
at the give moment the ievitale forms d tecniques
wich society expressed its needs and aspirations for improving
d expandig poduction. In Great Britain, in the first alf
of t ineteenth tu, capitalism improved and expaded
production. And just as t industrialists in Britain had to de-
stroy the peasantry in order to attain higer degree of produc-
tio, the industrialists, or t bogeoisie, in Russia d to
become Yictim of the industrial revolution. participats
and the forms wei"e different, but t la\v \Vas t same in both
cases.
In t instances socialism \vas inevitale-as sloga d
pledge, as fait d lofty ideal, and, in fact, as particular
for of goverment d O\vnersblp \vblc \vould facilitate the
industrial reYolution and make possile improvement d
pansio of productio.
2.
All the revolutios of t past origiated after \v economic
or social relationsblps d begun to prevail, and the old politi
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 19
.:;al system had bec~me the sole obstacle to further development.
None of these revolutions soght tig other t.han the
destruction of the old political forms and an ope~ing o.f ~he
1vay for aleady mate social forces d relationsh1ps e~Ist:ng
in t old society. Even in those cases \veie t reYolt~osts
desired something else, suc as t bilding of econom1:: a~d
social relationsips means of force, as did the ~
the French revoltion, t d to accept faile and S\Vlftly
eliminated.
In all preYious revolutions, force and violence appeared
predomiantly as consequence, as an istrmet of _ne'v ~t
already prevailing economic and social fces d r.el~tnshi_PS
Even 1v f and violece surpassed proper l1m1ts ~tmng
t course of revolutio, in the fial analysis t revolutnary
forces d to directed toward positive and attain~le. goal.
these cases teor and despotism tnigt v been vl
but solely tempoary maifestatios. . .
All so-called bourgeois revolutios, \veter ac1eved
belmv, i.e., \Vit participatio of t masses as i Fr~nce, or
from above, i.e., coup d'etat as in Germay nd B1smarck,
d to d up i political democracy. t is ude.rstad~~le.
Teir task \Vas ciefiy to destioy t old despotlc pollt.Ical
system, and to pemit t estalishment of political elat~
sips \Vi would adequate for alieady existing rn
and other needs, particularly those concerning t f produc-
tio of goods. .
case is etirely diffeieilt \vith cotemporary Commust
revolutios. These eyolutios did not occur s ne\V, let
us say socialist, relationsips \vere already existig in t econ
omy, or because capallsm \Vas " overd eve1 d ." the con-
trary. did occur because capitalism was not fully ~e
veloped and because it \Vas t l to carry out the industal
transfoimation of t country.
In Ft-ace capitalism had already prevailed in the economy,
 20
NEW CLASS
in social relationships, and even i the pulic conscience pior
t . . .
. ~? of the revolutn. The case is hardly compara!e
With soctallsm in Russia, China, or Yugoslavia.
The leaders of the Russian revolutio themselves were vare
of this fa~t. Speaking at the Seventh Congress of the Russia
Commust Party March 7, 1918, while the revolutio 1vas
still in progress, Lenin said:
. One of the fundamental differences bet\vee bourgeois
~ socia!ist revolutions is that in bourgeois revolution,
wh~ch ases from feudalis, new econoic organizations
wlc!1 graduaiiy ~g all aspects of feudai society are pro-
gresSively created the midst of the old order. In acco
plishig. this t~sk, ev~ry _bogeois revolution accoplishes
aii that .Is .reqred o_f It:. It. hastes the grmvth of capitalis.
socialist revolut IS etirely differ-et sitatio.
the. extet that coutr-y \vhich had to begi socialist
revoluti_I,_ because
of the vagaries of history, is back1vard,
the trasltlo fr-o
old capitalist relatios to socialist rela-
tios is icreasigly difficult ....
The .diffe~ce ~1v socialist revolutios d bourgeois
I"evoluts l1es speCifically i t fact tat. i the Iatter case
estalished forms of capitalist Ielatios exi~t, 1vhile the sovie~
power-the proletaiiat-does t attai such relatios, if ;ve
exclude t ost de;reloped forms of capitalis, 1vhich actually
eco~passed smaii nuber of top idustries d l very
scatily touclled agriculture,
I quote Lenin, but I could quote any leader of the Com-
munist evolution and umerous other authors, as confirmatio
of the fact that. settled elationships did not exist for the
Pe;v society, but t~at someoe, in this case the "soviet po 1ver,"
must terefore bUild them. If the ne1v "socialist" relatioships
had ~een devel?ped to the fullest in the country in i\'hich Com-
must evolut 1vas i to emerge victor-ious, there 1vould
have been need for so many assurances, disseitatios, and
efforts embracing the 'uildig of socialism."
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
21
This leads to an apparet contradictio. If tlle conditions
for w society 1vere not sufficiently prevalent, tllen wllo
needed the revolution? Moreover, hoiv ;vas the e;rolutio pos-
sile? Ho1v could it survive in ;rie1v of the fact that the w
social relatioships 1vere not yet in the formative process in
the old society?
No revolutio or party had ever before set itself to the task
of building social relatioships or ne;v society. But this 1vas
the primary objective of the Commuist Ievolution.
Communist leaders, thougll no better acquaited than others
with the la1vs 1vhich gove society, discovered that in the coun-
ty in 1vhich thei revolution 1vas possile, industrialization 'Nas
also possile, particularly when it involved tansformation of
society i keeping 1vith their ideological hypothesis. Experiece
-the success of revolution uder "unfavoale" conditions-
confirmed this for them; the "building of socialism" did like-
1\'ise. This stregthened their illusion that they kne>v the laws
of social development. In fact, they 1vere in t position of
making lueprint for ne;v society, and the of stting to
build it, making coections here and leaving out sometblng
tl1ere, all the while adhering closely to their plas.
Industialization, as inevitale, legitimate necessity of
society, and the Communist 1vay of accomplishing it, joied
forces in t couties of Cornunist revolutions.
However, neither of tllese, though tl1ey progressed togetller
and on paallel tracks, could achieve success oveight. After
the completion of the revolution, someone had to shoulder the
responsiility for industrialization. I the West, tbls l 1vas
taken over t economic forces of capitalism lierated from
the despotic political chains, while in the countries of Com-
munist revolutions no similar forces existed and, thus, tlleir
function had to taken over the revolutionary organs
themselves, the new authority, that is, the revolutionary party.
In earlier revolutions, revolutionary force and violence be-
came hindrance to the m as soor1 as the old order 1vas
 22
overthrmvn In . NEW CLASS CHARACTER OF Tl:fE REVOLUTION 23
ommust revolutio11 f
condition for further d s, orce and vio1ence are for Chia; true, there the revolution began prior to the
1
Words of earlier revo1ut1. eve ~m and even progress. In the s ivasion, but it cotinued for an entire decade to spread
onaes force and . I
necessary evil and ' v ence were on1y d finally to emege victios with t d of t war. The
. means to an end I h
musts force and . . Il t 1vords of Corn- Spais revolution of 1936, 1vblc could v been an excep-
' 1
v ence are elev t d
f cu1t and an ult" to t lofty position tion, did t have time to transform itself ito purely Com-
. 1t i In the t h I
1vh1ch made up ? pas ' t asses and forces rnunist revolution, d, theiefore, ever emerged victorious.
. ne\v society already xi t d f
tn erupted Th . s ore the revolu- reason 1var 1vas necessary for tlle Commuist. revolutio,
have had to ~reat ommu.st revo1utions are the fi.r-st 1Vhich or t do1vnfall of t stat.e machinery, nst sougt in the
Even as tl ela ~e\v ~Oc1ety and ne\v social fOIces. immaturity of t m and society. I serios collapse
le revo utns th vV h d .
democracy after aii the " . es:. 1~~v~taly to end in of system, d particulaly i war 1vhic s usuccess
the East, the revolutions had ;:::~:7s d . whdrawa1s," i ful for tlle exist.ing uling circles and state system, small but
of terror d vio1ece in the W despot1sm. The methods well-organized d disciplined group is ievitaly l to take
lous, d v hidrace i est be~~m~ eedless d ridicu- autlrity in its hads.
the revolutioaries d r 1 a~comp 1Slng the revo1ution for Tus at the time of t Oct.ober Revolution the Communist
' tn part"
case was the opposite. Not on1 d"d d ~es. 1n the East, t Party d about 80,000 members. Yugoslav Commist
East s the tasfo . 1 . espot1sm cotiue in the began the 1941 revolution with about 10,000 members.
natn of dust
t1me, t, as 1ve shaii see 1ater "t 1 . d reqred so mucll grasp po1ver, the support d active paticipation of at 1east
t"Ion h ad taken 1. ' 1 aste lonc ~::>
aft er d ustrializa- part of t people is necessary, but in every case the party
which leads t revolution d assmes power is minority
goup elyig exclusively on exceptionally favorale condi-

. tions. Furtenore, such party canot majority group

ntil it becomes the permanently estalished authority.
TI!ere are other basic d1"ff The accomplishment of suc grandiose task-te destruc-
. erences betw .
vo1utns d ear1ier ones 1" een ommust re- tion of social order and t building of w society when
had reached the point of re d. I~r revolutions, though t conditions for suc undertaking are rt propitios in the
Iess 1n an
Were unale to break out with economy and society,
We now knmv the geneal cond" .t advatageous conditions.
and success of evolutio Itns necessary for the erption
1 n or society-is task l to attact l minority,
and at that, only those 1v believe fanat.ically in its possiilities.
Special conditions d particular party are basic charac-
addition to these geerai .. o;e;er, e~ery revolution has, in
make its planning and c~n It~, Its pecuiiarites whic
w cutn possile
. ar, or more precisely, natioai .
t..
~
teristics of Comuist revolutios.
The achievemet of v evoltio, as well as of every
victory in 1var, deads cetralization of all forces. Accordig
zt, was unnecessay for ast Iap~e of t state orgai to the Maltlsia theory, the Frech revolutio 1vas the first
Iarger ones. Until no,v w ;.evolutns, at Ieast for the i whic "all t resources of people at. 1var 1vere placed i
for the victory of ~ ~ver, t Is ~s been basic conditio
must revolutns .
. Is Is v valid
1 the hands of the authorities: people, food, clotig." Tis ust
t case to an v greater degree in Commuist "im-

1

NEV CLASS
24
mature" revolution: not only all material means but all in~
tellectual means must fall into the hands of the party, and the
party itself IISt become politically, and as an organization,
cetralized to the fullest extet. l Commuist parties,
politically uited, firmly grouped aroud the ceter, d pos-
sessicr idetical ideolocrical vie>vpoits, are to carry out
~ ~
such evolutio.
Cetralizatio of all forces d means as well as some kind
of political uity of the revolutionary parties are essential co~
ditios for every successful evolutio. F the Cornmmst
evoltion these coditios v m irnpotat, since ~n pa~tlcu1a phase of evolution. But no pevious party was
fom tle very becriicr tlle Communists exclude every otlle
independent political '" grop
~
or party fom beig an ally of
their t. At the same time they demand ifomity of all
vie>vpoits, icldig practical political vieiVS as >vell as theo-
retical, pllilosopllical, and v moral vie>vs. ' fact tlat the
left-of-cete SR's (Socialist-Revolutionaries) paticipated in
tle October Revolution, d tlat. idividals d groups from
tl parties paticipated i tle evolutios i Cllia and Ygo
slavia, does t disprove t tl fis this propositio: iVhlch ivere ldeo1ogcally and organizationally monolithic.
these grops \v l collaboratos of t Comrnist Party,
d only to fixed degee in the stuggle. After the revolution
tl-tese collabo-atig parties \vere dispersed, or tlley dissolved of
tllei mm d d erged ivit1:t the Communist t. The
Bolsheviks roted the left-of-ceter SR's as s as t latte
ivisled to become idependent, wllile tlle no-Comnnist
grops i Ygoslavia and China that had suppoted the revolu-
tio had, in the meantirne, enounced every one of thei polit-
ical acti\ities.
The earlier evolutions ivere t caied out sigle polit-
ical g. sre, in the course of evolution idividual
grops pessured d destoyed aother; but, taken as
whole, the 1evoltio \vas not the >vork of only goup. l
the Frecll revoltio tle is succeeded i maitaiig
thei dictatorship f brief period l. Napoleo's dictato-
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 25
ship, which ee;:-ged f: the revolution, sigtified both the
..
end of the ]111 evoltn and tle becrinnicr ~ of the r
1 f
~
th ouge01s1e. In v case, although one party played d _
. . l . 1 .
ciSIVe 111 ~ 1~ earl1e revolutions, the other paties did not.
surr~de ~h1 111dependence. Although supp1essio and dis-
persn e~sted, they could enforced only f brief time.
The parties could n_ot destroyed and would always emerge
anew. Even the s Commue, ivhich the Comrnunists take
as the . foreuer .of their evolution and thei state, was
mult1-party evolut.
. t may have played the chief, and v an exclusive, role
Ideo1oglcally, as. an organization, centalized to tle degree
that _tle Comm_umst Party was. Neithe the Puritas i t
Engllsh revolut the Jacoins in the French revolution
\vere bound tle same phi1osophical and ideo1ogical vie,
althogh tlte first belonged to eligious sect. From the orcran-
. 1 . . ~ 1
zatna po111t of v1ew the Jacoins were fedeation of clubs;
t ~utans i~ere not even that. Only contempoary Com-
n:st revol~tns ~ushed complsory pties to the foefont,
In every case one thig is cetain: i all earlie revolutions
th_e ss for ~e:olutionary methods and parties disappea1ed
wlth the d of c1~Il war and of foreign intervention, and these
meth.ods and p_artles d to done v. ivith. After Com-
must evolutns, the Comunists cotinue >vitl both the
met~ods and the forms of t evolution, d thei t soon
atta~ns the fullest degree of cetalism d ideolocrical ex-
cluslveness. ~
. Lenin exp:essly emphasized tbls during the evolutio itself
111 enumeatg his conditions f acceptance in the Comin.
tern:*
_In the present epoch o_f acute civil '\Var, Communist Party
will to perfon s duty only if it is ogaized in the
Selected Works, Vol. ; New York, International Pulishers, 1936.

26 NEW CL.ASS
most centralized manner, only if iron discipline bordering on
military discipline prevails in it, and if its party center is
powerful and authoritative organ, wieldig "\Vide powers d
ig the uivesal cofidence of the members of the party. Sometimes these perfected and become more extensive than
And to this, Stalin appended, in Foundations of Leninism:*
This is the positio i regard to disciplie i the party in
the period of struggle precedig the acievemeilt of the
dictatorship.
The same, but to v greater degree, must said
about disciplie i the party after the dictatorsip has been
achieved.
The revolutionary atmosphere and vigilace, insistence on
ideological unity, political and ideological exclusiveness, polit-
ical d other centralism do not cease after assuming control.
On t.he contt-ary, they become even m01e intensified.
Ruthlessness in met.hods, exclusiveness in ideas, and monopoly
in authority in the earlier revoltions lasted more or less as
lono- as the revolutions themselves. Since revolution in the
Commuist revolution 'vas only t.he fiiSt act of the despotic
and totalitaria authority of goup, it is difficult to forecast
the duratio of that authority.
In earlier revolutions, icludig the Reig of r i especially the greater s, '\vere pl'Oduct of the stuggles of
France, superficial attentio 'vas paid to the elimination of real
oppositionists. No attetio 'vas paid to the eliminatio of those
who might become oppositionists. The eadication d perse-
cutio of some social or ideological goups in the religious wars
of the Middle Ages was the only exceptio to this. From theory
and practice, Communists ko'v that they are in conflict wit.h
all other classes d ideologies, and behave accOI'dingly.
are fightig against not only actual but also potetial opposi-
tio. In the Baltic count1ies, thousands of people 'vere liqui-
dated overnight on the basis of documents indicatig previously
held ideological d political views. massacre of several
New York, International Pulishers. 1939.
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 27
thousad Polis officers i tlle Katyn Forest was of similar
caracter. I the case of Communism, long after the evolution
is over, te01ist and oppessive metlds continue to sed.
in the revolutio, as in the case of the liquidation of the Kulaks.
Ideological exclusiveness and intolerance are intensified after
the revolution. Even whe it is l to reduce physical oppres-
sion, the tendency of the ruling t is to strengthe the
prescried ideology-Maixism-Leinis.
Earlier revolutios, particularly the so-called bourgeois s,
attached cosiderale sigificace to the estalishment of indi-
vidual freedoms immediately follo,vig cessation of the revolu-
tionary t.eor. Even the revolutionaries cosidered it importat
to assure the legal stats of the citizey. Idepedent
admiistiation of justice '\Vas an ievitale fial result of all
these revolutios. The Commuist regime in the U.S.S.R. is
still remote from idepedent admiistration of justice after
forty years of teure. The fial esults of ea1lier 1evolutios
we1e often greater legal security d greater civil ights. This
cannot said of the Communist evolutio.
There is aother vast differece bet"\veen the earlier revolu-
tions and contemporary Commuist ones. Ea1lier revolutions,
the 'vorking c1asses, but ti ultimate results fell to anoter
class uder wose intellectual and often organizational leader-
sblp t revolutios 'v accomplished. bourgeoisie, in
wose name the revolution '\Vas caied out, to cosiderale
extent avested the fruits of the struggles of t peasats d
sans-culottes. masses of ation also pai'ticipated in
Communist revolutio; ho,vever, t uits of revolution do
t fall to tem, but to the uu. For the bureaucracy
is nothing else but the party '\Vhich caied out the revolution.
In Commuist revolutios, the revolutioary ovemets 'vblch
carried out the revolutios 1 t liquidated. Commuist re-
volutions may "eat teir own childrer1," but t all of the.
 CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 29
28 NEW CLASS
relationsllips in ne>v 1vay and brings about ne1v fonn of
In fact, on copletion of Comunist revolution, rut~less mmeship. Earlier revolutions, too, inevitaly resulted in r
and nderhanded deals ineYitaly are made between varus or minor changes in property relatioships. But i those revolu-
groups and factions which disagree about the path of the future. tios form of pivate Oivneship superseded t others. In
Mutual accusations a1~vays reYolve around dogmatic proof as the Communist reyolution this is not the case; t change is
to who is "objectively" or "subjectively" . gre~;er :~t~: radical and deep-ooted, and collective o>mership suppresses
revoltionary or agent of internal and fore1gn cap1tallsm.
priYate Oimesip.
Reo-ardless of the manner in 1vhich these disagreemerlts are
"'
resolved, the group that emerges victorious is the one tb~t :s
. The Communist reYolution, >vhile still in process of develop-
ment, destroys capitalist, Iand-llding, priYate O'i\'11ership, i.e.,
the most consistent and determined supporter of industnall- that o>mership \\'hich makes use of foreign labor forces. This
zation alono- Communist priciples, i.e., the basis of total immediately eates the belief tat t reYolutionay promise
party moo~oly, particularly of state organs i control of pro-
of new realm of equality and justice is being fulfilled. The
ductio. The Commuist revolution does t. devour those
party, or the state autOiity uder its cotrol, simultaneously
of its children 1vho are eeded for its future course-for idus
undertakes extensiYe meases for industrialization. This also
trializatio. Revolutioaries who accepted the ideas d slogans
intesifies the belief that the time of freedom from >Vat s
of the revolutio literally, alvely believig i their material-
finally arrived. Despotism and oppression are there, but. they
izatio, are usually Iiquidated. The group wbich understood
are accepted as tempoary manifestatios, to last l utll t
that revolutio 1vould secure authority, on social-political-
opposition of the expopiated authorities d couter-revolu
Communist basis, as instrument of future industrial trans-
tioaies is stifled, d the idustial trasfomatio is corn-
formation, emerges victorious.
pleted.
The Conunist revolutio is the first in which the revolu-
SeYeral essetial chano-es occur i the very process of
tionaries and their allies, particularly the authority-1vielding "'
idustialization. Idustializatio in back>vard coutry, es-
group, survived t revolution. Similar groups ievitaly failed
pecially if it has assistance d is hideed from. _d,
in earlier ones. The Communist revolution is t first to
demads cocentatio of all mateial esouces. N atnaliza
carried out to t advantage of t revolutionaries. They, and
tio of idustial pr-operty d the land is t first cocetr-ation
the bureaucracy which forms around tem, arYest its fruits.
of property in the hads of the ne>v regime. However, it does
This creates in tbem, and in t broader ecelons of the party,
not, and can not, stop at this. . .
the illusio tat theirs is the first revolution that remained true
ne>vly orio-inated o>mer-ship inevitaly comes conflict
to the slogans its baners.
with other form~ of o;vnership. ne1v o>mel'Ship irnposes
itself force on smaller owners who do t employ someone
else's rnapo>ver, or to >vom such manpo>ver is unessential, i.e.,
4. on craftsmen, >vorkers, small comrnercial merchants, and peas-
ants. This expopriation of small property o'vnes is effected
The illusios wi t Communist revolution creates about
even >vhen it is not done for economic mot.ives, i.e., i OI"der
its real aims are more pennanent and extensive than those of
earlier reYoltions because the Communist revolutio resolves to attai igher degree of productivity.
 30 NEW CLASS
In the course of industrialization, the property of those ele-
rnents who were not opposed to, or even assisted, the revolution
is taken over. As rnatter of forrn, the state also becornes the
o~ver of this property. The state adrninisters and rnanages the
property. Private ownership ceases, or decreases to ~ rol~ of
secondary irnportance, but its cornplete disappearance IS subect
to the 1vhirn of the ne1v rnen in authority.
This is experienced the Cornrnunists and sorne rnern-
bers of the rnasses as cornplete liquidation of classes and the
realization of classless society. In fact, the old pre-revolution-
ary classes do disappear ~vith tlle cornpletion of idust.rialization
and collectivization. There rernains the spontaneous and unor-
gaized displeasure of tlle rnass of the people-a displeasure
1vhich neither ceases nor abates. Cornrnunist delusions and self-
deceit about the "remnants" and "influence" of the "class
enemy" still persist. But the illusion that the long-drearned class-
less society arises tllese rneans is cornplete, at least for the
Cornrnunists themselves.
v revolutio, and even every 1var, eates illusions d
is coducted in the n of unrealizale ideals. During the
struo-o-le
1:>1:>
the ideals seern real enoug- for tl1e combatants; the
~ torical deceptios d occureces. In sense this is
end they often cease to exist. Not so in the case of Comrnuist
revolution. Those who r out the Cornmunist revolution as
well as those anng the lo1ver echelons persist i their illusions
long after the arned struggle. Despite oppression, despotism,
unconcealed confiscatios, and pivileges of the rulig echelos,
sorne of tl1e people-ad especially the Comrnunists-retain the
illusions contained in their slogas.
Although the Comrnunist revolution may start with the rnost
idealistic concepts, calling f 1vondeful heroisrn d gigantic
effort, it s01vs the greatest and the rnost permanent illusions.
Revolutions are ievitale in the lifetime of natios. They
rnay result in despotisrn, but. they also launch nations paths
previously locked to them.
The Communist revolutio canot attain single one of the
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 31
ideals arned as its rnotivating force. However, Communist re-
volution has brought about measure of industrial civilization
t.o vast areas of and Asia. I this way, rnaterial bases
have actally been created for future freer society. Thus 1vhile
bringing about. the rnost complete despotisrn, the Commuist
revolution has also created the basis for the abolition of des-
potism. As the nineteeth cetury intoduced rnodern industry
to the vVest, the hventieth century will it.roduce rnodern in-
dustry to the East. The shado~v of Lein extends over the vast
expanse of Eurasia i one way or another. I despotic form i
Chia, in dernocratic forrn in Idia d Burma, all of the
remaiing Asiatic d other natios are ievitaly eterig an
industrial revolutio. Russia revolutio initiated tis
process. process rernais the icalculale and historically
significat fact of t revolutio.
5.
It rnigt. appear tat Cornrnunist revolutions are rnostly his-
true: oter revolutions v required so many exceptional
coditios; oter revolutios pornised so muc d accom-
plised so little. Dernagogueiy d rnisrepresetatio are ievi
tale arnog tl1e Comrnuist leaders since t are forced to
promise t rnost ideal society and "abolitio of every exploi-
tation."
Ho1vever, it t said tat the Commuists deceived
t people, tat is, tat tl1ey purposely and consciously did
somethig differet. frorn -vvat t had pornised. fact
is simply tis: t 1vere ul to accomplis that in -vvhich
t so fanatically believed. canot ackowledge this
v wen forced to execute policy contrary to everyting
promised before and during t revolutio. Fom their poit
of view, suc ackowledgment would adrnissio that the
 32 NEW CLASS CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION 33
revolution was unecessary. It 1vould also admissio that to po1ver, addressed meeting of Swiss Socialist youths:
they had themselves become superfl.uous. Aythig of the sort "We, t older generation, peraps will not live to see the
is impossile for them. decisive battles of the approaching revolution. But, I , it
The ultiate results of social struggle can ever of the sees to , express 1vit extreme confidece the that the
kid evisacred those 1vho carry it out. S such struggles youth, 1vho work i the 1voderful socialist moveet of
deped ~ ifinite and complex series of circumstaces be- Switzerland d of the wlle w, will v the good fortune
yond the cotrollae rage of huan intellect d action. This not l t.o fight but also to emerge victorious i tl1e appioach-
is most true of revolutions that demand superhuman efforts ig evolutio of the proletariat."
and that effect hasty and radical changes i society. They ievi Ho1v it ten said that Lenin, or else, 1vas l
taly generate absolute cofidence that the ultiate i huan to foresee the social results arisig after the log d complex
prosperity d Iierty 1vill appear after their victories. The struggle of the revolution?
French revolution 1vas carried out in t n of common But v if Connist. aims per se 1vere unreal, the Corn-
sese, in the belief that lierty, equality, and aternity 1vouid munists, as distinct from earlier revolutioaies, were fully
evetually appear. The Russian revolut.ion 1vas carried out in ealistic i creating those tings tat were possile. car-
the of " purely scientific vie1v of the world," for the pur- ried it out in the only 1vay possile-by imposig tlleir absolute
pose of creating classless society. N either revolution could totalitarian autlity. Teirs was t fi.I-st revolution in history
possily have been created if tlle revolutioaries, alog with i 1vhic t revolutionaries not only remain on t political
part of the people, d not believed in their ovm idealistic aims. scene after victy but, in the most practical sense, build social
Counist illusios as to post-revolutioary possiilities relationsblps completely contrary to tose i which t be-
\Vere r prepoderat g the Commuists than among IieYed and which they proised. Comunist reYolution,
those who followed them. The Couists should have kown in t course of its later idustrial duation and tansforma
d, in fact, did kno\V about the inevitaility of industriali- tion, coverts the revolutionaries themselves into creators and
zatio, but they could l guess about its social results and masters of 1v social state.
relationships. Marx's t forecasts proYed iaccurate. even
Official Counist historians in the U.S.S.R. and Yugoslavia greater degree, t sarne can said for Lenin's expectatios
describe the revolution as if it 1vere t fruit of t previously that free or classless society 1vould created 1vith the aid of
planed actios of its leaders. But only t course of t revolu- t dictatoship. But t need tat made t revolution inevi-
tio and t ared struggle 1vas cosciously planned, 1vhile the taie-industial ttansformation 011 t basis of rnodern tech-
fors 1vblch tl1e revolutio took steed fro the iediate nology-is fulfilled.
course of evets and from the direct actio taken. It is revealig
tat Leni, udoubtedly of t greatest revolutionaiies in
history, did not foresee 1ven or in wat fm t revolution
6.
1vould eupt until it was alost u i. I January 1917, Abstract logic 1vould idicate tat t Communist reyolu-
one mt before t February Revolutio, d l ten tion, when it achieYes, under different conditions and state
mots before t October Revolution wi brougt im compulsio, the same things acieYed industrial reYolutions
 34 NEW CLASS
and capitalism in the West, is nothing but form of state-cap-
italist revolution. The relationships \vhich are created its
victory are state-capitalist. This appears to even r true
because the ne\v regime also regulates all political, labor, and
other relationships and, what is more important, distriutes the
national income and benefits and distriutes material goods
which actually have been transformed ito state property.
Discussion on \vhether or not the relationships in t U.S.S.R.
d in other Communist countries are state-capitalist, socialist,
or perhaps sometblng else, is dogmatic to cosiderale degree.
However, such discussion is of fundamental importar1ce.
Even if it is presumed that state capitalism is notlling other
than the "antechamber of socialism," as Lenin emphasized, or
that it is the first phase of socialism, it is still t iota easier
for the people \Vho live uder Communist despotism to endure.
lf the character of property d social relationships brought
about t Communist revolution is stregthened and defined,
t prospects for lieration of the people from suc relation-
sips become more realistic. If the people are t conscious of
the nature of the social relationships i which they live, or if
t do not see way in which they alter tem, their
struggle cannot v any prospect of success.
If the Communist revolution, despite its promises d illu-
sions, is state-capitalist i its undertakings wit state-capitalist
relationships, t only la,vful and positive actios its fuction
aries take are the s tat improve their \vork d reduce
the pressure d irresposiility of state admiistratio.
Comunists do not admit i teor-y tat they are workig in
system ~ state capitalis, but their leaders behave tis way.
cotually boast about improvig t \Vork of t ad-
miistration d about leadig t stuggle "agaist bureau-
cratism."
. Moreover, ac~ual ~elationsips are not tose of state capital-
Ism; tese relatnsh1ps do t provide method of improving
the system of state admiistration basically.
CHARACTER OF REVOLUTION
I order to est.alis the ature of relatiosblps wblc arise
i t course of t Communist revolution and ultimately be-
come estalished i the process of industrialization and collectiv-
izatio, it is ecessary to peer further ito the role and manner
of ti of t state under Comunism. At present, it \Vill
sufficient to point out that in Comunis the state ma-
ciney is not t instrument wi really determines social
and poperty relatiosips; it is only t instrument \Vblc
tese relatiosips are protected. In truth, everytig is accom-
plished i t n of t state and throug its regulations.
Communist Party, icluding t professional party bureau-
cracy, stands above the regulations and behind every sigle one
of t st.ate's acts.
It is the beaucracy \Vi formally uses, adinisters, and
contls t ationalized d socialized poperty as \vell as
the entie of society. role of t bureaucracy i society,
i.e., rnonopolistic administration and control of national in-
come and ational goods, consigs it to special privileged
positio. Social relatios resernle state capitalism. !'
so, because t carryig out of industrialization is effected not
\Vith t l of capitalists but \Vith the l of t state ma-
cblne. In fact, tbls pivileged class pefoms tat functio, using
t state machie as cover d as istrurnet.
0\vneip is oting oter tan t right of profit and con-
trol. If defines class benefits tis r-ight, t Comunist
states have seen, in the final analysis, t origin of w form
of O\VIleisblp or of ne'v uling and exploiting class.
In reality, tlle Comrnunists \v ul to act differently
fro ruling class that peceded them. Believig that
they \vere building ne'v and ideal society, t built it for
themselves in t only \vay they could. Theii revolution and
t.heir society do not appear eiter accidetal or unatural, but
appear as matter of course for particular coutry and for
pescried peiods of its developmet. Because of tbls, no mat-
ter \v extensive and inuman Comunist tyrary s been,
 36 NEW CL.tl.SS
society, in the course of certain period-as long as industrial-
ization Iasts-has to and is l to endure this tr. Further-
more, this tyranny no longer appears as something inevitaie,
but exclusively as assurance of the depredations and priv-
ileges of ne"' class.
In contrast to earlier revolutions, the Commuist revolution,
conducted in the n of doig a.vay 1vith classes, has resulted
in the most complete authority of any sigle w class. Every-
thing else is sham and an illusion. The New Class

1.

Everything happeed differently in the U.S.S.R. d other

Communist countries from 1vhat t leaders-even suc promi-
net s as Li, Stali, Trotsky, d Bukari-aticipated.
They expected tat the state 1vould apidly 1vitl1er a1vay, that
democracy 1vould stregtheed. ' everse d. They
expected rapid improvemet i the stadard of Iivig-tere
has scarcely chage i this respect and, i t sub-
jugated East counties, t standar-d s even de-
clied. In v instance, t stadard of living s failed to
rise i i to t rate of idustrialization, wi 1vas
m apid. It 1vas believed tat t differeces bet1veen
cities d villages, betwee itellectual and pysical labor,
1vold slo1vly disappear; instead tese differeces have i
creased. Commuist anticipatios i oter areas-icludig
teir expectatios for developmets in t on-Commuist
world-ave also failed to materialize.
The greatest illusio 1vas tat industrialization d collectiv-
izatio i the U.S.S.R., d destructio of capitalist owneiSblp,
would result in classless society. I 1936, 1vhe t ne1v
Costitutio was promulgated, Stalir1 anouced tat the "ex-
ploiting class" d ceased to exist. The capitalist and other
37
 38 NEW CLASS
classes of ancient origi had i fact been destroyed, but new
class, previously unkovn t.o history, had been formed.
It is understandale that this class, like those before it, should
believe that the estalishment of its po\ver \vould result in
happiness and freedom for all men. The l differece be-
t\veen this and other classes was that it treated the delay in the
realization of its illusions more crudely. It thus affirmed tat
its power was more complete than the po,ver of any other class
before i history, and its class illusions and prejudices vere
proportionally greater.
This new class, the bureaucracy, or more accuately the pollt-
ical bureaucracy, has all the characteristics of earlier ones as
well as some w characteristics of its w. Its origi had its
special characteristics also, even tlugh in essence it was similar
to the beginings of other classes.
Other classes, too, obtained their strength and pover t
revolutionary path, destroying the political, social, d other
orders they met in their vay. Hovever, almost. \vithout excep-
tion, these classes attained power after ne\v ecoomic patterns
had taken shape in the old society. The case was the reverse
with new classes in the Communist systems. It did not come
to pover to complete ne\v economic d but to estaish professional evolutioay. The >v ulig class s grad-
its w and, in so doig, to estalish its power over society.
In earlier epochs the coming to power of some class, some
part of class, or of some party, \vas the final everlt esulting
from its formation and its development. The reverse was true
in tlle U.S.S.R. There the nev class \Vas definitely formed after
it attained pmver. Its consciousness had to develop before its
economic and physical povers, because t class had not taken
root in the of t nation. This class vie\ved its role i
relation to the \vorld from an idealistic point of vie;v. Its
practical possiilities \vere not diminished tllis. In spite of
its illusions, it represented an objective tendency to;vard i
dustrialization. Its practical bent emanated from this tendency.
The promise of an ideal vrld increased the fait in the raks
NEW CLASS 39
of the new class and so;ved illusions arnong the rnasses. At the
same tirne it. inspired gigantic physical undertakigs.
Because this ne\v class had not been forrned as part of the
econornic and social life before it carne to pover, it could only
created in organization of special type, distinguished
special discipline based on identical philosophic d ideologi-
cal views of its rnernbers. unity of belief d iron discipline
1vas necessar-y to overcorne its ;veaknesses.
roots of the w class 1vere irnplated in special party,
. of the Bolshevik type. Lenin 1vas right in his vie1v that his party
vas an exception in tlle history of hurnan society, altllough
did rt suspect that it. >vould tlle begining of nev class.
rnore precise, the initiat.ors of t ne\v class are not
found in the party of tlle Bolsl1evik type as \vlle but in that
straturn of professional evolutioaries 1vho rnade up its
even f it attaied po;ver. It 1vas not accidet tat Lein
asserted after t.he failure of tl1e 1905 revolutio tat only pro-
fessioal evolutionaries-rne ;vhose sole professio >vas revolu-
tionary work-could build ne>v party of tl1e Bolshevik type.
lt 1vas stillless accidetal that v Stali, t future creator of
new class, \vas the rnost outstandig exarnple of such
ually developig frorn tllis ver-y v straturn of revolution-
aies. s revolutio-ies composed its core for log period.
Totsky oted tat in pre-revolutioary professional evolu
tionaries >vas the origi of t future Staliist bureaucrat.
\Vhat did rt detect. was t beginig of \v class of
O\Vei's and exploiters.
This is not to say that t v t d t ne>v class
identical. party, o;vever, is tlle of tllat class, and its
base. It is very difficult, peraps irnpossile, to defie t lirnits
of t ;v class and to identify its rnernbers. ne>v class rnay
said to made up of those \v v special privileges d
econornic preferece because of tlle adrniistrative monopoly
they old.
 40 NEW CLASS
NEW CLASS 41
Si?c~ ad~inistation is unavoidaie in society, necessary
of iternational reJationships i
1vhicll Rssia fd itself at
a.dmi~Istrative functios may coexistent 1vith parasitic func-
t end of the itt d the begiig of the t>vetiet
tJons 111 the same person. N ot. every member of tlle party is
cetury. Rsia 1vas no longer to live i the roder 1voi1d
member of the ne1v class, tan v atisan or mer
as an absolte ronarchy, d Russia's capitalism 1vas too 1veak
of the city t 1vas bourgeois.
d too depedent the iterests of foreign po1vers to rake
In loose terrs, as the ne1v class becores stronger and attains
it possile to v an idstiial reYolutio. This revoltion
.m?re perceptie pl1ysiognomy, the role of the party di-
could l implereted ne1v class, or chage in
rshes. The core d t basis of the ne>v class is created in
the social order. As yet, tere 1vas suc class.
the party and at its top, as 1vell as in t state political gans.
In blstory, it is not irportant w implerets process, it
The once live, corpact party, full of initiative, is disappeaina
is r important tat. the piocess irplerented. Suc was
to r transforred into the traditional oliaarcy of the ne 1~
l . t case in Russia and oter cour'ies i 1vich Cormist.
~ ~ss, Irresistiiy dra1vig into its ranks those 1vho aspire to
revoltions took place. The revolution created forces, leaders,
t 1v class and repressig those >v v any ideals.
organizatios, d ideas which 1vere ecessary to it. Tlle ne1v
party rakes the class, but t. class go1vs as result. and
class came ito existece for objective reasos, and the 1vis,
uses the party as basis. class gro1vs stroger, wile the
wits, d actio of its leaders.
part~ grvs ~~eaker; this is the iescapaie fate of every Cor
mst t 111 po1ver.

