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Gandhi also encouraged his followers to practise inner discipline to get ready
for independence. Gandhi said the Indians had to prove they were deserving of
independence. This is in contrast to independence leaders such as Aurobindo Ghose,
who argued that Indian independence was not about whether India would offer
better or worse government, but that it was the right for India to have self-
government.
Gandhi also clashed with others in the Indian independence movement such
as Subhas Chandra Bose who advocated direct action to overthrow the British.
Gandhi frequently called off strikes and non-violent protest if he heard people were
rioting or violence was involved.
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In 1930, Gandhi led a famous march to the sea in protest at the new Salt Acts.
In the sea, they made their own salt, in violation of British regulations. Many
hundreds were arrested and Indian jails were full of Indian independence followers.
However, whilst the campaign was at its peak some Indian protesters killed
some British civilians, and as a result, Gandhi called off the independence movement
saying that India was not ready. This broke the heart of many Indians committed to
independence. It led to radicals like Bhagat Singh carrying on the campaign for
independence, which was particularly strong in Bengal.
After the war, Britain indicated that they would give India independence.
However, with the support of the Muslims led by Jinnah, the British planned to
partition India into two: India and Pakistan. Ideologically Gandhi was opposed to
partition. He worked vigorously to show that Muslims and Hindus could live
together peacefully. At his prayer meetings, Muslim prayers were read out alongside
Hindu and Christian prayers. However, Gandhi agreed to the partition and spent
the day of Independence in prayer mourning the partition. Even Gandhi’s fasts and
appeals were insufficient to prevent the wave of sectarian violence and killing that
followed the partition.
Away from the politics of Indian independence, Gandhi was harshly critical
of the Hindu Caste system. In particular, he inveighed against the ‘untouchable’
caste, who were treated abysmally by society. He launched many campaigns to
change the status of untouchables. Although his campaigns were met with much
resistance, they did go a long way to changing century-old prejudices.
At the age of 78, Gandhi undertook another fast to try and prevent the
sectarian killing. After 5 days, the leaders agreed to stop killing. But ten days later
Gandhi was shot dead by a Hindu Brahmin opposed to Gandhi’s support for
Muslims and the untouchables.
LEADERSHIP STYLE
TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADER
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conditions, just like millions of people in India. They could relate to him, and this
inspired them to give their best effort in order to make a difference.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi spent his years in prison in line with the
Biblical verse, “Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be constant in prayer.”
Nelson Mandela was shut off from his countrymen for 27 years, imprisoned, until
his release on February 11, 1990. Both walked that long road to freedom. Their
unwavering commitment to nationalism was not only rooted in freedom; it also
aspired towards freedom. Both of them discovered that after climbing a great hill,
one only finds many more to climb. They had little time to rest and look back on the
distance they had travelled. Both Mandela and the Mahatma believed freedom was
not pushed from behind by a blind force but that it was actively drawn by a vision.
In this respect, as in many other ways, the convergence of the Indian and South
African freedom struggles is real and striking.
Nelson Mandela used similar skills, measuring the consequences of his every
move. He organised an active militant wing of the African National Congress — the
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Spear of the Nation — to sabotage government installations without causing injury
to people. He could do so because he was a rational pragmatist.
Both Mandela and Gandhi eschewed violence against the person and did not
allow social antagonisms to get out of hand. They felt the world was sick unto death
of blood-spilling, but that it was, after all, seeing a way out. At the same time, they
were not pacifists in the true sense of the word. They maintained the evils of
capitulation outweighed the evils of war. Needless to say, their ideals are relevant in
this day and age, when the advantages of non-violent means over the use of force
are manifest.
Gandhi and Mandela also demonstrated to the world they could help build inclusive
societies, in which all Indians and South Africans would have a stake and whose
strength, they argued, was a guarantee against disunity, backwardness and the
exploitation of the poor by the elites. This idea is adequately reflected in the make-
up of the “Indian” as well as the “South African” — the notion of an all-embracing
citizenship combined with the conception of the public good.
At his trial, Nelson Mandela, who had spent two decades in the harsh
conditions of Robben Island, spoke of a “democratic and free society in which all
persons live in harmony and with equal opportunities. […] It is an ideal which I
hope to live for and to achieve, but if need be, an ideal for which I am prepared to
die.”
The speed with which the bitterness between former colonial subjects and
their rulers abated in South Africa is astonishing. Mandela was an ardent champion
of “Peace with Reconciliation,” a slogan that had a profound impact on the lives of
ordinary people. He called for brotherly love and integration with whites, and a
sharing of Christian values. He did not unsettle traditional dividing lines and
dichotomies; instead, he engaged in conflict management within a system that
permitted opposing views to exist fairly.
Gandhi’s vision for independent India too extended beyond the territorial
realm. He rejected the notion of a “clash of civilizations,” and sought to build
bridges with the British. He saw no reason why cross-cultural goodwill — an idea
close to Mandela’s heart — couldn’t be revitalised and sustained. Without his global
perspective, India arguably would not have been an active participant and partner in
the Commonwealth.
This is not to say the views of Mandela and Gandhi fully converged. Gandhi had no
doubt in his mind that, by adopting the traditionally accepted form of protest, he
had mounted sufficient pressure to ease government control. Mandela, on the other
hand, believed in “a more active, militant style of protest […] - actions that punished
the authorities.” He and his brave partners at Robben Island questioned the rationale
behind hunger strikes, especially because it was next to impossible to alert people on
the outside when they were waging such a strike.
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Today, the India that Gandhi helped shape appears to be in disarray.
Corruption is endemic. Our institutional inefficiencies are gloriously obvious. The
political process has been fouled by the politics of caste and community. The South
Africa of Mandela’s dream is, likewise, all but shattered. Unemployment among
blacks is high. Slums still exist in the cities. Crime is rife. Fundamental obstacles to
racial reconciliation have not been removed. Still, amid the problems faced by the
two countries, the popular image of Bapu and Mandela is that of benevolent leaders,
whose actions could not always be comprehended by us ordinary mortals. After all,
history cannot be anticipated by those who make it.