If it 1vere t. raterially interested in production or if it did

t v 1vithi itself the potentialities for the ceation of
1v class, no pa:ty cold act i so nrally d ideologically
foolhardy fs, Iet l stay in po1ver f Iog. Stalin
declared, afte t end of t Fit Five-Year l: "If we d
rt created the ts, 1ve 1vould v failed!" should
have su.bstitted "1v class" for the 1vord "apparatus," and
everythg 1vold v been cleaer.
2.
The social origin of the w class lies i the proletariat just
as the aristoacy s i peasat society, and the bourgeoisie
i cormercial d atisas' society. h exceptions,
dependig ational coditios, t tl1e proletariat i eco-
norically underdeveloped contries, being back1vard, consti-

It seers unusual :It political party could t beginning tutes t ra>v mateial fom 1vhic t >v class arises.
of 1v class. Part1es are geerally t prodct of classes and There are oter reasons 1vl1y the ne1v class all\'ays acts as t
strata 1vhich v r itellectually d econorically ri of the >vorking class. ne1v class is anti-capitalistic

str~g.. However, i~ one ~asps the actual conditions i pre- and, consequently, logically depedet n t 1vorking strata.
re\ oltnary Russra and other countries in whic Com- w class is supported the pioletarian stggle and t

munisr pievailed over ational forces, it 1vill l that traditioal faitll of t proletariat. i socialist, Comnist

party of th~s type .is the product of specific opportities d society were tllere is no brutal exploitation. It is Yitally ir
that thee 1s nothg unusual or accidental in this being so. portant for tlle ne1v class to assre ormal flo1v of prodction,
A.lthogh the oot.s of Bolshevism far back ito Russia n it canot ever lose its corection 1vitl1 t proletaiat.

history, the party is partly t product of the unique pattern Most irportant of all, tl1e ne1v class cannot acbleve indstriali
zation d consolidate its pmver 1vitout t l of t 1vork-
 42 NEW CLASS
ig class. the other d, the 1vorkig class sees in expaded
industry the salvation from its poverty d despair. Over Iog
period of time, the iterests, ideas, faith, d hope of the w
class, d of parts of the 1vorkig class d of t poor peasants,
coicide d uite. Such mergers have occurred i the past
amog other 1videly differet classes. Did t. the bourgeoisie
represent the peasantry i the stuggle agaist the feudal lords?
The movemet of the w class toward po1ver comes as
result of the efforts of t proletariat d the poor. These are
t asses upon 1vhich t party or t ne1v class ust lean
and 1vith 1vhic its irlterests are ost closely allied. This is true
util the w class finally establises its po1ver d authority.
Over and above tis, t ne1v class is interested in the prole-
tariat d the poor only to the extent necessary for developig
production d for aitaining in subjugatio t ost ag-
gressive d rebellious social forces.
Tlle morpoly 1vicll tlle 1v class estalislles in the name
of the 1vorkig class over the 1vhole of society is, pimarily,
monopoly over t 1vorking class itself. Tis monopoly is first
intellectual, over t so-called avant-garde pioletai"iat, and the
over the 1vole prolctaiat. This is tl1e iggest deceptio the
class must accomplish, but it sho1vs that the 1v and interests
of the new class lie pr'imarily in idustry. Without industry
the w class cannot consolidate its positio or autority.
Fomer sons of t >vorking class are the most. steadfast mem-
bes of the 1v class. lt s al1vays the fate of slaves to
provide for their asters t most cleve and gifted repese
tatives. In this case 1v exploitig d govei"ning class is
from the exploited class.
. as pomotion is in terms of seniority. In-group aggression is
Wen Comuist systems are being critically aalyzed, it is
considered tat teir fundamental distinctio lies in t fact
NEvV CLASS 43
that bureaucracy, organized in special stratu, rules over
the people. This is generally true. Ho1vever, more detailed
analysis 1vill show that l special stratum of bureaucrats,
those "\VhO are I10t administrative officials, k up the core of
the govering bureaucracy, or, in my termiology, of the 1v
class. This is actually party or political bureaucracy. Other
officials ai'e only tlle apparatus uder tlle conrol of the w
class; the apparats clumsy and slow but, atter
>vhat, it ust exist i every socialist society. It is sociologically
possile to dra1v t bordelie bet1veen the different types of
officials, but in practice they are practically idistinguishale.
This is true t only because t Communist system its very
natue is bureaucratic, but because Comuists andle t
various important administrative functions. In addition, t
stratu of political ts cannot teir privileges
if t do not give CI'umbs fr'o teir tales to other bureau-
cratic categoies.
It is iportant to note t fudaental differences bet1vee
the political bureaucracies entioned r and those which
arise 1vith every cetralization in d economy-especially
cetalizations tat lead to collective for-ms of ownersip such
as monopolies, compaies, and state ownersip. nuber
of 'vite-collar 1vorkers is constatly i:easing in capitalistic
monopolies, and also in ationalized industries in t West.
lil Human Relations in Administration/" R. Duin says tllat
state functiona!'ies in t economy are being trasfored into
special stratum of society.
. .. Functionar'ies have the sense of common destiny for
all those who >vok together. They share the same interests,
especially since there is relatively little competition isofar
thus inimized and this aangement is t.herefore conceived
New York, PrenticeHall, 1951.
 44 NEW CLASS NEW CLASS 45
to positive1y functional for the bureaucracy. Ho1vever, th~ oter pr-operty. This is t way it appears to t ordiary man
esprit de corps and informal social organization which typi- ;vho considers t Communist functioary as being very rich
cally develops in such situations often leads the pers~nnel t.o d as m 1vl10 does not have to work.
defend their entrenched interests rather than to asSist the1r o;vnersip of private t s, for m reasos,
clientele and elected higher officials. proved to unfavale for t estalisl1met of t 1v
class's autlrity. Besides, t destructio of pivate o;vership
While such fuctioaries have mucll in commo 1vith Com- 1vas ss for t economic tr-asformatio of atios.
muist bureaucrats, especially as regards "esprit de corp~," tlley ne1v class obtais its po1ver, privileges, ideoJogy, d its cstoms
are t identical. Although state and oter bureauats ~n from specific form of o1vesip-collective 0\vnersip
Communist systems form special stratum, tl1ey do not exerCise ;vblc t class admiisters d distriutes i t name of tlle
authority as the Communists do. Bureaucrats i no-Com~ ti d society.
muist state haYe political masters, usually elected, or o1vners Tlle 1v class maitais tat Ol\'lleblp derives from desig-
over tllem, 1vhile Communists have eiter masters nor 0\VIlers nated social relationsip. Tbls is tlle relationsip betlveen t
over them. The breaucrats in on-Commuist state are of- monopolists of administration, 1vllo constitute arro1v and
ficials in modem capitalist m, 1vile tlle Communists closed stratum, and tlle mass of producers (farmers, 1vorkers,
are somethio- 1:1
different d 1v: ne~v class. and intelligentsia) 1vl llave no rigts. Ho;veYer, tbls elation
As i other o1vning classes, the proof tat it is special class sblp is not valid since tlle Communist bureaucacy enjoys
lies in its onership d its special relations to otller classes. moopoly v t distiution of mateial goods.
I the same 1vay, tlle class to 1vicll member belogs is idi fundametal cllange in t social relatiosip bet1veen
cated t material d oter privileges 1vhicl1 ownership tllose 1v moopolize admiistration d tllose 1vl IVOk is
brigs to him. ineYitaly reflected i tlle ownersllip elatiosllip. Social d
As defined Roman lv, property costitutes the use, en- political relatios d 01vnersllip-tlle totalitaiaism of tlle
joyment, and disposition of material goods. Communist govemmet and tlle moopoly of autllity-are being m
poiitical bureaucracy ses, enjoys, and disposes of natioalized fully bougllt ito accor-d i Commuism tan in otller
property. sigle system.
If we assume that membership i this bureaucracy or w divest Commuists of tlleir o1vnersip rigts 1vould to
o1vning class is predicated on tlle use of privileges inl:lerent. in abolish tllem as class. compel tllem t.o reliquis tl:1eir
ownersip-in tis inst.ance natioalized material goods-tl:len other social po1vers, so that 1vorkers may paticipate in sllarig
membersip i tl:le 1v party class, or political bureaucracy, is tlle pofits of their 1vork-1vhich capitalists haYe had to permit
reflected in larger income in material goods and priYileges as result of stikes d parliametary action-would mean
tllan society sl:lold ormally grant for sucl:l functios. In prac- that Commuists were being depiived of their moopoly oYer
tice, the o1vnership privilege of tlle ;v class maifests itself property, ideology, and govemment. This would the be-
as an exclusiYe rigllt, as party moopoly, for tl:le political giig of democracy d freedom in Communism, the d of
bureaucracy t.o distriute the ational income, to set wages, Commuist moopolism d totalitaiaism. Util tis hap-
direct economic deYelopment, and dispose of nationalized and pes, there can idication that important, fudamental
 NEW CLASS 47
46 NEW CLASS
Membership in the Communist Party before the ReYolution
changes are taking place in Communist systems, at least not
meat sacrifice. Beig professioal revolutionary '\vas of
i the eyes of m 1vho think seriously about social progress.
the highest hoors. N O'\V that the party has cosolidated its
The o;vership privileges of the ne1v class and membership
pmver, party membership meas that belogs to privi-
in that class are the privileges of administration. This privilege
leged class. d at the core of t party are the all-powerful
extends from state administration and the administr-ation of
exploiters d masters.
economic eterprises to that of sports and humanitaria orgai
For log time t Commuist revolutio ahd t Com-
zatios. Political, party, or so-called "geeral leadership" is
muist system v been cocealig teir real nature. The
executed the core. This positio of leadersblp caies privi-
emergence of the 'v class has concealed uder socialist
leges 1vith it. I his Stalin au pouvoir, pulished i Paris in
phraseology d, more importat, under t 'v collective
1951, Orlov states that t average of worker i t
~orms. of ?operty o;vnership. The so-called socialist o'vership
U .S.S.R i 1935 1vas 1,800 rules aually, wblle tlle and
1s d1sgse for the real ownership t political bureaucracy.
allowances of t secretay of r committee md
d i the begiing this bureaucracy 'vas i huy to com-
to 45,000 rules anually. situatio s gd sice
plete industializatio, and hid its class composition under
the for t ;vorkers d party fuctioaries, but t essece
that guise.
remains t same. Oter autors v aived at t same
coclusios. Discrepacies bet,vee the of 'vorkers d
party functioaries are extreme; tis could t bldde from
pesons visiting t U.S.S.R. or oter Communist couties i 4.
t past fe;v years.
Other systems, too, '\' teir professiona1 politicians. One The development of modern Communism, d t emer-
tblnk 1vell or ill of them, but they must exist. Society
gence of the ;v class, is evident i the char-acter d roles
canrt live ;vithout state or govemet, d therefOI'e
of tose wl inspired it.
leaders d their methods, from Marx to Khrushchev
it t liYe ;vithout those 'vho figt for it.
Ho1veyer, tl1ere are fudametal differeces bet;vee po have Yaried and changing. It never occurred to Marx t~
fessional politicias in other systems d i the Commuist prevent oters from voicing their ideas. Lein tolerated free
discussio in his party and did not think tat forums,
system. I extreme cases, politicias i other systems use the
gover'Ilmet to secure privileges for themselves and their co-
let alone the party head, should regulate the expression of
horts, or t.o fav the ecoomic iterests of one social statum "proper" or "improper" ideas. Stalin abolished every type of
inta-party discussion, and made the expression of ideology
aother. The situatio is differet with the Commuist syste
;vlrere t po;ver d the goveret are idetical 1vith t solely the right of the central forum-or of himself. Oth~r
use, ejoyment, d dispositio of almost all t nation's goods. Communist movements ;vere different.. For instance, Marx's
Interational Workers' Union (the so-called First Interna-
'\Vho grabs po;ver grabs privileges d idiectly grabs
property. Consequetly, in Commuism, po;ver or politics as tional) was not Marxist in ideology, but union of varied
goups whic adopted only t resolutios on whic its
professio is the ideal of those 'vho have the desire or the
pospect of livig as paasites at the expense of oters. rs agreed. Leni's party was an avant-garde group comblning
 48 NEW CLASS
NEW CLASS 49
an internal evolutionary morality and ideological monolithic coarse urnor, rt very educated nor good speaker. But
stuctue 1vith democracy of kind. Under Stalin tl1e party
1vas relentless dogmatician and great administrator,
became mass of ideologically disinteested men, wl got Georgian 1v knew better than n else witer t new
their ideas from above, but 1vere 1vholeearted and unanimous po1ves of Greater Rssia 1vere takig r. created t ne1v
i the defense of system that assured the uquestionale class the of the most barbaic means, t even sparing
privileges. Marx actually never created party; Lein de- the class it.Self. It 1vas inevitale tat t ne1v class >vich
stroyed all parties except is o1vn, including the Socialist Party. placed him at t top would later submit to is unbridled
Stali relegated even the Bolshevik Party to second ank, d btal nature. was the true leader of tat class as long
tansformio- t>
its core into the of the ne1v class, and as the class 1vas buildig itself up, d attaining po1ver.
transfoming the party into privileged ipersonal and color ne1v class 1vas bon1 in the revolutionay struggle in t
less group. Commuist Party, but 1vas developed in t idstrial revolu-
Marx created system of the roles of classes, and of class 1var tion. Witot t revolution, 1vitout indstJy, the class's
i society, even tlugh he did not discove them, d he saw
position -.;vould not v secure and its po1ver 1vould
that mankind is mostly made of members of disceile lve been limited.
classes, althogh l1e 1vas only restatig Teence's Stoic plliloso- vVile t.he coutry \Vas being industrialized, Stalin began
phy: i nilzil alienum puto." Lenin vie1ved men as to itroduce considerale variations in 1vages, at t same
sharing ideas ather than as beig membes of disceri~le time allo1ving t developmet to1vard various privileges to
classes. Stali sa1v in men only obedient subjects or 1s. proceed. tgt tat indstrialization would come to
died poor emigrat in Ld, t 1v~s valued notino- if t ne1v class >veie not made materially inteest.ed
. . .
learned n d valued i the movemet; Li died as the in t process, acquisition of some property for Itself. Wit-
leader of one of the t>Qeatest. evoltios, but died as dictator out indstrialization t ne1v class would find it difficult to
about. whom cult had already begun to fom; 1vhen Stalin old its position, for it would v eiter historical justifica-
died, had already transformed himself ito god. tio r the material resources for its contiued existece.
s chages in personalities are l t.he eflection of
icrease in t membersip of t paity, or of the
chages 1vhicl1 had aleady take place d were t very soul
breaucracy, 1vas closely conected with tis. I 1927, on t
of the Commuist movement. eve of idustializatio, t Soviet Communist Patty d
Althouo-h
o did t realize it, Li started the organiza- 887,233 members. In 1934, at tl1e d of t First Five-Year
tion of t 1v class. estalised t t alog Bolsevik Plan, the membersip d inceased to 1,874,488. Tis 1vas
lines d developed tl1e teories of its uique d leadig role phenomenon obviously connected 1vith indstrializatio: the
in the buildig of 1v society. Tis is but aspect of is prospects for t ne1v class and pivileges for its members w
may-sided d gigatic 1\'0rk; it is t aspect 1vicl1
improving. "\Vat is more, t pivileges d t class 1vere
about from is actios rater tan his 1visl1es. It is also t expandig more rapidly than indstrialization itself. It is diffi-
aspect. 1vi led t ne1v class t.o revere im. cult to cite any statistics on tis point, but the conclsio is
real d direct 01iginator of tl1e ne1v class, o1vever,
self-evident f anyone 1vho s in mind tat the standard
was Stalin. 1vas man of quick eflexes d tendecy to of living has not kept 1vit industrial productio, 1vhile
 50 NEW CLASS NEW CLASS 51
the new class actually seized the lio's share of tlle economic -he made decisions. too promised sbling future, but
and other progress earned the sacrifices and efforts of t which bureaucracy could visualize as being real because
masses. its life 1vas impi'O\'ing fiom day to day and its position 1vas
estalishment of the ne1v class did not proceed smoothly. being strengthened. spoke witlut ardor and color, but
It encountered itter opposition from existing classes d from the 1v class 1vas better to undestad this kind of ealistic
those revolutionaries 1vho could not reconcile reality 1vith the language. Trotsky 1vished to extend the revolutio to ;
ideals of their struggle. In t.he U.S.S.R. the opposition of Stalin 1vas not opposed to the idea but this azai'dous under-
revolutionaries was most evidet in the Trotsky-Stalin conflict. takig did not prevent him from 1vorrying about Mother
The conflict bet1veen Trotsky and Stalin, or bet1veen opposi- Russia or, specifically, about 1vays of strengtheing the ne1v
tionists in t party d Stalin, as 1vell as t conflict between system and increasig the po1ver and reputatio of the Russian
the regime d the peasantry, became r intense as idus state. Trotsky 1vas man of the revolution of the past; Stalin
trialization advanced d the po1ver and authority of the new was m of today and, thus, of the future.
class icreased. In Stalin's victoiy Trotsky saw the Theidoric reaction
Trotsky, an excellent speaker, brilliat. stylist, and skilled agaist the revolution, actually the bureaucatic corruption
polemicist, n cultured and of excellent intelligece, 1vas of the Soviet governmet d the revolutionary cause. Conse.
deficient in only one quality: sese of eality. 1vated to quetly, he understood d 1vas deeply ht the amorality
revolutionary in period 1vhe life imposed t comon of Stali's methods. TIotsky was the first, although he was not
place. 1vished to revive revolutioary party 1vhich 1vas a1vare of it, who in the attempt to save the Comrnuist move-
being transformed into something copletely different, into ment discovered the essence of coternporary Comuism. But
1v class uconcerned 1vith great ideals d interested l he was t of seeig it tough to the end. supposed
in the everyday pleasures of life. expected action from that this was l mometay croppig up of bureaucracy,
mass alieady tired 1var, hunger, and death, at time 1vhen corruptig the party d the revolution, and concluded that
t ne1v class aleady str'ongly held the reis d had begun t solution 1vas in change at the top, in "palace revol
to experience the s1veetness of privilege. Trotsky's fie~rorks tion." vVhen palace revolution actually took place after
lit up the distant heavens; but could not ekindle fires i Stalin's death, it could seen that the essence had t
weary men. sharply oted the s aspect of the ne1v chaged; something deepe!' and more lastig was ivolved. The
phenomena but did not gasp their meaning. In addition, Soviet Thel'midor of Stali had t only led to the installatio
he d never been Bolsevik. This 1vas his vice and bls of governmet more despotic tha the previous , but also
virtue. Attacking t party bureaucracy i the name of the to the installation of class. This 1vas the contiuatio of that
evolution, he attacked the cult of the paity d, althoug he other violet foreig revolution wich had inevitaly borne
1vas t conscious of it, tl1e w class. d strengthened the new class.
Stalin looked either far ahead nor far behind. had Stali could, with equal if t greater right, refer to Lein
seated himself at the head of the ne1v p01ver 1vhich 1vas being and all t revolution, just. as Trotsky did. For Stali 1vas the
bom-the w class, the political bureaucracy, and bureau- lawful although 1vicked offsprig of Lenin d the revolutio.
cratism-and its leader and oganizer. did not pxeach History has previos record of personality like Lenin
 52 NEfV CLASS
who, his versatility and persistence, developed one of t
greatest revolutions kno1vn to men. It also s no record of
personality like Stalin, 1vho took on t enormous task of
stregteing, in terms of po1ver and property, ne1v class born
out of one of the greatest revolutions in one of the largest of
the world's countries.
Behind Leni, w 1vas all passion d tlught, stands the
dull, gray figure of Joseph Stalin, t symbol of the difficult,
cruel, and unscrupulous ascet of the ne1v class to its final
po1ver.
After Lenin and Stalin came what had to come; namely,
mediocrity in the form of collective leadership. And also tere
came the apparently sincere, kind-hearted, no-intellectual "man
of the people"-Nikita Khruschev. The ne1v class longer
needs the revolutionaries or dogmatists it required; it is
satisfied with simple personalities, such as Khrushchev, Malen-
kov, Bulgani, and Shepilov, wlse every 1vord reflects the aver-
age man. 1v class itself is tired of dogmatic purges and
training sessions. It 1vould like to live quietly. It must ptect
itself even from its "\\'11 authorized leader IIO'\V that it s been
adequately strengtl1ened. Stalin remained t same as 1vas
wl1e t class 1vas 1veak, 1v cruel measures 1vere ecessary
against v those in its mvn raks 1vho treatened to deviate.
Today tis is all unnecessary. Without relinquising anyting
it created under Stalin's leadersip, the ne1v class appears to
reoucing his authoity for the past few . But it is
not really renouncing that author-ity-only Stalin's methods
\vi, according to Krushchev, urt "good Communists."
Lein's revolutioary 1vas replaced Stali's , seveity and exclusiveness, t ne1v class, becoing stregteed
i 1vi authOI'ity d O'\versip, d idustr-ialization, were econoically, s prospects of attainig greater flexiility.
stregteed so tat the much desired peaceful d good life
of t 1v class could begi. Lei's revolutionary Commu-
ism was replaced Stali's dogmatic communism, whicll in
NEW CLASS 53
tur was replaced non-dogmatic Commuism, so-called
collective leadersip or group of oligarchs.
These are the tree pases of developmet of t w class
in the U.S.S.R. or of Russia Communism (or of eve.r'Y oter
type of Commuism i mr !' tr) .
fate 6f Yugoslav Commuism 1vas to uify tese tree
phases i t sigle persoality of Tito, along 1vit ational
d pesonal caacteristics. Tito is great revolutioay, but
1vithout origial ideas; s attained pe!'Sonal pmver, but
1vitout Stalin's distrustfuless d dogmatism. Like s
hv, Tito is represetative of t people, tat is, of t mid-
dle-pty strata. d wi Yugoslav Commuism s
t!'aveled-attaiig revolutio, copyig Stalinism, tl1e re-
oucig Stalinism d seeking its O'\VH form-is s most fully
i t persoality of Tito. Yugoslav Commuism s been
r consistet t otl1er paties i pieseing t substance
of Comunism, yet ever renouncing for 1vi could
of value to it.
tree pases in t developent of the new class-
Lenin, Stali, and "collective leadersip"-are not copletely
divorced fro oter, in substace or i ideas.
Lein too 1vas t-logatist, d Stalin t.oo 1vas evolutioary,
jst as collective leade!'Sip 1vill resort to dogmatis d to
evolutionary metods 1ven necessary. Wat is r, t non-
dogmatis of t collective leadersip is applied only to itself,
to t eads of t ne1v class. On t oter and, t people
ust all t r pesistently "edcated" in t spirit of
t doga, or of Marxis-Leiis. relaxing its dogmatic
loic of Counis is past. of its
great leades s eded. of practical has set
in. new class s eated. It is at the height of its
 54 NEW CLASS
power and wealth, but it is 1vithout ne1v ideas. It. has othing
more to tell the people. The only thing that remains is for
lt to justify itself.
5.
It 1vould not importat to estalish the fact that in con-
temporary Communism 1v vning and exploiting class is
involved and not merely temporary dictatorship and an ari
trary bureaucracy, if some anti-Stalinist Communists including
Trotsky as 1vell as some Social Democrats had not depicted the
ruling stratum as passing bureaucratic phenomenon because
of 1vhich this ne>v ideal, classless society, still i its s1vaddling
clothes, must suffer, just as bourgeois society had had to suffer
under Crom\vell's and Napoleon's despotism.
But the ne1v class is really ne1v class, with special com-
positio and special >,r. any scietific definition of
class, v the Marxist definition 1vhich some classes are
lower tha others accding t.o their specific position in pro-
ductio, 1ve coclude that, i the U.S.S.R. and other Com-
muist coutries, 1v class of o1mers and exploites is i
existence. The specific characteristic of this 1v class is its
collective o1mership. Communist theoreticias affirm, d some
even believe, that Communism has aived at collective ower
ship.
Collective mmership in var'ious forms has existed i all
earlier societies. All anciet Easter despotisms 1vere based
the pe-eminence of the state's or the king's property. I ancient
Egypt after the fifteent century .., arale land passed to
private o>mersblp. BefOie tat time only homes d suound
ing buildings had been privately owed. State land 1vas haded
over for cultivation wblle state officials administered t land
d collected taxes on it. Caals and istallations, as 1vell as
t most. impoat 1vorks, 1vere also state-owed. The state
NEW CLASS 55
01\'lled everything util it lost its idd in the first
centry of r era.
This elps to explain t deificatio of the Pharaos of
Egypt d of t emperors, >vhic encouters in all t
acient Easter despotisms. Sch o1vr1ership also explains the
dertakig of gigantic tasks, such as the construction of
temples, tombs, and castles of emperors, of caals, roads, and
fortificatios.
The Roma state treated ne1vly conquered land as state land
and owed considerale umbes of slaves. The medieval
Church also had collective property.
Capitalism its very nat.re 1vas an n of collective ow
ersblp util the estalisl1met of shareholders' organizatios.
Capitalism contied to of collective o1mership,
even thogh it cold t. do aything against w encroach-
ets collective o>vership d the lgt of its area
of operatio.
The Commists did not ivet collective mmership as
such, t iveted its all-ecompassig character, more 1videly
exteded than i earlier epochs, v r extesive i i
Pharaoh's Egypt. That is all that the Couists did.
The o1mership of the ne>v class, as well as its chaacter, was
fored over period of time d 1vas subjected to costat
chage ding the process. At first, l small part of the
ti felt the d for all ecoomic po1veis to placed i
the hads of political party for the purpose of aidig the
idstrial transforation. The party, actig as the avant-garde
of the proletar-iat d as the "most enlighteed pmver of so-
cialism," piessed for this cetalizatio 1vhich could attaied
only chage i o>mei"Ship. The chage 1vas d i fact
and i for throgh atioalizatio fist of large enterprises
and the of smaller s. The abolitio of private owersblp
1vas preeqisite for idustialization, d for the begiing
of the new class. Ho1vever, >vithot. their special role as ad-
miistatOIs over society and as distritors of property, the
 56 NEW CLAS3 NEW CLASS 57
Communists could not. transform temselves into ne\V class, holdings, ivhic ivas ecoomically njustified, was unavoidale
nor could ne\v class fored d permanently estalised. if t nevv class 1vas to secely installed in its power and
Gradually material goods \vere nationalized, but i fact, tough its OiVership.
its rigl to use, enjoy, and distriute these goods, they became Reliale statistics are not availale, but all evidence confirms

the property of discemile stratum of t party and the
gatl1ered arond it.
In vie\v of the sigificace of O\mership for its po,ver-and
also of the fits of oivnership-the party breaucracy t
t.hat yields per acre in the U.S.S.R. v not. been icreased
over t yie1ds in Czaist. Russia, and tat t number of Iive-
stock still does not r t pre-evolutionay figure.
losses i agricltral yields d in livestock

rn the extesion of its o>mersllip v v small-scale calculated, t the losses i manpo1ver, in the millions of peas-
piodctio facilities. s of its totalitaianism d moopo ants 1v 1vere tl1ro\vn into labor camps, are incalculale.
lism, the neiv class fids itself navoidaly at \V >vith evey Collectivizatio was ightfl and devastatig 1var 1vllich re-

tllig 1vhicl1 it does t admiister or hadle, d must semled isane undertakig-except for the fact that it was
profitale for the ne1v class assig its authority.
delierately aspire to destroy or conque it.
Stalin said, on the eve of collectivization, tat tl1e qestio various methods, such as ationalizatio, complsory co-

of "1vl 1vill do 1vat to vvom" d raised, v tlugh operation, hig taxes, d price ineqalities, pivate Oivnersip
the Soviet goverment \vas not meeting serious opposition 1vas destroyed and trasfored into collective oivnership.
politically and economically disited peasantry. estalismet of t o\mesip of t 1v class ivas evideced

new class felt insecre as long as tere \vere any otl1er O\\rners in t clges in tl1e psycology, t 1vay of life, d t
except itself. It cold not risk sabotage in food spplies in aterial position of its embers, depedig t position
agricltral ra>v aterials. This ivas t direct eason for t t eld on t ieal'Cical ladder. tr homes, t best

attack on t peasantry. Hoivever, tere 1vas second reason, ousig, fit, and similar tings ivere acquied; special

class reason: t peasants cold dangeros to tl1e ne\V qaters and exclsive rest hoes >v estalised for t

class in an nstale sitation. neiv class terefore d higest breaucracy, for tl1e elite of t ;v class. t

to subordinate the peasantry to itself economically and secetary d t cief of tl1e secret police in some places t

administratively; this was done tgh t kolkhozes d l tlle igest atorities but obtained t best ous

maclline-tactor stations, 1vllic reqired an inoease popor ing, automoiles, d siilar evidence of privilege. s
tionate to t size of the neiv class in the villages temselves. beneath tem 1v eligile for l pivileges, deped.
As reslt, r musloomed in t villages too. ig upon their positio i t ierarcy. state budgets,

fact t.hat t seizre of propety oter classes, "gifts," and t costrctio and r-econstruction exected for
especially small Oivers, led to decreases in prodction t eeds of t state and its r-epresentatives t ever-

d to s in t 1vas of conseqece to t ne1v lastig and iexaustile sources of benefit.s to t political

class. Most importat for t ne>v class, as for v Oiver in bureaucacy.

history, ivas t attaimet and consolidatio of Oi\rnersllip. l in cases where the w class was t l of
Tl1e class profited from t.he neiv property it d acqired even maintaining t.he ownersip it d usr-ped, or in cases
toug t.he natio lost t.hereby. The collectivization of peasant where suc ovmerslllp was exoritat1y expensive or politically
 NEW CLASS NEW CLASS ~9
58
dangerous, the o\vnersblp surrendered to other strata ~~ ot?er
6.
forms of O\vnership \v devised. For example, collectiVlzati.on
\Vas abandoned in Yugoslavia because the peasants were res.Ist- No class is estalished its O\Vll action, even though its
ino- it and because the steady decrease in production resultg ascent is organized and accompanied conscious st11ggle.
.
from collectivizatio held latet dager for the reg1e. ow- This olds true for the ne\v class in Communism.
ever, the w class ever reouced the i.ght i such cases to The ne1v class, because it d \Veak relationship to the
seize o1vnersip agai or to collectivize. The w class canot m and social structure, d of ecessity had its origin i
ru this Ii.ght, for if it did, it would loger total- single party, \Vas forced to estalish tlle higllest possile orga
itaria d moopolistic. . . izational stucture. Finally it. 1vas forced to delierate and
No bureaucracy l could so stubborn Its p~r conscious \vithdra\val fom its earlier tenets. Consequently the
poses d aims. l those egaged i \V forms of o\Vllership, ne\v class is m highly oganized d more blgllly class-co
1vho tread the road to \V fs of productio, are l of scious t any class i recOIded history.
beig so persistet. Tis propositio is true l if it is take relatively; con-
:r foresaw tat after its victory the proletariat would sciousness d organizational stucture beig take in relation
exposed to dager from the deposed classes 1d fro its own to the outside 1vorld and to other classes, powers, and social
bureaucracy. vVhe tl1e Commuists, especially those in Yugo forces. No otl1er class i history llas as cohesive and single-
slavia, criticize Stali's administ-ation d beaucratic meth- minded in defendig itself and in controlling that 1vllicll it
ods, they geerally refer to 1vhat : aticipated. However, llolds-collective and monopolistic mrnership and totalitaria
\Vhat is happenig i Communism today has little conectio authority.
with :r and certainly no conectio \Vith tis anticipation. tlle otller and, t ne\v class is also t most deluded
Marx \Vas tinkig of the danger fom an i.s in parasitic and least conscious of itself. Every private capitalist or feudal
bureaucracy, 'vhich is also present in contemporay Com- lod 1vas conscious of the fact t.hat he belonged to special dis-
munism. It neve occured to him that today's Communist cernile social categoy. usually believed that this category
strong m, who hadle mateial goods bel1alf of their \V 1vas destined to make t huma happy, and that \vithout
arrow caste's iterests rather tha for the bureaucracy as tis category chaos d geneal rui \vould esue. Com-
whole, would the bureaucracy he was thikig of. I this munist member of the ne\v class also believes that, \vithout his
case too, :r serves as good excuse for the Commuists, party, society \vould egess and foundei". But he is not conscious
\Vl1ether t extravagat tastes of various strata of the \V class of the fact that he belongs to \v mvnership class, for he does
or poor admiistration is uder criticism. not consider himself an o>vner and does t take into account
Cotemporay Commuism is t l party of certai the special privileges enjoys. thiks that he belogs to
type, or bureaucracy \vhich has sprug fom moopolistic group \Vith sid ideas, aims, attitudes, and 1oles. That
o\Vllership d excessive state itefeiece i the m. is all he sees. rt see tlt at the same time he belongs
:r tha aything else, the essetial aspect of cotemporary to specia1 social category: the ownerslzip class.
Commuism is t.he e'iv class of O"\Vers d exploiters. Collective Orleiship, \vhicll acts to reduce the class, at the
 NEliV CLASS 61
60 NEW CLASS
"\vays of life d of t main etlds for t developmet
same time makes it unconscious of its class substance, and each of Commuism.
one of the collective owners is deluded in that he thinks he I o-Commuist systes, t of careerism
uniqely belongs to movement 1vhic 'ivould abolis classes and nsls iti sign that it is profitale to
in society. . ut, or that "\\'11s v parasites, so tat
compax-ison of other characteristics of the ?-e:v c~a~s wrth t adinistration of poperty is left i t ds of employees.
those of other mvership classes eveals m srmatles ~d I Corrunisr, careerisr d scruplos aritio testify
many differences. "\v class is voracios d insatiale, JHSt t.o t fact tat tere is an irresistile diive tovvad O\vership
as the boaeoisie "\vas. But it does t have the virtes of d t privileges that the adriistratio of ma-
frgality f m that t bog~oisie ~. ~e\V class terial goods and .
is as exclusive as t aristocracy t 'vrtot astocracy s efie Merbership in oter o1vership classes is t idetical "\vith
met and proud cblvalry. tlle versblp of particlar property. This is still less the
Tlle ne\v class also s advantages over otller classes. Because case i t Corrist syste isu as owership is
it is more t it is better prepared for greater sacrifices collective. O"\ver joit O"\Vei i tlle Corrnist
d eroic exploits. individal is copletely d totally syste rs tat eters the raks of the rulig political
sbordinated to the 1vlle; at least, tlle pievailig ideal calls r d otblg else.
for scl1 sbordinatio v "\ven he is t seekig to better I tl1e "\v class, jst as i oter classes, s idividuals
hiself. ne\v class is strong ng to carry t material costantly fall the 1vayside "\Vile oteis go up t ladder.
and oter vetres tat oter class was ever l to do. I private-mvership classes idividal left his poperty to
Since it possesses t nation's goods, t ne\V class is in posi- his descedats. I the '\v class ierits aythig ex-
tion to devote itself religiously to t ais it s set and to cept the aspii-atio to 1-aise iself to blgher rug of the
direct all t forces of t people to t frterance of tese ladder. The "\v class is actally beig created fro the lmvest
ais, d broadest strata of the people, and is i costat rotio.
"\v o'imeblp is not t s as t political gover Althougl1 it is sociologically possile to prescrie '\v belongs
ent, t is created and aided tat governent. The s, to the 1v class, it is difficlt to do so; for the ne"\V class elts
enjoyment, d distrition of pioperty is t pivilege of t ito d spills v ito the people, ito other lower classes,
party and t party's top n. and is costarly gig.
t rs feel tat authority, that contol over property, The d to the top is theoietically to all, just as evei'y
biings "\Vith it t privileges of this "\vorld. C~nseqen~ly, : of Napoleo's soldiers carried arshal's t i is
srls aition, dplicity, toadyis, and Jealosy evlta kapsack. The l thig tat is requiied to get the road
ly must increase. Careeism and v expanding bureauc- is sicere d cornplete loyalty to tlle t or to the w class.
racy are t incurale diseases of Comuis. Because the at. the bottom, the new class becores icreasigly d
Couists v transformed theselves ito mvers, d eletlessly aro"\ver at the top. Not l is t desire ecessary
because the road to po,ver d to mateial privileges is f the clib; also ecessary is the aility to derstad and
l tiouah "devotio" to t paty-to the class, to "social- develop docties, firness in stuggles agaist atagonists, -
o .
is"-scrpulos iti must become of the m
 62 NEW CLASS NEW CLASS 63
ceptional dexterity and cleverness in intra-party struggles, and meas tat t ne\v class s rt succeeded in completely taking
talent in strengthening the class. present themselves, but over t management of t villages. rg tlle kolkhozes
fe\v are chosen. Although more open ir1 some respects than d the use of t complsory crop-purcase system, the ne1v
other classes, the w class is also more exclusive tha other class s succeeded in making vassals of t peasants and grab-
classes. Sice one of the ne\v class's most importarlt features is ing lion's s of the peasants' icome, but t w class
monopoly of authority, this exclusiveness is stregthened s t become the l po,ver of t land. St.alin \Vas com-
bureaucratic hierarchical prejudices. pletely a\vare of tis. Before his deat, in Econornic Prolerns
N O\vhere, at any time, has the road been as wide open to t of Socialisrn in the U.S.S.R., Stalin foresa1v tat t kolkozes
devoted and the Ioyal as it is i the Commuist system. But t sold become state property, 'tvhic is to say tat. t breau
ascet to t eigts s r1ever at any time been so difficult or cl'acy should become t I'eal a\vner. Criticizing Stalin for is
required so muc sacrifice and so many victims. t one excess use of prges, Khrushchev did rt owever renounce
had, Communism is open and kind to 11; or1 t other and, Stalin's vie1vs on property in kolkhozes. The appoitment
it is exclusive d intolerat even of its its O\Vll aderets. the e'tv regime of 30,000 party \Varkers, rnostly to pi"esidets
of kolkhozes, was l of the measres i lie wit Stali's
policy.
Jst as uder Stali, t w regime, i executing its so-called
7. lieralization policy, is extedig the "socialist." O\Vlleiship of
fact tat tere is ne\v o'tvnersip class in Communist the ne\v class. Decetralizatio i the economy does not. m
countries does not explain everythig, but it is t most im- chage i o\vership, but only gives greater rights to t
portat key to uderstadig t canges wi are periodi- lO\\rer strata of the bu!'eauacy or of the \v class. If the so-
cally takig place i tese couties, especially i the U.S.S.R. called liealizatio and decentralization meat anything else,
It goes \Vitout sayig that every such chage i each separate that \Vould manifest in the political rigt of at least part of
t people to execise some ifluence i the managemet of
Commist coutry d i t Commuist system as \Vole
material goods. At least, the people wold have the rigl to
must examined separately, i order to determie t ext.et
criticize t aritrariess of tl1e oligarcy. This 'tVald lead to
d sigificace of the g i t specific circurnstaces.
the creatio of e'tv political rnovemet, v thog it 1vere
do this, O\vever, t system sould uderstood as 'tvole
l loyal opposition. H01vever, tis is t v metioed,
to t fullest extet possile.
just as dernocracy i t.he t is not mentioed. Liealization
In corectio \Vit curret gs in the U.S.S.R. it \Vill
and decetr-alizatio in force only for Commuists; first for
profitale to point out i passig \vat is occuig i t kolk-
the oligarchy, tlle leaders of the e'tv class; d secod, f those
ozes. estalishmet of kolkozes d t Soviet govern-
i the lo\ver echelos. Tis is the 1v method, ievitale dr
ment. policy to1vard tem illustrates clearly t exploitig gig coditions, for t fther stregtheing d consoli-
nature of t w class. datio of moopolistic O'tvnership d totalitaria athority of
Stalin did not and Kruscev does not consider kolkozes the ne>v class.
as "logical socialistic" form of owner-ship. In practice tis fact that t.here is ne>v ownig, moopolistic, d total-
 64 NEW CLASS NETV CLASS 65
itarian class in Cornrnunist. countries calls f the follo>ving \v class is ost sesitiYe to deads on t part of t
conclusion: changes initiated the Cornrnnist ciefs people for special kind of fd, not for freedo in general
dictated first of all the interests and aspirations of tl1e ne>v or political freedo. It is especially sensitive to deads for
class, >vhich, like every social grop, lives and reacts, defends fd of tougllt and criticis, \\'itin t liits of present
itself and advances, >vith tl1e i of increasing its po-vve. This coditions d \\'itbl tlle liits of "socialis"; not for de-
does not rnean, hmvever, that sch canges not ipo ands f01 retun to pevios social d o\vnersblp relations.
tant f the est of tl1e people as 1vell. Altogl1 t inovations Tis sesitivity origiates fro t class's special position.
introduced t ne1v class v not yet aterially alteed t ne'iv class instinctively feels tat atioal goods are, in
Conist syste, t st not ndeestiated. It is fact, its t, d tat even t ters "socialist," "social,"
ss to gain insigl into t sbstance of tese canges in and "state" propety denote get=ral legal fictio. The ne1v
order to deteine teir rage and sigificace. class also tiks tlt any of its totalitaiia tit
The Cornist regirne, i ivit oteis, st take ig! ipeiil its O'ivesip. Coseqetly, tl1e \v class
into t t rnood d vt of t asses. Be- opposes any type of fd, ostensily for t s of
cause of t exclsiveess of t ist Party d t pieserYig "socialist" O'imeip. Ciiticis of t V class's
absence of free pblic ii i its raks, t regie cannot onopolistic adinistr-atio of t geerates t f of
discern t real stats of tl1e asses. Hmveve, tl1eir dissatis- of possile loss of w. \v class is sesitive to tese
factio does peetrate t cosciousess of t top leaders. Ciiticiss d deads depedig t extent. to wblc t
I spite of its totalitaria gt, t eiv class is t expose t nn in >vi it rles and olds power.
iune to every type of oppositio. Tbls is an iportant contradictio. operty is legally con-
i po>ver, t ists v diffilty i settling sideed social and national prope1ty. t, in actality, single
teir accounts >vit t borgeoisie d large-estate OV\rne. g anages it i its o>m inteest. discrepacy bet>veen
istoiical developent is lstile to t and teir prop- legal and actal conditions cotinosly eslts i s and
erty and it is easy to s t asses agaist tl1e. Seizig abnoral social and econoic relatiosllips. It also s tat
property f t bougeoisie d tlle lage-estate ovvners is t 'i\'ods of t leading g do not coespond to its actions;
quite easy; difficulties arise 1v seize of sall properties is d tat all actions eslt i str-egtenig its poperty old
ivolved. Havig acquired po'ive in t corse of earlier ex- ings and its political position.
propriatios, t Couists do v tis. Relatios are Tis cotradiction canot. 1esolved >vitot jeopardizing
rapidly clarified: tere are r old classes d old o>vers, tl1e class's positio. Oter rling, propeity-o>ving classes cold
society is "classless," or t road to beig so, d v not resolve tis contadictio eiter, uless forcefully depived
stated to live i new nr. of onopoly of pO\\~"er d mmeiSip. Weever t s been
Uder s coditios, deads to retu. to t old pre- igl1er degree of freedo for society as >vole, t rling
revolutioary relatios s realistic, if rt ridilous. classes llave been forced, in one \vay or anot.er, to renounce
Material d social bases longer exist for t itn l of o>vnersip. Tl1e revese is tre also: 'iverever
of s elatios. Couists meet s demads as if onopoly of owersip s been ipossile, freedo, to some
t were jests. degree, s become inevitable.
 66 NEW CLASS NEW CLASS 67
In Communism, po1ver and Olv:ership are almost al1vays in contradict.io between the new class's real mmersblp
the same hands, but. tis fact is concealed under legal guise. position d its legal position can furnish the basic eason for
In classical capitalism, the 1vorker had equality with the cap- criticism. This cotradiction has >vitbln it the ability not only
italist before the la1v, even thougl1 the worker 1vas being to incite oters but also to corrode t class's mm ks, since
exploited d the capitalist 1vas doig the exploiting. In Com- pivileges actually beig d . l fe1v. This cotra
munism, legally, all are equal wit respect to mat.erial goods. diction, when intensified, holds pospects of real canges in
The formal o1mer is the nat.ion. In reality, because of monopo- t Communist system, ;vetei t rulig class is i favor of
listic administration, only the narro1vest st1-atum of administra- the cange or not. The fact tat this cotiadiction is so obvious
tors enjoys the Iights of o;mership. has t eason for the gs made t ne;v class,
Every real demand for freedom in Communism, the kind of especially in so-called lieralization and decetalization.
demand that hits at the substace of Communism, boils dmm Foced to ;vitdralv d sdr to idividual strata, t
to demand for bringing material and property relations ito new class aims at cocealing this contadictio d strengten
accord with 1vhat the law provides. ig its o1m position. Since o;vnersblp and autority contiue
demad for freedom-based on the position that capital itact, all measures taken the ne-.;v class-eve tose demo-
goods produced the ation can managed more efficietly cratically inspired-smv td to-.;vatd stregtenig the
society than private moopoly or private o;ver, d maagement of t political u. system turns
cosequetly should actually in the hads or uder control democatic measues ito positive methods for cosolidatig
of society exercised th1ough its freely elected epiesentat.ives t positio of t rulig classes. Slavery in acient times in
would force the ;v class either to make concessions to other tl1e East inevitaly permeated all of society's activities d
forces, or to take off the mask d admit its ruling d ex- compoents, icluding t family. I t same -.;vay, t monop-
ploitig characteristics. type of o;veiSip and exploita- olism and totalitariaism of the ruling class i t Communist
tion ;vhic the ne>v class creates usig its autority d its system are imposed on all t aspects of social life, even tough
admiistrative privileges is suc tat even the class itself must. t political heads are t aimig at tbls.
d it. Does t t 1v class empasize that it uses its au .. Yugoslavia's so-called 1vorkers' managemet d autonomy,
tority and admiistrative fuctios in t of t at.ion conceived at the time of the stuggle agaist Soviet impeialism
as ;vole to preseve natioal p1operty? as fa-reacblng democatic measue to dept-ive t t of
Tis makes t legal positio of t w class ucertai d t monopoly of admiistratio, s iceasingly relegated
is also t s of the ne1v class's iggest internal difficulties. to of t areas of party 1vok. Thus, it is ardly possile to
cotadictio discloses tl1e disarmoy betwee words and g t present system. aim of creatig ne-.;v demo-
actions: \Vile promisig to abolis social differences, it. must cracy troug tbls type of admiistatio ;vill not acbleved.
al;vays icrease tem acquirig t p1oducts of the ation's Besides, freedom canot exteded to t largest piece of the
woksops d ganting privileges to its aderets. It must pie. \Vokes' maagemet s not brougt t saing i
pioclaim loudly its dogma tat it is fulfillig its historical mis- pofits tose 1v d, eite1 on national level in
sion of "final" lieration of makind from every misery d local etepises. Tbls type of administation s ineasigly
calamity while it acts in exactly the opposite way. turned ito safe type for t egime. rg varios taxes
 N' CLASS 69
68 NEW CLASS
forced to t to justify its increasing atority, invokig abstact
and other means, the regime has appropriated even t.he shae
and l prposes.
of the pofits 1vhich the 1vorkers believed 1vould give to
Tis is class 1vhose po'ive oyer rnen is t ost cornplet
them. l crumbs from the taies d illusio have left
to the wokers. Withot iversal feedom t v wokers'
k~o1vn t_o blstor!. F tis eason it is class 'iVit v Iirnite~
:Ie'ivs, vle'ivs >vlci1 false d sf. Closely igo 1\rn, and
maagemet become f. Clearly, i uf society
comp:ete atlity, tl1e ne'iv class nst. nrealistically
rbody can feely decide anythig. The gives have someho>v
evalate Its O'i\'11 role and tat of t people arond it.
obtaied the most value fom the gift of feedom t.hey sp
-.,ig i-.,d idustialization, t 1v class can IIO'iv do
posedly haded t.he 1vorkers. noting rnOI'e t stregten its t force d pillage t
This does not. mean that the e'iv class canot make coces
people. It ceases to t. Its spiital e!'itage is oYertake
sios to the people, v though it only coides its O'iVIl
darkness.
iteests. Wokes' management, or decetalizatio, is co
. \Vile t 11e1v class accomplished one of its geatest successes
cession to t masses. Cicnstaces may drive the new class,
tl1e revoltion, its metod of control is one of the rnost
no matter ho1v moopolistic and totalitaia it may , to re-
sameful pages in In istoy. 1vill rnarel at t
treat before t rnasses. In 1948, 1\'hen the conflict took place
gadiose yentues it accoplised, d 1vill asamed of
bet'iveen Ygoslavia and t U.S.S.R., t Ygoslav leaders
t.he means it used to accoplisl1 tern.
1v fOI'ced to t sorne eforrns. v t- it rnio-ht
vVen tl1e Ile'iV class leaYes tlle llistOI'ical scene-and tis rnust
1:> 1:>

mean back'i\'ad step, t set reforns as soon as they sa1v

happen-tee >Vill less soro>v v its passig t tlle!'e
temselves in d. Someting siilar is happeina- today
1:> was f ~ o~l1er class. f it. Sote!'ing eYeryting except
t eastern Eropean cotr'ies.
1vat sted 1ts ego, It s condemned itself to failue and
In defending its autority, t ruling class ust execute e
sfl ruin
fons -., tie it becomes obvious to t people that the
class is teating national property as its O'ivn. Such eforns are
not poclaimed as being 'ivhat they 11 are, but tr as t
of t "fut de-.,elopment of socialism" and "socialist dernoc-
acy." gound1vok f efoms is lai(:l 1\rhe t discep
acy metioned -., becomes pu lic. Forn t istoical
point of vie1v t ne1v class is fOiced to fotify its autority d
o'ivesip costatly, v tg it is uig a>vay frorn t
tut: It mus~ cotatly demostrate 01v it is sccessfully
c~eatg sooety of happy people, all of 1vorn eqal
1gl1ts d feed of -., type of exploitatio. The
e'iv class cannot aYoid falling continuously into pofond i
teal cotadictios; f in spite of its blstoical orio-in it is
not l to make its mvneisip la>vful, d it cannot r:n
o\\rnersip witlut undemining itself. Conseqently, it is

The Party Stafe
1.
The mechanism of Communist po\ver is perhaps the simplest
which can conceived, although it leads to the most refined
tyanny d tlle most brutal exploitation. The simplicity of
this mechanism 01iginates from tl1e fact that one t alone,
the Communist Party, is the backbone of the entire political,
economic, and ideological activity. The entire pulic is at
standstill or moves ahead, falls behind or turns around ac-
cordig to \vhat happes in tlle patty foms.
Under the Communist systems the people realize quickly
'\vhat they and \vat they are not penitted to do. Laws and
regulations <.-Io not v an essential importance for them. The
actual and uvritten ules concening t relationship beteen
the governmet and its subjects do. Regardless of la'lvs, everyone
kno1vs tat t government is in tlle hads of the party com-
mittees d t secret police. No'lvere is "t directig role"
of t party prescried, but. its autority is estalised in all
oganizations and sectors. No law provides tat t secret police
s the rigt to cotrol citizes, but t police is all-powerful.
No la1v pescries that t judiciary d prosecutors shold
cotrolled t secret police and t party committee, but
they are. Most people know tat tbls is tlle case. Everyoe
70
PARTY STATE 71
ko'\vs what can and \vat t:anot done, and what depeds
wom. People adjust to t enviromet d to actal
conditios, t-ning to party forums or to organs uder t
party's contol in all importat matters.
The diectio of social orgaizatios and social organs is
accomplished simply tbls method: tlle Commnists form
unit, >vblc turns to autorized political forums i all matters.
Tbls is theoetical; actually it opeates i tis way: In cases
'\Vhere t social organ or organization is managed pei-so
1v also has po1ver in t. party, he will not 1efer to n
regarding lesser matters. Communists become famili with
teir system and >vith t relationsips created it; they
accustom tllemselves to distiguis bet1vee the important and
t unimpotat, and refer to party forums only in especially
importat matters. unit exists l potentially, importat
decisions beig made the party; t opinior1 of those 1v
have elected t governmet or administi-ation of some organi-
zation is totally uimportat.
Communist totalitaiaism and the ne>v class took root when
t Commuist Party was prepaing for the tevolution; teir
metod of administeing d maintaiing authority also goes
back to tat time. "directing role" in organs of government
and social oganizations is merely the former Communist unit
>vich has since nd out, developed, and perfected itself.
secod "ditecting role" of t party in the "buildig of
socialism" is otblng but t old teory regarding the avant-
garde role of the t >vit respect to t working class, 'lvith
t difference that t tl1eory ten had different significance
for society tan it has no1v. Before the Communists usuped
power, this theoty '\vas necessary in order to ecruit revolution-
aries and revolutionary organs; no1v it justifies the totalitaria
tl of t Ile'\v class. One spings from t other, but
is also diffetent from the other. The evolution and its fms
 72 NEV CLASS
PARTY STATE 73
vv-ere unavoidale and vv-ere even needed that part of society
special pr-ivileged grop of breacrats and simplifies the
1v-hich irresistily aspired to technical and economic progress. mechanism of goyement d administration. In this maner
The totalitarian tyranny and control of the 1v- class, 1v-hich the party it expanded and m or less t.ook i all tese serY-
came ito beina duria
the revolution, has become tlle yoke. ices. As eslt, t nit has disappeared >v-hile tese services
from under 1v-hich the lood and s1veat of all members of sooety have become an essential area for party activity.
flo1v-. Particular revolutionary fons vv-ere transfomed into re- There is no fudamental differece in the Commnist system
actioary ones. Tis 1v-as also the case 1vitll the Commuist bet>veen goYermetal serYices d t orgaizatios, as in
uits. t example of the party and the secret police. The party d
There are t1v-o essentia methods through 1vhicll Communist the police mingle yery closely in their daily fnctionig; t
control of the social macble is accomplisl1ed. The fist is the diffeece bet>veen tem is only in the distrition of 1vork.
unit, the main method in principle and in tl1eory. The secod, Tl1e entie goYernmental stt is ogaized in tis
actually more practical one, resticts certain govenment posts maner. Political positions are reseYed exclsiYely for party
to party members. These jobs, 1vhich are essetial in any members. Eve11 i11 11011-political goyermetal bodies Com-
govermet but especially i Commnist , inclde assign- mists hold the strategic positios or oyersee admiistratio.
ments 1vith police, especially the secret police; d the diplo- Callig meetig at t party ceter or plishig article
matic and officers corps, especially positions in the information is sfficiet to s the ti state d social mechaism to
and political services. In the judiciary only top positios have begi fnctioing. If difficlties r ay.vhere, t party d
til 1v- in the hads of Comnnists. The jdiciary, the police v qickly correct t "error."
sbordiated to the party and police estalishmets, is gener-
ally poorly paid, d is attractiYe to Commnists. However,
the tendency 1v- is for jdiciay posts to considered as
priyilege l to party members, d for mebers of the
2.
jdiciary to have icreasing priYileges. Ths, contol over the
particla char-acter of the Commnist Party has already
jdiciary cold relaxed, if not completely abolised, 1\'it
ti.isssed. Tl1ere are otl1er special feates, t.oo, whicll
tl1e assrance that it 1vill ti to r-le according to the
llelp reYeal tl1e essece of Commist state.
itentions of the party or "in the spirit of socialism."
Commist Party does not its iq caracter
Only i Commnist state nmber of both specified
solely s it is reYolutioary d cetra1ized d obseryes
and specified positios reserYed for membes of t t.
military disciplie d otller defiite goals, or s otl1er cllarac-
Commnist govement, lt:g class structre, is
teristics. Tllere otl1er paties >v-it similar features, v
party govement; t Commist army is t army; d
tg tl1ese features may stoger i the Commuist Party.
the state is party state. precisely, Commnists ted to
Hovveve, l i tl1e Commist Party is "ideologicality"
t.reat t army and the state as teir exclsive 1veapos.
or an idetical concept of tlle >v-old d of t deYelopment of
exclusive, if itten, la>v- that only party members
society oligatory for its members. This applies l to persos
can become policemen, officers, diplomats, and hold similar
w fction i the higer forms of t party. Tlle otl1es,
positions, that l they can exercise actal authority, creates
tllose i lovv-er positios, oligated l to giYe lip serYice
 74 NEW CLASS PARTY STATE 75
to identical ideological views, while they execute orders handed body leadersip over the thoughts of its rs. Althoua-h
do1vn from above. The t.endency, lweYer, is to haYe those in ideo_logical unity 1vas attained in Leni's tie through dis-
lower positions adjust their ideological level to that of the cuss held at the top, Stali hiself - 1:>
to re!mlate 1t

leaders. Today, post-Stalin "collective leadersip" is satisfied to make

Lenin did not consider that party members were all oliged
to hold the same vie1vs. Ho1vever, in practice, he refuted and
explained a1vay every vie1v 1vhich did not appear "Marxist"
or "the party's"; that is, eYery view tat did not strengthen
the party in the marer which he had originally conceiYed.
His settling of accounts 1vith Yarious opposition groups in t
party 1vas different from Stalin's, because Lenin did rt kill
his bjects, "merely" quelled them. While he was in power
both freedom of expressio and voting privileges were in effect.
Total authority over everything had not yet been estalished.
Stali required ideological unity-oligatory philosophic and
other views-in addition to political unity as meeting ground
for all party rs. This is actually Stalin's contriution
to Leni's teaching about the party. Stali formed the concept
of oligatory ideological uity in his eaily youth: in his tie,
unaniity the U\rritten requireet of all Co v action depends on t party, 1vi has total control
munist parties, and it remains so to the present day.
Yugoslav leaders held and still hold the same vie1vs. They
are still uder Soviet "collective leadesip" and t forus
of other Comuist parties. Tis isistece the oligatOiy
ideological uity of the party is sig that essetial cl1anges
have occurred, and only cofirs the fact that free discussion
is not. possile, or possile only in very liited 1vay, under
today's "collective leadersip."
vVhat does oligatory nity in t party n and 1vhere
does it lead?
Its political consequences are very serios. The power in
every party, especially in the Communist Party, resides i it.s
leaders d igher forums. Ideological it as an oligatio,
especially i t.he cetralized d ilitarily disciplied Co
unist Party, ievitaly brings 1vith it. the po>ver of the centra]
it ipossile for >v social ideas to appear. Thus, Marxism
has become theory to defied exclusively party leader-s.
There is no other type of Marxis or uis today, and
the developmet of aother type is hardly possile.
The social cosequeces of ideological uity have
tragic: Lenin's dictatorship 1vas strict, but Stali's dictatorship
became totalitarian. The abolitio of all ideoloo-ical struo-a-le
. h 01:>
1~ t party meant tlle ter-miatio of all freedo in society,
s:nce only though the party did the various strata fid expres-
sn. Intolerace of other ideas and isistence the presum-
ably exclusive scientific ature of Marxis >vere the bea-inin()'
of ideological monopoly party leadership, 1vhich l;ter d:-
veloped ito complete l over society.
Party ideological unity akes indepedent movemets im-
possile witi the Couist syste d withi society itself.
over society; 1vitin it. t is not t sliglltest eedom.
. Id~ological_ unity did t arise sddely t, like everythig
us, developed gradually, reacig its greatest
llei~llt duri~g t struggle for po>ver t various party
facts. It IS not. at all accidental tat, during Stali's ascend-
acy to po>ver i t id-1920's, it >vas openly demanded of
Trotsky for the first tie tat reject all ideas other than
tose fOI'ulated the party.
Party ideological uity is the spirital basis of persoal dic-
tatoip. Witllot it personal dictatorship t even
imagined. It begets and strengthens t dictatorship, and vice
':ersa. Tis is undeistandale; monopoly over ideas, or ob-
llgatory ideological uity, is l coplemet and theo-
r~tical mask for personal dictatorsblp. Altoug personal
dictatorship d ideological unity were already evident in t
 7 NEW CLASS
beginnings of contemporary Communism or Bolshevism, both
are firmly estalishing themselves "\Vith Communism's full
po1ver, so that. they, as trends and oft.en as prevailing forms, will
never again abandoned until the fall of Commnism.
The suppressio of ideological differences among the leaders
has also abolished fractions and ts, and thus has abolished
all democracy in Communist parties. Thus began the period of
t Fhrer-principle in Communism: ideologists are merely
people "\Vit pver i the t egardless of inadequate intel-
lectual ability.
The continuance of ideological unity i t.he party is an un-
mistakale sio-n of the maintenance of personal dictatorsblp,
.
or the dictatorship of small number of ol1gachs 1vho tempo-
rarily work together or maintai balance of p01ver, as is
t case in the U.S.S.R. today. We find tendency to1vard
ideological uity in otl1er parties also, especiall i socialist
parties in teir earlier stages. Ho>vever, tbls is l tendency
in tese parties; i Commuist parties it has become oligatory.
One is oiiged not l to Marxist, but to adopt the type
of Marxism desired and prescied t leadersl1ip. Marxism
s been t.ransformed from free revolutioy ideology ito
prescried dogma. As in anciet Eastern despotism, the top
autority iterprets and prescies t dogma, 1vblle the em-
peror is the archpiest.
The oligatoy ideological unity of the party, 1vblc s
passed trough various pases d forms, s remained the
most essetial caracteristic of Bolsevik or Commuist parties.
If these parties had not at the same time the begiig
of 1v classes, and if t d t had special blstoical role
to play, oligatory ideological uity could not have existed in
them. Except for the Commuist u, not sigle
class or party i modern history s attaied complete ideo-
logical uity. None d, f, t task of tasforming all of metl:d of establising tota1itaian tl, or ideological
society, mostly t.hrogh political d admiistrative meas. For
suc task, complete, faatical cofidence in t rigt.eous-
PARTY STATE 77
ess d oility of teir
vie1vs is necessary. Suc task calls
for exceptional brtal measures agaist oter ideologies and
social goups. It also calls for ideological moopoly over
society d for absolute uity of tl1e ruling class. Communist
paties eeded special ideological solidaity for tis reason.
ideological unity is establised, it operates as po1vefully
as di. Commnists are educated in t idea that ideo-
logical tity, or tl1e prescription of ideas from , is t
holy of holies, and tat factionalism i tl1e t is tl1e geatest
of 11 cimes.
Complete control of society could not accomplished IVit
ot coming to terms >Vit oter socialist goups. Icleological
uity, too, is only possile tlougl1 recociliatio >vitin t
party's \\' ranks. t t.he one and t oter approxi-
mately simultaneously; i t mids of t aderents of
totalitaianism t appear as "objectively" identical, altlug
t fist is reconciliatio of t 1v class itlz its Jnents)
d the secod is recociliatio itllin tlze ruling class. I
fact, Stali ke1v that Totsky, kli, Zinoviev, d otl1ers
>v t feign spies and traitos to t "socialist faterland."
Ho"\veyer, sice tl1ei disagreement 1vitl1 him obYiously delayed
t estalismet of totalitaia contol, d to destr'oy
tem. His imes 1vitbl t party consist of t fact t.hat
transfomed "objectiYe unfriedliness"-te ideological and
political diffeeces i tl1e party-ito the subjectiYe guilt of
groups d idividals, attriutig to t.hem imes wblc t.hey
did t commit.
.
t t iescapale d of eYery Communist system.
tbls is
nity, may less sevee t Stalin's, t t essece is alvvays
t same. v 1v indtializatio is t t form or con-

78 NEW CLASS
dition for estaishing totalitarian cotrol, as in Czechoslovakia
and Hungary, tlle Communist bureaucracy is ievitaly com-
pelled to estalish the same fom1s of authority in underdevel-
oped countties as those estalished in the Soviet Union. Tbls
does not occur simply because tlle Soviet Unio imposed such
forms tllese countries as subordiates, but because it is
1vithin the very ature of Commuist parties themselves d
of their ideologies to do so. Party control over society, identifi-
catio of the government d governetal achiery 1vith
the party, and the right to expess ideas dependent t
aount of po1ver and the positio one holds i the ierarchy;
these are the essential and inevitale characteristics of evet-y
Communist bureaucracy as s as it attai power.
party is tlle mai f of the Commuist state d
governmet. It is the motive force of everythig. It uites 1Vith-
in itself t new class, the government, 01vnership, and ideas.
For this reason, militar-y dictatorships v t been possile
under Commuism, altlugh it seems that military cospiracies
have occurred in the U.S.S.R. Military dictatotsblps would not
l to encompass all phases of life, nor even convince the
natio temporarily of the d for exceptioal efforts d self-
sacrifice. Such accomplished l the pai"ty, d then ';rorkg people. Except for sort periods during t evolu-
only party 1vith belief i sucl1 vast ideals that its despotism
appears to its members and aderets as ecessary, as the
highest form of state and social organization.
Vie\ved from the standpoit of freedom, military dictator-
sip in Communist system \Vould denote great progress. It
"\VOuld signify the terminatio of totalitarian patty control, or
of party oligarchy. Theoetically speakig, ho,vever, milit-y
dictatorsblp 1vould possile only i case of military defeat
or an exceptional political crisis. Even in suc case it would
initially form of party dictatorship or it \\'ould have to
conceal itself in the party. But, tbls 1vould inevitaly lead to
change in tlle entie system.
The totalitarian dictatorship of the Communist Party oli-
PARTY STATE 79
gar~~y i the ~ommunist system is rt t result of momentary
polltlcal r~la~ns, but. of long and complex social progress.
cha~ge 1t. 1vould not mean cange in the form of govern-
ment one and tlle same system, but change in the system
~tself, or the beg.inning of change. Such dictatorship is
Itself the system, 1ts body d soul, its essence.
The Communist gove1met very apidly becomes small
circle of party leaders. The claim that it is dictatorsblp of
the proletariat becomes an empty slogan. The process that
leads to tbls develops 1vit the inevitabllity and uncorltrol-
labllity of t elements, d the theory tat the is an
avant-garde of t proletariat l aids the process.
Thi~ does not mean tat during t battle for pmver t
pai"ty 1s not the leader of the 1vorking masses or tat it. is not
wOI'king i their interests. But the, t pty's role and
struggles are stages and fom1s of its movement. to1vard po1ver.
Althougl1 its stggle aids t "\Votking class, it also strengtens
the party, as 1vell as t future po1ver-holders and the embryonic
ne\v class. As soon as it attains po1ver, the party controls all
po1ver and takes all goods iro its hands, pi"ofessig to the
representative
. of t interests of t 1vorkina ~
class and the
tnai"y battle, t pi"oletariat does not participate or play
greater role in tis tl1an any oter class.
Tis does not mean tat t proletariat, or some of its stata,
are not. temporarily interested in keeping t par-ry in po1ver.
peasants suppoi"ted tose "' professed t intention to
rescue tem from opeless miseiy through industrializatio.
~Vhile individual stiata of t 1vorking classes may tempo-
rarlly support tlle party, t governrnet is not teirs nor is
theii' part in tlle government impotant for t course of social
pogress and social relations. In tlle Communist system nothia
is done to aid the \vorkig people, particularly the worki~
class, t.o attain po>ver d ights. It carot otherwise.
The classes and masses do not exercise authority, but the
 80 NEW CLASS
PARTY STATE 81
party does so in their . In every party, includig the most lutioary bodies ito form sitale for the totalitarian
democratic, leaders play an important role to the extent that dictatoip of tlle >v class, or t party.
the paty's autlrity becomes the autority of t leaders. The Tis 1vas also t case wit Lei's demoatic cetralis,
so-called "dictatosip of the proletariat," 1vhic is t beg~ icldig t tl1at of t party alld of t govermet. As
ing of d under tlle best circustaces s tl1e autor1ty log as ii diffeeces are tolerated in t party, can
of t party, inevitaly evolves ito t dictatoship of t still speak of cent::1lism-eve tlug it is t very democatic
leaders. In totalitarian government of tis type, tlle dictator- f of cetralis. \V totalitaria atlrity is ceated,
ship of the proletariat is teoretical justification, or ideo cetralis disappeas d t aked despotis of t oligarcy
logical mask at best, for t autority of some oligarcs. takes over.
Marx envisioed t dictatohip of t poletiat as democ- \Ve may coclude f tbls tat t is costant tendency
racy 1vithin and for t benefit of t proletariat; tat is, to tansfmm oligachic dictatorsip ito l dictatm-
government in 1vich tere are n socialist streams or parties. sip. Ideological nity, t inevitale struggle at. t top of
only dictatorsip of t proletariat, the Pais Commune of t party, and the needs of the syste as 1vllole tend tmvard
1871, on 1vich Marx based his conclusions, \Vas coposed of persoal dictatoship. leader 1vl s'Ceeds in gettig to
several parties, aong 1vhicl1 t Marxist t 1vas neiter t t top, alog >vit is assistants, is t one 1vllo succeeds in
smallest nor t most significat. But dictatoship of t po most logically expessing and protecting t iterests of the
letariat wi 'i\'Ould diectly opeated t proletaiat is ne>v class at any given time.
pure Utopia, since no goYernent can operate 'i\'itot political is stog tred tmvad personal dictatorsip i oter
organizations. Lenin delegated the dictatoip of t prole- blstoical situations: for instance, all forces rnst sbor
tariat to t atlrity of one party, bls o1vn. Stalin delegated dinated to one idea and one 1vill >ven indstialization is being
t dictatorship of the proletaiiat to is o'ivn personal authority pressed whe ation is at 1var. t tere is specific and
-to bls personal dictatorship in the t and in t state. Since r Comist reason for personal dictatosip: autority is
t deatl1 of t Comnist eperor, bls descendants have the basic i and meas of Cornuism and of tr-ue Co
been fortunate in tllat througll "collective leadersip" t mnist. tllirst f po>ver is insatiale d iesistile aong
cold distrite atlrity aong themselves. In any case, t Communists. \it in t stggle for- pmver is eqal to being
Comist dictatorship of t proletariat is eitller Utopia raised to diYinity; faile meas t deepest ortificatio
ideal or fuctio reseed for elite grop of party leaders. d disgace.
Li tougl that t Rssia soviets, Marx's "ltiate
Comnist lea<Iers must also tend to persoal extr-ava-
discovery," 1vere t dictatorship of t proletariat. I t be- ance-soetinu >vi t carot esist s of mn

girig, because of teir reYolutioary iitiative d because
fr-ailty d because of tl1e it d of tose in power t.o
of tlle participation of t asses, the soviets did s to recognizable pototypes of billiace d rnigt.
sometblg of tis kid. Trotsky also believed tat t soviet.s Car-eeis, extravagance, d love of po1ver are inevitale,
were cotemporary political f just as parliaets, 1 and so is ti. It is not matter of t coruptio of
i tlle struggle agaist absolte moarchs, have . Ho1vever, li seats, f tl1is rnay occur less frequetly than in t
these were illsios. Tlle soviets were transfored from revo- state 1vicl1 peceded it. It is special type of corruption d

82 NEW CLASS
the fact tat the govemment 1s the ands of singie
political group and is the source of all privileges. "Care of
its men" and their placement in lucrative positions, ?r the
distriution of all kinds of privileges, becomes unav01dale.
The fact that the govemment and the party are idetical witll
the state, d practically 1vit the holdig of all pro~erty,
causes the Communist state to one 1vhic corrupts Itself,
in tat it inevitaly creates privileges and paasitic func~ions.
member of t Yugoslav Comnist Party very pictur-
esquely descried t atmospere in 1vhicl1 regular Co
muist Iives: "I am really tom into three parts: I see tose
w v better aut.omoblle than I have, yet it seems to
tat t are not more devoted to t party and to socialism
tan I am; I Iook down from t eigts on those 1v v retreat. f-om the ideological bases of the party, f-om t mo-
no automoblle, for t haven't really eamed any. So I'm lucky
that I have t one I v."
Obviously, he 1vas not true Commuist, but was one of
those 1vl became Communist because he 1vas an idealist,
d then being disillusioned, tried to satisfied 1vith 1vat
mio-t come to him i normal bureauatic career. true
1:>
Communist is mixture of fanatic and urestiained
po1ver-older. Only tis type makes true Communist.
others are idealists or ceerists.
Since it is based on administratio, the Commuist system
is unavoidaly bureaucratic 1vith strict hiearchical orgai
zation. In t Commuist system, exclusive groups are estab-
lished around political leaders d forums. All policy-makig
is reduced to 1vrangling in tese exclusive groups, in which
familiarity d cliquishess flo1ver. higl1est goup is gener-
ally t most intimate. At intimate suppers, hunts, in
conversations bet1veen two or tlee men, matters of state of
t rost vital irportance are decided. Meetigs of party for-
us, confereces of t government and assemlies, serve no
s but to make declarations and put in an r.
PARTY STATE 83
are only covened to confin what has previously been
cooked up i intimate kitcens.
The Comrunists v fetisblst relatio toward t stat.e
or t governmet, exactly as if it 1vere teir o1vn property.
The sare men, t same groups, 1vblch are intirate and fa-
milia inside the party become stiff, formal, and pompous indi-
viduals 1vhen they act as epresetatives of the state.
Tbls monarcy is anytblg but enlightened. monarch
blmself, t dictato, does not feel himself to eiter
ronarc or dictator. \!n 1vas called dictator, Stalin
ridiculed the idea. felt tat was t representative of
the collective paity 1vill. 1vas right to degree-since
l else in blstory ever had as m personal po1ver.
, like every oter Communist dictator, 1vas 1v that
nopolism of the ne1v class, fom o1vnership of the nation's goods,
or m the totalitaria po1ver of the oligarcy, 1vould result
in his inevitale downfall. Indeed, no suc retreat was v
considered Stalin, as he 1vas t foremost representative
d creator of t system. Ho1vever, even he was dependent
on the system created under bls administration, or on t
opinions of t t oligachy. could do notblng against
them nor could he pass over them.
The fact ererges that in tl1e Communist system one is
idependet, neiter those at the top nor the leader himself.
They are all dependent on one another and must avoid being
separated from their surroudings, prevailing ideas, cotrols,
and interests.
Is there, the, sense i talking about t dictatoship
of t proletariat under Communism?
4.
Commuist teory of t state, teory worked out
in detail Lein and supplemented Stali d others,
 84 NEW CLASS
favors tlle totalitarian dictatorsllip of t party bureaucracy.
Two elements fudamental in t tlleory: t theory of the
state alone and t theory of tl1e witering v of t state.
t of tese elements are mutually related d togetl1er rep-
resent t entire theory. Leni's theory of the state is most
completely presented in his document The State and Revol~
tion, which vvas written vvhile was hiding from tl1e Provi-
sional Government on tlle eve of the October Revolution. Like
everytinc else of Lenin's, t tlleory leans toward tlle revolu-
tionary a:pects of Marxist teaching. I his discussio. ~ tbe
st.ate Leni developed this aspect further and cared 1t to
extremes, utilizing particularly t expeiience of the Russia
revolution of 1905. Considered histOI"ically, Lein's document
was of much greater significance as an ideological 1veapon of
t revolution tllan it 1vas as base for deYelopment of ne1v
autllority built according to its ideas.
Lenin reduced the state to force, or more pecisely, to the
organ of tyranny 1vhicll one class employs f tl1e sake of op-
pressig t other classes. Tryig to fomulate tl1e t of
tbe state in the most forceful vvay, Lenin oted, " state is
club."
Leni perceived oter functions of tlle state too. But in tese
fuctions also ncovered vvat 1vas f llim t most indis-
pensale role of t state-tlle use of brute f one class
against t others.
Lenin's teory calling for t destructio of tl1e old state ap-
paratus 1vas, in fact, far from being scientific one. Tllis docu-
ment of Lenin's-extremely significant from t istic poit
of YieiV-1\'0uld make valid all tat is typical of all Communist
teories. In proceeding from immediate needs, t parties
create genealities, ostensily scietific conclusios d tlleories,
d proclaim alf-truths as truts. Tl1e fact tat f d
violece are basic chaacteristics of every state autlrity, or
tbe fact tlt idividual social d political fo:es employ tlle
maclliery of state, particularly i armed claslles, t
PARTY STATE 85
deied. However, experiece shows that state macblery is
ecessary to society, or the ti, for still tr reaso
fOI' tl1e developmet d uitig of its vaious functios. Com-
munist tlleory, as 1vell as that of Li, ignores tis aspect.
Tllere 1v, log ago, commuities witlut stat.es d au-
tllorities. vvere t. social commuities, but sometllig
i tasitio betvvee t semi-aimal and um forms of
social life. tese most p1imitive commuities had some
forms of atlrity. \Vith ieasigly complex forms of social
life, it 'ould 'i to tr-y to pioYe tat t d for the
state vvould disappear i t fute. Lein, i support of
1vho ageed 1vitll t aarcllists t tllis, cotemplated d
tried to estalisll precisely such stateless society. VVithout
eterig ito disssio the extet to 1-vicll his prem-
ises 1v jstified, 1ve mst remembe tllat he contemplated
this society as is classless society. Accordig to tis teory
tllere 1vill no classes d class struggles; there will
to oppess d to exploit oters; and tbere will
no d for tlle state. Util tat time, ten, t "most
democratic" state is tlle "dictatorsllip of t proletariat," for
tlle s tat it "abolisl1es" classes, d so doig, ostesily
makes itself gadally unecessy. Tlleefoe, eyerytblng tat
stl"egtes tat dictatoip, or leads to t "abolishig" of
classes, is justified, piogessiYe, d lieal. I tose places
1Vl1ee they are t i contol tl1e Commists are pleaders i
bellalf of the most democi'atic ss because this facilitates
their stggles; i tllose places 1vere tlley maage to get co
trol, t become ts of eYery democratic fo1m as
allegedly ''ourgeois" form. rretly proclaim the
preposte1ous classificatio of demoacy ito ''ourgeois" and
"socialist," althougll tlle l and fair distictio must
dr-a'iv solely tlle basis of t qatity of freedom, or t
iYesality of freedom.
I the ti Leiist Commist tlleory of tbe state,
tere are gaps i tlle scietific as well as t practical poits
 86 NEW CLASS
of view. Experience has demonstrated that the results are com-
pletely cotrary to those envisaged Lenin. The classes did
not disappear under the "dictatorship of the proJ.etariat," and
the "dictatorship of the proletariat" did not begin to wither
a1vay. Actually, the creation of the total authority of the Com-
muists, and the liquidation of the classes of the old society,
1vas meant to look like the liquidation of classses in geneal.
But the growth of state power or, more precisely, of tlle bureau-
PARTY STATE 87
d and dra1v an ever increasing nr of cltlzes into
temselves, is extremely interestig. Perceivig t ever greater
d expadig role of the state macble, despite t already
"started" trasition ito "completely classless" Commuist.
society, Stali thoght that the state wold disappear having
all the cit.iz~ry ise t.o t state's level d take charge of its
affairs. Li, moieover, talked about. the time 1v "v
ouse1vives 1vill admiister the governmet." Theories resem-

cracy through 1vhich it enforced its tyranny did not stop with lig that of Stali circlate in Yugoslavia, as 1ve have s.
t dictatorship of the proletariat. Instead it increased. Neitl1er these r Stali's are l to bridge the ever increasig
theory had to patcl1ed up someo1v; Stalin had coceived chasm betv.ree t Communist theories of the state, 1vith t
still higer "educational" role of t Soviet state before it "disappearace" of classes d the "1vitherig a1vay" of t
"witered." If Commuist tlleory of t state, d especially state i their "socialism" tl1e had, d the realities
its practice, is reduced to its very essence, i.e., to force and co- of t totalitaia autority of t party bureaucacy the
ercion as tlle pricipal or only function of t state, Stali's otller.
teory migt said to that t police system has this ig
or "educat.ioal" role to play. Understandaly, l malicious
iterpretation could lead to suc conclusio. And in tllis 5.
teory of Stalin's tere is of t Communist half-truts:
Stali did not ko1v 1v to explai the obvious fact tat t most. important prolem for Communism, in theory
po1ver d migt of t state machiey cotiually grew i and practice, is tlle question of t state; the questio is co
t already "estalised socialist society." So took of stat source of difficlties sice it is sucll obvious cotra
t fuctios of t state-te educatioal function-as the dictio inside Communism.
main function. 1vas t l to use tyranny since tere no Commuist regimes foim of latent civil war bet1vee
longer 1vere any opposition classes. t govemment and t people. Tlle state is t merely
The situation is t same 1vit t Yugoslav leaders' teories instrument of tyrany; society as 1vell as t exective bodies
concerning "tm." In t clas 1vit Stalin, t had to of the state machie is in continuous d lively opposit.io
"ectify" his "deviatios" and do something so tat the state to the oligacy, v.rhic aspires to redce tis oppositio
1vould soon begin to "1vither a1vay." It did t matter t.o St.alin aked force. In practice, t Communists are ul t.o attai
or t.o tem tat tlley 1vere fter promoting d strengtllening tlle goal of state existig solely on naked force, nor are they
tllat function of t state-foce-whic for tem 1vas the most l to subordiate society completely. But t are l to
important function and one which they based their t control the organs of force, tat is, t police and party, wicl1
of the state. in turn control the entie state machine d its functions. The
St.alin's ideas on llo1v the state 1vithers a;vay while growing oppositio of tlle organs d fnctions of t stat.e against the
stroger, i.e., the \\' that the state's fuctions contiually - "iatioalities" of t party d police, or of individual polit-
 88 NEW CLASS PARTY STATE 89
ical fuctioaries, is really the oppositio of society carried over Legal forrns st protected on the d 1vblle tlle!
into the state machie. It is expressio of dissatisfaction moopoly of atority mst ired at t same time.
because of the oppression d cripplig of society's objective For the rnost part, i tlle Commist system, legislative
aspiratios d needs. authority t separated fr-om executive authority. Lein
I Communist systems, the state and state fuctios are not cosidered this perfect soltio. Yugoslav leaders also ai
reduced to oro-ans of oppressio, r are they idetical witll tain tbls. In one-party system, this is of the sources of
them. As o~o-aizatio of atioal d social life, the. state
.
despotis d omipotece i governmet.
is subordinated to these orgas of oppressio. msm IS I the same 1vay, it has impossile i pr-actice to separ-ate
ul to solve this icogruity, for the reaso that its o1vn police autority from judicial autlity. Those 1vho aest also
totalitaria despotism it ievitaly com~s i coflict. 1vit ~is jdge d eforce puishment.s, The circle is closed: t ex-
simila d opposite tedecies of soCiety, tedeCies whiC ecutive, the legislative, the investigatig, t cort, and the
are expressed v through the social fuctio of the state. puisblg bodies are one and t same.
Because of tbls cotradictio, d the uavoidale d co Why does t Communist dictatorsblp have to use la1vs to
stat d of the Commuists to treat. the state predomiatJy the great extet that. it does? vVhy does it have to hide behind
as istnet of force, the Commuist state canot become legality?
la1vful sta te, or state i 1vhicl1 the jdiciary 1vould ide Foreign poJitical pr-opagada is of t reasos. An-
pedet of the govemmet d i whic la1vs could actually oter importat is the fact tat the Comrnist regime
eforced. The 1vhole Commist systern is opposed to sch st isure d fix the rigts of those u 1vom it depeds
state. v if the Cornmuist leaders 1vished to t lalv- te ;v class-to maitai itself. La;vs are al1vays >vritte from
ful state, t cold t do so 1vithot irnperilig their totali- the stadpoit of the 1v class's or party's eeds or iterests.
taria auth01ity. Officially the la1vs must 1vritte for all citizes, but citizes
idepedet jdiciary d t ule of la1v 1vould ievita t rigts of these la;vs coditioally, l if t are
l make it possile for oppositio to appear. For istace, t "eemies of socialism." Coseqetly the Comrnuists
Ia1v i t Cornrnuist systern opposes t f expressio of costatly rd tat t rnigt forced to oat
ii or t rigt of orgaizatio. La>vs i the Cornrnuist t la1vs tat they v ac:lopted. rf, t al;vays leave
system garatee all sorts of rigllts to citizes, d are based loophole or exceptio 1vich 1vill enale tem to eYade their
t priciple of idepedet judiciary. I practice, tl1ere la1vs.
is suc tig. For istace, the Yugoslav legislative authorities stand the
FIeedoms are formally recogized i Cornrnist regimes, priciple that covicted except for act. 1vhich
but decisive coditio is peequisite for exercisig them: has exactly forrnlated the la1v. Ho>veYel', most of the
feedoms rnust utilized l i t iterest of the syste political ti'iaJs are eld the gi"ouds of so-called "hostile
of "socialism," IVblc t Comrnist leaders represet, or to propagada," altough tis t is pposely t defied
bt.tr-ess teir rle. Tbls practice, cotrary as it is to legal t, istead, left to the jdges or secret po1ice.
reglatios, ievitaly d to result i t s of exceptioally For these reasos po1itical trials i Comrnuist. regimes are
severe d uscpulous ethods police d party bodies. ostly prearranged. courts haYe the task of demostrating
 90 NEW CLASS
what the po>ver->vielders need to have dernonstrated; or have
the task of giving legal cloak to the political judgrnent on
the ''hostile activity" of the accused.
I trials conducted this method the cofession of t
accused is most irnportat. imself ust ackowledge tat
is an enemy. Tus, t tesis is confirmed. Evidece, little
as tere may of it, must replaced cofessio of guilt. to costitutional and legal reglations. Modern history s"' no
political t.rials i Yugoslavia are only pocket editios
of the Mosco>v t.rials. The so-called Mosco>v trials are t most
grotesque and loody examples of jdicial and legal cornedies
in tlle Commuist. system. The majority of other t.rials a.re
similar insofa.r as acts d pishmets are concerned.
How a.re political trials adled?
First, the sggestio of party functioaries, the party
police estalish that someoe is an "enemy" of existing codi
t.ios; tat, if notblg else, bls vie;vs d discssions ;vit close
frieds .represet troule, at least for the local authOI'ities.
next step is t preparation of the legal removal of the enemy.
Tis is done it trogll provocateur) >vho provokes the
'ictim to rnake "embaassing statements," to take part i illegal
organizing, or to commit similar acts; or it is d trg
"stool pigeon" ;vho simply bears \Vitness agaist t victim
accordig to t \vislles of t police. Most of the illegal orgai
zatios in Commnist regimes are CI"eated tlle secret police
i order to lre opponents into them d to pat these oppo-
nents in positio \Vere t police can settle ts \Vith
tem. Commnist governmet does t discorage "ob-
jectionale" citizes from committig la>v violatios d
crimes; in fact it pods tem into s violations d imes.
Stalin generally operated >vitot. t corts, sing tortre
extesively. Ho\vever, even if tOI'te is t sed and t corts
are sed instead, t essece is t same: Cornmunists settle
accounts 1vitl1 ti opponets not because they v committed
crimes, but. s tl1ey oppoents. It can said tat
most politica1 iminals >vl !' pnised are inocent fro
PARTY STATE 91
legal point of view, v though they a.re oppoents of the
regime. From t Comrnuist. poit of vie>v, these opponents
are pnished "due process of la>v," altogh there may
no legal basis for their being convicted.
When citizens spontaneosly trn against t regime's meas-
ures, the Commnist athorities handle tem >vitlut I'eQ"ard
record of actios against t opposition of the masses wblcl1
are as brtal, inman, and nla;vful as those of Communist
regimes. actio taken in Poznan is t best. kno>v, but rt
the most brutal. Occupying and colonial po;vers seldom take
sch severe measres, even though t conquerors d
accomplis their actios t use of extraordinary laws d
ss. Comunist. po>ver-wielders accomplish tl1e in
teir very "v" country trapling on teir O\VIl la>vs.
Even in non-political matters, t judiciay and t legis-
lative atorities rt. safe fom the despots. The totali-
taian class and its members cannot. help but mix into t affai;
of the judiciary and the legislative authorities. Tis is an
ever-yday occrrence.
An article in t l' 23, 1955, isse of t Belgade ne\vs-
paper Politika (Politics) offeiS tbls suitale illustrat.ion of t
real l and position of t courts in Yugoslavia (a1tlug
there s al\vays been blger deg.ree of legality in Yugoslavia
tan in oter Counist. countries):
In discussion of polems connected ;vith ciminals oper-
ating in t economy, at 2-day annal cofe!'ence, piesided
over puiic prosecutor n Jevemovic, the public pose
cutors of tlle republics, of t Vojvodina, and of Belgade
announced tat coopeation bet>veen t judiciary organs and
the autonomous organs in tlle economy and all political or-
ganizations is necess-y for complete success in tlle battle
against criminals operating in tlle economy and all political
orgaizations ....
The public prosecutors tink tat. soc:iety has t yet reacted
 92 NEW CLASS
wit sufficient vigor wit regard to ridding itself of suc crim-
inals....
prosecutors agreed tat society's reaction must more
effective. According t.o t tinking of t prosecutors, more
severe penalties and more severe metods of executing penal-
ties are only some of the measures that sould taken....
examples cited in t discussions cofirm tlle opinios
that some ostile elemets wllic have lost t batt.le t
political field v 1v entered t ecoomic field. Cose
quently, t proiem of t crimial i the m is t
only Iegal proiem, but also political , wllich requires
t cooperatio of all government agecies d social orgai
zatios....
Summing up t discussion, federal puiic prosecutor Brana
Jevremovic emphasized the significance of Iegality in co
ditions resulting from the decentralization tat s take place
i Yugoslavia, d pointed out t justificatio f t severity
1vit 1vhich our highest leades v senteced idividuals
guilty of cimial actio agaist t economy.
It is obvious that prosecutors decide that the courts shall
judge and that. penalties shall iposed according to the
intent of tl1e "highest leaders." What then is left of t.he cots
and of legality?
In the Counist syste legal theories change according
to circustances and the needs of the oligarchy. Vishinsky's
principle 1vhich calls for sentence to based on "iu
reliaility," that is, on political analysis and need, has been
abandoned. v if 01 huane or r scientific piin-
ciples are adopted, the substance 1vill not change util the
relatioship bet1veen t governent and the judiciaiJ' and the
la1v itself is changed. Periodic capaigns for "legality," d
Khrushchev's bragging that the t has "now" succeeded in
putting the police and the judiciary under cotrol, only reveal
canges in t.he for of increased needs of the ruling class for
legal secuity. do not show changes in the rulig class's
position tmvard society, the st.ate, t.he courts, or t.he lvs.
PARTY STATE 93
6.
The Comuist legal syste cannot free itself of foralis,
r abolish t.he decisive infl.uece of party uits d the police
i trials, electios, and siilar evets. The higher up goes,
the r legality s r ornaet, and the geater
t role of governet i tlle judiciaiJ', in electios, d the
like s.
eptiess and poposity of Counist elections is
generally 1vell kno1v; if I rr coectly, Attlee wittily
called the " race 1vitll horse." It seems to tl1at some-
thing should said: vVlly is it tat Comuists canot do
without elections, even tllough tlley llave effect political
relatios; and cannot do 1vitllout sucll costly d empty uder
takig as paliametary estalisllmet?
Again, propagada d foreig policy are anng tlle reasos.
h is also tbls: no gover11et, not even Couist one,
exist 1vitllout everythig beig legally costituted. Under
coteporary coditions this is d eans of elected repre-
setatives. people ust formally cofirm everythig tlle
Comuists do.
Besides this there is deeper and more ipotant reaso
for t parliametai}' syste i Comuist states. It is neces-
sary t.hat the top party beaucracy, or tlle political core of the
1v class, approve t easures taken t govenmet, its
sr body. Commuist govement ignore geeral
pulic opinio, but every Comunist govemment is boud
t pulic ii of t party, and Couist pulic
opinio. Cosequetly, v toug elections v scarcely
ig for Couists, tl1e selectio of tose 1v 1vill i
t parliaet is done v caeflly the top party group. I
the selection, accout. is take of all circustances, suc as serv-
ices, role d fuction i t vt d i society, t pro-
fessions represented, etc. F tlle intra-party poit of vk\v,
electios for leadersblp are very iportant: t leaders dis-
 94 NEW CLASS PARTY STATE 95
triute tose party po'lvers in tlle parliament wi t tink governmet; ideed, the reproacll could made tat any otl1er
are most important. Tus t leadeisblp s the legality it type would superfluous and too costly.
needs t.o operate in t of t party, class, and people.
Attempts t.o allo'lv t'lvo or more Communists to contend for
t same seat i parliament have had constructive results. 7.
r \vere several instances \vhere tis 'lvas attempted i Yugo-
slavia, but the leadership decided tat suc attempts \Vere "dis- Fouded f01ce and violence, i constat conflict with
uptincr." Ne'lvs has recently received of large number its people, the Communist state, v if thee external
"'
of Commuist candidates competing for the same ss
.. . reasons, must militaristic. The cult of force, especially mili-
the eastern Europea countries. The itentio may to have tary force, is no'lvhere so pevalet as in Commuist coutries.
t\vo or more cadidates for every office, but t!' is little possi- Militarism is the iteal basic d of t "\v class; it is one
ility that tllis \Vill d systematically. It \VOuld step of the forces which make possile the "\v class's existence,
fovard, d migh t v t begiig of turning tmvard strengt, and privileges.
democracy the Commuist system. Ho'lvever, it seems to me Uder const.ant pressure to primarily and, 'lv ecessary,
that there is still log 'lvay to go before such measures \Vill exclusively !'g of violence, the Commuist state s
realized d tat developmet in eastern Europe 'lvill first bureauc!'atic state sice t begiig. Maitaied the
t.ur in the direction of tl1e Yugoslav system of '\v01kers' ma despotism of hadful of po'lver-'lvielders, the Communist state
agement," instead of becomig political democracy 'lvith its 'lvields more po,ver than oter state orgaization does 'lvit
attedant changes. The despotic core still holds everytig i t aid of diveiSe la'lvs d regulations. S after its estalish
its hands, conscious of the fact tat reliquisment of its tra- met, t Commnist state s replete 'lvitll so regu-
ditional party unity \vould prove very dagerous. Every fr-ee- lations that even jdges d la'lvyers llave difficlty i findig
dom 'IVithin the party imperils t only the autority of t teir 1vay tg tem. Everyting llas to accurately
leaders, but totalitarianism itself. reglated and cofirmed, even togh little profit is derived
Communist parliamets are t in position to make de- tereby. For ideological reasos Commist legislators ofter1
cisions aything impor-tat. Selected in advace as they are, isse vaios la"\VS 'lvitot taking tlle real situatio d practical
flattered tlt t have been tls selected, represetatives do possiilities into consider-ation. Immersed in legal and abstract
t have t po'lver or the courage to debate v if t "\Vated "socialist" formlas, t sbject to criticism or opposition, t
to do so. Besides, since teir madate does t deped the compress into paagraphs, 'lvich the assemlies mechai
voters, represetatives do t feel that t are ans'lverale to cally ratify.
them. Communist parliaments are justifialy called "mauso- Commist govenmet is non-breacratic, however,
leums" for t. representatives 'lvho compose them. Their rigt '1\'here qestion of the needs of the oligarcy d t 'IVOI"kig
and role consist of uaimously approvig from time to time metods of its leades is ivolved. v i exceptioal cases
tat 1vhic has already been decided for them from the wir1gs. state and t eads do t like to fetter tllemselves with regu
Another type of parliamet is t requir'=d for this system of lations. Policy-makig d tlle right of political determiatio
 96 NEW CLASS
are in their harids, and these cannot bear procrastinatio or too
strict formalization. In decisions concerning the economy as
1vhole and in all otl1er mat.ters except unimportat, represeta
tional, and formal questions, the heads functio without
excessive restrictions. Tl1e creators of the most rigid type of
bureaucratism d political cetralism are t as idividuals
bureaucrats r are t boud legal regulatios. For ex- of they receive and the number of privileges they enjoy.
ample, Stalin \v-as t beaucrat i respect. Disorder and meas of collectiyization, even the peasant gradually be-
delay prevail in the offices and estalishments of many Com-
munist leaders.
This does not prevent them from temporarily taking stand
"against bureaucratism," that is, against. both unsci"u~ulous;-ess
and slo\vness in adrninistration. They are today battlg agast
the Stalinist form of bureaucratic administration. Ho1vever,
tlley have no intention of elirninating the l, fudarn~;-tal
bueaucratism rampant i the management of the polcal
apparatus iside the m d state.
In this "bat.tle against bueaucatism," Communist leaders
usually refer to Lenin. However, very careful study of Le;-in
reveals that he did not foresee that the new system 1vas rnovg
to1vard political bureaucracy. In tlle conflict with the bureauc-
racy inherited partly from tl1e Cza~'s administratio, Lenin
attriuted rnost of the difficulties to the fact that "there are
apparatuses composed from list of Communists or from
list of rnernbel'S of Soviet party schools." The old officials dis-
appeared uder Stalin, and Communists from the "list" stepped
into their places, d i spite of this, beaucatism grew.
Even i places like Yugoslavia 1vhee tere 1vas cosider-ale
1veakeig of beaucratic admiistratio, its essence, the
rnoopoly of political bureaucacy d the relatios resultig
from it, \vas t abolisl1ed. Even 1vhen it is abolished as an
adrninstrative rnethod of maagement, ureaucratism cotiues
to exist as political-social relatio.
The Cornmuist state, or governmerlt, is >vorkig to1vard the
.complete irnpersoalizatio of the idividual, tlle natio, d
PARTY STATE 97
v of its o1vn represetatives. It aspires to turn the entire
state into state of functionaries. It. aspires to regulate and
cont.rol, eiter directly or indirectly, \vages, housig coditions,
and even intellectual activities. The Cornmuists do not dis-
tinguish people as to \Vhether or not they are functionaries-all
persons are consideed to functionaries-but the amount
comes member of the geeral beaucratic society.
However, this is the exteal vie\V. In the Communist system
social groups are sharply divided. In spite of such differeces
and conflicts, thougl1, t Communist society is as \vole
unified tan any oter. The weakness of the \vole lies
in its compulsory attitudes and relatiosblps d t conflicting
elements of its composition. Ho\vever, every part is dependent
on eyery oter part, just as in single, uge mecanism.
In Commuist gove1ment, or state, just as in absolute
moarchy, t deYelopment of uman personality is an abstract
ideal. In the period of t absolute monarcy, \vhen mecan
tilists imposed the state upon the economy, t cro;vn itself-
for example, Cateine t Great-tougt that t goveent
1vas oliged to re-educate tl1e people. Tl1e Comunist leaders
t and tnk in t same >vay. Ho\vever, during the time
of tlle absolute monar-chy, t goverment did this in an at-
tempt to subodinate existing ideas to its mvn. Today, i
the Commuist system, t govenment is siultaeously tlle
owner and t ideologist. This does not mean that the un
personality has disappeared or that it s been changed into
dull, impersoal cog \v rotates i large, meciless state
mechaism, in accordance \vith tlle \vill of an omipotent
scerer. Personalit.y, its O\Vn nature both collective and
idividual, is idestctile, even under t Commuist system.
Of course it is stifled under this syste more t under otller
systes, d its individuality llas to anifested in different
way.
 98 NEW CLASS
Its world is 1vorld of petty daily cares. vVhen these cares d
wishes collide with the fortress of the system, which holds
monopoly over the material and intellectuallife of t people,
even tis petty 1vorld is not free or secure. In the Connist
system, insecurity is the 1vay of for the individual. The
stat.e gives him the opportunity to make living, but on con~
dition tat he submit. The personality is t.orn bet1veen 1vhat it
desires and 1vat it actually have. It is free to recognize the
iterests of the collective and to submit to them, just as in
every other system; but also it may rebel against the usurpig
representatives of the collective. Most of t individuals in
the Comnist system are not opposed to socialism, but op-
posed to t way in 1vich it is being achieved-tis confims
the fact tat the Commuists are not developig any sort of
true socialism. individual 1ebels against those limitations
1vich are in t interest of t oligarchy, not against those
1vich are in t interest of society.
Anyone 1v does not live under these systems has hard
time grasping ho1v human beings, particularly such poud and
brave peoples, could v given up their freedom of thought
and work to such an extent. Tl1e most accurat.e, thoug not the
most complete, explanation for this situation is t severity
and totality of tyranny. But at t root of tis situation, there
are deeper reasons.
One reason is historical; t people 1v forced to undergo
t loss of freedom in the irresistile drive toward economic
cange. Anoter reason is of an intellectual and moral nature.
Since indust.rialization had become mat.ter of life or death,
socialism, or Commuism, as its ideal expressio, became the
ideal d hope, almost to t poit of religious obsession
amog some of the populatio at large as 1vell as the Com-
muists. In the mids of those 1v did t belong to t old d hatred. St resistance-te dissatisfactio of mil-
social classes, delierate d organize.d revolt against the par-
ty, or agaist t government, would have been tantamout to
treason against t homeland and t ighest ideals.
PARTY STATE 99
most important reaso why there was no organized
resistace to Commuism lies deep in tlle all-inclusiveess and
t.otalitariaism of tlle Commuist state. It ltad peetrated into
all tlle pores of society and of the persoality--into the vision
of t scietists, tl1e ispiration of poets, and the dreams of
lovers. rise agaist it meat t. l to die t deat of
desperate individual, but to braded d excommuicated
from society. Tlle1e is air or ligllt uder tlle Commuist
govermet's iro fist.
Neitller of tlle t1vo mai types of opposition groups-tat
stemming from the olde1 classes and tat stemming from origi-
al Commuism itself-found 1vays and eans of combatia
t 1s encroachment tlleir lierty. first. group 1vas tuggig
. t:>
back1vard, 1\'ile the secod group carried poitless d
tougtless revolutioary activity, and egaged in quiblig
about dogma 1vith tlle regime. Conditios 1vere t yet ripe
for t finding of 1v roads.
Meamvhile, the people 1vere instinctively suspicious of t
1v d and esisted every step and small detail. Today, this;
resistance is t geatest, tl1e most real threat to Commuist
1egimes. Tlle Communist oligarcs loger kr1v \Vllat
t masses thik 1 feel. regimes feel isecure in sea of
deep d dark discotent.
gl1 istoy s recod of oter system so sucess-
fl in checking its opposition as t Commuist dictatoi"Sip,
n v s provoked sucll pofoud d fa1-reacig dis-
content. It seems tat t more t consciece is crused and
t less t opportunities for estalishir oraaization exist
~ '
t geater t discontet..
Commuist totalitariaism leads to total discotet, i wicll
all differeces of ii are gradually lost, except despaii
lions 1vith t everyday details of life-is t form of resistace
that the Communists v t l t.o smoter. Tis was
confiied duig t Soviet.-Gera war. vV t Germans
 100 NEW CLASS PARTY STATE 101
first attacked t U.S.S.R., there seemed to lit.tle desire for composed of Hott.entots. The Communist leaders will al\vays
resistance among the Russians. Ho1vever, Hitler soon revealed take recorse to anytig they find useful, sch as t preaching
that his intentions 1ve1e the destruction of the Russian state of eqality of rights among the national breacracies, which
and the caging of t Slavs and oter Soviet peoples into is practically the same to them as the demad for equality of
impersonal slaves of tl1e Herrenvolk. From t depths of t rights among atioalities.
people tere emerged t traditional, uquenchale love for N ational feelings d atioal interest, ho,vever, do t lie
the homeland. During tlle entire war Stalin did not mention at the basis of the coflict bet,veen t Communist ational
either the Soviet govement or its socialism t.o the people; bureacracies. The rnotive is quite different: it is sup1emacy in
mentioned only one ting--the homelad. And it \vas \vort 's mvn zone, in the sphee 'vich is uder one's administra-
dyig for, in spite of Stalin's socialism. tion. The struggle over t reptatio and po,vers of 's o\rn
tepulic does t go m fthe1 than desire to strengtl1e
one's mrn power. The atioal Comrnuist state units have
8. no sigificance other tha tlt t administative divi-
sios, on the basis of lagage. The Commuist beaucrats
Communist regies have succeeded in solvig many are vehernent local patiiots on behalf of tei1 OWil admin-
prolems tat d baffied t systems they replaced. are istrative units, even tg they have t traied for
also succeedig i solving the nationality lm as it existed t part on either lingistic or natioal basis. In sorne
to the time t came to pmver. They v t been l l adrniistrative nits in Ygoslavia (t regional col
t.o resolve t conflict of ational bourgeoisie completely, ow cils), chavinism has been greater than in t nationalepulic
ever. prolem s reappeared i t Communist regimes governments.
in 'v and more serious form. Among the Cornmnists one enconter t short.sighted
National rule is being estalished in the U.S.S.R. trough rti caYinism and decline of ational coscios
higbly developed beaucracy. In Yugoslavia, o1vever, dis- ness, v in the very sarne people, depending n oppor-
putes are arising because of friction betwee natioal bu- tnities and r-eqirernents.
reaucracies. Neiter t first nor t secod case conces langages '\'ich the Commnists speak are ardly t
national disptes in the old sense. Tl1e Commists are not same as tlse of teir o'vn people. The ''ds 1 the sarne, but.
nationalists; for tllem, the insistece on nationalism is only t expessions, the rneaning, t iner sense-all of tese
form, just like any oter form, through which they stiengten teii" very o,vn.
teir po,vers. For tis prpose t may v act like vehemet \Vile tl:ley atarcical 'vit regard to oter systems and
chauvinists from time to time. Stalin \vas Georgian, but i localistic >vitin their o'\'ll system, t Communists can
practice d i propaganda, 'venever ecessary, \vas raid fevent inteationalists 'ven it. is t.o teir interest to so.
Great Russia. Among Stalin's errors, v Khrushcl1ev ad- vaios nations, of \vi once d its o>vn forrn and
mitted, was t terrile trt of the extermiatio of entire color, its o'vn istory and s, stand virtally still no1v,
peoples. Stalin and Company used t national prejdices of g and langid, beneath the all~po,vefl, all-kno>ving, d
t largest nation-the Russian nation-just as if it had been essentially non-atioal oligarchies. The Comrnnists did not
 102 NEW CLASS
succeed in exciting or a-.;vakening the nations; in this sense they
also failed to solve nationality questions. vVho knows anything
nowadays about Ukl-ainian -.;vriters d political figures? vVhat
has happened to that nation, >vhich is the same size as Fance,
and -.;vas once the most advanced nation in Russia? You >vould
think that only anrphous and foi"less mass of people
could remai under this impersonal machie of oppression.
However, this is not the case.
Just as personality, various social classes, d ideas still live,
so do the nations still live; they function; they stuggle agaist
despotism; and they preserve their distictive features u
destroyed. If their coscieces and souls are smothered, they
are t broken. Though tlley are under subjugatio, they
have t yielded. The force activatig them today is more than
the old or bourgeois natioalism; it is impe1ishale desire
to their OWil masters, d, their mv free develop-
met, to attai icreasigly fuller fello>vship -.;vith the rest of
the human race in its eternal existence.
Dogmatism in the Economy
1.
The deYelopment of the economy in Communism is rt the
basis for, but reflection of, the developmet of the egime
itself fiom revolutionay dictatorship to reactionay des-
potism. This development, trough struggles and disputes,
demonstrates hmv the interference of government in tl1e econ-
orny, necessary at fist, has gradually turned ito vital, personal
interest on t part of t ruling bueaucats. Iitially, t
state seizes all meas of productio in order to contol all
ivestments for rapid industrialization. Ultimately, fter eco-
nornic development has come to guided rnaily in the
interests of t ruling class.
Other types of mvers do not act in an essentially different
m1; they are avays motiYated sorne sort of personal
interest. Ho>vever, the tig tltat distinguishes t.he \V class
frorn oter types of o>vers is that it has in its hands, m01e or
less, all the ational resources, and tat it is deYeloping its eco-
nornic po>ver in delierat.e and organized manner. delierate
system of unification is also used otl1er classes, suc as polit-
ical and economic orgaizations. Because tere are number of
O\VIlers and many forms of property, all in mutual conflict,
spotaneity and cornpetition have been preserved in all -
103
 104 N CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 105
omies preceding the Cornunist one, at least under norma1 it s created closed economic system, >vith forms of property
or peaceful coditions. which facilitate t party's domiatio d its moopoly. At
v the Communist m has not succeeded in repress- first, t Commists d t.o tur to this ''collectivistic" fom
ig spontaneity, but i cotast to all others, it. constantly for objective reasons. N o-vv they colltine to stregte tis
insists that spontaneity should achieved. . form->vitot considerig >veter not it. is i the interest
This practice has its theoretic justificatio. The Commust of the natioal economy and of ftr idustrializatio-for
!eaders really believe that they kno'.V ecoomic la>vs and that teir Ov\'11 sake, for an exclsive Commuist class aim. They
they can administer production witll scietific accuracy. The first admiistered d controlled t etire economy for so-
truth is that the l thing they know ho>v to do is to sei~e called ideal goals; 1ater tlrey did it for t prpose of mai
t:otrol of the economy. Their aility to do this, just like the1r taiing teir absolte tl and dominatio. t is the i
victory i the revolution, has created the illusio i their mids reaso for suc far-reacl1ig d inflexile political measures
Jhat they succeeded because of their exceptional scientific i t Commnist m.
aility. I an itervie>v i 1956, Tito admitted tat. there "so-
Covinced of the accuracy of their theories, they administer cialist elements" in \Vester economies, t tat they are t
the economy largely according to these theories. It is standard "delierately" introdced ito t ecoomies as s. Tis
joke that the Commuists first equate ecoomic measure expesses t \vole Communist idea: l s "socia1ism"
>vith Marxist. idea d the proceed t.o carry out the measure. is estalislred "delierately"-by organized complsio-i t
In Yugoslavia, it has officially declared that plaing is ecoomics of teir cotr-ies must t Communists preserve
coducted according to Marx; but Marx >vas either planer the despotic metod of governig and teir o-.;vn moopoly of
r planing expert. I practice, nothing is done accordig o\vnersip.
to Marx. Ho>vever, the claim that planing is conducted ac- Tis iti of great d v decisiYe sigificace to
cording to Marx satisfies people's coscieces and is used to "delierateness" in t deYelopment of t economy d soci-
justify tr and economic domiation for "ideal" aims d ety reYeals t complsy and selfislr clraacter of Commist
according to "scietific" discoveries. economic policy. Otevise, -.;v 1vold suc an insistence on
Dogmatism i t m is an iseparale part of t Com- delieateness necessary?
muist system. Ho>vever, tlre focig of the m into dog- strog oppositio of Commnists to all foms of Oi\'1ler-
maric rc1.0lds is t tlre outstanding feate of t Commist sip except tlse ivlrich t consider to socialist idicates,
economic s~.stem. In tbls m t leader-s are masters i above all, thei uncontrollable desies to ui and maitai
"adapting" theo:v; t depart from they >vlre it is to teir pmve. abandoned alteed tis adical attitde, holv-
intel"est to 5{). eYer, 1vlre it >vas agaist ti iterest to old to it; tls t
I additio to being motivated t blstOIical d for teated ti o-vv teory badly. I YugoslaYia, for instace,
apid idustrializatio, the Commuist bureacracy has been t fist ceated and ten dissolYed t kolklzes i t name
compelled to estalis type of ecoomic system desiged to of "error-fee :arxism" and "socialism." Today t are pur-
isure t perpetuation of its o;vn po>ver. Allegedly for t sing tir-d, and cofsed, middle-of-tlre-oad lie in tlle s
sake of classless society and for the ae.1ition of exploitation, matter. r are similar exarnples i all Cornrnuist 1-
 NEW CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 107
106
ties. However, the abolition of all fors of private ownership Coplsory labor in the ist syste is the reslt of
except their own is their ur1ehaging purpose. onopoly of owersip over all, or alost all, ational property.
Every political syste gives expression to econoic forces The vvoker finds hiself i the position of llavig rt orlly to
d attepts to adiister t. The Conists t at- sell his l; ust sell it dr conditios 1vhich are d
tai coplete cotrol over productio, but they have succeeded is control, sice he is ul t.o seek another, better eployer.
i controllic it to suc extet tat they cotinuously sub- There is only eployer, the state. The \Vorker s no choice
ordinate it t; teir ideological d political goals. I tis way, t to accept t eployer's ters. \Vorst and ost at"ful
Counis differs fro every oter political syste. eleent in early capitalis the 1vorker's standpoint-the
l arket-as replaced the onopoly over labor
of the o1mer'Ship of the w class. This has t d t \Vorker
freer.
2. I the Conist syste the 1vorker is t like t anciet
The Couists interpret t special role of those w type of slave, t v 1vhe he is i copulsoy labor s:
produce in tenns of their total O\vership d, even r i tl1e acient slave 1vas teated both theoretically d practically
portat, often in ters of the overriding role of ideology i as object. v tl1e greatest id of atiquity, Aristotle,
t n.
believed tlt 1vere either fr slaves. Thogh
Iediately after t revolution, d of ernployet he believed i um treatent of slaves d advocated the
\Vas curtailed in the U.S.S.R. t t need of the regie for refor of t slavery syste, he still regarded slaves as tools of
rapid industrialization did not bring about coplete curtail- production. I t moder syste of techology, it. is t pos-
et of such freedo. This took place only after the victory of sile to deal tis >vay 1vith \vorker, s l liter-ate d
the indstrial revoltion and after t ne\V class had been iteested vo1ker do the sort of 1vork required. Copulsory
created. In 1940 la\V \Vas passed foridding d of e labor i t Couist syste is quite differet slavery
ployent d punishig people for quitting their jobs. I this in atiqity in lat.er history. It is the reslt of 1si and
period d r \Vorld War , for of slave labor developed, political relationships, not, or l to sligt extet, t result
naely, t labor s. Moreover, the bordelie between of t tecnological level of poduction.
1vork in the labor s d wok in factories was alost co Sice d1 tecrlogy requires "'orker \Vl can dispose
pletely eliiated. of cosideale of d, it is i latet conflict
Labor s d varios kinds of "voluntary" \VOI"k activities wit coplsory for"s of labor, or ;vith the l of o>vne
are only t 1vorst and ost t fors of coplsOI'y labor. ship d t political totalitariais of Cornuis. Uder
Tbls of teporary character i other systes t Cornrnuis t ;vorker is techically free, but is possiilities
nder nis copulsory l has reaied pennaet to use is fd extrernely lirnited. The fOI"al lirnita-
feature. Althogh coplsory labor did not take the s fon tion of d is not irt caact.eistic of Cornu
i oter Conist coutries nor develop there t.o the ext.ent isrn, t it is pl1enoeon ;vhich occurs ud Cornuisrn.
that it has in the U .S.S.R., r of tl1ese contries s co It is especially apparet 1vith egard to 'vok d t labor
pletely free eployerlt. force itself.
 N CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 109
108
Labor cannot f in society 1vhere all material goods are retention of "excess profits" in the hads of the bureaucracy
nopolized one goup. The labor f is indiectly the \vl justify this actio saying that they are clleckig inflation

r of that goup, altlugh not completely so, since the and ivesting t money \visely. All that remais for the worker
worke is an indiYidual hman being 1vho himself ses up t are small, nomial sums and the "right" t.o suggest ho\v they
of his labor. Speaking in t abstr-act, t l f, taken as sould ivested though the t d trade unio organi-

1vhole, is factor in total social poduction. ne;v uling zation-tl1og the bureauacy. v\itout the right to stike

class 1vit it.s material and political monopoly ses this factor and to decide ;vl o;vs \vhat, the \Vk have not had
almost to the same extent tat it does t national goods and u n to obtai real s of t profits. It s become

elements of production and treats it t same \\', diegard clear tat all tl1ese ights are mutally intevoven with various
ing t lman factor. forms of political freedom. They canot attained i isolation
Dealing 1vit.h labor as factor in poduction, 1vorking con- from each other.
ditions in yarios enterpises, or t connection bet;veen 1vages In suc system, free trade unio oganizations are impos-
and profits, are of no concer11 to t uu. \\ages and sile, d stikes can happen very rarely, suc as the explosions
\\'Oking conditions are determined in accordance 1vit an ab- of \Voker dissatisfaction in East Gerrnay in 1954 d in
stract concept of labor, or in accordance 1vith indiYidual quali- z in 1956.
fications, 1vith little no regad for t actual esults of Comrnunists explai the eforced absence of strikes
productio i the respectiYe eterpises or br-ancl1es of indstry. sayig tat t ";vorking class" is i po>ver and mvs t
This is only geneal rule; tl1ere are exceptios, depeclig s of prodctio trogh its state, so that if it did strike,
coditions and requirements. But the system leads ieYitaly it \vold strikig against itself. Tis v explanatio is
to lack of interest t t of tl1e actual poduceis, i.e., t based on t fact tat i t Comuist system the o;ver
1vorkers. It also leads to lo;v quality of output, decline in l of poperty is not pr'ivate individual, but, as 1ve kno\v,
productiYity d teclological pogress, d deter-ioatio of caouftaged t fact tlt is collective and forrnally
plat. The Commuists are costatly strugg1ig f geater tide tifiale.
poductiYity on t part of t idiYidual 1vorkers, payig little Above all, stikes uder t Commuist system are impos-
or attetio to t poductiYity of t labor force as ;vole. sile s there is only mme \Vllo is i carge of all
In suc system, efforts to stimulate t worker are ineYitale goods d of tl1e ti labor fore. It ;vold ard to take
and fequent. The beaucracy offers all kinds of a1vards and effective action against i ;vitlut tl1e paticipation of
allo1vances to coteract lack of iterest. But. as log as tlle
all t ;vorke. stike of or enterprises-spposing
Comnists do not g the system itself, as long as they
tat scl1 tig could at all dr total dictatoiSip
retai teir monopoly of all 1vi and all goyermet, t
-canot eally tleat.e tlt o;vne. His t does not
canrt stimulate t idiYidual woker for log, much less
consist of tose idividal eteprises t of t prodctio
stimulate the labor f as ;vlle.
macine as \vlle. The ;v is not harmed losses in
Elaborate attempts to giYe t \Vorkers sare i the profits
indiYidal enterpises, s the producers, or society as
have made i Yugoslavia and are now beig contemplated
\vole, must rnake f such losses. Because of this, strikes
in t East Europea countries. These quickly result in t
 110 NEW CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 111
are of political than an econoic rl for the
.
Counists.
vVhile inclividua1 st.rikes are alost ipossile, and hope- In spite of t fact tat. tere
free lt or free
is
less as far as potential esults are concerned, there are no ivokers' orgaizatios, tere is liit. to exploitatio, even
r political conditions for general strikes and they can i t Couist syste. searc for tis liit would
occur only i exceptional situations. Wheever idividual require d d ill01e concete analysis. W will cocern
strikes have taken place, they have usually cl1anged ito gl ourselves l 1vit its ost iportant aspects.
strikes d have taken on distinctly political chaacter. I I additio to political liits-fear of dissatisfaction aonD"

addition, Couist regies constantly divide d disrupt the ivorkers and otl1er cosideratios wich are subject. to
the 1vokig class eans of paid fuctionar-ies, aised fro g-th are also costant liits to exploitatio: the fs
its raks, 1vho "educate" it, "uplift it ideologically," d direct d degrees of exploitation 1vich too costly for the
it in its daily life. syste ust s or later discotiued.
Trade unio organizations and other professioal OIgani- Tus, t decree of April 25, 1956, i t U.S.S.R., t
zations, because of thei purpose d functio, l dti of 1vorkers for tardiess or for quitting t.heir
the appendages of single o1vner and potetate-the political jobs ivas caceled. Also great n \VOI"kers 1vere released
oligarchy. Thus, teir "ain" s is t of "buildig fro l s; these ivere cases in ivhich it ivas ipossile
socialis" or increasig production. Teir oter fuctions to distingish betivee political prisoers d those iv t
to spread illusions and acquiescent d g t gi d tloiv ito labor s because it needed labor
1vorkers. s orgaizations v played only iportant fOI'ce. This decree did t result i copletely freed labor
role-the lifting of the cultal level of the \Vorking classes. f, for cosideale liitatios still reained i force, t
"\Vorkers' ogaizations uder t Couist. syste it did repeset the ost sigificat pogress d after Stalin's
really "" "yello1v" ogaizations of special kid. deat.

expressio "of special kid" is used because t ~oplsory slave l brought political difficlties to the
l is at t s tie t goveent and t exponent reg1e d also too costly as s as advaced tech-
of t predoinant ideology. In other systes tlse t1vo factors ology was itroduced i the U.S.S.R. slave laborer, no
are generally separate fro oter, so tat t 1vokers, matter v little you feed i, costs r tha produce
even tlug ul to rely either one of t, are at least iv t the adinistrative appaatus eeded to assure
l to take advantage of t differences and conflicts betiveen his coercio. His labor s senseless and ust discon-
t. tinue~. Modern production liits exploitatio in otller ivays.
It is not accidetal tat t working class is the ain con- r canot operated efficietly exausted co
cenl of the regie; not for idealistic or uaitarian reasons, pulsory labor, and adequate lt d cultal conditios
but siply because tis is t class 1vi production de- v an indispensale peequisite.
pends and on ivich t rise and t very existence of t new liits to exploitation in the Couist syste are
class depends. paralleled liits to the freedos of the labor force. These
 112 NEW CLASS
freedoms ate detennined the ature of ownership and gov-
emment. Until o-.;vnership d govenment are chaged, the
labor force canot become free d must remai subject to
moderate or severe forms of ecoomic d administrative
r.
Because of its production needs, Commuist regime regu-
lates labor coditios and the st.atus of the l force. Jt takes
maysided and a.encompassing social measures: it regul~tes
such things as -.;vorking hours, vacations, isurace, dt,
the labor of wome and childre. Many of these meases are
largely nominal; many are also of progressively harmful
character.
Commnist system the tedency t.o regulate labor rela-
tions and to maintai order and in productio is constant.
single d collective mvner solves labo-force polems
on an all-encompassing scale. Jt canot st "rl" in
anytblng, and certainly rt in t labor f. Jt must eglate
it just as mch as every oter aspect of productio.
The great boast that there is full employment i Commnist.
systems cannot ide t 1vounds 1vi e\'ident as one
looks more closely. As s as all mateiial goods contolled
one body, these goods, like m1v eeds, mst become
t subject of planig. Political necessities play importat
role i planig d tis uavoidaly eslts i t retetio ~eig estaliseq tlle basis of scietific teclology.
of number of rs of idustry, 1vich srvive at. t s 1vere the fiist to l
expense of oters. s planning bldes actal nemploymet.
As soon as sectors of t economy can engage in feer play, or
as s as it becomes unnecessay for the regime to sstain and
stregthe at t s of tr, uemploy devel~ped countries fro tat in indstially udeveloped ones.
mellt -.;vill r. More extesive ties with t 1vold market
can also cause tis tied.
Cosequetly, full employment is t t reslt of Com-
muist "socialism" t of an ecoomic policy carried t
command; in t final aalysis, fll employmet is t result
of disharmoy d prodctio inefficiecy. Jt does t eveal
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
ll3
the power but weakness of the economy. Yugoslavia was
sor~ of wor~ers util it acieved satisfactory degree of pro-
ductn efficiecy. As s as it did, tllere -.;vas uemploymet.
Uemployet 1vould v blgher if Yugoslavia attaied
maximum prodctio efficiecy.
Coniuist econoies full eployent conceals une
ployent. poverty of all coceals t ulr of
s, just as the pheoenal progress of s sectors of t
n coceals the backwardess of oters.
s token, this type of l mvnersblp and
goveme~t is l t.o pevent. econoic collapse, but il
of preventg chroic crises. The selfish interests of the 11ew
class d the ideological caracter of the n k it
ipossile to aintain healthy and llaronious syste.
4.
Marx 1vas t the first. to visualize the of futre
society ld basis. t -.;vas t first, or g t
first, to recogize tat dr r uavoidaly teds
toward planig because, i additio to social reasos, it is
gigatic atioal d iter
atioal scale. Today, planig is geeral and
an iportant eleent of the econoic policy of ost govern-
ents, even togh it s differet caracter in indstrially
Planng s necessary when podction reaces an ad-
vaced stage d 1ven social, intemational, d other codi
tions are subject to siilar teds. Jt does t llave uch con-
ection with anyone's teories, let alone tllose of , 1vhic
were costr"Ucted on far lo1ver level of social d econoic
relations.
 114 NEW CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY
vVhen tlle U.S.S.R. became the first country to embark upon Recently atomic eergy, especially in t U.S.S.R., s begun
natioal planning, its leaders, who 'vere Marxists, conected to take first place in t plan; I sold say tllat tis is llappen-
tbls li- 'vit Marxism. The truth is tbls: altlugh
. .
ig because of military, foreign and political considerations
Marx's teacblo-s "\v the idealistic basis of tlle revolut

rater tan for any otller.
Russia, bls teacblngs also became the cover for later meases Ever]'tlling is subordinated to tese aims. Cosequely,
taken the Soviet leaders. m rs of t are laggig and 'vorking
All of tlle blstorical and specific reasons for Soviet planing inefficietly; dispoportios d diffilties are inevitale; d
>vere attriuted to correspondig teories. Marx's theory was excessive prodctio costs d li iflatio are rampant.
the closest d most acceptale because of t social basis and Accordig to Andre Pilipe (i t New Leader, October 1,
the past of the Commuist movemet. 1956), investments i v idstry i t U.S.S.R. icreased
Altluo-h Ii- heavily on :r in t beginig, m-

from t 53.3 per t of total ivestmets i 1954 to 60 per
muist planing s m profound idealistic and mateial cent of total ivestmets in 1955. ,venty-oe per cent of tlle
background. How can m administeed other tha t atioal icome is beig invested in indstr]', wit co
as planned m vv it s or is going to v sing1e cetratio on v industry, ltg lleavy indsty l
o>mer? Ho'v cold s tlemedos investments made for cotrited 7.4 per t to tlle increase i icome per capita,
t prpose of idustrializing if t >vere not planed? 6.4 per t of vvblch 'vas d to icreased prodctio.
Sometblno- mst eeded f it become ideal. So

It is uderstadale >vhy, under scll conditions, the stadard
it is >vit Commnist planig. It is dedicated t.o t develop- of livig is t last coce!'Il of tl1e ne'v o>mers, v thog,
met of tlse brances of t economy >vi >vill insre t as Marx imself maitais, are the most importat factor
streo-tenino- of tl1e reo-ime. Tis is t g-eneral
.... rule, altog-h
.._, i prodction. Accoding to Ed"rard Cranksa>v, vvllo is close
in every Commnist contry, especially tllose "\vicl1 become to t Britis Labor t, despeate battle for survival must.
indepedent of Moscovv, tllere are exceptios to tis rle. foght i t U.S.S.R. those >v less t 600 rles
Of corse, the developmet of the national m as motbly. r Schvvartz, the New York Times expert on the
'vole is important for t stiegtening of t regime, for it Soviet Uion, llas estimated tllat appoximately eight million
is impossile permanetly to sepaate progress in one branc 'vorkers earn less than 300 is monthly, and tlle Tribune,
of prodction from anoter. Plaring empasis i every Com- repesenting tlle point of vievv of tl1e Bitisll Labor Party's left
mnist system is alvvays directed tmvard brances of t vving, adds tlle comment that tllis, and t tlle eqality of sexes,
ecormy tat are considered to of decisive importance in is tlle reason for the large nmbe!' of women employed at lleavy
maitaiing tl1e political staility of tlle regime. s braches labor. recent 30-per-cet vvage incease in tlle U.S.S.R. llas
are ones tat enance t role, po,ver, and privileges of t applied to tllese lo'N->vage categoi"ies.
rr. also are t s tat strengtlten t regime Tbls is the >vay it is i the U.S.S.R. It is not. different
in its relatios to oter cotries and make it possile for t in other Comnist contr-ies, not. even in cotr-ies like
regime to idustr-ialize t.o greater degree. Up to now, t Czeclloslovakia vvblch are tecllnologically very advanced. Once
v rs of v and w industries. Tis does t an exporter of agricultral piOdcts, Ygoslavia no>v impts
tat t situation cannot. cange i idividal coutries. tem. Accoiding to official statistics, tlle standard of living of
 ll NEW CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY ll7
blue- a11d 1vhite-collar \Vorkers is lmver than before World The same is true 1vith regard to agriculture. U11der prese11t-
\Var , whe11 Yugoslavia 1vas 11 u11developed capitalist coutry. day coditio11s, progressive agriculte also means idus
Commu11ist pla1111i11g, devoted t.o political class i11teests, a11d trializatio11. Pogressive agriculture does 110t isure that
totalitaria11 dictatorsllip suppleme11t eacll other. For ideologic Communist regime 1vill indepe11det of the outside. Inter-
reaso11s, Commu11ists ivest i11te11sively i11 certai11 ba11ches of 11ally it makes t regime depe11de11t 011 the peasat, eve11
the eco11omy. All pla1111i11g revolves arou11d tllese braclles. though the peasats are membel'S of ' cooperatives. Cose
This leads to deep displaceme11ts i tlle eco11omy whicll can11ot que11tly steel s give11 priority i t pla11, right beside
paid for i11come from 11atio11alized farms take over from kolkhozes 1vith lo1v productio. The plaing of political
capitalists a11d large lado1v11ers, but. must paid for mai11ly 1v had to allead of ecoomic progress.
tllrough t impositio of lo1v 1vages a11d the pillagig of peas- Soviet, or Commuist, planig is of special kid. It has
ats tl1rougl1 tlle compulsory crop-purcllase system. t eyolved as tlle esult of t tech11ological developmet of
It migllt said tllat if tlle U.S.S.R. d 110t d such pla11- poductio r as the result of the "socialist." cosciousess of
11i11g, or if it d 11ot co11centrated 011 the developme11t of heavy its iitiators. I11stead it s evolved as t result of special
i11dustry, it 1vould -r e11tered \Vorld W u11armed d type of governmet and O\V11ers11.ip. Today, tecical d other
would have 11 tlle easily co11quered slave of tlle Hitler i11- factors are i11flue11ci11g this type of lig, but tese other
vasio11. This :s t, but o11ly to certai11 degree. For gu11s factors have t ceased to v tlleir effect the evolutio11
d ta11ks are 11ot the l stegth of cou11try. If Stali11 had of tis type of plan11ing. It is very important to 11ote tis, for
11ot had imperialistic aims i11 his f01eign policy a11d tyra11ical it. is tlle key to u11dersta11di11g tlle cllaracter of this type of plan-
aims i11 his i11ternal policy, groupig of po1ves 1vould haYe ng, a11d of the capailities of Commu11ist eco11omy.
left his cou11try sta11ding alone before the invader. results acieved such 11 eco11omy a11d such pla11-
This is clear: t ideological h to pla11ing d de- ni11g vaied. tti11 of all mea11s to acieve
velopme11t of tlle economy 1vas 11ot esse11tial for tlle develop- specific s make it possile for t po1ver-1vielders to
met of 1var industry. It 1vas put into actio11 because of t progress 1vith extraordiary speed i11 certai11 s of the
po1ver-holders' 11eed to i11depe11de i11ternally a11d ex- eco11omy. Tlle progress that t U.S.S.R. s achieved i11 some
ternally; defe11se 11eeds 1vere o11ly associate 11eeds, eve11 tllough banclles s eretofore ever 11 acieved a11y1vhere in t
they 1vere i11evitale. Russia could have obtaied tlle same qua11- 1vorld. Hmvever, 1vl1e11 11 cosides the back\vard conditios
tities of arrnaments, poceedig u11der differe11t pla11s, li11ki11g existig in oter branches t progress acieved is 110t. justified
r more closely 1vitl1 foreign markets. Greater dd 011 from t ove-all economic point of vie1v.
foreign markets would have 11ecessitated differet foreig11 . Of couse, onc:-back\vard Rsia s attaied secod place
policy. Under prese11t-day co11dit.io11s, 1vl1ere 1vorld i11teests are \Vold productn as far as its most importa11t branches of
i11terlaced a11d 1vhee 1vars are total, butter is almost as impOI- t eco11omy nd. It s become t mitiest conti

tant as gu11s i11 the 1vagi11g of 1var. This was confimed 11 i11 nental pmver in t 1vorld. strong 1vorkig class, 1vide stra-
the case of the U.S.S.R. Food fom tlle U11ited States 1vas almost tum of teclical intellige11tsia, and t materials f consuer
as importa11t f Yictory as war materiel. goods productio v created. dictatosip s t
 NEW CLASS
118
been essentially weakened because of this, nor are there ~ny
reasos to believe that the standard of living cannot n
proved in proportion to the coutry's economic c~pabilities.
01vnership and political cosiderations for whlCh the plan
is only implemet have made it impossile to \Veake~ .the
dictatorship to any extent or to raise tlle standard of livg.
The exclusive moopoly of sigle group, in the ec_onon1y_ as
1vell as in politics, planing tat is directed toward creasg
its po1ver and its interests in the country and troughout the
vorld, continuously postpones tl1e improvement of the standard
1
of living and harmonious development of the econom~.
absence of freedom is undoubtedly the final d most Impor-
tant reason for the postponemet. In Communist systems free-
dom has become the main ecoomic and geeral prolem.
5.
The Commuist planed ecormy conceals within itself an
anarchy of special kind. In spite of the fact that it is planned,
the Commurlist economy is perhaps the most 1vasteful economy
ir1 the history of human society. Such claims may seem stange,
especially if one has in mind the relatively rapid development
of individual branches of the economy, d of t.he m as
1vhole. However, they have solid basis.
\Vastefuless of fantastic proportios was unavoidale even
if this had t group 1vhich cosideed ever-ytblg, i and t >vaste of bllllos. citicized imself for t 1"s "
cludincr the m, from its O\Vll narrO\V owership and
ideolo~ical poit of vie1v. Ho;v could sigle group of this
kid admiister complex modern m effectively d
thriftily-a economy which, in spite of the most complete
plarig, sho;ved yaried d often contradictory iteral and
external tedecies from day to day? The absence of type
of criticism, even of any type of important suggestio, inevitaly
leads to ;vast.e d stagnatio.
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 119
Because of . this political and ecoomic omnipotence, .vas te-
f. u l udertakgs cannot avoided v wit tl1e es t f
. .
tents. Ver_y l:le attention is paid t.o wat t.he cost of
these undertakgs 1s _to t.he economy as ;vhole. v great
are the costs to nati~~ of an agiculture which is stagat
because of the su~erstitus ~ommunist fear of the peasant
and unreas~nab!e vestments heavy industry? Wat is the
cost of cap1tal vested i iefficiet. industries? \Vhat is t
cost of ~tagnat trasportation system? What is the cost of
l pa1d \V~rkers, 1v coilSequently "goldbrick" d 1voik
slowly? V:hat Is the cost of poor-quality productio? r is
coutg these costs, r they calculated.
ust as t ~dmi~ister the eccmomy, the Commuist Ieaders
handle everythg way contry to their O'iVIl teach"
h . g,
t. at. Is, ~ te1r peisoal VIe>vpot. The economy 1s JUSt
an area \ViCh least toleiates aritrainess. v if they -.vished
~ do so, the leaders could t take ito coilSideratio the
t~rests of the m as whole. For political reasos t
:ulg gr~u?, de~;r~r:es ,;v~at is "vitally ecessar-y," "of key
Importance, or deCistve movement. Nothicr stads i
the 1vay of its ~ig out the matte in questi;n, for the
group_ IS ~ot afra1d of losig its 01v or property.
Per~odically _the leades idulge i criticism or self-criticism
d c1te >vhen theie is evidence that sometincr is
not progressig or >v~:. treme_dous ;vaste s become
~_rt. -~~rushc~ev ctici~ed Stal for is agr'icultural policy.
Ito ctiCized h1s __v eg1me for excessive capital ivestmets
.
d. . l"
It~a neglect of t stadad of liYig. But t essence
Iemas t same. same m prolong the same system
about the same metld , util s . and "1"rregu 1ar-Ities
"
become a~paret. Losses incued no loger resto!'ed,
so t reg1me d tl1e party do t take t responsiility for
t losses have " note d" t h eors d these s '\Vill
"corrected." So let's begin all over againl
 120 NEW CLASS
There is no evidence that single Communist leader has
suffered because of unproductively expended or fantastically
1vasted means. But m have been deposed because of "ideo-
logical deviatios."
In Communist systems, thefts d isappopriatios are in-
evitale. It is not just poverty that motivates people to st.eal
the "national property"; but the fact that tl1e property does
not seem to belong t.o anyone. All valuales are somel1v
redered valueless, tls creating favoale atmosphere for
tl1eft and waste. In 1954, i Yugoslavia l, over 20,000 cases
of theft of "socialist property" were discovered. The Com-
unist leaders hadle atioal property as their o1rn, but at
t same time they 1vaste it as if it 1vere somebody else's. Suc
is t nature of overship d govenmet of tl1e system.
The Qeatest waste is t v visile. This is t.he 1vaste of
mapo1ver. The slo>v, uproductive 1vork of disiterested mil-
lions toO"ether with the prevetio of all IVOI'k t cosidered
'
"socialist," is the calculale, invisile, d gigantic 1vaste 1vhic
no Comunist regime has l to avoid. Even thoug they some prodcts at seveal times t prodctio cost i other
are adherets of Smith's teory that labor creates value,
theory 1vich Marx adopted, these po1ver-1vielders the least
attetio to labor d mapo1ver, regardig tl1em as somethig
of very little value 1vhich readily replaced.
fear >vhich Commuists v of "tl1e ree1val of capital-
ism," or of ecoomic cosequeces that 1vould arise fom
arro1v class "ideological" motives, has cost tl1e ti aeme
dous >vealth d t biake its developet. Etire
idties destioyed the state is t in position
to maitain or develop them; only that which is the state's is
cosidered "socialist."
H01v far d 1v log can nation like this? developed tis. \\t does tis cost? d were does it
The momet is appoachig 1vhen idustiializatio, >vhic first
made Commuism ievitale, 1vill throug further develop-
et make the Communist fom of governmet d o>versblp
su perfl uos.
DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 121
The 1vaste is tremedo because of the isolation of Com-
uist ecoomies. Every Commist m is essetially
autaichic. The reasos for this atarchy lie i the character of
its govermet d o'\vership.
No Commuist t-t v Ygoslavia, which 1vas
oliged to cooperate to greater extet >vith on-Commuist
cout1ies of its coflict >vit Mosco>v-as success-
ful i developig foeig tade d t taditioal g
of goods. Planed poductio larger scale i cooperation
wit otl1er cotries s t attaied.
Commist planig, amog oter things, takes very little
t of t eeds of >vorld makets or of the dti i
oter cot1ies. Partly as reslt of this, and partly as reslt.
of ideological d oter motives, Commuist govemets take
too little accout of tl coditios affectig podction.
ofte costct idtial plats 1vitot avig sfficiet
ra1v materials availale for tem, d almost ever atte
tio to t 1vorbl level of i d dti. d
cotries. Simltaeoly, ot11er s of idtry >vblc
cold spass t 1vorld avei"age i prodctivity, or vvic
cold d at lo1ve prices t t 1vold g, are
neglected. ti evv ilstries are beig developed, even
togh >vorld makets sfeited 1vith tlle items tl1ey 1vill
d. 1vorkig people v to f all tbls i OI'der
to make t oligacs "idepedet."
This is aspect of tlle prolem commo to Comnist
regimes. tr is tl1e seseless of tl1e "leadig Socialist
tr"-t U.S.S.R.-to overtake d pass t most igly
lead?
Peraps t U.S.S.R. ovei'take some s of t econ-
omy of t most ighly developed tis. ifiite vvaste
of mapo1ver, lo1v 1vages, d neglect of t other
 122 NEW CLASS DOGMATISM IN ECONOMY 123
branches of idustry, this may possile. It. is quite another socialist" arket, 'vmcll St.alin iaugurated and to wllich Soviet
question 'vhether this is econornically justifiale. leaders still pledge allegiance, represents perhaps tlle r
Such plans are aggressive in themselves. What does the non- reason for 'vorld strai and 'vorld-wide waste.
Cornmunist 'vorld think of the fact that the U.S.S.R. is deter- l of ownersblp, antiquated etlds of production-
mined to hold first place in the production of steel and no atter >vhose or wllat kid-are i conflict with the world
crude oil at the cost of lo>v standard of living? What is left. econoic needs. Freedo vs. ownership has become world
of "coexistece" and "peace-loving cooperation" if they con- rl.
sist of competition i lleavy industry and of very small trade abolishmet. of private, or capitalist, owership in tlle
exchages? Wllat is left of cooperation if the Cornmunist econ- back>vard Communist states has d possile rapid, if t
omies develop autarcblcally, but penetrate the world rnostly smooth, i progress. Tlle states llave become uco
for ideological reasos? nnly great physical powers, new d resistant, with self-
Such plans d relations waste domestic and 'vorld manpower righteous and fanatical class which llas tasted tlle fruits of
d 'vealt and are unjustified from every vie,vpoit except authority and o>versblp. This developet cannot solve
that of the Communist oligarclly. Techical progress and of tlle questios that 'vere of cocern to classic socialis of
chaging vital needs make brancll of tlle econorny irnpor- the ineteenth cetury, nor even those that were of cocern
tat momet d anotl1er tlle t; this is true for nations to Lein; stillless can it insure economic advancement. >vithout
d for the world. What >vill h if, fifty years from no>v, intemal difficulties and convulsios.
steel d petoleum lose tlle significace tlley hold today? The Despite its po,verful concetration of forces in one pair of
Communist leaders take accout of this d m other hads and its apid if unbal1eed successes, tl1e Cornunist
tblgs. economic system has sho>ving deep fissues d weakesses
Efforts at likig the Commuist ecoomies, tlle Soviet first sice the moment of its complete victory. Even tllougll it has
of all, to the rest of tl1e >vo!'ld, d at the peetratio of the not yet reached the heigt of its power it is already nnino
'vorld these ecoomies, aie far behid tlle actual technical into difficulties. Its future is less and less secue; the ~
d other capabllities of tese is. At tlleir preset stage munist economic syste 'vill have to battle furiously, inside
these economies could cooperate >vith tlle rest of the 'vorld to and outside, for its existece.
uch greater degree than they actually do. Tlle failure to
use their capabllities for cooperatio wit the outside world
d tlle rusll to peetrate the outer world for ideological and
t reasos are caused tlle l that tlle Couists
lld over tlle and their need to iti po,ver.
Leni 'vas largely right >vhen he stated that politics is
"concentrated ." Tbls has reversed in the Co
unist syste; n has concentrated politics; tllat
i.s, politics play alost. decisive role in tlle n.
Sep-ation fro the 'vorld kt, or the creation of "'vorld

Tyranny over the Mind
1.
There is only partial justification for seeking, i Comnist
philosophy, the sources of tyranny over the mind, tyranny
>vich the Communists exeicise >vith cliical refinement >v
t come to po>vei. Commuist mateiialism is possily r
exclusive than any otl1er cotemporaiy vie\v of t >vorld. It
puses its adherets ito the position 1vhich makes it. impossile
for them to hold other vie>vpoint. If tis vie>v >vere not
conected >vitll specific forms of govemment and mvnersblp,
the onstrous methods of oppression and destctio of the
human ind could not explaied the vie\V itself.
Every ideology, v ii, tr-ies to r-epreset itself as the
l true d complete . This is it i an's and Engels ti entio of s well-know philos-
thinkig.
It was t t idea itself t the etllod >vi t idea is ti of t 1vell-ko'vn 1vriters d artists of teir
'Nas applied tllat distingised Marx d Engels. deied
every scietific and progessive socialist vale i t tikig
of their cotemporaries, sally lig sch ideas into 'or
geois sciece," ts banig every serios discssio and study
i advace.
The idea tllat >vas especially arro1v d exclsive \Vitll Marx
and Egels, the idea fro 1vich Comism later could drv
124
TYRANNY OVER MIND 125
substace for its ideological intolerace, was that of the isep
arabllity of t political views of cotemporary scietist,
thiker, or artist from is real or scietific vale as tiker
or artist. If 1vas fd i t opposite politically,
is every oter objective or oter 1vork was opposed or dis-
regarded.
This positio of Marx d Egels l partially ex-
plaied as the reslt of the furios oppositio of the owners
d po1ver-holders agitated the "specter of Commuis"
from the very begining.
exclsiveess of Marx and Egels 1vas bom d iten
sified soethig else tllat 1vas at the ots of wllat. t had
leamed: coviced tat they d plmbed tlle depts of every
pilosoplly, they tgt tllat it 1vas impossile for t.o
attain aythig sigificant 1vitot takig their \V vie,v of
t world as t basis. t of t scietific atmospere of t
and out of t eeds of t socialist nvemet, Marx
d Egels came to thik that tig tat 1vas t importat
to the, or to the ovement, 1vas t importat, v objec-
tively; that is, if it \Vas indepedet of t movemet, it >vas
t importat.
Cosequetly, they proceeded practically uaware of t
most iportat mids of their time, d disdaied the views
of ts i their \V ovemet. writigs of Marx
opller as Shr or of aesteticist like i. There
period. There is t. v referece to those \vho were
gt i the ideological and social stream to wllic Marx
d Egels beloged. They settled tl1eir ts wit their
oppositioists i the socialist ovemet i fierce d itoler
ant mr. This was peraps not importat for t sociology
of Prodho, t it \vas very iportat for the developmet
 TYRANNY OVER MIND 127
126 NEW CLASS
bls works are outstadig exarnples of logical and persuasive
of socialism d social struggles, especially i Frace. The
dogrnatism.
same may said of Bakui. Slaughterig Proudho's ideas,
Believing tat materialism had always been t ideology of
Marx, i his Misery of Philosophy} scornfully 1vet d
revolutioary and subversive social movemets, he dre1v the
his real role. d Engels did the same 1vith the Ger~a
one-sided coclusio tat materialism was geerally progres-
socialist, Lassalle, as 1vell as 1vith other oppositionists inSide
sive-even,i t.he fields of researc and i the development of
their o>m movemet. rna's tlugllt-Yvile idealisrn Yvas reactionary. Li cofused
the other had, t carefully noted t sigificat in-
form and method >vit tt and wit scientific discovery.
tellectual phenomena of teir time. They accepted _?anvin.
The fact tat 1vas idealistic i is thinkig was sufficiet
particularly grasped t cents of the past-anc1et and
for Lenin to disregard his real value d the value of is dis-
Renaissance-from >vi Europea culture had developed. In
coveries. Lenin extended is political itolerance to practically
sociology they borro>ved from Eglis pol.itical ecorm~ (Sith
the etire history of u tougt.
d Ricardo) ; in pilosopy, fro class1c German p?Il?sophy
1920, Bertrand Russell, t Britis pilosoper w wel-
(t, Hegel) ; d i social theory, fro Fr soCialism, or
comed the October Revolution, had accurately rted tl1e es-
frorn the currets tat eerged after the Frech revolution.
sence of Leinist, or Commuist, dogrnatism: *
These 1vere the great scietific, itellectual, d social currents
tat created tlle deocratic d progessive clirnate of Europe
There is, ho1vever, another aspect of Bolsllevism from whicll
d t rest of t 1vorld. I differ more fundamentally. Bolsllevism is not merely po-
There is logic and cosistecy i the developrnet of Corn- litical doctine; it is also religion, 1vitll elaborate dogmas
rnuisrn. Marx 1vas rnore of scietist, rnore objective t and inspied sciptures. When Lenin wislles to prove some
Li, 1v 1vas above all great revolutioary, fored uder poposition, does so, if possile, quoting texts fr'om

t coditions of Czarist absolutisrn, serni-coloial Russian and Engels. full-fledged Communist is not merely

capitalis, d 1vorld coflicts rnoopolists for sphees of

man 1vho believes tllat land and capital sllould held in
common, and tlleir produce distriuted as nearly equally as
ifluece.
possile. is man 1vho entertains number of elaborate
Leaing Marx, Li taught tat
rnaterialisrn >vas pio- and dogmatic beliefs-such as pllilosopllic materialism, for
gressive as l troughout istory, d that idealisrn was example-1vllich may true, but rt, to scientific tem-
reactioary. Tis >vas not l one-sided d icorrect, but it per, l of being kno1vn >vitll any cetainty. This llait,
itesified Marx's exclusiveess. It also ernaated from isuffi of militant certainty about. objectively doubtful mat.ters, is
cient ko>vledge of historical pilosophy. I 1909, 1v Lein one from 1vhicll, since tlle Renaissance, t.lle 1vor'ld llas been
gradually emeging, into tllat temper of const.ructive and frit
>vrote his Materialism and Empiro-Criticism} 1vas t closely
ful skepticism 1vhicll constitutes tlle scientific outlook. I be-
acquaited >vit great pilosoper, classical or modern. lieve the scientific outlook to immeasuraiy important to
Because of t d to overcome oppositionists wose views tlle lman race. If more just economic system 1vere only
idered the developrnet of is party, Lein rejected every- attainale closing men's minds against free inquiry, and
thicr
o tat was rt i accord wit Mxist views. im, anv- . plunging them back into the intellectual prison of the middle
thig 1vas eoneous and valueless if it. was t i accord >vith
From Bolsl!evism: Practice and 'l!eory; New York, Harcourt, Brace & Howe.
origial Marxism. It must acko1vledged that, i this respect,
 128 NEW CLASS
ages, I should cosider the price too high. lt t deied
tat, over slrt period of time, dogmatic belief is help
i fightig.
But tllis vvas Lei's period.
Stalin vvent further; "deYoloped" Lenin, but vvitout
hayinc Lenin's knovvledce or deptl1. Careful researc vvould
lead to t conclusion tat tis man, vvom KrusleY l1imself
TYRANNY OVER MIND 129
It contained simplicities m t v.tgs of t
faters, not so muc t esult of is religious youtll as tlle
reslt of t fact tat is >vas tlle >vay of expression under
primitive conditions, and of dogmatized Communists.
Stalin's follo>vei"S do not eYen bls crude iternal co-
esiveness cnor is dogmatic po1vers and convictions. Aveiaa-e
n. i everytblng, t possess an tcomonly stonc sense ~f

today ackno\vledges to been tl1e ''est Maxist" of bls time, realy. Unale to geneate >v systems or ne>v ideas because of
l1ad t d Marx's Das Kapital, t most impotat teir commitment to vital bueacratic realities, t l
wok on Marxism. Practical sol tat l1e 1vas, and spported only to stifle or make impossile tl1e creation of anytig evv.
bls extreme dogmatism, it vvas not ecessary for blm t.o Tus is t evolution of t dog1natic and exclsiYe aspect of
acqaited wit Marx's economic stdies to bild bls band Comnnist ideology. so-called "furtlle deYelopment of
of "socialism." Stalin vvas t closely acquainted vvitll Maxism" s led to tlle stegtl1ening of t ne>v class d
pbllosoper. d to>vard Hegel as >vold tmvard tlre soYereigty not l of sigle ideology, t the soYeeigty
"dead dog," attiuting to m t "reaction of Prussia ab- of togl1t of sigle m or g of oligacl1s. This s
solut.ism to t Fr reYolution." eslted in the itellectal decline d impoYeishmet of t
t Stali >vas ucommoly >vell acquaited >vit Li. ideology itself. Alog >vit tbls, itl of oter ideas, d
al>vays sougt suppo!'t in blm, to geater extent t Lenin v of mn tgt as scl1, ls ieased. ideoloQ'V's
did i Marx. Stalin d coilSiderale ko>vledge of political . "''
progess, lts elemets of tr'Uth, l declied i propoi'tio to
blstory only, especially Russia, d d uncommoly the icrease of pysical po>ver of its disciples.
good memory. Becoming incieasigly one-sided and exclsiYe, nt
Stalin really did t need more t tis for s role. nis r d ceates llf-trutlls d ties
tig tat did not coincide >vit is eeds and s Yie1vs, to jstify t. At first sigt, it seems as if its vie1vs, individ-
simply proclaimed as 'ostile" and forbade it. ually, \Vel'e tr'Ue. t it is icurably ifected with lies. Its half-
tree men-Marx, Lein, and Stali-are contrasts as truts exaggerated d debased to poit of perversion;
men d are contasts i tlleir metlds of expx-essio. In addi- t i Iigid d t r ispied it is with lies, t 1
t.io to being reYolutioay, Marx v.as some>vat simple it strengtens the moopolis of its leaders oYer society, d
scietist. His style \vas pictuesque, baroque, uniestraied, d ths OYel' Cornist t itself.
witty in Olympian sort of vvay. Lenin seemed to t
icarnation of t revolution itself. His style vvas flamboyat,
incisive, and logical. Stalin tlugllt s po1ver lay in tl1e satis- 2.
faction of all uman desires, and belieYed s tinking to
t supreme expression of uman tougt. His style was color- The proposition t.at Marxis is iversal etld,
less d monotonous, but its oversimplified logic and dogma- proposit.io >i Commists oliged to stad, mst
tism 1vere convincing t.o t coformists and to common people. in practice lead to tyrany i all areas of itellectal activity.
 130 NEW CLASS
v\'hat. can the unfortunate pysicists do, if atoms do not
v according to t Hegelian-Marxist struggle or according
to the unif01mity of opposites d teir development into
iger forms? Wat of t astroomers, if t cosmos is apa-
tetic to Communist dialectics? Wat of t iologists, if plants
do not. v according to t Lysenko-Stalinist teory on ar
mony and cooperation of classes i "socialist" society? Because
it is t possile for these scietists to lie aturally, t must
suffer t cosequeces of teir 'eresies." v teir dis-
coveies accepted t must make discoveries "cofirmig" t
formulas of Marxism-Leiism. Scietists are i costat
dilemma as t.o weter teir ideas d discoveties ;vill ijure
official dogma. are terefore forced ito opportuism
and compromises ;vit regad to sciece.
same is true of oter itellectuals. In many ;vays con-
tempay Communism is emiiscent of t exclusiveess of
religios sects of t Middle Ages. obsevations on Cal-
viism ;vritte t Seria poet, v Ducic, i bls Tuge
i vedrine (Sorrows and Calms), seem to relate to t itellec
tual atmospere in Commuist coutry:
... And tllis Calvi, jist d dogmatician, ;vhat lle did
not n t funeal , hardeed i tlle soul of the t Commuists believe in science. Cornunist po>ver is r
people of Geneva. itoduced religious triulatio d
pious enuciatio i these lmes ;vhich are v today filled
'''ith tis cold and dakess; plated hatred of all merrimet
d rapte, d damed poetry d music decree. As
politicia and tyrant at t head of the epulic, he foged,
Iike sackles, his ion la1\'S over life i the state, d v
regulated family feeligs. Of all the figures >vhich the Refor-
atio fostered, Calvin is i the most calloused of the
revolutioary figures, d llis Bile is the most depressig
textbook for livig. . . . Calvi ;vas t. w Cl1ristia
apostle ;vho 1vished to restore tlle faitll to its pristie purity,
siplicity, d s;veetess, as it was 1vhe it sprg forth from
the parabola of N azareth. Tllis Calvi 1vas tlle r ascetic,
who, severig llimself from tlle regime, also severed himself
TYRANNY OVER MIND 131
from love, tlle basic priciple .of bls dogma. created
people, earnest d full of vitue, but also full of llatred of
d full of disbelief i llappiess. Tllere is harsher
religio or m fearful prophet. Of tlle people of Geeva,
Calvi made paralytics forever il of .
are 9 people i the world .to wlm religio llas brougllt as
much triulatio d dreaiess. Calvi was emiet re-
ligious writer, as importat to the purity of the Frech la
guage as Luther was importat to the purity of the Gn
laguage, the traslator of the Bile. But he was also the
creator of theocracy which 1vas less like dictatorsllip
t was t Papal moarclly. Wblle uig that he 1vas
feeig ma's spir'itual persoality, degraded man's civil
persoality to the lackest slavery. cofused the people
d failed to brigllte life i way. chaged m
thigs, but completed othig d cotriuted othig. Al-
most 300 years after Calvi, i Geeva, Stedllal observed
ho1v youg m d youg wome carried coversatios
l about "the pastor" d his last sn, d llow they
kew s sermos heart.
Cotemporary Commuism also contains some elements of
the dogmatic exclusiveess of t Puitas uder Crom1vell d
of t political intolerance of t Jacoins. But t are esse
tial differences. Pitans rigidly believed in t Bile and
cornplete tan that of the Jacoins. Furter, t differences
emanate m the capailities; religion or dictatorsblp has
been l to aspie to such all-atound d all-iclusive poi\'er
as tat of t Comrnuist systems.
convictio of t Cornmunist leades that t ;vere on
t t leading to t creatio of absolute appiess and an
ideal society gre;v in propoition to t gro;vt of their pmver.
It has been said in jest tat t Communist leaders eated
Cornrnuist society-for temselves. In fact, t do identify
ternselves wit society and its aspirations. Absolute despotism
equates itself ;vit t belief in absolute lman happiness,
toug it is an all-inclusive and universal tyranny.
 132 NEW CLASS
Progress itself hGs transfonned the Communist power-wielders
into boostes of t 'um cosciousness." Teir concern for
human consciousess s increased as teir po>ver s icreased,
alog 'it t "bilding of socialism."
Yugoslavia s not bypassed tis evolution. Some of t Yugo-
slav leaders, too, stressed t 'ig level of consciousness of
our people" during t revolutioary period; tat. is, wile
TYRANNY OVER MIND 133
The scool systern d all social d itellectual activity
'lvork to1vad this type of behavio. Forn irth t.o death rnan
is suouded t solicitude of the ruling party, solicitude
for his cociousness d conscience. onalists, ideologists,
paid witers, special scools, approved rulig ideas, d trerne
dous rnatefial rneans are all enlisted and egaged in this "uplift-
ig of socialisrn.'' I t fial analysis, all nvspaper'S

"r people," or some of tl1em, actively suppted tese leaders.
No>v, mvever, the "socialist" cosciousness of t same people,
accordig to tese leaders, is very lo1v and, cosequetly, mst
'ait for democracy i order to raised. Yugoslav leaders
l speak of tlle fact that they 1vill besto>v democracy "1vhe
tere is grmvtll of socialist consciousess"; kind of cocious
ness 1vi t t1st >vill automatically attained troug
industrializatio. Until ten, tese te01eticians of democracy
1vblc is doled out in small doses, m 1vho practice sornetblng
etirely contrary to dernocacy, rnaintai tat t v tl1e
rigt-in tl1e name of future appiess d freedom-to preYent
t faintest rnanifestations of ideas or of consciousess
wi is like teirs.
s only i t begiig 'lvere Soviet leaders forced t.o
maever >vit s sallo1v prornises of democracy "in tl1e
future." r1v sirnply rnaintai tat tis freedom s al-
official. So are t radio and oter sirnilar rnedia.
results are t great. In case are they proportionate
to t rneas and meases ernployed, except for t w class
>vi iVould, in case, coviced. Ho>vever, considerale
results are attained in rnaking it irnpossile to rnaifest co
scio_usess. ~r tan tlle official one, d in cornbatting op-
posg ns.
v uder Cornrnuism, m tik, for tlley cannot help
but tblk. \Vat. is rnoe, t tblk differetly frorn t pre-
scried rnaer. Teir thikig s t1vo faces-one for the.
selves, tlleir OiV; t oter for tlle pulic, the official.
EYen i Cornrnuist systerns, rne are t so stupefied uni-
fonn pl'Opaganda tat it is irnpossile for tllern to arrive at t
trut or at 1v ideas. In tlle intellectual field, owever, t
l of t oligacs esults less i productio t i stacr-
t>
natn, ut, d decay.

Ieady been created i tlle U.S.S.R. Of s, t sense s oligaiclls d soul-saves, tese vigilat protectors 1vl
tat freedom is at iVOik tder tllem. costatly "ele- see to it tat urnan tougt does t. dift into "cirnial
vatig" consciosess; tl1ey urge m to "produce"; t crarn tlugt" or "anti-socialist lies"; tese uscpulous pro-
rnids 1vitll ar-id Marxist folas d t aiid political Yie'lvs curers of t and actually t only availale consumer
of tlle leade. \Vorse still, tlley force rne cotatly to acko>vl goods-tese olders of obsolete, uncangeale, and irnrnutale
edge teir deyotio to socialisrn d teir beliefs i t infalli- ideas-ave retarded and frozen t itellectual irnpulses of
ility d reality of t pmrnises of tlleir leades. thei people. v tougt up t most antilman vvords
citize i tlle Cornrnuist system liYes oppressed the -"pluck frorn t lrnan consciousess" -and act. accoding to
constat pags of is si, and t fear tat he has tras tese >vords, just as if t 1vere dealing >Vit oots and weeds
gressed. is al>vays fearful tat will v to dernostate istead of rna's tlugts. stiflig t consciousness of
tllat he is not eerny of socialisrn, just as in the Middle Ages oters, and ernasculatig uman it.ellect so tat it cannot
rnan cotantly d to smv is deYotion to t Clrch. take courage and soar, t t.ernselves become gray, n of
 134 NEW CLASS TYRANNY OVER MIND 135
ideas, and completely lacking in the intellectual enthusiasm Ieaders that indstrialization cannot accomplised "\vithout
that disinterested meditation inspires. theat.er "\Vithout an t tecnical intelligentsia, and tat tbls intelligentsia cannot
a1ience: the actors play and go into raptures over themselves. itself dangeros. As in every oter field, Commnists
v simplified and geeally alf-coect theoy >vit relation
Tl1ey tblnk as autoatically as they eat; their brains cook
toghts in response to the most eleentary needs. This _is hmv to tbls intelligentsia: some other class al\vays pays t special-
it is 1vith tese ig priests 1v are sinltaneously pol1ceen ists, wblle t serve it. Conseqently, >v soldn't t "pro-
Ietaiat," or the ne\v class, also do tbls? Acting on this proposi-
and mvners of all the media ,vblc t n intellect can s
tio, t iediately develop system of >vages.
to comnnicate its tlugts-press, movies, radio, television,
In spite of teir tecnical progess, it is fact. that no great
books, and t Iike-as well as of all substance tat keeps
mode!l scientific discovery s been acbleved nder the Soviet
n i()' alive-food and roof over is d.
>
govement. In tis espect, t U .S.S.R. is probaly beblnd
Are tere not reasos ten for compaig contemporary Com-
Czarist Rssia, were there were epochal scientific discoveries
ism "\vith religios sects?
in spite of tecnical back>vardness.
Even thogl1 tecnical reasons make scientific discovery dif-
ficlt, t main reasons for tbls difficlty are social. ne.v
. class is very iterested in seeing tat its ideological monopolism
is not endangered. Every great scientific discovery is the result
Neverteless, every Commist country achieves tecnical of canged vie>v of t >vorld i t mind of the discoverer.
piogress, even thoug of special kind and in special periods. ne>v vie\v does not fit into t fon of the already adopted
Industrialization, r-apid as it is, ceates laige tecnical in- official pilosopy. I t Commnist system every scientist
telligentsia, "\vi, v if it is not especially igh in quality, rnst stop sort before tbls fact. or risk beig proclairned
attact.s talents d stimulates the ivetive itellect. rea- "heretic" if his tl1eories do not coincide >vit t cofirmed,
sos tat l to acieve idstrialization rapidly in specific prescried, and desiale dogrna.
!'s of t also act. as icetive for ivetive Work discoveries is made difficult to an v greater de-
ess. The U.S.S.R. has not lagged to any extent i "\V-ar tech- gee the irnposition of the official vie>v tat Marxism, or
ology eiter in World War or since. U.S.S.R. is t dialectical materialisrn, is the most effective metod for all
far beblnd t United States in the development of atomic fields of scietific, intellectual, and oter activity. r s
eergy. Tecnology is advaced i spite of t fact. tat b not sigle noted scientist in t U.S.S.R. >v s t
reacratic system makes it difficlt. to adopt iovatios; in- d political tl. r v m reasos for this,
vetions sometimes lie for years i t "\vareouses of state t is due to oppositio to the official lie. r have
estaiisments. disinterest of producing organizations ofte fe>ver s of tis kid i Ygoslavia, t co
deadens iventiveness still more. versely, thee are istances of the favorig of "devoted" t
Being very practical n, t Communist leaders immediately poor scietists.
estaiis cooperation wit tecicias d scientists, not pay- Comrnnist systes stirnulate tecical progress but also
ing m attention t.o teir 'orgeois" views. It is clear to t blder every great research activity "\vhere undisturbed func-
 136 NEW CLASS TYRANNY OVER MIND 137
tioing of the mind is necessary. This may soud contradict.ory,
but it is so. 4.
Wile Comnnist systems are only relatively opposed to Siilar tblgs are happening i art. Here favors are ex-
scierific development, t are absolutely opposed to intel- teded, in inceasing easure, to already estalised fs and
lectual progress and discovery. Based the exclusiveness of vie1vs of average quaJity. Tbls is udel'Standale: tere is no
single philosophy, the systems are expressly anti-philosophic. art 1vitout ideas, or -.;vitout some effect t consciousness.
In such systems, there has not been born, nor there Morpoly over ideas, t fOI"matio of t cosciousness, are
born, sigle thiker, especially social thinker-as long as t prerequisites of tl1e rulel'S. Couists are taditioalists
one does not so consider the po-.;ver->vielders themselves, who in art, mostly because of t d to aitain teir l
are generally also the "main philosopers" and masters for over t mids of t people but also because of teir ignOiance
"elevatincr"
t:>
the lman consciousness. In Commuism ne1v d one-sidedness. S of t toleate kid of deocratic
tought, or ne1v philosophy and social teory, must travel freedo in odern art; but this is only acknowledgent tat
very indirect roads, generally the way of literatue or some t do t understand modern art, d teefore believe tat
branch of art. The ne-.;v thought must first hide d conceal t sould it it. Li felt this 1vay about t futuris
itself in order to reacl1 the Iight. d begin to live. of Mayakovsky.
Of all the sciences and all tought, social sciences and t I spite of tbls, back -.;vard peoples i Counist systes ex-
consideration of social proiems fare the worst; they scarcely perience cul tural renaissance alog >vith t teclical .
manage to exist. W it is question of society or of social Clture becomes IOI'e accessile to the, even tough it comes
prolem, everytblg is interpreted according to Marx and Iagely i t for of propagada. The ne-.;v class is ierested
Lenin, or everything is monopolized t leaders. in tl1e sprcad of cltre s indstrializatio bings the
History, especially of its o1-the Communist--period, does d for higl1er-qality >VOI'k d t d for enlarging itel
not exist. lmposition of silence and falsification are not only lectal oppotnities. The et...vOik of schools and professioal
permitted but are general phenoena. branches of art has spead very rapidly, soeties even beyond
The intellectual ineritance of t people is also being con- actal neelis and capailities. Progess in art is udeniale.
fiscated. The oopolists act as if all blstory has d just After evolution, f the rlig class llas estalised
to let t k teir appearance i t -.;vorld. They easure coplete onopoly, significant -.;vorks of art are generally
t past and everythig in it ti o1vn likeess and for, ceated. s 1vas tre i the U.S.S.R. prio to tlle 1930's; it
d apply sigle su, dividing all and n is true today in Yugoslavia. It is as if t evolutio d
ito "progessive" d "reactioary" classifications. I this a;vakeed donant talents, v tlloug despotis, 1vhic is
fasio t raise up onuents. elevate t pygies also born i tlle revolution, iceasigly stifles art.
d destroy t great, especially t great of teir own tie. t"\vo basic ethods of stiflig t arts are oppositio
Their "sigle scietific" etld is ost suitale too in tat to1vard t itellectual-idealistic aspects of it and oppo-
it alone protects d justifies teir exclusive di over sitio t.o innovations in for.
science and society. In Stalin's tie things d tlle point were all forms
 138 NEW CLASS TYRANNY OVER MIND 139
of artistic cxpression were foridden except those that Stalin Ygoslav lt, unlike Soviet cltre, has at least scceeded
hirnself liked. Stalin did not have particularly good tast.e; he in cocealing, rater tan destoyig, dissatisfied and tubulet
1vas had of hearing, and liked octosyllaic and Alexandrine opiions regarding t forrns. Tis has never been possile
verse. Deutscher has stated that Stalin's style becarne the na- for Soviet lt. s1vord hags over Ygoslav cultre, t
tional style. The adoption of official vie1vs on art forrns becarne the s1vord s drive ito t heart of Soviet culture.
as oligatory as the adoption of official ideas. Relative freedo of form) -.;vhich the Couists l
It s not avays beer1 like tbls in Cornrnuist systerns, r periodically suppress, t cornpletely free the creative per-
is it inevitale that. it sould so. I 1925, in t U.S.S.R., so. Ait, v thoug indirectly, ust. also express w ideas
resolutio vvas adopted stating that "t par-ty as whole thiog for itself. Even i Conist systerns vvhere art is
i 1vay tie devotio to cause i t field of literary forrn." allovved t greatest fieedorn, t cotradiction between prorn-
this t party did t ru its so-called "ideological ised for and cornplsory control of ideas rernains
aid," that is, its ideological d political cor1trol over artists. unresolved. This cott-adiction crops t from time to time,
This 1vas t rnaxirnurn dernocracy attained Cornrnuis sometimes in attacks on "contraband" ideas, sometimes in the
in the field of art. Yugoslav leaders are in the s position 1vork of artists s they are foiced to use particlar forms.
today. After 1953, -vvhen the abandonent of deocratic forrns It crops t. essetially because of conflict bet\\'een the n
in favor of bureauct-acy g, the ost priitive and reac- curbed moopolistic aspiratios of the regime and the irresist-
tionary eleents vveie encoaged; d hnt for "petit bor ile creative aspiratios of t artists. It is, actally, tl1e sarne
geois" intellectals 1vas initiated, which openly airned at con- coflict 1vhich exists between creativeness in sciece d Com-
trolling t fs. Oveigt, the whole itellectal world mnist dogmatism; it. s meiely been carried over ito the
trned against the regie. Consequently, the regie had to field of ai't.
retract, anocing ttogh one of Kardelj's speeces tat ne-.;v thoght or idea mst first exained in essece,
the party cannot prescie f itself, but that it -vvold not appioved or disapproved, and fitted ito harmless frarne.
allo>v "anti-socialist ideological cotaband," that is, vievvs As 1\'it oter coflicts, the Comrnist. leaders canot. resolve
1vhich the regie coilSideed as being "anti-socialist." The Bol- tllis . t they can, as we have s, peiiodically extr'icate
shevik parties l1ad take this stad in 1925. This constitted themselves, usally at the expense of real fteedom of artistic
the "deocratic" liits of the Ygoslav regie tovvard art. creation. I Commist systems, it has t been possile, be-
Ho1vever, t iteal attitdes of ost. of the Ygoslav leaders cause of tllis contradictio, to develop geine subjects for ait
w far fro canged this. privately coilSider t or to develop art theory.
etire itellectal and att 1vorld as "isecue," "petit bour- ;vok of art, its very nature, is usally criticism of
geois," or, pttig it ildly, "ideologically confused." Cited give sitation d of given relations. In Commnist systems,
in Ygoslavia's greatest newspaper (Politika} 25, 1954) therefore, atistic creation based on actal sbjects is t pos-
are Tito's "llllforgettale" 1vords: " good textbook is r sile. Only praise of given situation or criticism of the
valale than any ovel." Periodic ystetical onslaghts agaist system's opponets is permitted. Under these terrns art
"decadence," "destrctive ideas," and "hostile vie-vvs" in art v vale watever.
have contined. In Yugoslavia officials and some artists coplain about the fact
 140 NEW CLASS TYRANNY OVER MIND 141
that there are no vvorks of art vvhich can shovv "our socialist ties, fom party-bureacratic cesorship to ideological iflu.
reality." In t U.S.S.R., on t oter lland, tons of vvorks of ence.
art based on actual subjects are eated; but since tl1ey do not Yugoslavia, for istace, has ever d censorsip. Cotrol
reflect t trut, tl1ey do not have any value and are rapidly is execised idirectly tbls method: i pulisig enter-
rejected the pulic, later even coming under official criticism. prises, artist's associatios, periodicals, e1vspapers, and tlle
metod is varied but t.he final result is the same. like, party 'membel'S sbmit eveytblg t consider "sus-
picios" to t piOper autorities. Censorsblp, or really self-
cesorsblp, s sprouted fom that very atmospere. Even
tg party membes may psh sometblg or other thi'Ough,
5.
t self-cesorsl1ip 1vi t and oter itellectals must. exer-
The theory of so-called "Socialist Realism" reigns in all cise v tllemselves forces them to dissemle eveything and
Communist. st.ates. make uvorthy insiations. But tbls is consideed progess,
In Yugoslavia tbls t.heory has been ushed and is now held it is "socialist <:lemocracy," istead of bureacratic despotism.
l the most reactioy dogntists. I tbls area, as i Neite in tl1e U.S.S.R. n in other Communist couties
others, the regime has been strog enoug to forestall the does t existece of cesosblp absolve creating artists fom
developmet of disagreeale theories but has too weak self-censosl1ip. Intellectuals are forced ito self-censorsblp
to impose its >v vie>vs. It said that. t same goes for ti status and t reality of social elatios. Self-censorship
t.he oter East Eropean countries. is actually the mai form of paity ideological tl i the
theory of "Socialist Realism" is t even complete Commuist system. In tl1e Middle Ages men first d to delve
system. Gorky vvas t fit to use tbls term, l inspied ito the tlloght of the rh on their 1Nk; in the same
bls realist. metod. His vievvs vvere tat i ude cotemporay m, i Commist systems, it is ss fist to imagie
"socialist" coditios, art mst inspired \\'itl1 ne1v socialist 1vhat kid of performance is expected and, often, to ascertai
ideas and must depict eality as faitbllly as possile. Every- t.he taste of tlle leaders.
tl1ig else tllat tbls tlleory advocates-typicalness, empllasis on Cesosblp, self-cesosip, repesets itself as beig
ideology, party solidarity, etc.-as eitl1e take over fom "ideological aid." In tlle same \vay, everytblng in Communism
otller t.heories or tlo1vn i because of tlle political needs of is represeted as being devoted to the implementatio of ab-
the regime. solte appiness. Consequetly, the expressions "the people,"
Not llavig been evolved ito complete teory, "Socialist "the >vokig people," and simila ones-in spite of teir
Realism" actually meas ideological moopolism Com- vagueness-are used freqently i conectio >vitll tlle arts.
muists. It calls f efforts to clothe t.he nao\v, back,vard ideas Pe!'Sectios, poblitios, tlle impositio of forms d
of t leades i art forms d for tlleir 1vorks to depicted ideas, humiliations, and islts; t doctr'iaie autllority of
romatically and paegyrically. This llas led to Plrisaic semi-literate bureaucats over geiuses; all tis is d i the
justificaton of t regime's cotrol over ideas d to bueau of t people and for the people. Commuist "Socialist.
cratic censorsip of the eeds of art. itself. Realism" is not different even in teminology fiom Hitler's
The forms of tbls cotrol v in differet Communist n- National Socialism. Yugoslav autor of Hungaria igin,
 NEW CLASS
142
Ervin Sinko, has made an iterestig compatiso of the "art"
theoreticiatls in the t.wo dictatorships:
Timofeyev, the Soviet theorist, '\vrote in his Theory of Liter-
atue: "Litei"ature is an ideology -..vhich helps ma~ .to ?et
acquainted 1vith and to realize tllat he is partiCipatg
in it." . . . "
"Fundamentals of Natioal-Sociallst Cultural 11 states.
"An artist t l an artist, he is also always an edu- tblg that is ptofoud d origial. the oter hand, it
cator."
Baldur von Scblrach, leader of the Hitler Youth, stated:
"Every true work of art applies to the entire people."
Zhdanov member of the Politburo of the Central Commlt-
tee of the 'communist Party of the U.S.S.R., stated: "Every-
thing that is creative is ~,ccessile." ." .
In "Fudamentals . . . Wolfgag Schulz stated. Natnal
Socialist policy, even that part of it which is called cultural
policy, is detenined the Fiihrer and those to whom he
has delegated authority."
If we ,vish to know 1vhat Natioal-Socialist cultural pollcy
is we must look to t.hese men, to \vhat they \vere doig and
t~ the directives they issued i order to educate tesponsile
associates for themselves.
At the Eighteeth Congress of the Communist Party of the
U.S.S.R., Yaoslavsky said: "Comrade Stali inspires artists;
he gives them guiding ideas.... Tlle esolutios of the Cen-
tial Committee of the Soviet Cornrnunist Party d the report
of . . Zhdanov give Soviet -..vriters completely prepared
;voik program."
Despotisrns, v \vhen they are opposing ones, justify them-
selves i t sarne ;vay; they cannot even aYoid the use of the
sarne >Voids in doing so.
6.
enemy to thought i the of sciece, m to gieat or greater t t oppressio in causig this scarcity.
freedorn i the n of dernociacy, tlle Cornrnunist oligarclly
t but accomplish cornplete couptio of the mind. Capi-
TYRANNY OVER MIND
143
talist magates d feudalloids used tq artists and scientists
as they could and -..vished, and thus both aided d coupted
them. I Cornrnuist systems, couption is itegral part
of state policy.
The Communist system, as rule, stifles d represses
. itellectual activity 1Vith '\Vhich it does !lOt agiee; that is, every-
re1vards d ecouiages, d actually coupts, all that it tblks
1vill beefit "socialism," that is, t system itself.
. v overlooking such cocealed d drastic means of cor-
ruptios as "Stali prizes," the use of persoal ties ;vith t
po1vexs-that-be, d the capricious demads and purcases of
the top beaucrats-all of 1vi represet extremes of t
system-the fact remais tat the system itself corrupts itel
lectuals d, especially, art. Diect re-..vards from t regime
. may abolised, just as cesorsblp may , but t spiiit of
couption d oppessio remains.
This spblt is estalised d stimulated party-bureau-
cratic moopolism over materials and mid. The itellectual
s wr to tur'Il except to>vard tis po1ver, whether for
ideas or for profit. ; tough tbls po1ver may t directly
t govermet's, it exteds troug all estalisments d
o1gaizations. In the final analysis it. makes the decisions.
It is very irnpoitant to t attist tat estraint d centralism
exercised as little as possile, v thoug t essence of
his social positio is t t1 gd. Because of this, it
is muc easie1 for im to 1vk and liYe i Yugoslavia t i
t U.S.S.R.
oppressed huma mid is forced to submit to corruptio.
lf seeks to kno>v >v for quarter of t tl1ee v
scarcely sigificant >vorks, especially in literatue,
in t U.S.S.R., he 1vould find tat corruption has played as
Communist. system persecutes, suspects, d prods into
self-aiticism its really creative people. It offers its sycopants
 144 NEW CLASS TYRANNY VER MIND 14!S
attractive "1vorking conditions" and lavish lnorarins, re- of the forer regime. This is <:lerstadale: t last naed
"\Vards, villas, vacation centers, discounts, automoiles, abas are less dangeros since they look to past which has little
sadorial andates, agit-prop protections, and "magnanimous Iikelihood of etning an<:l reconquerig.
interventions." Thus, as rule, it favors the untalented, vVenever Comnists come to pover, their assalt. on pri-
depender, and rn-inventive. It is uderstandale that the vate O"\\nersblp creates the illsion that their easres
greatest inds have lost their diection, faith, and power. Sui- pimarily difected against the ownership classes for the benefit
cide, despair, alcoholis, and debauchery, the loss of inteal of the "\Vorking class. Sbseqent events prove that their eas
po1vers and integrity because the artist is foced to lie to himself ures 1v t. taken for this s t in order t.o estalish
and others-these are the most frequer hn in the their \\ o"\vnership. Tis ust anifest itself predoiantly
Counist syste g those 1vho actually 1vish to, and could as ideological rather than class disciiatio. If t.his were t
create. true, if they really stroYe for actal ownership t.he "\vorking
masses, the class discrimiatio actally wol<:l have prevailed.
The fact that ideological disiination prevails leads, at
7. first sight, to tl1e conclsio tllat "\V religios sect has risen,
sect >vhich igi<:lly sticks to its aterialistic and atheistic pre-
It is generally thoght that Comnist dictatorship practices scriptions and focily imposes them oters. Comuists do
brutal class discriiation. This is not completely accrate. behave like religios sect v thogh they are t. I'eally .
Historically, class discriminatio declines as the revoltion This totalitarian i<:leology is t only the I'eslt. of certai
slackens off, t ideological discriinatio increases. The ill forms of gvt d of mvnership. For its part, the i<:le-
sio that tlle proletaiat is in po1ver is inaccrate; so, too, ology aide<:l i their creatio an<:l spports the i every
is t.he proposition that Commists st someoe s way. Ideological discriiatio is conditio for the ti
is borgeois. Their measres do aim ost arshly at tlle n of the Comunist system.
embers of the ruling classes, especially tlle borgeoisie. t It >vold "\vrong to thik tllat otller forms of disimia
those borgeois "\vl capitlate, or reorient themselves, are l tio-ace, caste, natioal-are vose tha ideological discrii
to assre for theselves lucrative posts and favor. vVhat is ation. They may seem I' tl to all td appearances,
r, the secret police ofte find l agents i their raks, but they are t as efie<:l or complete. They aim at the
'Nhile t.he "\v po\ver-wielders fid them l servats. l activities of society, >vhile ideological <:liso'imination aims at
those who do t ideologically approve the Commist eas society as "\Vhole, an<:l at v idiYi<:lal. Other types of dis-
res d vie,vs are pished >Vithot. consideration as to their cimination may csh huma being physically, "\Vhile ideo-
class or tlleir attitde tmvard nationalization of capitalist logical <:lisimiatio stikes at tlle thing i the human
property. beig "\vhich is pehaps most pecliarly his "\V. Tyrany over
Persecution of <:leocratic and socialist thogt 1vhicll is at the mid is the most complete and most btal type of tyrany;
variance witll that of the rulig oligarchy is fiercer <.-1 r eYery other tr begis and ends "\Vitll it.
coplete t persection of tlle ost reactionary followers On the hand t.he i<:leological <:liscr'iinatio in Commu-
 146 NEW CLASS
ist systems aims at prohiiting other ideas; the other, at
imposing exclusively its O\\'ll ideas. These are t1vo most strik-
ig forms of ubelievale, total tyranny.
Thought is the most creative force. It ucovers 1vhat is w.
Men can either live r produce if they do t think or co
template. v though they may d it, Communists are
forced to accept this fact i practice. Thus they make it. impos-
sile for thought oter tha their w to prevail.
Man may ru much. But he must thik and he s
deep d to express his thoughts. It is profoudly sickeing to The Aim and The Means
compel1ed to remain silent wen thete is need for exp!'es-
sion. It is tyranny at its 1vorst to compel m t to tik as 1.
they do, to compel m to express thoughts that t their
0\VIl.
limitatio of freedom of tougt is rt l attack All revolutions d all revolutionaries use oppressive and
specific political d social rights, but an attack on the uscrupulous meas in abudance.
human being as such. 's imperishale aspirations for free- Hmvever, earliel" revolutioaries 1ve1e not as conscious of
dom of thougt al-.;vays emerge in concrete from. If they v their metods as t Communists v been. They 1vere unaie
not yet become t i Commuist systems, this does t to adapt d use teir metods to t degree that the Com-
m that t do not exist. Today they lie i dark d apa- muists v done.
thetic resistace, and in the ushapen hopes of the people. It "You do't need to pick d s the means to use agaist
is as if totality of oppression -.;vere easig differences i atioal eemies of t movement .... You must punis rt only t
strata, unitig all people i t demand for freedom of tought traitors, but also t idifferent; you must punish all 1vl !'
d for freedom i geeral. inactive i tl1e repulic, all -.;v do othig for it."
History will pardon Communists for much, estalishing tllat s -.;vords of Sait-Just migt v uttered some
they 1vere forced into many butal acts because of circumstaces Commuist leader of today. But Sait-Just flug them out i
and t. need to defend their existece. But the stifling of every the heat of t !'evolutio, to presetve its destiy. Commu-
diverget thought, the exclusive monopoly over thinking for ists speak tl1ese 1vords d act accordig to them constantly-
the s of defendig thei!' pet'Sonal interests, will ail t from t begiing of their revolutio util they r com-
Communists to oss of shame i history. plete power, and v i teir declie.
Althoug Comuist. methods spass any of tose of other
revolutioaries i rage, duratio, d severity, d-ing revo-
lutio the Commuists v t as rule used all the meas
tat their antagoists used. Ho-.;vever, v toug t metods
of the Comunists migt v been less loody, t became
147
 l-18 NEW CLASS AIM AND MEANS 149
increasingly more inhumane the farther a;vay they got from cotrary to ilieir etical views. I this tlley are not much dif-
the revolutio. feret from part~cipats in other political movemets, except
Like every social and political movement, Commuism must that they v d1vorced theselves from humanity i more
use methods primarily suited to the iterests and relations of permaet and monstrous form.
the po;vers-that-be. Other cosiderations, icludig moral ones, Nuerous features >vhich distinguish conteporary Com-
are subordiated. uis from other movemets in ilie use of methods
Here, ;ve are iterested only in the methods used con- found. Tl1ese features pedominatly quantitative or are
temporary Commnism, ;vhich may, accordig t.o coditios, actuated varied historical conditions and the aims of
mild or severe, hman or inhuma, but ;vhich are differet Commuists.
from those used other political d social movemets and H~vvever, there is an integral feate of contemporary Com-
distinguis Communism from oter movemets, revolutioary usm >vhich distinguishes its methods from those of other
or not. political ovements. At first sight tbls feature miot seem
This distinction does not lie in t fact tat Commuist similar to features of some hs in t past. It st;ms from
etods are peraps ost brutal s dd in istory. tlle idealistic aims vvhich the Commists will s any means
It is tue tat brutality is their most. obvious but not teir to further. s means have become inceasingly reckless as
ost itrisic aspect. moveent ;vhic had as its i t the aims became nealizale. s of their meiliods, even
trasformation of the economy d of society eans of for tlle attainment of idealistic aims, canot justified
tyranny d to resort to butal methocls. t all otl1er revol moal principle. Teir s brands those ;vho use them as n
tioary vts had and ;vated to use t s ethods. scrupulous and eciless po;ver->vielders. Tlle former classes,
Yet, the fact that their tyrany \\7as of slt d-atio >vas the parties, d forms of O\v'lesblp no longe exist or have
reason tlt they could not use all tl1ese etlds. In additio, incapacitated, yet methods have t been changed essentially.
teir oppressio could t as total as tat of t Cou Indeed, these ethods are just no\v achieving tlleir fullmeasure
nists, because it t ud circstances \\'llicl1 did not of inhumanity.
perit it to as total. As the ne\v exploiting class climbs to pmver, it tries to
It would v less jstifiale to seek t reasos for Co justify its on-idealistic metlds invokig its idealistic aims.
unist metods in tl1e fact tat Comunists lack etblcal or Tlle inlmanity of Stali's methods d its Q"I"eatest eio-ht
)
oral priciples. Except for the fact tat tlley Comnists, w he built "socialist society." s the new class must
"'

tlley are men like all otl1ers 1v in relationsblps among te sho\v that its interests are exclusively and ideally the aim of
selves aide tlle l principles cstoary in un society and s it must maintain intellectual and every
societies. Lack of etblcs among tlle is not tlle reaso f teir othe type of monopoly, t ne\v class mst proclaim tat the
etllods but t esult of tlle. In piciples and in \Vords, etods it ses not ipotant. end is ipotant,
Comuists sbscrie to etblcal piecepts and u metods. shot its representatives, eveythig else is tiifling. \Nat is
belive that t are "til" foced to resort to impoitant is that vve no\v "have" socialism. So do tlle Commu-
soetig nt to their ethical vie1vs. Connists too nists jstify tyanny, baseness, d i.
tblnk that it would much bett.er if they did t. v to act Of course, the end must assed special istruments-
 NEW CLASS
150
the party. It becomes something dominant and suprem~ u~to
itself like the Church in the Middle Ages. quote D1etr1ch
N
von ieheim, nominal Bishop of V erden, '\\rriting i~ 1411:
"Whe its existence is threatened, the church 1s freed of
mOIal edicts. Unity as an aim lesses all means: perfidy, treach-
ery, tyranny, simony, prisons, d death. For eYeiy. holy order
1i
exists because of the aims of society, and personal1ty must
sacrificed to the geeral good."
These '\Vords, too, sound as if they had been uttered some
'1,
contemporary Communist.
There is much of the feudal and faatic in the dogmatism
of contemporary Commuism. But neither are. we livig in
the Middle Aaes nor is contemporary Commusm church.
The empasis ideological and other moopolism l s~ems
0
AIM AND MEANS 151
scrupulous, v, '\Vhen t are especially severe in form.
Because it is copletely totalitarian, Corunist rule cannot.
allow for u i of eans. And Cornnists are incapa-
le of reruncig t essential ting-the lack of clice of
reans-because of the fact that t want to retai absolute
po'\ver d their >v egotistical interests.
Even if they did not so '\vish, Cornrnunists ust both
o'\vers d despots and rnust utilize reans for tat pur-
pose. In spite of happy teories good inclinatios they
ight haYe, the syster itself drives t to t utilization of
any reans. I case of urgecy, they find thernselves the
oral and intellectual chapions d the actual users of any
reans availahle.

to make cotemporary Commuism similar to the medleYal

ur t essece of is tlifferent. Clrch was l
partly ~'\ver and gover'Ilor; i the most extreme cases, it
aspired to perpetuate given social system trough _absolute
contol of t mind. churces persecuted eretlcs, even
for doQ"ffiatic reasons '\Vich 1vere not al1vays called for
direct ;ractical needs. As t Church repesented i_t, it IV~s
attemptig to saye siful, heetical souls de~ti_oyg the1r
bodies. All earthly meas 1vere consideied per1ss1le for the
purpose of attainig the heavenly kin?dom. .
But t Commnists first of all deslie phys1cal or state au-
thority. Itellectual tl d pesecutio exercised ~or dog-
matic reasos are l auxiliary aids f stegtheng t
po'\ver of t state. Ulike t Curch, Commuism is t t
support of t system t its embodimet.
The >v class did t aiise sddely, t 1vas developed from
revoltioy to o>versip and reactioary grop. Its
metods too, v tg t seemed the same, gd i the lower circles.
essece fom revolutioary s to tyraical s, from po
tective to despotic ones.
Comruist retods 1vill i essece aroral d u-
2.
Cormunists speak of "Comruist morale," "the new So-
cialist m," and sirnilar concepts as if t were speaking of
some higer etical categories. These hazy concepts v l
one practical eaning-the ceeting of Comunist raks and
opposition to foreign ifluece. As act.ual ethical categories,
l1vever-, they do not exist.
Since no special Communist etblcs nor Socialist Man can
emerge, the cast.e spirit of the Communists, and special moral
and oter concepts, which they urse arong temselves, are
are all t more strongly developed. These are not absolute
principles, but changing moral stadards. They are embedded
i the Communist hierarchical system in which almost ay
thing is peritted at. the top-the upper circles-'\vile the s
things are condeed if they are practiced at lower echelons-
This caste spirit and t.hese morals, changeahle and incom-
plete, v undergone long d varied development, and
have even often been the stimulus for the further development
 NEW CLASS AIM AND MEANS 153
152
of the ne\v class. The end result of this developrnent has been \vhe leaders iitiate amoral proceedings d aritray tu
the creation of special sets of rnoral standards for variou~ castes, abouts.
always subordinated to the practical needs of t ol1garchy. HistOiy does rt. v rnany movemets that, like Com-
The forrnation of these caste rnorals roughly coesponds t.o the muism, g teir clirnb "\Vith such high moral prinicples
rise of the ne\V class and is identical with its abandonrnent of and \Vith such devoted, etusiastic, d clever fighters, at-
hurnae, really ethical standards. taced t.o each oter not only ideas and suffering, but also
These propositios require detail~d exposition. selfless love, comradesip, solidarity, d tat \Varrn and direct
Like all other aspects of Cornrnusrn, caste rnor-als developed sincerity that produced only battles i \Vhich men !'
frorn revolutioary morals. At first, in spite of the fact that doomed eitel' to \Vin or die. Cooperative efforts, tougts, and
they "rere part of isolated movement, tl1ese morals \vere desires; v the nst irese effort to attain the same method
proclaimed as beig more humane than those ~f sect or of thinking d feelig, t fidig of personal appiness and
caste. But Commuist movement al\vays begs as of the buildig of idividuality trough complete devotio to
hio-hest idealism and most selfless sacrifice, attractig into its t party d workers' collective; enthusiastic sacrificing f
ra~ks the most gifted, t bravest, and even the most nole othes; d potectio for t youg, d teder respect

intellects of t ti.
Tis statement, just as most of t others made here, relates
to countries i \vhic Communism s developed for t most
part because of national conditios, and :vhere it has attai~ed
full pmver (Russia, Yugoslavia, d ~) . Ho\vever, ":1th
some ndificatios this statement also applles to Commusm
for the old-these are the ideals of true Comrnunists \v t
movernet is i its inceptio d still truly Comrnuist.
Commuist woma too is rnore tha comade or co-figt.er.
It ever forgotte tat she, et.erig t movemet,
decided to sacrifice all-te happiness of t love d of
moterood. Betwee d -.;v i the movemet,

in other coutries. l, odest d w relatioship is fostered: relationship

EveyY\vhere, Communism begins as an aspiratio towad i which dl s r sexless passio. Loyalty,
beautiful ideal society. As suc, it attracts and ispires rne ntual aid, frakess about v t ost itimate tougts
of i moral standards and of oter ig distinction.
~ . But these gee!'ally the ideals of true, ideal Comrnuists.
since Comnism is also an iteratioal rnovernent, 1t turns, This is t l while t rnoveet is youg, f it has
like sunflo\ver to the sun, to t movement whic is strongest tasted the fruits of power.
-until no\v piimarily in t U.S.S.R. Consequetly, even t road to t attaimet of these ideals is v long d
Communists of oter countries \veie they are not i power difficult. Cornuists d Comrnuist rnovemets fored
rapidly lose t featues t d i t begiing d take f varied social foces d centes. Iternal hornogeeity is
on those of t po\ver-\vielding Commuisrn. As result, t t attaied overnight, but though the fiece battles of vaied
Comrnunist leadeis in the West, and in t places, v ac- groups and fractios. If coditios favorale, the group
custorned ternselves to play as easily wit t tuth and ethical fractio whic wis the battle is the which has
priciples as t Comrnuists in the U.S.S.R. v Comrnuist rnost w of t advace towad Comuisrn d \Vi.
movement at fil'St also l1as high rnoral featuies \Vhich isolated w taking v w, is also the rnost moal. Thougt\
idividuals rnay retain even longer d which provoke cises rnoal crises, trough political itigues d isiuatios, u-
 154 NEW CLASS AIM AND MEANS IM
tual calnniation, unreasoning hatred and barbaric ecounters, s it is fused ito one piece, sol, d body. This
through debauchery and intellectal decadence, the movernent is the proof tat ,v, omogeeous moveet s emero-ed
' ~
slo1vly clirnbs, crushing groups d individuals, discarding the movemet facing futre completely differer t fu-
supefluous, forging its core and it.s dogrna, its morals d ture whic t oveent foresa'v at the beginig.
psychology, atnsphere, and maner of 1vork. o,vever, all tis slo,vly fades, disintegrates, d drowns
.
When it becomes truly revolutioary, the Comrnust move- during t course of the clib to coplete power and to o'vner-
met and its follo1vers achieve, for mornet, the high rnoral sblp t Couists. l t bare fors and observances
standards descried here. This is mornent. in Cornrnunism wi v no real substace reain.
whe it is difficult to separate words fiom deeds, or more ac- internal oolitic coesion wi was created in the
curately, when the leading, most importat, truest, and ideal struggle 1vith t oppositionist.s and 'vit t alf-Comunist
Cornmuists sicerely believe i their ideals d aspire to put groups is transfored into unity of obedient couselors and
the into practice in their rnethods and i their personal . robot-beaucrats inside the v11t. Durig the climb to
This is the moment on the eve of t battle for power, mo- power, itolerance, servility, icoplete thiking, cotrol of
ment which occurs only i movement.s whic arrive at tllis persoallife-wich once 'vas comadely aid but is now for
unique point. of oligarcic maageent-hierachical rigidity and itrover
True, these are the orals of sect, t they are orals on sio, the noinal d neglected l of w, opportuism,
high plane. The movement is isolated, it oft.e does t see self-centeredess, and outrage repress t once-existet igh
the truth, but this does not mean that the vt does not principles. 'vonderful um characteristics of an isolated
terefore i at, or tat it does not love, trth. nvemet are slowly transfored ito the intolerant and
Int.ernal moral and intellectual fusion are the result of Parisaical moals of pivileged caste. Tus, politickig and
Jong battle for ideological and operational unity. Without. this servility replace the former straightfovardness of the revolu-
fusio there t v tlught of tr"lle revoltioary tion. Where the former eroes 1v w ready to saifi.ce
Comunist moveet. "Unity of id and act.ion" is i everything, including life, for otei"S and for an idea, for the
possile 'vithout psycic-oral it. And vice versa. But tbls good of the people, have not been killed or pushed aside, they
very psychic and oral unity-for 'vhich no statutes or la,vs become self-ce11tered co,vards witout ideas or comrades, willig
have ,\l:titten, t wich occts spontaeously, to become to renouce everythig-oor, n, truth, d morals-i
custom d conscious hait-ore than ayting else akes order to keep teir place in t rulig class and t hierachical
Counists that. indestructile faily, incoprehensile and circle. The 'vorld s see11 few eroes as ready to sacrifice and
ipenetrale to othel-s, inflexile in t solidarity and ide11tity suffer as the Communists were t eve of d dig the
of its reactios, thoghts, d feeligs. More tha11 anything revolutio. It has probaiy never seen suc chaacterless
else, tlle existece of this psychic-moral u11ity-wich is rt wretches and stupid defendes of arid forulas as tlley become
attained all at and 1vhich is t. eve11 fi11ally fored ex- after attaining po,ver. Woderful human features were the
cept as soething to aspire to--is t ost reliale sig that coditio for ceating and attctig power for t movemet;
the Commist vt s estalished itself d has become exclusive caste spirit d coplete lack of ethical principles
irresistile to its follo,vers d to n others, po,verful - and virtues have become coditions for the power d main-
 156 NEW CLASS
tenance of the movement. Honor, sicerity, sacrific, d love
of the truth were once things tllat could understood for
their own sakes; now, delierate lies, sycophancy, slander, de-
ception, and provocatio gradually become the inevitale
attedats of the dark, intolerant, and all-inclusive might of
the new class, and even affect relations between the members
of the class.
.
Whoever has not grasped this dialectic of the development
of Commuism has not been l to understand the so-called
Mosco\v trials. N or can he uderstand why tlle Commuists'
periodic moral crises, caused the abadonret of the sacred
and consecrated principles of tlle day before yesterday, cannot
have the great significance that such crises have for 01dinary
people or other movements.
Khrushchev acknmvledged that truncheons played the main
role i tlle "confessions" and the self-condemnation of Stalin's
purges. claimed t.hat drugs were rt used, altllough there
is evidece that they were. But tlle most potet drugs for
forcing "cofessios" \vere in tlle make-up of t criminal him-
self.
Commo criminals, that is, those who are not Communists,
do not go into traces and make hysterical confessions and pray
for deat as reward for tlleir "sins." This \vas done only
"men of special stamp"-the Communists. They were first
morally sllocked the violence d amorality of the beatings
ar1d accusations leveled at them secretly the top party leader-
ship, in \vhose coplete amorality tlley could t believe, even
if they had occasionally foud fault \vitll t.hem before. Sud-
denly, they found themselves uprooted; their own class in tlle
perso of Commuist leadersblp had left them; inocent as
they were, tlle class itself had v ailed them to the cross as
AIM AND MEANS 157
criminals and traitors. Long ago tlley had been educated to
believe and had proclaimed that they were connected in every
fiber of their being to t.he party and its ideals. Nmv, uprooted,
tlley found t.hemselves completely bereft. either did not
kno>v or d forgotten or renounced all of tose outside t.he
Commuist sect and its \v ideas. N ow it \Vas too late to
get acquaited with aytlling but Communism. were
entirely alone.
Man cannot figt or live outside of society. Tllis is his
immutale characteistic, one \vhich Aristotle noted and ex-
plaied, calling it "political being."
What else is left to man from such sect wl finds himself
morally crushed and uprooted, exposed to refined and brut.al
torture, except t.o aid the class and his "comrades" \Vith his
"confessions"? Such confessions, l1e is convinced, are necessary
to the class to resist the "anti-Socialist" opposition and "im-
perialists." These confessions are the one "great" and "revolu-
tionary" contiution left that t victim, lost and wrecked,
can make.
Every true Communist s educated and s educated
llimself and otllers in the belief tllat fractions and fractionaJ
battles are among tlle greatest crimes against t.he party and
its aims. It is tue that Commuist t \vblcll was divided
actions could neitller >vin i t.he revolution nor estalish
its dominance. Uity at any price and without consideration
for anytblng else becomes mystical oligatio behind \vblch
t aspirations of t oligax"Cs for complete po1ver entrencll
t.hemselves. v if he has suspected tbls, or even kno>m it,
t.he demoralized Communist oppositionist llas still not freed
blmself of tlle mystic idea of unity. Besides, he may tink tat
leaders come and go, d tllat tese too-te evil, t stupid,
t egotistical, t inconsequential and the po1ver-loving-will
disappear, \Vile t goal \Vill remain. goal is everythig;
llas it t. avays been tus i the party?
Trotsky himself, who was t most inportat of all the -
 158 NEW CLASS AIM AND MEANS 159
sltlonists, did not go muc furter ir1 is reasoning. I reversals; that tis
is its inevitale path; and that rnoral d
moment of self-criticism, souted tat t party is infallile, siilar reasos play l secodary role, if they are t even
for it is t icarnation of istorical necessity, of classless idr. Practice very rapidly teaches tern tbls. Conse-
society. In attemptig to explain, in is exile, t monstrous quently, their rnoal crises, rnatter w profound, end very
amorality of t Mosco-\V trials, leaned ist.orical anal- quickly. Of course, the Cornrnuists t selective i the
ogies: Rome, before t conquest of Cristianity; and t means t use if t desire to acieve the real airn to >vich
Renaissance, at t beginnig of capitalism; in both of which t aspire, and >vi t conceal uder the cover of t
also appeared t inevitale phenomena of perfidious urders, ideal airn.
calunies, lies, and monstrous mass crimes. So it must dur-
ina- the transition to socialism, he concluded; tese were t
"'
remnants of t old class society wich were still evident i 4.
the ne>v. However, he did not succeed in explaining anyting
troug tis; only succeeded ir1 appeasing is consciece, Moral dmvngradig in t eyes of oter men does not. yet
in tat did not "betray" the "dictatorship of t proletariat," mean that Commuisrn is weak. Generally, util w, it has
or the Soviets, as the one fon of t transition into t ne>v meat t reverse. vaious purges d "Mosco\v trials"
and classless society. If d gone into the prolem more stregtened t Commuist system d Stalin. I all events,
deeply, >vould have s tat, i Communism as in the certai stata-te itellectuals 1vitl1 Gide as t most famous
Renaissance d oter periods i istoy, >ven ownersip example-reouced Commuism because of this d doubted
class is breakig trail for itself, m01al cosiderations play tat Commuism as it is today could realize t ideas d ideals
smaller d saller role as the difficulties of the class increase they believed i. Ho>veve, Commuisrn, s as it is, s t
and as its domination needs to becorne m complete. becorne >veaker: t >v class s becorne stroger, rnore secure,
I t same 1vay, those >vho did not uderstad 1vat sort of freeig itself frorn rnOIal cosideratios, wadig i t lood
social transforrnation 1vas actually at. stake after the Cornrnunists of every adheret of t Cornrnuist idea. Althoug it has been
were vict.orious d to re-evaluate t diverse oral crises rnorally downgraded i t eyes of oters, Cornrnuisrn has
arnog the Cornunists. The so-called process of de-Staliniza- actually strengteed i t eyes of its O\V!l class d i its
tion, or t unpricipled, sorne\\'at Staliist.-style, at.tacks on dorniatio over society.
Stalin is former courtiers are also re-evaluated as " rnoral Oter coditio 1vould necessary for coternporary Corn-
crisis." rnism to lo>veed i tl1e estirnatio of t ks of its
Moral ises, great or small, are ievitale i every dictator- mvn class. It is ecessary for t revolution t only to devour
ship, for its followe accustorned to tinkig tat unifonity its >v childre, but-oe rnigt say-devour itself. It is neces-
of political thougt is the greatest patiotic virtue d t ost sary f01 its greatest minds to perceive tat it is t exploiting
l civil oligatio, rnust dist.ured over the inevitale class and tat its reig is ujustified. Concretely speakig, it is
eversals d chages. necessary for t class to perceive tat i t r future tere
But the Comuists feel d kno>v that teir totalitarian cannot any talk of t >\'itering a>vay of t stat.e, or talk
dorniatio11 does not weaken, but rather gets stroger, in such of Cornrnunist society-i >vhic everyoe will >vork acc01ding
 160 NEW CLASS
AIM AND MEANS 161
to bls capailities and 1vill receive according to his needs. The
t same time expect echo amog t masses-1vho are im-
class must recognize that the possiilit.y of such society can
measraly more deprived of teir rigts. Frenc bor
as well refted as it can demonstrated. Ths the means geoisie finally rebelled against its einperor, Napoleo11, when
that this class sed and is using t.o achieve its aim and domi- his wars and breacratic despotism became intolerale. But
nance 1vold become absrd, inhmane, and contrary to the Fr people eventally got some profit from this. Stal~n's
its great prpose-even to the class itself. This 1vold mean metods, in '1vhic t dogmatic ypotllesis of ftre soCiety
that tere were cleavao-es and vacillations, w cold not
~
also played an importat role, will not retr. t tbls does
longer cecked, among t ruling class. In oter 1vords, the not m tat the crrent. oligarcl1s 1vill rn tl1e s of
battle for its 01vn existence \vould di'ive t rling class it.self,
all bls meas, even tlg they t s tem, or tat t
or individal fractions of it, to renonce the crrent means
U.S.S.R. will s or overnigt become legal, democratic
it is sing, or renonce t idea tat its goals are \Vitin sigt
state.
d real.
Ho1vever, something s gd. rulig class 1vill no
There is no prospect of suc development he1e as prely
Ionger l to jstify v to itself tat the end jstifies
teoretic proposition-i of the Commnist conties, least
t means. class 1vill stilllectre t final goal-a Com-
of all in t post-Stalin U.S.S.R. 1ling class is still com-
mist society-for if it did oterwise it wold v to rn
pact one tere; the condemnation of Stalin's metods has
absolte dominace. This 1vill force it to resort to any means.
evolved, even in teory, into potectig t U.S.S.R. from the
Every time tat it does resort to tem, it will als? :. to
despotism of sl dictatorship. At t T\vent.ieth t
conden tlleir s. stronger po1ver-fear of pbllc
Congess, Kruschev advocated "necessary terroism" against
i t 1vorld, fear tat it will bing harm to itself and its
the "m," in cotast to Stalin's despotism against "good
absolte domination-1vill s1vay the class and old back its
Commnists." sv did not condemn Stalin's methods
and. Feeling itself sfficietly strong to destroy the clt of
as sch, t only ti s in t ks of the 1ling class. It
its creator, or t creator of t system-Stalin-it simltane
seems that the elatios 1vitin t class, \Vhic has become
osly gave the deat lo1v to its mvn ideal basis. Completely
stog ng to avoid srrender to the absolte dominance
dominant, the lig class s begn to abando and lose the
of its leader and police apparats, v canged since Stalin.
ideology, t dogma which brogt it to power. class s
class itself d its metods v not consideraly canged
g to split up ito &-actions. At t top everythig is peac.e-
in terms of interal cleavages \vit regard to moral coesion.
fl d smooth, but below the top, i the depths, d v
first sigs of cleavage, o1vever, pesent; these are
its ranks, 1v toughts, w ideas, are lig and futre
evidecing temselves i t ideological crisis. t i spite of
storms bre~ving.
this it mst realized that t process of moral disintegation
s it had to renouce Stali's methods, the rulig class
has scarcely begn; t coditions ardly exist for it to happen.
will t l to preserve it.s dogma. methods were
Aogating certain igts to itself, t rling oligacy canot
actally l the expressio of that dogma, and, indeed, of
avoid allo1vig t cmbs of s rigts to fall to t people.
It is impossile for t oligarcy to lecte t lack of tlle practice on 1vblch the dogma 1vas base.d. .
It was not good will, still less mt, whiCh prompted
rigts nder Stali even amog t Commists, and not at
Stali's associat.es to perceive t armfulness of Stalin's meth-
 162 NEW CLASS AIM AND MEANS 168
ods. It was urget ecessity that prompted the ruling class to Absolute brut.ality, or t use of means, is in accord with
become more "understanding." But, avoiding tlle use of the gradiosity, v wit t ureality, of Communist aims.
very brutal metlds, the oligarchs canrt help but plant the revolutionary meas, cotemporary Communism s suc-
seed of doubt about their goals. The end once served as moral ceeded in demolising one form of society and despotically
cover for the use of any means. Reruncing the use of such settig up anoter. At first it 'vas guided the most beautiful,
means will arouse doubts as to t end itself. As soon as meas primoi'dial uman ideas of equality and broterhood; only
wi ''uld insure end are so"'Il to evil, t end will later did it l beind tese ideas the estalishmet. of its
so'iv itself as being unrealizale. For t essetial ting in domiatio 'vl1atever means.
every policy is first of all t means, assuming tat all ends As Dostoyevski has bls r Sblgaliev say, quoted another
appear good. v "t road to ell is paved wit good in- character, i The Possessed:
tetions."
"... He's written good thing in tat manuscript," Ver
klvesky went .... "Every member of t society spies on
t oters, d it's is duty to iform against them. Every one
5. belogs to all d all to every one. All are slaves and equal
i their slavery. I exteme cases he advocates slader and
Trougout blstory tere v no ideal ends wblch
murder, but the great ting about it is equality.... Slaves are
were attained wit non-ideal, iumane means, just as tere
boud to equal. There has ever either freedom ot
has been free society wblc was built slaves. Notblg so equality without despotism...."
well reveals the reality d greatess of ends as t metlds
used to attain tem. Thus, justifyig the eans because of t d, the d
If t d must used to condoe t means, ten there is itself becomes icreasigly more distant d urealistic, wblle
sometblng in t end itself, in its eality, wi is not 'vorty. the frightful reality of the meas becomes icreasigly obvious
t wi really lesses the d, 'ivich justifies the efforts
d itolerale.
and sacrifices for it, is the means: teir constant perfection,
humaneness, icreasing freedom.
Contemporary Communism has not even reaced t begin-
ing of such situation. Instead, it s stopped dead, hesitating
over its means, but always assured about its ends.
No egime i story wblch was democrat.ic-or relatively
democratic 'ivhile it lasted-was predominantly estalished
the aspiratio for ideal ends, but rather on t small everyday
means in sight. Along with this, such regime acbleved,
more or less sporltaneously, great ends. t other d,
every despotism tried to justify itself its ideal aims. Not
sigle one acbleved great ends.

The Essence
1.
None of the theories on the essence of contemporary
munism treats the matter exhaustively. Neither does this theory
claim to do so. Contemporary Comnunism is the product of
series of historical, econonic, political, ideological, national,
and international causes. categorical theory about its essence
cannot entiely accurate.
The essence of contenporary Communism could not even
perceived until, in the course of it.s development, it. revealed
itself to its very entails. Tbls noment came, and could only
come, because Communism entered particular phase of its
development-tat of its maturity. It. then became possile to
reveal the nature of jrs po>ver, o>vnersblp, and ideology. In
t time tat Communisn was developing and was predomi-
nantly an ideology, it >va.s alnost impossile to see trough it
completely.
Just as other truths are the >vork of many autors, countries,
and movements, so it is >Vith contemporary Communism. Co
muism .s revealed gradually, more or less parallel to
its development; it. t looked u as fial, because it
has rt completed its developmet.
Most of t teories regardig Commuism, however, v accepted as complete. Tbls is, w, t >veakess of every
164
ESSENCE 165
some trut in tem. of tem has usually grasped
aspect of Comnunism aspect of its essece.
h are t>vo basic teses the essence of cotemporary
Comnunism.
Tl1e fit of them clains tat cotemporary Conmuism is
type of w religion. "\Ve have already s tlt it is neiter
1eligion nor churc, i spite of the fact that it. cotais
elenents of t.
The secod thesis regards Conmuism as revolutioary so-
cialism, tat is, sonetblg >vhic >vas r of noder idustry,
or capitalism, d of the proletariat d its eeds. We have
s that this thesis also is l partially accurate: coten
porary Connuism g in well-developed coutries as
socialist ideology d reactio against the sffering of t
>voking masses i the idustrial evoltion. t after avig
n into po>ver i nderdeveloped aieas, it n sonethig
etirely different-an exploiting system opposed to most of t.he
inteiests of the pioletariat itself.
The tesis has also been advaced that contempOiary Com-
nnism is only conternpoy forrn of despotisrn, produced
as s as they seize po>ver. The nt of the moder
m, >vhic i every case requies centralized admiistra
tio, has rnade it possile for tis despotisn to absolute.
This tl1esis also has sone tuth in it: modem Cornrnisn is
modem despotisn >vich cannot l but aspire to>vard to-
talitarianisrn. Hmvever, all types of rnodem despotisrn are t.
variats of Cornrnisrn, r are they totalitaria to t degree
that Cornrnnisrn is.
Tls >vhatever thesis >ve ni, >ve fid tat each tesis
explais one aspect of Cornrnnisrn, t of the trth, t
t t entie tth.
N either my theory t essece of Cornmuisrn
 166 NEW CLASS
defiitio, especially "tvhe such complex and living matters
as social phenomena are being defined.
N evertheless, it is possile to speak in the most abstract
teoretical "tvay about the essence of contemporary Commu-
nism, about what is most essential i it, d wat permeates
all its anifestatios d ispires all of its activity. It is possile
to peetrate deeper into tbls essece, to elucidate its various
aspects; but t essence itself s already exposed.
Communism, d like"tvise its essece, is cotiuously cang
ing from one form to aother. vVithout this cange it cannot
even exist. Consequently, tese canges require continuous
examiation and deeper study of t already obvious trut.
essence of contemporary Communism is t product
of particular conditions, blstorical and others. But. as soon as
Communism becomes strong, t essence itself becomes factor
and creates t conditions for its mvn continued existence.
Consequently, it is evident tat it. is necessary to examine the
essence sepaately according to the form and t conditios in
whic it appears and is operating at given moment.
2.
teory that contemporary Communism is type of
mode totalitaianism is not only t most "tvidespread, but
also t most accurat.e. However, an actual understanding of
the t.erm "modern totalitaianis" "tvere Comuis is being
discussed is not so "tvidespread.
Conteporary Communism is tat. type of totalitariaism
wi consists of tree basic factOis for cotrolling the people.
first. is po"tvex; t second, o>vnership; the third, ideology.
are monopolized t one and only political party, or-
accordig t.o previous explanation and termirlogy-by
ne'\v class; and, at present, t oligarcy of tat party or of
that class. No totalitarian system in history, not even contem-
THEESSENCE 167
porary oe-'\vith t exception of Communism-has succeeded
in incorporating simultaneously all tese factors for controlling
t people to this degree.
Wen one examies and '\Veigs tese tree factors, power
is t one "tvllic s played and still continues to play t most
iportant role in t development of Counism. One of t
oter factors eventually peyail over pmver, t. it is irn-
possile to determie tbls on t basis of present conditions.
I belieye tat po,ver '\vill reain t basic caracteristic of
Commnism.
Commnism fist originated as ideology, '\vblc contained
in its seed Comnism's totalitaxian and onopolistic nature.
It certainly said tat ideas longer play t rnain,
predominant l in Comrnism's control of the people. Corn-
munism as an ideology s ainly rn its corse. It does not
haYe many ne1v tblngs to reveal to t '\vorld. This could not
said for t other v factoxs, po1ver and o1vnership.
It can said: po1ver, either pysical, intellectal, or eco-
nomic, plays role in eYery strggle, even in every social hman
action. r is sorne trut in this. It can also said: in eyery
policy, po>ver, or the strggle to acqire and keep it, is t basic
rl and aim. is some trut in this also. t con-
temporar-y Commnism is rt l s po1ver; it is some-
thing more. It is po1ver of particlar type, po1ver 1vhich
nites 1vitllin itself the contiol of ideas, atl'ity, and owner
ship, po1ver 1vi s become an end in itself.
date, SoYiet Comnis, t type 1vhic s existed t
longest and 1vi is t rnost developed, s passed trogh
thee pases. Tbls is also more or less t of oter types of
Comnism "tvblc v succeeded in coming to power (>vit
t exception of t Cblnese type, "tvllic is still predominantly
in t second s) .
The t pases are: revolutioary, dogatic, d o
dogatic Comunisrn. Rougbly speaking, t principal catch-
>vords, ais, and persoalities corresponding to tese various
 168 NEW CLASS
phases are: Revolution, or the usurpatio of power-Leni.
"Socialism," or the bildig of the system-Stali. "Legality,"
or stailization of t system- "collective Ieadersblp."
It is importat to rte tat tese phases are not. distictly
separate fro one another, tat elements of all are foud in
. Dogmatis abounded, d tl1e "building of socialis"
had already begu, in tl1e Leniist period; Stalin did not. re-
nounce revolution, or reject the dogmas, 1vich itefered witl1
tl1e building of the syste. Preset-day, non-dogmatic Com-
unism is only non-dogmatic conditionally: it just. will not
ru even t minutest practical advantages for dogrnatic
reasons. Precisely s of s advantages, it 1vill at the s
time in positio to persecute uscrupulously tlle miutest
doubt concerig t trutl1 or prity of ilie dogma. s,
Communis, proceedig fro practical eeds d capailities,
s today even fled tl1e sails of revolution, or of its o;vn
miJitary expansion. But it s not renounced one or ilie other.
Trus divisio into tl1ree pl1ases is only accurate if it is taken
ro~ghly and abstractly. Clearly separate pases do not actually
eXIst, nor do tl1ey sd t.o specific periods in the various
coutries.
boundaries betlveen t pases, >vblc ovelap, d t But since tese are special forms of po;vet and owneiShip, it
forms in >vhicl1 tlle pases appear are varied in diffeent Com-
munist coutries. For example, Yugoslavia s passed throua-IJ
all tllree pases i Ielatively sOI"t time d 1vitl1 tl1e sa~e
persoalities at t sumit. Tbls is obvios in botl1 precepts
and metod of operation.
Po>ver plays major role i all thiee of tese pl1ases. In t
rev~l~tio. it >vas necessay to seize po1ver; in t building of
soclism, It >vas necessar-y to create ne1v system meas of
tl1at p~1ver; today pmver must preserve tl1e system.
Du?g t development, fro t first to t tblrd s, end. Its role s stroger or 1veaker depeding the
ilie qntessece of Comunism-po1ver-evolved from being
tl1e means and became an end i itself. Actually power was al-
ways rnore or less the d, but Communist leaders, tblnkig tl1at
ESSENCE 169
throg power as eans they would attain the ideal goal,
did not believe it to an end in itself. Precisely because po1ver
served as meas for t Utopian tansfomatio of society,
it could not avoid becorning d i itself and t most
importat airn of Comrnuisrn. Pmver 1vas l to appear as
s in t first d second pases. It can no longer
concealed that in t tblrd s po1ver is t actual principal
aim d essence of Cornmunis.
Because of t fact tat Communism is being extiguished
as an ideology, it must maintai po1ver as t main meas of
controllig the people.
In revolutio, as in every type of >var, it 1vas natural to co
centrate pimarily pmver: the war had to 1von. During
the period of indstrialization, concentrating on po1ver could
still considered natural: t constructio of idstry, or
"socialist society," f 1vhic so m sacrifices d made,
was ss. But as all tbls is beig copleted, it becomes
apparent that i Comunis pmver has rt only been meas
but that it s also t mai, if not t sole, end.
Today po>ver is t t eans d t goal of Comunists,
in order tat t may aintai teir privileges d ownership.
is only troug po1ver itself tat mvnesblp can exercised.
Po1ver is an d in itself and t essece of cotemporary
Communism. Other classes may l to aintain o>versblp
witout monopoly over pmver, or po>ver witout nl
over o;versip. Until no>v, tis s not been possile for t
w class, ;vblc ;vas formed tug Commuism; it is very
iprobale tat it 1vill possile in t fute.
Trougout all tree of tese pases, pmver s concealed
itself as t bldden, ivisile, nspoken, atural and principal
degree of control over t people required at t tirne. In the
first s, ideas were t inspiratio d the prime mover for
t attainment of power; in t secod s, pmver operated
 170 NEW CLASS THEESSENCE 171
as the whip of society d for its o;vn maitainance; today, tive tyranny, the n success of teroistic group, and t
"collective o;vnership" is subordinated to the impulses and damnation of t huma race.
needs of power. Sciece must use already estalished categories i order t.o
Po;ver is tl1e alpha and the omega of contemporary Com- make simple expositio. Is tere category in sociology
unis, v ;vhen Comunism strives to pievent this. ito '\vblc '\Ve can cram tm Commuism if 1ve use
Ideas, pbllosophical px-inciples d moral considerations, little force?
the nation and the people, their hist.ory, in t v owner- commo '\vit m authors who started oter posi-
ship-all changed and sacrificed. But not po;ver. Because tions, I v, i ecent yeais, equated Comuism '\Vit state
this '\vould signify Communisrn's renunciat.ion of itself, of it.s capitalism or, more precisely, '\Vit total state capitalis.
vn essence. Individuals can do this. But the class, the party, Tbls interpretation w out amog t leaders of Yugoslav
the oligarchy cannot. This is the purpose and the eanig of its Commuists durig t t.ime of teir clas '\Vit t govern-
existence. ment of t U.S.S.R. But just as Commuists, according to
Every type of power besides being meas is at the same practical eed.s, easily clnge even t.i "scietific" aalysis,
time and end-at Ieast for those '\Vho aspire to it. Po'\ver is Yugoslav party leaders canged this interpretation after t
alost exclusively an end i Communisrn, because it is both "reconciliatio" 'vit t Soviet goveient, d once more
the source and t guaratee of all privileges. rneans of proclaimed t U.S.S.R. Socialist coutry. At t same time,
and troug po,ver t material privileges d O'\vnership of t proclaimed t Soviet imperialistic attack on the inde-
t ruling class over national goods ealized. Power de- pendence of Yugoslavia-in Tito's '\Vords-a "tragic," "incom-
temines t value of ideas, and suppresses or permits thei preesile" event, evoked t "aritrariness of individuals."
expression. Cotemporary Communism for the most part does esemle
It is in this '\vay tat pver in contempoiaxy Cornnnism total state capitalism. Its blstorical origin and t polems
differs orn all oter types of pO'iver, and that Communis 'vhic it had to solve-amely, an industrial transfonation
itself differs fro every other system. sirnilar to the one achieved capitalism but '\Vith the aid of
Comuism has to totalitarian, exclusive, and isolated the state mechanisrn-lead to such conclusion.
precisely because power is t ost essetial mt of If, unde1 Comrnism, t state 'vere the O'\vner in t
Comuism. If Comuism actually could have had other of society and of t nation, the the fms of political po,ver
eds, it '\vould v to k it possile for oter forces to over society \vould ievitaly change accOIding to the vaying
sprig up i opposition and operate idepedetly. eed.s of society and of the natio. The state its nature is
Ho'\v cotemporay Comuis '\Vill defied is secondary. an orga of unity d harrnoy i society, and t only force
Everyone wl udertakes the '\vork of explaiing uis ove1 it. The state cold not t the vner and rler i
fid.s himself faced witl1 t rl of defiig it, even if itself. In Comnis it is reve1sed: The state is an instrent
actual coditios do t compel him to do tbls-coditios and avays sbordiate excliYely to the interests of one and
i which Conists glorify teir system as "socialism," "class- t same exclsive O\vner, or of and the same direction in
less society," and "t realization of me's eternal dreams," the economy, and in the other areas of social life.
while t opposing eleent defines Counism as an insensi- State ownersblp in the W est migt cosidered more as
 172 NEW CLASS
state capitalism than it is in Communist countries. The claim
that contempory Communism is state capitalism is prompted
the "pangs of conscience" of those who were disillusioned
the Communist system, but who did not succeed in defiing
it; they therefore equate its evils 1vith those of capitalism.
Since there is really no private o1vnersblp i Communism but
rather formal state mvnership, nothig seems more logical
than to attriute all evils to t state. Tbls idea of state capi-
talism is also accepted tose w see 'less evil" in private
National Communism
capitalism. Terefore t like to point out tat Communism
is worse type of capitalis. 1.
claim tat conteporary nis is trasition to
somethig else leads nowere and explais noting. What is
not transition to soeting else? In essece, Couism is only one tblg, but. it is realized
Even if it is accepted tat it s many of the caracteristics in differet degrees and aners i every coutry. Therefore
of an all-encopassing state capitalism, contemporary Com- it is possile to speak of various Counist systes, i.e., of
munism also s so m of its o>vn cacteristics tat it is various fors of t s aifestatio.
more precise to cosider it special type of new social system. differeces >vhic exist bet>vee Couist states-dif-
Contemporary Communism s its o>vn essece wblc does fereces tat Stalin attepted futilely to reove force-are
not permit it to confused >vit any oter. Commuism, the result, above all, of diverse historical backgrounds. Even
while absoring into it.self all kids of other eleets-feudal, t ost cursory obsetvatio reveals ho>v, for l, co
capitalist, d even slave-o1ig-reais idividual and in- teporary So\riet bureaucracy is t >vitout. conectig lik
depedet at t s tie. >vith t Czarist syste in wblc t officials >vere, as Engels
noted, " distict class." Soe>vhat t s tblg can also
said of the nr of govet'Ilet i Yugoslavia. \Vhe ascend-
ig to pmver, the Couists face i the various countries
differet cultal and tecnical levels d varying social rela
tiosblps, d are faced >vith differet ational itellectual
chaacters. s diffeteces develop v farter, i special
\vay. Because the geeral causes \vhich btoght the to pO\ver
are identical, d because t v to >vage stggle agaist
n iternal d foreign opponents, t Couists
in separate couties iediately copelled to fight jointly
d on t. basis of siilar ideology. Iteratioal Com-

173
 174 NEW CLASS NATIONAL COMMUNISM 175
munism, '\vhich '\Vas at one time the task of revolutionaries, influece of the Soviet Union; tat is, in 'roterly love" and
eventually tiasfOI-med itself, as did evel]'thig else in Com- in "eterrral friedship" witll it. In . report at closed session
muism, d became the common giOud of Commuist of the T\vetiet Cogress, Khruscev revealed tat clas be-
buieaucracies, fighting another atioalistic co t\veen Stali and t Chinese goverrrmet had barely been
siderations. Of the forrner iter11atioal proletar'iat, l averted. The case of the clash wit Yugoslavia was not an
words d empty dogmas emaied. Behid them stood the isolated case; but only t most drastic d the first to occur.
aked atioal and ieratioal interests, aspirations, d I t oter Comunist countries the Soviet government en-

plas of t various Commuist oligarchies, comfortaly e forced Communism "arrned missionaries"-its arrny. The
treched.
diversity of manner and degiee of the development in these
The ature of authority d property, similar iternatioal counties has still rt at.tained the stage reached in Yugoslavia
outlook, d an idetical ideology ievitaly idetify Com- d Chia. Ho\vever, to the extet that rulig bureaucracies
muist states \Vit one arther. N evertheless, it is wrong t.o gather stregt as indepedet bodies i these countries, and
ignore and underestimate the sigificance of the ievitale di- to the extet that. they recogize that obediece to and copyig
fereces in degiee d mr betwe Commuist. sttes. of t Soviet Ui weaken themselves, t endeavor to
degree, mr, d form in which Commuism will "patterrr" themselves Yugoslavia; that is, to develop ide
realized, or its purpose, is just as muc of give coditio pendently. The Communist East European countries did not.
for each of them as is the essece of Commuism itself. No become satellites of the U.S.S.R. because they benefited from
sigle form of Commuism, no matt.er ho\v similar it is to other it, but because they were too weak to pevent it. As soon as
forms, exists i way oter t as atioal Commuism. they stronger, or as soon as favorale conditions are
I order to maitai itself, it must become atioal. created, yearning for indepedence and for protection of
The form of govermet d poperty as \Vell as of ideas "their own people" from Soviet hegenny will rise among
differs little or t at all in Communist stat.es. It canot differ them.
markedly since it llas idetical atue-total autlity. Ho\v- Wit the victory of Communist revolution in country

ever, if they \vish t.o \vi d continue to exist, tlre Commuists ne-.;v class comes into po,ver and into control. It. is uvillig

must adapt the degee and mr of teir authority to to suender its o'\vn hard-gaied privileges, even tlugh it
ational coditions. subodinates its interests to similar class in arter country,

The differences bet\veen Commuist countr'ies \Vill, as rule, solely in t cause of ideological solidarity.
as gieat as the extet to \Vhich the Communists \v inde- Where Commuist revolutio has \Von victory ideped
pedent in comig to po\ver. Concretely speaking, only the etly, separate, distinct path of developmet is ievitale.

Commuists of tlrree countries-the Soviet Ui, Chia, d
Yugoslavia-indepedetly carried out revolutios or, i their
O\VIl \vay d at their O\VIl speed, attaied po,ver d g
"the buildig of socialism." s three coutries remaied
idepedet as Commuist states v i the peiod wlle
Fl'ictio \Vith other Commuist coutries, especially \Vith the
Soviet Unio as the most. importat d most imperialistic
state, follo\vs. ruling national bureaucracy i the coutry
where t victor'ious revolutio took place has already become
indepedet i the course of the armed struggle and has tasted

Yugoslavia \vas-as Chia is today-uder the most ext.reme t lessings of authority and of "atioalizatio" of property.
 176 NEW CLASS
Philosopically speaking, it has also grasped and become co
scious of its o\vn essence, "its \V state," its authority, the
basis of >vhich it clatms equality.
This does t mean tat this involves only clash-\ven it
comes to tat-bet\veen t\VO bureaucracies. clas also ivolves
t evolutionary elemets of subordinated coutry, because
t do not usually tolerate dominatio and tlley consider that
Ielatiosllips bet\veen Communist states must as ideally per-
fect as predicted in dogma. Tlle masses of t nation, \v
spontaneously tblrst for independence, canot remain uper
turbed i sucl1 clas. In every case t nat.ion beefits from
this: it does not v to triute to foreign government;
d t pressure t domestic goverment, \vhic no loger course have greater impetus. These aspirations can retarded
desires, and is not permitted, to foreign methods, is also
diminised. Such clas also brings in external forces, oter
stat.es d movements. Hmvever, t ature of t clash
and t basic forces i it remain. Neitl1er Soviet r Yugoslav
Communists stopped beig \\'lt they are-not before, r dur
ing, nor after teir mutual ickerings. Indeed, t diverse
types of degree and anner \Vith whic t insed teir
moopoly led tem mtually to deny t existence of socialism
in the opposite . Afte1 t settled teir differeces, they
again ackno>vledged tlle existence of socialism elsewere, be-
coming coscious tat t must respect mtual differences
if t \vanted to pieserve that \Vich \Vas idetical in essece
and most important t.o tem.
The sbdiate Commuist governments i East Europe
, in fact must, declare their indepedence from the Soviet
governent. No say >v far tis aspiation for inde- events. The interests of t respective Communist beauc
pendece >vill go d what disagreements \Vill reslt. The eslt
depends on nume1os unforeseen interal and external circm
staces. Ho\vever, there is doubt tat ational Communist
bureaucracy aspires to more complete autlity for itself. This
is deonstiated the anti-Tito processes i Stalin's time in
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 177
t East Europea cour1t.ries; it is shown also the cu.rrent
concealed emphasis on "'s own path to socialism," wich
has recently come to ligt sharply in Poland d Hugary.
cetral Soviet government s foud itself in difficulty
because of t nationalism existing even in those governments
wich it insfalled in the Soviet repulics (Ukraine, Caucasia),
d still more so \vith regard to those governments installed in
t East European coutries. Playing important ro]e in all
of this is t fact that the Soviet Union was unale, and will
rt l in the future, to assimilate t ecormies of t
East European coutries.
The aspirations to>vard national indepedence must of
and even made dormant external pressure or fear on
the part of tl1e Comists of "imperialism" and the "bour-
geoisie," t t canot removed. On the contray, teir
strength will grmv.
It is impossile to foresee all of the foms that relatios
bet>veen Commuist states ,., assume. Even if coopetation
bet\veen Communist states of different countties sllould in
sort time result i mergers and federations, so can clases
bet\veen Commuist states result in \var. open, armed clash
bet\vee t U.S.S.R. and Ygoslavia \Vas averted tt. because
of t "socialism" in one or the other country, but because it
\Vas not in Stalin's interest to risk clas of unforeseeale pro-
potions. Watever >vill bet\veen Communist states \Vill
depend on all tose factors >vich ordiarily affect political
racies, expressed Yariously as "national" or as "united," alog
\Vit t uncecked tendecy toward ever increasing indeped
ence on national basis, \Vill, for the time being, play an
iportant .role in t relat.ionships among t Comnist
countries.
 178 NEW CLASS NATIONAL COMMUNISM 179
policy; in place of tlle jovial and, to ti extent, principled
2. Litvinov, t.he unscupulous d reserved lVIolotov appeared.
basic cause of an imperialistic policy is completely
The concept of natioal Communism had no meaning u idde in t exploitative and despotic t of t \v class.
til the d of World War , \vhen Soviet imperialism \vas In order tllat. tat class might manifest. itself as impeialistic,
manifested rt only \Vit.h regard to the capitalist but. the Com- it \Vas necessary for it to attain prescried strength d to
nist states as \Vell. Tis concept developed all from appear i appropriate circumstances. It already d this
the Yugoslav-U.S.S.R. clash. The enunciatio of Stalin's meth- stregtll \vllen ~orld vVar began. The war itself abouded
ods t.he "collect.ive leadeship" of Khushcl1ev-Bulgain may i possilities for imperialistic comiations. small Baltic
pehaps modify relatios between the U.S.S.R. d other Com- states \Vere rt necessary for t security of so large state as
muist countries, but it canot resolve them. In tlle U.S.S.R. t U.S.S.R., particularly i modem war. s states \Vere
operations are not concemed solely witll Communism but are on-aggressive d v allies; ho\vever, tlley \Vere an attractive
simultaneously concerned \Vitll tlle imperialism of the Geat morsel for tlle isatiale appetite of tlle Great Russian Com-
Russian-Soviet-state. Tis imperialism cllange in form munist uu.
d method, but it more disappear tha can tlle aspi- I Wold War Commnist internationalism, up to tat
ratios of Commuists of other coutries f01 idepedence. time itegral part of Soviet foreign policy, came into coflict
similar deYelopment a\vaits the other Commuist. states. with the iterests of tlle rulig Soviet. bueaucracy. vVith tllat,
According to strength d conditios, tlley too will attempt to t.he ecessity for its ogaizatio ceased. idea of dissolution
become imperialistic in one \vay or another. of tlle Commuist Iterational (Comiter) was conceived,
I tlle developmet of the foreign policy of tlle U.S.S.R. accordig to Georgi Dimitrov, after tlle subjgatio of t
tllere llave t\VO imperialistic phases. Earlier policy was Baltic coutries, d i t period of cooperation \Vitll Hitler,
almost exclusively matter of expasion evolutioary prop- altough it. \Vas not effected util the secod phase of tlle war
agada in otller couties. At that time tllere \Ver-e pmverful during the period of alliance wit the W ester states.
imperialistic tedecies (as regards t.he Caucasus) in tl1e pol- Comifon, consistig of the East Europea d t
icies of its higllest leader-s. But, i my ii, tllere is no French and Italian Communist paties, \vas created on Stalin's
satisfactoy reason for t.he revolutionary phase to categOIi- iitiative in order to guarantee Soviet domination in the satel-
cally cosidered imperialistic, sice at tllat time it. \Vas more Jite countries d to intesify its influece in \Vest.er Europe.
defesive tan aggressive. Cominfor was worse t the former Communist Iter
If \Ve do not cosider t revolutioary pllase as imperialistic, natioal \vhich, even if it was absolutely domiated Mosco'\v,
t imperialism began, rougbly speaking, \vith tlle victory of at least fomally represented all of the parties. The Cominfor
Stali, or \vit t industrializatio and estalisllmet of t~ evolved in the field of real and apparent Soviet influence.
autol'ity of ne\v class i tlle l 930's. This cllange was clearly clas witll Yugoslavia revealed that it \Vas assigned to sub-
s\v on tlle eve of t war \V Stalin's goven1met was ordinate to t Soviet goverment tlse Commuist states and
l to go ito actio d Ieave behid pacifist d anti-imper- parties whic had begun to weake because of the iternal
ialistic pases. It \vas even exp1essed i the g of foreign growth of natioal Communism. After the death of Stalin t.he
 180 NEW CLASS
Cominform '\VS finally dissolved. Even t.he Soviet govermetlt,
desiring to avoid major and dangerous quarrels, accepted the
so-called separate path t.o socialism, if t ational Communism
itself.
These organizatioal changes had profoud economic d
political causes. As log as the Communist parties in East
Europe were weak d the Soviet Union was not. sufficiently
strong economically, the Soviet government \Vould v d
to resort to administrative methods to subjugate t.he East
European countries, even if there had no Staliist arbl-
trariess d despotism. Soviet imperialism, political, police
and military metods, had to compensate for its vn economic
d otl1er weaknesses. lmperialism i t military form, wi
was only an advanced stage of the old Czarist military-feudal
irnperialism, also corresponded to t intenal structure of the
Soviet Uion ix1 wllicl1 t police d admiistrative apparatus,
centralized in one personality, played major l. Stalinism
was mixture of personal Communist dictatorship d rnili-
taristic imperialism.
These foms of imperialism developed: joint stock com-
panies, absorption of t exports of t East. Europea countries
meas of political pressure at prices below t world market,
artificial formation of "socialist '\Vorld market," control of
every political act of subordinate parties and states, trasfor
mation of t traditional love of Communists to'\vard the
"socialist faterland" into deification of the Soviet stat.e, Stalin,
and Soviet practices.
But what happened?
cange witin t ruling class was quiet1y completed in
the Soviet Union itself. Similar canges, i another sense, also
occurred in the East European countries; new national bureauc-
racies lon? for ever increasing cosolidation of po,ver d prop-
erty relatns, but at t.he same time t fall into difficulties
becaus: of t hegemonic pressure of the Soviet governrnent.
If earller t d d to renounce national caracteristics
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 181
in oder to come to power, no>v suc action d become
hidtace to teit further ascendacy t.o po>ver. In addition,
it became impossile fot the Soviet gove1rnet to adhere to
t exorbltat and l1azardous Stalinist foreig policy of mili-
tary pressure and isolatio and, simultaneously, during t.he
period of t geet-al coloial rnoveents, to old the Euro-
pea coutries i infamous bondage.
Soviet leaders d t.o concede, after log vacillatio d
idecisive atgurentatio, tat the Yugoslav leaders \Vete
falsely idicted as Hitle!'ite d America spies just because
they defeded tl1e right to cosolidate d build Comuist
system in their v \vay. Tito t.he most sigificat
pesoality i cotempoary Commuis. The pticiple of
atioal Comuis >vas formally acko,vledged. But wit
that Yugoslavia also ceased to the exclusive creator of ino
vatios in Commuism. The Yugoslav revolutio subsided ito
its goove, d peaceful d matter-of-fact rule g. \Vith
tat t love bet>veen yesteday's eemies did t become
geater, nor >vete the disageemets terminated. This was
merely the beginnig of ne>v phase.
Nv the Soviet Uion td ito t.he predomiatly eco-
nomic and political s of its iperialistic policy. Or so
it s, judgig curret facts.
Today ational uis is geneal hn i
Communis. varying degees all Comuist ovemets
except that of the U.S.S.R. against >vhic it is diected-ae
gipped atioal Counis. its time, in the peiod of
Stali's ascendancy, Soviet ism also was natioal Com-
uis. At tl1at time Russia nis dd ite
atioalism, except as an istrument of its foeig policy.
Today Soviet Comunis is copelled, v if idefiitely,
to ackowledge >v eality i uis.
Canging itemally, Soviet impeialis >vas also copelled
to alter its vie>vs to>vard t exteral w01ld. Fro di
tl adiisttative cotols, it advanced t.oward gadual
 182 NEW CLASS
econoic integration 1vith tlle East European coutries. This
is being accoplished eans of utual planning i ipor
tant branches of r, in which the local Comunist
governments today maily voluntarily concur, still sensig
thernselves weaker externally and iternally.
Such situatio canrt remai for long, because it conceals
fundaental contradiction. On the hand national forrns
of Cornrnuisrn becorne stronger, but. on the other, Soviet i
perialisrn does not dirninsh. Both t Soviet governet d
the governents of the East r contries, inclding teally or inten1ally. But wat could it do? Stalin's imperial-
Ygoslavia, rneas of accords and cooperatio, are seeking
solt.ions t.o rntal prolerns 1vhich influece teir very natre
-preservat.ion of given form of athity and of property
01vnership. Ho1vever, v if it is possile to effect cooperation
wit.h respect t.o property mvneiship, it. is not. possile with
respect to authority. Althogh conditions for further itegra
tio 1vit.h the Soviet Union are being realized, those coditios
which lead t.o tlle independence of the East. European Corn-
rrnist governrnents are being realized even rnore rapidly.
Soviet Union has t d athority in these counties, did rt alter t nature of t systern itself in the U.S.S.R., so
nor have the governrnents of these contries renounced their
craving to attain sornething sirnilar t.o Ygoslav indepedence.
The degree of independence that will attained will depend
the state of inteational and inteal forces.
Recognitio of natioal forns of Cornrnnisrn, which the
Soviet governrnet did 1vith clenched teeth, has irnrnense sig-
ificance and conceals witin itself very considerale dano-ers
for Soviet irnperialisrn.
lt involves freedorn of discssion to certain extent; this
rneans ideological idependence too. No1v the fate of ceitai
heresies in Cornnis 1vill depend t only t tolerance
of Mosco1v, t on teir atioal potetialities. Deviatio frorn
Mosco1v tat. strives to rnaintai its ifl.uence i t Cornrnuist
wor-Id "volutary" and "ideologic" basis canot possily
cecked.
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 183
Moscow itself is no loger tat wblch it was. It single-
andedly lost t moopoly of the 1v ideas and the rnoral
rigt to prescrie tl1e only permissile "lie." Renocig
Stalin, it ceased to t ideological center. I Moscow itself
t of great Cornrnnist rnonarcs and of great ideas
carne to an end, d tl1e reign of mediocre Comrnnist brea
crats began.
"Collective leadership" did not anticipate that difficlties
and failres were a1vaiting it in Cornrnunis itself-eiter ex-
ism was exorit.at and overly dangerous, d wat 1vas v
1vorse, ineffective. Uder him t orlly the people geerally,
but. v t Cornrnunists, grnled, and t did so at the
tirne of very staied intemational situation.
1vor-Id ceter of Cornunist ideology no longer exists;
it is in the process of cornplete disintegratio. The unity of
t 1vorld Comrnuist rnovernet is incuraly injured. r
are no visile possiilities watsoever tat it can restored.
However, just as t shift from Stalin to "collective leadership"
too national Comrnuis s been unale, despite ever increas-
ing possiilities for lieration fro Moscow, to alter its i
tenlal ature, 1vblc consists of total cotrol and rnoopoly
of ideas, and o1VI1ersblp the party bureaucracy. Indeed, it
significantly alleviated t pessure and slowed down the rate
of estalisment of its rnonopoly over property, particularly
in t rural areas. But natioal Cornunisrn either desires
1:)
nor is l to transforrn itself ito somethig oter t Co
rnuisrn, d sorneting always spotaeously draws it towad
its source-toward the Soviet Uion. It 1vill ul to sepa-
rate its fate from that wblcl1 liks it. 1vit t rernainig Com-
rnuist coutries and movernents.
National ndifications i Cornnnisrn jeopardize Soviet
irnperialisrn, particularly t irnper-ialisrn of t Stali ,
but not Cornunisrn eiter as wole or in essence. On t
 184 NEW CLASS NATIONA.L COMMUNISM 185
contrary, -.;vhere Communism is in control these changes are that t t Cominform d t Socialist Iterational -.;vere
l to influence its direction and even to strengthen it and unecessary, despite t fact tat t Socialist Internatioal
make it acceptale externally. National Communism is i ar uselfisly defeded Yugoslavia -.;vile t Comiform labOI-
mony witl1 on-dogmaticism, that is, with the anti-Stalinist iously attacked Yugoslavia. Preoccupied with policy of so-
phase in the development of Communism. I fact, it is basic called active coexistece, which for t ost part correspods
form of this phase. to teir iterests of t t, the Yugoslav leaders declared
tat t organizatios-the Comifol'm d t Socialist
Itel'atioal-we!'e "immoderate" solely because t were
. allegedly t product of t-.;vo locs.
N at.ioal Communism is unale to alt.er the nat.ure of current Yugoslav leaders cofused their desires -.;vit reality and
international relationsips bet 1Neen states or withi -.;vorkers' cofused teir mometar-y iterests wit profoudly istoric
nvements. But its role in tl1ese relationships may of great and socialistic differeces.
significance. At rate, t Coifor-m -.;vas t product of Staliist.
Thus, for example, Yugoslav Communism, as form of na- efforts for t creation of an Eastei-n ilitary l. It is impos-
tional Communism, played extremely important role i t sile to d t fact that t Socialist lnternatioal is liked
weakeing of Soviet imperialism d in t dmvngrading of -.;vit t Western l, or \vit t Atlantic Pact, sice it oper-
Stalinism inside tl1e Commuist movement. motives for ates -.;vithi the fame-.;vork of t West Europea counties.
changes \vhicl1 occurring in t Soviet Ui and in the But it -.;vould exist -.;vitout that l. It is, all,
East European counti'ies to found, above all, in the ogaizatio of Socialists of t deyeloped coutries

coutries tl1emselves. d fist i Yugoslavia-in t in 'Nich political democracy d similar elatioships exist.
Yugoslav -.;vay. And tere, too, t \Vere fist completed. Thus Milita-y alliaces d locs are temporary aifestatios,

Yugoslav Communis as national Couism, in t clas but t \Veste Socialism d Easter Comuism reflect
"'it Stalin, actually origiated ne\v, post-Stali s i t mucl1 more edurig d basic tedecies.
developmet of Communis. Yugoslav Commuis signifi- Cotasts bet\vee Commuism d Social Demoacy

cantly iflueced chages in Communis itself, but did not t the result of diffeet piciples oly-tese least of all--
fudaetally influece eiter inter-national relationships or but of t opposing directios of ecoomic d itellectual
o-Comuist \vorkers' moYemets. fces. Tl1e clas bet-.;vee Mar-tov d Li at the Secod

expectatio tat Yugoslav Comunism would l Cogess of Russia Social Democrats i Ld i 1903
to evolve to-.;vard democatic socialis or tat it would ig the questio of t membel'sip, d ig t
l to s as bridge bet-.;veen Social Democracy and Com- questio of lesse or geater cetralism d disciplie i the

muism s poved baseless. Yugoslav leaders teselves paty-,vhic Deutscher correctly calls the begiig of t

-.;vere i coflict over tis question. Durig t time of Soviet greatest schis i histor-y-\vas of far gl'eater significace tha
pressure Yugoslavia t demostrated fervent desire for its iitiatOI's -.;v l to anticipate. Wit that g not

rapprochement -.;vit t Social Deocrats. However, in l the formation of t-.;vo moYements but of t\vo social systems.

1956, during t period of wit Moscow, Tito anounced schism bet.wee Comunists and Social Democrats is
 186 NEW CLASS
impossile to bridge until tlle very natures of these movements,
or the conditions themselves 1vhich resulted in differences be-
veen them, are changed. I the course of half cetury,
despite periodic and separate rapprochements, the differeces
v on t whole increased, d teir natures v become in Asia, the. l s of major sigificace in the onCom
still r idividualized. Today Social Democracy d Com-
muism are not l two movements but t1vo 1vorlds.
Natioal Commuism, separating itself from Moscow, has
unale to bridge t.his casm althoug it circumvent Ho1vever, t v beer1 inevitale. They could, in t final
it. This 1vas demonstrated t cooperatio of the Yugoslav
Communists 1vith the Social Democrats, whic was more seem-
ino- than actual and more courteous t sincere, and which
w:s 1vithout tangile important results for eiter side.
For completely different reasons, unity has not even been
realized bet.wee W estel d Asian Social Democrats. The
differences bet1veen tem 1vere t as great in essence, or in
priciple, as they 1vere i practice. For ational reasos of their
o>vn, Asia Socialists had to remai separated from West
European Socialists. Even wlle t are opponents of colonial-
ism, W estern Socialists-toug they play no leading role-are
represetatives of cottries wi, solely because t are more
developed, exploit t udeveloped coutries. The cotrast
bet\veen Asia and W estern Social Democrats is maifestation
of contiasts beveen underdeveloped and developed cout.ries,
carried over int.o tlle ranks of t Socialist movement. Despite
tlle fact tat concrete fons of tis cotrast llave to shaiply
defined, proximity in essence-as far as can deduced today-
is obvious and ievit.ale.
4.
National Communism similar to that in Yugoslavia could
of immense it.er-ational sigificance in Communist parties
of no-Commuist states. It could : of v greater signifi-
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 187
cance there than i Commuist parties 1vhich are actually
i po1ver. This is relevant above all to the Commuist parties
in France and Italy, 1vich ecompass significat majority
of t workig class and whicl1 are, along witll several parties
nnist world.
Until w, the maifestations of ational Communism in
these parties v been 1vitout major signifi.cance d impetus.
analysis, lead to profoud d essential chages in tese parties.
s parties have to cotend 1vith the Social Democrats-
who are l to nl the dissatisfied masses tmvard them-
selves means of their o1vn socialist slogans and activity.
Tis is not. tlle only reaso for t evetual deviatio of these
paties from Moscow. Lesser reasons may seen in the periodic
and unanticipated revesals of Mosco1v and of the other ruling
Communist parties. Such revesals lead these and oter no
ruling Communist parties ito "crisis of conscience"-to spit
1vat util yesterday t extolled, t suddenly to g
teir line. N it oppositionist propaganda nor administa.
tiYe pressure 1vill play fudametal role i the trasfonation
of tllese paties.
Tlle basic causes f deYiatio of tese parties from Moscow
may foud i t ature of t social system of t countries
i \vi: t opeiate. If it becomes eYident-and it appears
Jikely-tlt t 1vokig class of tese counties is l trough
paliamentay forms to i at some improvemet in its posi-
tion, and also to cange t social system itself, t working
class 'ill abadon t Communists regardless of its revolu-
tioary and oter traditions. Only small groups of Communist
dogmaticists look dispassionately at t disassociatio of
the 1vokeis; serious political leaders in given ti will
edeavor t.o avoid it. v at t cost of weakening ties witl1
Mosco1v.
Paliamentary electios wblc give huge number of votes

188 NEW CLASS
to Communists in these countries do not accurately express
the actual strencth
~
of Communist parties. significat . de-
gree they are expressio of dissatisfaction d delus~1.
Stbbornly follo1ving the Commuist leaders, the mass~s \Vlll
just as easily abadon them t.he moment it becomes obvus to
t.hem that the leaders are sacrificig atioal istitutios, or
the .t prospects of the 1vork~g class, to tl1eir. b~reau
cratic ature, or to t.he "dictatorslp of the proletariat d
ties 1vith :osco1v.
Of course, all of this is ypothesis. But even today these
parties are finding temselvs i ~ difficu~t s~tuatio: If t
really 1vish to adherets of par'llamentaasm, the1r leaders
1vill have to renounce tlleir anti-paliamentay nature, or
chance over to their o>vrl atioal Commuism >vhich 1vould,
~
since tlley are t in cotrol, lead to disintegratio of their
parties.
The leaders of Commuist parties i t.hese coutries are
drive to expeiment with the idea of national Communism
d atioal forms all of these factors: the strengthenig
of tlle possiility that the trasformation of society d tl1e
improvemet of positio of t 1vorkers >vill attained
democratic meas; Mosco-.;v's eversals, whicll the dow
gading of the clt of Stalin ultimately esulted in destruction
of the ideologic center; un of the Social Demoats;
tedencies to>vad nification of the \Vest profound
and eduring social basis as >vell as militay ; militay
stenctheic of the vVestem l which offes iceasigly
~ ~
fe>ver prospects for 'rothely aid" for the Soviet army; and
the impossiility of -.;v Commuist evoltions >vithout.
>vorld 1var. At t same time fear of the ievitale result of
tansition to parliametaiaism, d of breaking off with
Mosco-.;v, prevents t.hese leaders from doig anythig of real
sigificance. Icreasingly deepei' social diffel'eces bet>vee the
East and the West 1vork with reletless force. The clever
NATIONAL COMMUNISM 189
Togliatti is cofused, d the robust Torez is wavering. Ex-
ternal d internal par-ty life is begining to bypass t.hem.
Emphasizing that today pai'liament can serve as "form
of trasition to socialism," Kl1rushchev inteded at t.he Twen-
tieth Congress to facilitate manipulatio of the Commuist
parties in '~capitalist countries," and to stimulate the c~oper
atio of Cornrnunists and Social Dernoats d t format of
"People's Fronts." Something like this appeared realistic to
him, according to bls 1vords, because of the gs which d
resulted in the stregtheig of Commnism and because of
i the -.;vorld. With tat tacitly ackrwledged to every-
oe t obvious impossility of Commuist revolut.ios in
t.he developed counties, as -.;vell as the impossiility of fter
expasion of Commuism dr ut coditions witout
t dager of -.;v 1vorld war. policy of t Soviet. stat.e
s educed to status quo, while Commuism s de-
sceded to gradual acquisition of -.;v positios in new 1vay.
CI'isis s actually begu i t Communist parties of t.he
no-Commnist states. If they change over to natioal Com-
munism, t risk forsaking their v nate; and if t do
not change v, t face loss of follo>vers. Teir leaders,
tose 1v repesent t spiit of Cornuism i tese parties,
will fol'ced ito t most cuing manipulatios and un-
scupulous measues if they are to extricate temselves fom
tis cotadictio. It is improbale tat. they will l to
k disoientatio d disitegratio. v reached
state of conflict >vit t real tendencies of development in
tlle world d in tl1eir cour1tries tat. obviously lead to-.;vad
>v relatioships.
N atioal Commuism outside of the Commuist states i
evitaiy leads toward enunciatio of Communism itself, or
to>vard t.he disintegratio of t Commuist paties. Its possi-
ilities are greater today in t on-Communist st.ates, but
obviously, only along t.he lies of sepai'atio frorn Commism
 190 NEW CLASS
itself. Therefore, natioal Cornrnuisrn in these parties will
ernerge victorious only witl1 difficulty and slowly, in successive
outbursts.
In the Cornrnunist parties that are not in power it is evidet
that national Cornrnunisrn-despite its intent to stirnulate
Cornrnunisrn d strengthe its ature-is sirnultaneously the
heresy that niles at Cornrnunisrn as such. National Corn-
rnunisrn per se is contradictory. Its nature is the sarne as that
of Soviet Cornrnunism, but it aspires to detach itself into some-
thing of its own, nationally. In reality, national Commnism The Present-Day World
is Communism in decline.
1.

In order to det.errnine more clearly the intemational position

of contemporary Communisrn, it is necessary briefly to draw
picture of the preset-day world.
The results of the First World War led to the transforrnation
of Czarist Russia ito new type of state, or into country
wit.h w types of social relatioblps. Internatioally the dif-
ferece between tl1e t.echical level and tempo of t Uited
Stat.es d the coutries of westem Europe deepeed; t
Secod World War was to trasform tis ito ubridgeale
gulf, so that l the Uited States did t udergo major
gs in the structure of its m.
Wars were t t l cause of this gulf betwee the Uited
States and t rest of the world; t l accelerated its com-
ing. The reasos for t rapid advancernent of the Uited States
found, udoubtedly, in its int.ernal potetialities-in
the atural d social coditios d t caracter of t
economy. American capitalism developed i differet circum-
stances frorn Europea capitalism and it was in full s1ving at
time wen its European couterpart d already begu to
decline.
Today t gulf is this wide: 6 per cent of the world popula-
191
 192 NEW CLASS PRESENT-DAY WORLD 193
tion, that. of the United States, produces 40 per t. of the for oter reasos. lt was the codition for its industrial tras
goods and services in the 1vorld. Bet1veen the First d Second formatio.
Wold \Vars the United States contrited 33 per cent of world Ho1vever, there 1vas aother, pehaps rt very obvious, ele-
production; after the Secod Wm'ld War it contriuted 50 :nent 1vhich was really evolut.ioary for t md 1vold.
per cent. The opposite 1vas true of Europe (excludig the his elemet was modern wars. They lead to substatial
U.S.S.R.), whose contriution to 1vold production dropped changes even 1ven t do not lead to actual evolutios.
from 68 per cent in 1870, to 42 per t in the 1925-29 peiod, Leaving igtful devastation behid tem, t g both
the to 34 per t in 1937, d to 25 per t i 1948 (ac- wold relations and elatios witin individual counties.
cordig to Uited Natios data). revolutionay character of modern 1vars is maifested
The developmet of moder industry i colonial economies not only in t fact tat t give impetus to tecical dis-
'>vas also of special importace, d it 1vas to make it. possile coveies, but, most of all, i the fact that they g t
for most of them, ultimately, to gai teir freedom after t ecoomic d social st1ucture. I Geat Bitai, tl1e Secod
Second World \Var. vVorJd War exposed d affected relatiosllips to the extet
I t period betwee t First. d Secod World 'Vars that cosiderale atioalizatio became ievitale. Idia, Bur-
capitalism 1vet troug economic crisis so pofound d ma, d Idoesia eme1ged m t 1var as idepedet
1vit cosequeces so geat that l dogma-idde Commuist couties. uificatio of 1veste1 u g as eslt
~rais, particularly tlse i the U.S.S.R., failed to ackmvledge of the 1var. It urled t Uited States d the U.S.S.R. to t
.. I. cotrast to the cises of the ieteenth cetury, t.he great summit as the two major ecoomic d political po1ves.
cs1s of 1929 revea!ed tat such cataclysms today sigify dager Modem warfare affects the Iife of atios d humaity
to t social order itself, v to the life of the ti as m more deeply tl did was of ealier epochs. h are
\vhole. The developed coutries-fist of all t United States- tiYO ss for this: Fist, md '''ar st ievitaly total
had to find ways to emege m this cisis gradually. various ;var. Not ecoomic, huma, other souce 1emai
met~ds tlle Uited States esorted to planed m utapped, because tl1e techical lcvel of poductio is ]d
tl scale. chages i ti wit this w of so high that it makes it. impossile for parts of ti or
epochal importa:e for t developed coutries and for the r of t m to stad to side. Secod, for
rest of t 1vorld, althoug t 1v t recogized sufficietly t same tecical, ecoomic, d t1 ss, t 1vold, to
fom teoretical poit of vie1v. iml lg extet, ls become 1vl!e; so t
I this period vaious foms of totalitariaism developed in smallest clges i t brig ft reactios i other
t U.S.S.R. ~nd i capitalist countries suc as Nazi Germay. pats as well. v modem ;var teds to g ito ;vor1d
Ge~any, contrast to t Uited States, was not l 1v.

of solvg t p1o~lem of its iteral and exteral si s ivisile military d economic revolutios are of
normal econom1c meas. \Var d totalitariaism (Nazism) eorous extet d sigificace. m spotaeous
\vere t~e only outlets for t German monopolists, and t t revolutios acbleved f; tat
is, t are t br
su bOIdmated temselves to t acist w t. deed to as geat extet 1vitl1 ideological d gaizatioai
As >'.' v s, t U.S.S.R. wet over to totalitariaism elemets. Terefore, such evolutios make it possile to
 194 NEW CLASS
register in more de!'ly 1vay the tendencies of movemets i
the modern 1vorld.
1vorld as it is today d as it emerged from the Second
World War is obviously rt tl1e same as it was before.
Atomic energy, 1vhich m has t.orn out of the eart of matter
d 1vrested from the cosmos, is t most spectacular but t
the l sign of new .
Official Commuist prognostications on t future of t
uman race declare tat atomic enei'gy is t symbol of Com-
urlist society, just as stea was t sybol and tlle power
prerequisit.e of idustrial capitalism. However we iterpret
tbls na'ive and iased reasonig, another poit is true: atomic
energy is already Ieadig to canges in individual counties d
i the world as whole. Certainly tese gs do t poit
tvard tllat mis and socialism 1vblc t Communist
"teoreticias" desire.
Atoic energy, as discovery, is t t fruit of ti,
but of centy of work undreds of t most. brilliant
minds of many natios. Its applicatio is also t result of
t efforts-not only scietific but economic-of number of
coutries. If t world llad t already uified, r1eiter
t discovery nor t applicat.io of atoic energy would llave
been possile.
effect of atoic eergy, i t fist place, will ted
toward t furtller uificatio of t world. t 1vay, it
will satter iexoraiy all ierited obstacles-o1vnersblp rela-
tios d social relations, but above all exclusive d isolated
systes and ideologies, suc as Comuis t before d
after Stali's deat.
2.
The tendecy toward t ificatio of t world is tlle basic
caracteristic of our time. Tbls does rt tllat t world
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 195
did t earlier llave td toward urlity, i different
1vay. The td tmvard iding the world togeter means
of the wo!"ld market 1vas already dominant in t mid-nie
tee cetury. It, too, was an epoch of capitalist ecoomies
d national 1vars. World uity of kid was beig acbleved
t, troug ational economies and national 1vars.
The furtller unificatio of t world 1vas effected the
sattering of pre-capitalist forms of productio in t.he un-
developed regions and teir divisio among the developed
countries d teir moopolies. This 1vas t period of mo-
nopolistic capitalis, colonial coquests, d 1vars i wblc
iternal conections d interests of t monopolies often
played role more decisive tar1 natioal defese itself. The
tendencies at that time toward world unity were acieved
mainly through conflicts and associations of moopolistic capi-
tal. Tis 1vas igher level of unity tan unity of the arket.
Capital poured out of ational sources, penetrated, took hold,
and doinated t entire world.
s tendencies toward unit.y are apparent i other
areas. may found in very ig level of production,
in conterporary s6ence, d in scientific d other thought.
Further advancemet of uity is r longer possile on exclu-
sively national foudations or throug the division of t >vorld
into individual, monopolistic spheres of influence.
trends to'ivard this w unity-unity of prodction
aie being built on tl1e foundations already attained in ealier
stages-that is, on t unity of the arket and tlle unity of
capital. They conflict, llo>vever, 1vitl1 already strained and in-
adeqate ational, governetal, d, above all, social rela-
tions. vVile tlle fomer unities >vere acbleved means of
national struggles or trougll conflicts and 'iVai over spheres
of intel'est, contepoary uity is being formed, and can only
fored, the destruction of the social relationships of
pevious periods.
No one say coclusively i wat rnanner the coordina-

196 NEW CLASS
tion and unificatio of 1vorld production 1vill effected,
wheter >var or peaceful means. But the!'e can no
doubt that its tendency canot checked.
fiist method of unification-war-1vould hasten unifica-
tion force, tlt is, the domination of one or another
group. But it 1vould inevitaly leave behind it the sparks of
ne1v conflagrations, discord, and injustice. Uification means
of war would take place at. the expense of the weak d de-
feated. Even if 1var should brig order ito given relationships
it would leave behid it uresolved coflicts and deeper mis-
uderstandigs.
Because the preset world conflict is unfoldig mainly
the basis of opposition between systems, it has more of the
character of class coflict tan of oppositio bet1vee ations
and states. That is t reason for its unusual severity and
sharpness. futre 1var 1vould of world and civil rnodern war, tlle victor- vill impose his systern, 1vllich 1vas t
war bet>vee gove!'mets d nations. N ot only would the
s of t 1var itself friglltful; its effects further free
development 1vould terrile too.
uificatio of the 1vorld peaceful meas, although
slower way, is the l steady, wllesome, and just 1vay.
It appears that the uification of the cotemporary world
\vill effected th!'ougl1 t opposition of systems, in cotrast
to the types of opposition (natioal) trogll 1vhich unificatio
1vas acllieved in earlier periotls.
This does t mean that all contempoa!'y coflicts are
merely due to conflicts bet\veen systems. Ther-e are otller
conflicts, icluding those from former epoclls. Throgh the
conflict of systerns the tendecy to1vard >vorld uity of pr-oduc-
tion is r-evealing itself rnost clearly d actively.
It 1vould unealistic to expect the nity of world prodc
tio to achieved in the near fture. The process will t.ake
long tirne, sice it 1vi11 the fr-uit of the ogaized efforts of
the econornic and other Ieading po1vers of hmanity, d be-
cause cornplete nity of prodctio actually cannot achieved.
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 197
The earlier unities 1vere ever attained as sornethina final this
. . '
uty too IS beig estalisl1ed only as tedency, as sornetllina
toward. 1vllich. prodctio, at least t.hat of the most developed
countries, asp1res.
.
endig of t Secod World War llad already confirmed
t.he tedency t.o divisio of systerns 1vorld scale. All tlle
countries vhic fell nder Soviet influence, even parts of cou
t!'ies (Gerrnany, Kor-ea), acllieved rnore or less t sarne syste.
It 1vas the sarne on t \Vester side.
The Soviet leade 1vere flly a1vare of this piocess. I re-
rnernber that at an intimate party in 1945 Stalin said: "In
the case i past v." said tllis before the 1var 1vas over, at
tirne 1vhen love, hope, and trst 1vere at their peak arnona
t Allies. In February 1948 he said to us, the Yugoslavs, and
to t Blgaians: "Tl1ey, t Weste po1vers, 1vi11 make
country of their mvn t of \Vest Germany and 1ve 1vill rnake
of our om out of East Ger-rnany-tis is ievitale."
Today it is fashionaie, and to sorne extent justifiale, to
evaluate Soviet policy as it 1vas before d after Stali's deatll.
Ho1vever, Stalin did t invent the systems, nor do tlse 1vho
succeeded irn believe in the less than did. \i\Iat. has
gd since bls deatl1 is t rnethod 1vllich Soviet leades
dl elatios bc:t1vee systerns, not. the systes temselves.
Did t Khrushchev, at the T1vetieth Cogress, mention
is "1vld of socialisrn," is "1vorld socialist systern," as some-
thing separate and special? I practice tllis rneans notblna r
t insistece upon divisio into systems, into t.he futher
exclusiveness of Cornrnuis's o1m systern and l1egemoistic
tl.
Because t conflict bet1vee t West d East is essentially
 NEW CLASS
198
conflict of systems, it must take on the appearance of an ideo-
logical struggle. Ideological war does not wane, even when
temporary compromises are effected, d it drugs into uncon-
sciousness the minds in the opposing camps. The more the
coflict in the material, economic, political, and other spheres
sharpens, the more it seems as if pure ideas themselves were
in conflict.
In addition to the exponents of Communism d capitalism
there is third type of country, that 'vhich s wrested itself
from colonial dependence (Idia, Idonesia, Burrna, the Arab
coutries, etc.) . s countries are straining to construct in-
dependet economies in order to tear themselves loose from
economic dependence. In them overlap several s and United States is carrying out ationalization as well, an even
number of systems, and particularly the two contemporary
systems.
s emerging natior1s are, pricipally for tlleir own a ands of the goverr1ment. If t.he United States should achieve
tional reasons, t most sincere supporters of the slogans of
ational sovereignty, , mutual understar1ding, and sim- fication of the contemporary world would receive still greater
ilar ideas. However, they cannot eliminate t.he coflict between
the two systems. They can l alleviate it. In addition they
are the very fields of battle between the two systems. Teir
role can significant and l one but, for the present,
not decisive one.
It is important to observe that both systems claim that the
uification of the 'vorld will modeled on one or the otller.
Both take tlle stand, t, that there is need for world unity.
However, these stands are diametrically opposed. modern
world's tendency toward unity is being demonstrated and re-
alized through struggle between opposing forces, struggle
of unheard-of severity i times of .
The ideological d political expressions of this struggle
are, as we know, Westem democracy d Eastem Communism.
Since tlle unorganized tendencies toward unification are
bursting fort.h more strogly in t West, because of political
democracy and higher tecnical and cult.ural level, t West
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 199
also appears as tlle champio of political d intellectual
freedom.
One or another caracteristic system of owership in tese
coutries may check or stimulate this tendency, dependig u
circumstaces. However, the aspiration toward unity is wide-
spread. definite obstacle to this unification is the monopolies.
They wat unity, in their w interest.s, but t 'vant to ac-
complisll it an already obsolete metod-in t forr of
speres of ifluece. However, teir opponents-for example,
the English Labourit.es-are also aderents of unity, but i dif-
feret way. tedency toward unity is also strog in Great
Britai, which s caied out natioalization. Moreover, t
vaster scale, rt changing t form of owership, but put-
ting considerale portion of the national income into the
completely nationalized economy, tendecies tmvard the uni-
impetus.
4.
~ law of society and man is to expand and perfect pr~
ductio. This law evidences itself in t cotemporary level
of science, tecrlogy, tougt, etc., as tendency toward the
uification of world production. This is tendency whic, as
rule, is so muc more iesistile if it involves people on
higer cultural and material level.
W estem tendecies toward world unification are t expres-
sion of economic, teclical, d other needs and, behind these,
of political mvnersip and otller forces. The picture in the
Soviet is different. v if there d not been otller
reasons, the Counist East, because it was r backward,
would v been compelled to isolat.e itseJf economically and
 200 NEW CLASS
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 201
ideologically d to compensate for its economic and other
deeper, soetig >vi is i t ature of the conteporary
1.veaknesses political measures.
\VOrld, of conteporaiJ' systes, d especially of nis.
It may sound strange, but. this is true: Communism's so-
cold \V, today t cause of increasing tesio, \vas itself
called socialist mvnership is t main obstacle to 1.vorld uifi
t poduct of oter, deeper, d earlier coflicting facts.
cation. Tl1e collective d total domiance of t new class
Tlle wor'ld i vvic 1.ve live is 1.vorld of ncertaity. It is
creates isolated political and economic system 1.vich impedes
wold of stupefying and uftl llorizos wicll sciece
the unification of t 1.vorld. This system d does chage,
is revealig to lit; it is also 1.vorld of teile fear of
but very slo>vly, and almost t at all in regard to mixing d
cosic catastmpe, tllreateed odern s of 1.var.
ite\reaving >vith otl1er systes in the directio of cosolida
Tbls vvorld 1.vill cllaged, i 1.vay tr. It t.
tio. Its chages are d solely for the s of icreasing
remain as it is, diYided and vvit iesistile aspiratio to-
its o\\rn stregth. Leadig to type of oweship, goveret,
ward nity. \Vorld relatiosips >vi fially r fro
d ideas, tl1is syste ievitaly isolates itself. It ievitaly ~ <:>
tis entagleet V\7ill eiter ideal r \Vitllout fiction.
oves to>vard exclusiveness.
-\\r, t 1.vill better t t preset-day s.
united >vorld \\'hic even t Soviet leaders desire only
Tlle present conflict. of systes, o\vever, does t idicate
iagined the as r or less identical wit their own
tl1at it is goig in t directio of single syste. Tis
and as beig teirs. peaceful coexistence of systes of
type of conflict deostates only tllat t fter ificatio
>vi t speak does t to t t iteveavig of
of t \Vorld or, r tl expressed, t nificatio of
varios systes, but tl1e static continuation of syste l--
. ~ >vold prodctio, will acieYed trougl1 t coflict bet1.vee
Side anoter, util t poit >vhen tl1e otller system-te cap-
systems.
italist syste-is eiter defeated conodes f witi.
(endency to'lvard uity of world prodctio t. lead
Tlle existece of tl1e coflict bet>veen t t>vo systes
everyvvllere to tl1e s type of prodctio, tat is, to tl: same
does t n tat atioal and coloial coflicts llave ceased.
foms of >vsi, governent, etc. Tis it of prodctio
t tr, it is tllroug clases of ational d colonial
expresses tlle aspiration tovvard eliinatio of inerited d
ature tat t basic coflict of systes is revealed struccle
<:>
artificial obstacl~s to t floisig and geater efficiency of
over t Sez Canal cold ardly kept fro ti ito
strife bet>ve tlle t>vo systes, istead of reaiing \Vl1at it
d prodctn. It eans fuller adjstet of prodction
to local, ~tura~, at.ioal, d oter coditios. td
\Vas: dispte bet1.vee Egyptia ationalis d \Vorld t.rade
to\vard t1s fit eally leads to geater coordination
wi, coicidece, l1appened to represeted t
d s of t >vold prodctio potetial.
old coloial po>vers of Britain d Frace.
It is fotuate tat sigle syste does t prevail i tlle
Extree strai i all aspects of itenatioal llas been
\Vorld. tlle cotrary, tl1e uftt ti is tat tere
t inevitale result of s relations. Cold \Var llas
t noral peacetie state of tlle d \Vorld. Its fors
~re too fe;v. diffeer:t systes. Most of all, >v:t is eally bad
IS tl1e exclus1ve d Isolated tr of systems, of vatever kind
llave cllaged d are caging; it s ilder or r
t may .
severe, t it is no longer possile to eliinate it uder a-ive
coditios. It is necessay first to eliiate sti-<:> ~uch Icreasigly greater differeces bet>veen social nits, stat.e
a!ld political systes, in addit.ion to icreasigly ~eater effi-

202 NEW CLASS
ciency of production, is one of the la\vs of society. Peoples unite,
man conforms morc and more to the world around him, but
at the same time he also becomes mor-e and more individualized.
The future \vorld \Vill 11 mor-e varied, d, as for people generally, more just dist.riution of goods, and
such, more uified. Its imminent unification will made
possile variety, not sameess of type d personality. At
least that is the \vay it has up to this time. Sameness of
type d personality would mean slavery d stagnation; not
higer degree of freedom for production than today's.
nation which does not become aware of actual world
processes and tendecies will have to for it dearly. It will
inevitaly lag behid d i the end will ltave to adjust to
t unificatio of the \Vold, no matter what its uerical d
military stregt may . N one will escape this, just as in the
past t one nation could resist t penetration of capital d
the connectio \Vit other natios thug t world market.
t is also t reason why today every autarchical, or
exclusive, national economy-\vatever its form of O\VIlership
or political order, or eyen its techical level-must fall into
unresolvale cotradictions d stagnatio. Tis olds true also
for social systems, ideas, et.c. The isolated system can offer l
very modest livig; it \vould unale to moye forward d
solye t proles brougl about dr tecliques and
odern ideas.
Incidentally, \Vorld deYelopment s already demolised the
Comunist-Staliist teory of the possiility of cost.ruction
of socialist, or Cumuist, society i one country, and s
brougt about the strengthening of the totalitarian despotism,
or t absolute dominance of new exploiting class.
I tese circustances t construction of socialist, or Com-
muist, or any oter kind of society in one couti-y, or in
large number of countries cut off fro t \Vorld as wole, in-
eYitaly results in autarcy and t consolidation of despotism.
It also causes the weakening of t national potentialities for
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 203
economic and social progress of t countries concerned. It
is possile to haYe, i armony with progiessive economic and
democratic aspirations i t world, more bread and lierty
normal tempo of econoic deYelopen:t. Tl1e conditio for
tis is t canging of existing property and political relation-
ships, particulaly tose i Counis since they are, because
of t onopoly of t ruling class, t most serious-altough
not t only-obstacle to natioal and world progress.
5.
tendency to\vard unification, for ot.her reasons, has also
ifluenced canges in property relationships.
The iceased, and v decisiYe, tole of governmet orgas
in t economy, and to large extet in ownership as \vell,
is also expression of the tedency toward \Vorld uification.
Certaily it is manifested in differet \vays in various systems
d countries, and eYen as an obstacle in tlse places where-
as i t Couist countries-formal state owership itself
conceals the monopoly and t total doination of new class.
I Great Britain private or, r accurately expressed, mon-
opolist O\Vllership has already legally lost its sanctity and purity
troug Labourite nationalization. Over twenty per cent of
Biitish productiYe po\ver has ationalized. In t Scandi-
navian countries, in addition to state ownership, cooperative
type of collective O\vnership is deYelopig.
The inceasing role of governent in t is espe-
cially caracteristic of the countries whic until recently \Vere
coloies and sei-dependent co1tries, witout regard to
wether they v socialist goYernmet (Bura), parlia-
etary deocracy (India), or military dictatorsblp (Egypt).
 204 NEJV CLASS PRESENT-DAY WORLD 205
government makes most of the investments; it controls Expenditures of tlze Federal Pulic Debts
exports, seizes large portion of t export funds, etc. Government (Federal)
government appeais evei)''Nl1ee as an initiator of econo~ic Year (in millions of dollars) (in thousands of dollars)
cancre and ationalization is more equently occurng
' 1870 309.6 2,436,453
form of O\vnersip.
1940 8,998.1 42,967,531
The situation is no differet in t United States, t cou
1950 40,166.8 256,708,000
ti)' \vere capitalism is most ighly developed. N ot on:y can
evebody see t icreasing role of the governmen~ lll t
economy from t great isis (1929) to tl1e present tlme, but In this "\Vork Clough speaks of t "anagerial revolution,"
fe\v people deny the inevitaility of tbls role. wi uderstads to t rise of professional adinis
s laine vValker epasizes, in The Epic of American tratos, \vitout \v mvners longer operate. Teir
Industry:* " growing intiacy bet,veen govenent and ur, role, and solidarity cotirally growing in the
the econoic life s been one of t stiking caacteistics Uited States, and n of great business geius, like D.
of t twentiet century." Rockefeller, Jolm Wanaaker, ls Sc\vab and oters, do
\Valker cites that in 1938 about 20 per cent of t national not eerge any loger in tl1e Uited States.
incoe \vas socialized, \vhile in 1940 tllis per-centage \Vent up Fainsod and Gd, i Government and the American
to at Ieast 25 per cent. Systeatic goYernent planing of t Economy, * rk tat t goYernet s already played
national n began \vith RooseYelt. At tl1e s tie, the role in t economy d tat various social groups v tied
nuber of governent \voker-s d goYer-net functios, to k use of tbls role in economic life. Ho"\vever, tere are
particularly tose of the federal govenent, is gowing. now essential diffeeces in this. The reglatiYe role of goYern-
Jolson and Kross, in Tlze Oigins ancl D('velopment of the ent, t \vite, has d not only i t sphere of labor
Ameican Economy,t to the s conclusions. af- t in productio-in branches of the economy as impoitant
firm tat adiistration l1as been separated f owersip to t ation as tasportatio, natal gas, coal, and petolem.
d that t role of t goYer-nent as credito s gro\vn "Novel d far-reacl1ig changes \vere also eYident in the for
cosider-aly. "One of tl1e cief caacter-istics of the 20t cen- of an expansion of li enterprise and ineased concem
tury," t say, "is t constant augetation of t govern- \vit t conservation of natral and un esources. Pulic
ent's, especially tlle fedeal govenent's, influence over enterpr'ise became paiticularly irnpotant in the banking and
econoic affairs." ctedit field, in electicity, and in the pioYision of lo\v-cost
In is \VOik The Ameican TYay,t Separd . Clough cites housing." They cornrnent that the goYernrnent has begun to
figes tat illustr-ate tese stateets. expenditures and play far more irnportant l than it played alf century
pulic debt.s of t federal governet, according to , look ago, even ten s ago. "The eslt of tese developrnents
like tbls: has been to prodce 'mixed econorny,' n i \vhich
li eterprise, patially governrnent-contiOlled private en-
"New Yo1k, Harper, 1949.
t New York, Prentice-Hall, 1953.
:: New York, . . Crowell, 1953. "New York, W. W. Norton, 1941.

NEW CLASS
206
terprise, and relatively uncontrolled private ent.erpise all exist
side side."
These and other authors cit.e various aspects of this process
d t growth of t eeds of society for social welfare, edu-
catio, d similar beefits, whic are beig provided gov- state mvers1p 1s teccally preset to s extent i both
ernment agecies, as well as t continual icrease-both
relative and absolute-i the umber of persos employed
t goven1ment.
It is uderstandale tat this process received immese im-
petus and intensity during t Second World War because of
military needs. Ho,vever, after the war the process did not
subside but contintted at faster tempo tan during t prewar
period. It ras not just the fact that the Democratic Party was
i power. Even the Repulica government of Eiseower,
which was elected to po1;ver in 1952 the slogan of return
to private initiative, could 110t cange anythig essentially.
The same thing happened 1;vith the Conservative governent
in Great Britai; it did t succeed i bringig about de-
natioalization except i the steel idstry. Its role in the
economy, compariso 'vit tat of the Labour government,
has t essentially decreased, altoug it has t increased
eiter.
interferece of t governet in the economy is ob-
viously t result of objective tendecies 'vhich d already
penetated the people's consciousness log time ago. All
serio economists, beginning wit Keynes, have advocated t
intervention of t stat.e in t m. No1;v this is more or
less an actuality trougout t 'vorld. State intervention and
state o'vnership are today essential and i some places
detetmining factor i the economy.
could almost conclude fom t.his tat there is no distinc-
tion or source of coflict in the fact tat in the East.ern system
the state plays the major role, while in t Western system
private ownership, or owne1-ship moopolies d compaies,
plays major role. Such coclusion seems all the more war-
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 207
rated since t role of private ownersblp in tlle West is
gradually decliig, t role of t state growio-.
However, this is t t case. Aside from t; other differ-
ences betwee systems, tere is an essetial differece i state
ownersblp ~ i~ the rol~ of t state in the economy. Though
systems, . they ~re tw? differet, even contradictory types of
owersh1p. Th1s appl1es to t role of the state in the ,
too.
Not single Western government acts like an owner with
rel~tion to the n. In fact, W estern governmet is
ne1ther the Ol;Ver of natioalized property nor the owner of
funds wblch it has collected trough t.axes. It canot an
owner because it is subject to chage. It must administer and
distriute t.his property under t control of parliament. In
t course of distriutio of property, the governmet is sb
ject to vario inflences, but it is not t owner. All it does
is admiister and distriute, well or badly, property which does
t belong to it.
This is t t~e. case i Commuist contries. The govern-
ment both adr~1sters ar~d distriutes ational property. The
w class, or Its executive organ-the party oligarcy-botll
acts as the mvner d is the owner. The most reactioary and
~ourgeois govermet can hardly dream of such monopoly
the ecormy.
S~rface similarities in ownership i the West d t East
are fact real d deep differeces, even coflictig elemets.
6.
Even after the ~irst World War, forms of ownersip were
probaly an essetlal reaso for the coflicts between the West
and t U.S.S.R. Monopolies then played much more im-
portant role and they could not accept t idea that one part
 208 NEW CLASS
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 209
of the 1vorld-specifically the U.S.S.R.--was escaping fro their
aQeernent that the rnaterial d other differences bet;vee de-
doain. TI1 e Counist rr had just recently
v~loped and undeYeloped courltries do not diinish; on the
the ling class. . tr, they increase.
Ov.'Ilersblp relationships have alway~ been v1tal to _the
The inequality bet\veen the Western developed countries
U.S.S.R. in its deaHngs 1vith other countries. '\Vherever p~sSIle
and the tdeYeloped counties reYea1s itself as beig rnainly
its pecliar type of mvnership and polit~cal relations~1p w~s
ecoomic. Traditional political dorniatio goyers d
iposed force. No att.er how uch 1t de~eloped 1ts bsi
locallords is already on its 1vay out. No,v, as rule, the ecoorny
ness connections 1vith the rest of the 1vorld, It cold not go
of an developed t politically idependent, ational gov-
beyond the r exchange of goods, 1vhich ~ad been developed
er"rnent is subodiate to sorne oter contry.
during the period of national st.ates. _This was also tre ~f
Today no single people can willingly accept such subordinate
Ygoslavia in the period of its break 1v1th Mosco_w. Yugosla_via
relationships, jst as single people can 1villigly reounce
could not. develop any kind of significant econoic rt
the advantaaes rnade possile geater productivity.
except for the exchange of goods, although she had and con- u
ask Arnerican or West European \Vorkers-not t.o nt
tines to have hopes of achieving this. Her n has re-
mvners-villingly to rn the benefits offered tern
ained isolat.ed too.
hig level of tecnology and rnore productive \Vork is as un-
There are other eleents >vhich coplicate this picture d
thinkale as it \vould to pesuade poor Asiatic tl1at he
tl1ese relationships. If the stengthening of '\Vestern. tendencies
shold happy that he receiYes so little for his wk.
to\vard \VOrld unity of podction ight not n d to unde-
Mutual aid bet\veen govenrnents d the gr-adual elimia
veloped contries, in practice it \vould lead to the ascend~ncy
tion of ecoornic and oter inequalities bet\veen peoples rnust
of one nation-the United States-or, at best, grop of natns.
born of need in order to becorne t child of good >vill.
the very eleent of exchange, tl_1e n _and the
In t rnain, econornic aid has tus far been extended only
ational life of the undeveloped contes exploed and
in tose cases "'r udeveloped countries, ;vit low purchas-
'iorced to subordinated to the developed contries. This
ing po\ver and lo\v poduction, haYe becorne brden to the
eans that the undeveloped conties can only defend the
developed contries. The curet conflict bet\veen t t1vo sys-
selves political rneans, and shuttig thernselv~s i if ~
tes is the ain obstacle to t extensio of real econornic
,vish to surviYe. Tbls is one \vay. The other way 1s to rece1ve
aid. This is not only s uge surns being spent for
aid forn the otside, fom the deyeloped cotr'ies. There is
rnilitary and sirnilar eeds; conternporary relationships also
no tllid ;vay. Up to no\v thee has been l the beginning
blnder t flouisig of production, d its tendency tmvard
alona the second >vay-aid in insignificant arnonts.
nification, thus locking aid to underdeYeloped coutries and
T~day the difference bet\veen the American and the I~Ido t progress of t deYeloped coutries thernselYes.
nesian 1voker is greate tha that bet\veen the mr
Material d oter differeces bet\veen the developed d
\voker and the \Vealthy Arneica stockholder. In 1949 v
the ndeYeloped coutries v a1so been registered i their
ihaitant of tlle United States earned average of at least
itenal life. It \vold comp1etely iaccurate to interpret
$1,440.00; the Indonesian \vker eared l/53rd as rncl1, on1y
dernocacy i the \Vest only as an expression of solidarity of
$27.00, according to United Natios data. d there is j?;eneral
rich atios in looting the poor ones; the W esten coutries
 PRESENT-DAY WORLD 2ll
210 NEW CLASS
gove1met subordiates its aid to others, v i the case of
were democratic l- before the time of coloial extra-profits,
~
loas, to its political requiremets.
tluo-h lmver level tha that of today. l coection
Soviet has rt yet reached the point \Vhich
betw~e preset-day democracy i tlle Western coutries d would drive it to 1vorld uification of prodction. Its contra-
that of t peiiod \\h Marx d Li were alive lies in dictios d diffi.culties ste maily fro intenal soces. The
the fact of cotiuous developmet betweer1 the t periods. system itself can st survive despite its isolatio fr'o the
The similarity bet1vee past d preset democracy is not outside world. This is eonously expesive, t it is acbleved
gr-eater than that bet\vee lieral or moopolistic capitalism the widespread use of force. t tbls sitation t last
and odern statism. log; the liit st reached. d this will t begirig
I his \vork, Place Fear, the British socialist Aneurin
of the d of limited domiation the political bureauc-
v observed: racy, or the 1v class.
Contepoary Commuism cold help achieve the goal of
It is necessary to distinguish between the intetio of Li
world unification most of all political meas-by internal
eralis and its achievemets. Its intentio was to 1vin power
democratizatio d becoing r accessile to the outside
f the w fonns of property t.hrown up the Idust.rial
Revolutio. Its achievement was to wi political power for
world. Ho1vever, it is st remote from tbls. Is it actually
l of such thing?
the people irrespective of property.
. . The fuctio of parliamentary democracy, uder uni- What kid of picture does Commnism have of itself d
versal franchise, historically cosidered, is to expose \vealth- of the otside world?
privilege to the attack of the people. It is sword pointed at , ding the period of monopolies, the Marxism which
the heart of property-power. The 1vhere the issues are Leni ndified conceived the internal d extemal relatio
joined is Parliamet.t sltips ito 1vhic Czarist Rssia d siilar countries had fallen
wit degree of accuracy. With this picture to spur it , the
Beva's observatio applies to Great Britai. It could moveet headed Lenin fought d w. I Stalin's tie
expanded to apply to oter Wester countries, but only to the this s ideology, again modified, was realistic to the extent
\Vestern ones. that it. defined, almost accurately, the positio d role of t
I t W est, ecoomic meas which operate to\vard \vorld r1ew state i iternatioal relatios. The Soviet state, or the
unificatio have become domiat. I the East, the Com- w class, 1vas i good positio exteally d itemally,
muist side, political meas for such uificatio have always subordiatig to itself all that it could acquire.
predomiat. The U.S.S.R. is l of "uitig" l Now the Soviet leades have hard time orietig t.hem-
that 1vhich it coqers. From this poit of vie1v t v the selves. They are loger i of seeig conteporary
w regie could chage aything essetially. According to reality. The world which they see is t the that really
its ideas, oppressed peoples are l those wl some other exists. It is either the that used to exist or t that
governmet, t the Soviet one, is inflictig its rule. The Soviet they would \Vish to have exist.
Holdig to obsolete dogmas, the Comnst leaders
From page 9, Ne'v York edition, Simon & Schuster, 1952. thoght that all t rest of the world would stagnate and de-
t From page 6, ibld.
 212 NEW CLASS
stroy itself in conflicts and struggles. This did not happen.
The West advanced both ecormically and intellectually. It
proved to united 1vhenever danger &:om aother system
threatened. The coJoies were freed, but dtd t become Com-
muist, r did this lead to rupture with the mother coun-
tries involved.
The breakdow of Wester capitalism through crises and
wars did not take place. In 1949 Vishinsky, at the Uited Na-
tios i the n of the Soviet leadership, predicted t
begi~ning of geat ne\V crisis in th~ Uited States and i~
capitalism. The opposite happeed. Tts was. .t because ca?t-
talism is good or bad, but because t capttaltsm t Sovtet
Ieaders rant about no longer exists. The Soviet leaders could
rt see that Idia, t Arab states, and similar countries had
become indepedent, util they began to appove-for teir
o\vn reasons-Soviet poits of vie\v in foreign policy. Soviet
Jeaders did not. and do not. \V unde-stand social democracy.
Instead, t measure it the yadstick \vit \vhich t \Vestei"Il coutries, but i no case is t role as great or the
measure t fate of the Social Demoo-ats in their o\vn area.
Basina- teir thinkia- t fact tat thei coutry did not
"' "'
r t development \vhic the Social Democats foresa\v,
SoYiet. leaders ld that social democracy in the \Vest, as
well, is nreal and "tr."
This is also tue \Vith regad to teir evaluation of the basic
conflict--te coflict betwee systems, or t basic tendecy
to\vard t unification of poduction. Here too teir evaluatio
is out of focs.
declare tat this coflict is stggle bet,veen two dif-
feet social systems. I of tem-teirs, of course-tey
state tlt there are classes, or tat t classes i t
pocess of liquidatio, and that. teirs is state mvership. In
t other system-te foreign one--tey isist tat tlrere are
ragia- class stra-a-les d crises \Vile all material goods are
"' "'"'
i the hands of private indiYidals, d that the goYermet 1s
l the tool of andful of greedy monopolists. Wit tis
PRESENT-DAY WORLD 213
yiew of the world, t believe tat t preset coflicts wold
have been avoided if such relatioships had t predomi-
ant i the W est.
That is \Vhere the difficlty lies.
if relat.ionships i the West were t way t Com-
muists would like them to be-the coflict wold still cotire.
Per-aps the coflict \Vould v more severe in this case.
For not. l forms of o\vnership \vould differ; it wold
matter of different, opposig aspirations, behind whic stand
modem techology d the vital iterests of \vole ations, i
'Nhich yario grops, parties, d classes endeavor to haYe the
same prolem solYed accodig to their eeds.
W t SoYiet leaders rate the modern \Vestem cotries
as lid istments of the moopolies, t are just as \\rg
as they are i iter-pretig their own system as classless
society 1vhere O\ver-ship is i t hads of society. Certainly
the moopolies play importat l in t politics of the
same as before the First \Vorld \Var, r as before the
Second World \V. h is, in the backgrod, something
\v d more essential; an iresistile aspiration toward t
uification of t \Vorld. This is >v expressed more strogly
trouglr statism and nationalizatio-or thg t l of
the goYemmet in tl1e economy-ta it is trogh the iflu
ence d action of the monopolies.
t extent tlrat. one class, party, or leader stifles criticism
completely, or olds absolute po\ver, it or inevitaly falls
into an unrealistic, egotistical, and pretentious judgment of
reality.
This is appening today to t Commnist leaders.
do not control teir deeds, but are forced into t eality.
There advantages in this; t are IIO\V m practical m
. than t used to . Hmvever, tere are also disadvatages,
because tese leaders basically lack ealistic, or eYen approxi-
mately realistic, vie\vs. They spend more time defeding
 214: NEW CLASS
themselves from world reality and attacking it tan they do
in getting accustomed to it. Their adherence to obsolete dogma
incites them to senseless actions, from 'vhich, on more ature
thoughts, tlley constantly retreat, but with loody heads. Let us
l tat t latter will prevail 'vith the. Certaily, if the
Communists interpreted t world realistically, they might ]ose,
but they 'vould gain as human beings, as part of t huma race.
I any case, the world will cange and will go in t direc-
tion i which it llas been movig and must go Oil-to,vard
greater unity, progress, and freedom. po'ver of reality d
the power of life v always been stroger than kind of
brutal force and more real than any theory.