Professional Documents
Culture Documents
V
METAPHILOSOPHY
Vol. 48, No. 4, July 2017
0026-1068
TRUST AS A META-EMOTION
Abstract: The aim of this article is to present trust as a meta-emotion, such that it is
an emotion that precedes first-order emotions. It examines how trust can be
considered a meta-emotion by establishing criteria for identifying trust as a meta-
emotion. How trust plays out differently in aesthetic and ordinary contexts can
provide another mode for investigating meta-emotions. The article illustrates how it
is possible to recognize these meta-emotions in narratives. Finally, it presents one of
the aims of trust, sharing knowledge between agents, when someone who provides
testimony shares knowledge in an epistemic trust process with others. It shows a
relationship construction between subjects and objects thanks to the trust, a meta-
emotion that represents emotional ties between subjects to achieve another emotion.
proximity (Barbalet 1998; Benski 2005; Collins 1990; Flam 2005; Scheff
2009; Yang 2000). Benski (2011) suggests adopting the concept
“constellations of emotions” to deal with the complex nature of emo-
tional dimensions, where situations give rise to emotional experiences
that quite often cannot be adequately accounted for by focusing on a
single emotion. Constellations are composed of congruent emotions
amplifying the basic expected behavioral consequences, in which the
different emotions work in a similar direction, as in the case of disgust.
Benski (2005) considers situations in which disgust, contempt, and out-
rage are expressed together by members of the public passing by an act
of protest, intensifying their aggressive reactions to the protesters.
To study this complex panorama, language helps us to discover such
emotions and meta-emotions; they are located in texts and have narra-
tive structures, as we shall show in this section. The work of Gottman,
Katz, and Hooven (1996) introduces the concept of meta-emotion in
the emotional narratives of parents about their, and their childrens,
emotions. The emotions that agents experience are consensually consid-
ered a function of their language and culture, which are necessarily
involved (Greenwood 2012; Harre 2009). In these narratives, emotions
and meta-emotions can take any number of different turns (Stets 2010),
moving from positive to negative and back again from negative to posi-
tive in the narratives. We ought to explain and predict the particular
sequence and type of emotions that can ensue in encounters and the
following narratives. Williamson (2011) speaks of “chains of emotion,”
because emotions are sequenced in our discourses (Baker 2001). Narra-
tives construct emotions that weave through societal history and bring
to the fore certain aspects of society in our lives. Narratives are the
instruments for understanding these emotions. They have two different
roles: one is to describe a situation, the other is to justify what we learn
and make happen in our lives. Hutto (2008) claims that folk psychol-
ogy narratives make sense of intentional actions in our lives. We learn
about our emotions thanks to our narratives from the time we are chil-
dren to the present.
Following Harre (2009), the grammatical subject of most words used
to describe emotion is the person, because he is angry, sad, proud, cha-
grined, joyful, and so on. There is no such thing as embarrassment,
but there are plenty of embarrassed people. So peoples narratives are
composed of an emotion grammar to describe emotions. In emotion
grammar, people make use of such concepts as “love,” “jealousy,”
“trust,” and so on. This type of grammar changes in every context and
includes semantic and syntactic rules and storylines. Thanks to the
work of philosophers and psychologists, we now have concepts to
explain these emotion processes or constructions—these narratives. The
narratives allow to us to understand how such phrases as “being
angry,” “being jealous,” and “being ashamed” are compared. Ryle
Its for this reason that emotions are open-ended. They are open
because emotions change the impact they have “as time goes by” and
are subject to multiple modes of revision (Mendonça 2008). We are
biologically programmed to experience affects and feelings but are cul-
turally shaped to experience emotions. We live in a historical time
because our identity is culturally shaped as a narrative (Broncano
2008). Narratives give sense to our life, in a continuing agency. Meta-
emotions compose these narratives, build our emotions, and structure
them. They are linked to each other and compose the narratives of our
emotions. Its important to take into account that our emotions and
meta-emotions are in synch with each other.
bias where we think that everybody has the same type of emotions,
expressed in the same way. This happens for two reasons: (1) our atten-
tion gets arrested only at first-order emotions (love, jealousy, anger),
since meta-emotions (trust, sincerity, blame) are not easily distinguish-
able; and (2) meta-emotions can be felt within the same personal struc-
ture (J€
ager and Bartsch 2006). First-order emotions are thought of in a
universalistic way, while meta-emotions are thought of in a particularis-
tic and subjective way. Everybody understands the first case, but the
second case depends on each of the different relationships the subjects
have. Folk psychology narratives recognize such “emotions” as anger,
jealousy, and joy but do not recognize trust, nausea, and suffering as
emotions. The first group are emotions, but the second group represent
something different from the first one, what we called meta-emotions.
So trust is not an emotion in folk psychology narratives but instead
represents something very important in an emotional process of
jealousy or anger. Peoples lack of trust makes it harder to solve or
manage a conflict. When someone tells a lie in a friendship, he causes
pain and sense of deceit in his friend, losing the trust of that person
and provoking an impairment of relation. This means that when we
experience a meta-emotion, the emotion changes and with it the
emotional experience as well. A probable consequence of this sugges-
tion is that it makes meta-emotions, such as honesty, sincerity, lying,
self-deception, blame, and trust, especially relevant to moral psychol-
ogy (Medina 2005; Roberts 2013; Salmela 2005; Scanlon 2008), but it
is not the aim of our article to go in this direction.
Meta-emotional practices have an important role in emotion man-
agement, considering that emotion management is not a conclusion of
a process but a phase of a continuing cycle of activity (Barbalet 2011).
Meta-emotional practices represent a tool (Jakupcak 2003), “an instru-
ment of freedom rather than a tool of self-oppression” (De Sousa
1999, 446), where we cease to think of our emotions as inevitable and
instead view them as open to modification. A person may “regulate”
jealousy or anger with her partner, construct trust, promote rewarding
actions, share knowledge and information, and so forth. Trust can
generate a constellation of emotions, from anger to love, from jealousy
to resentment. The regulation of this meta-emotion has a double
characteristic: it can produce a negative emotion (anger) or a positive
emotion (love).
For Barbalet (2011), emotions can be regulated in an implicit social
regulation and through processes of self-monitoring, in an explicit way.
Such emotions can only be regulated interactionally and so require
cooperation among individuals in trust relations. In managing jealousy
a person may experience trust in his partner or in society. The regula-
tion of the persons jealousy draws on other emotions, such as anger or
To better explain these six points, we discuss in the next section how
meta-emotions work in context.
readers would like to read the article, and it is not the main purpose of
the writers to offer trust. Trust is the social contract necessary for the
presentation of some other thing—that is, knowledge about a topic,
enjoyment of a text, creativity, and so forth. This contract between
writers and readers is stipulated thanks to trust, but trust is not the
aim of the contract. In the case of a family in Harriss (2012) work, it
is shown how children trust parents because they consider them a reli-
able source of information and knowledge. But when children are not
satisfied by the answer of their parents, they offer a counterexample or
continue asking. Children in this institution of the family use epistemic
trust as a dialogical process with their parents because in this relation-
ship between trust giver and trust taker nobody is a passive receiver.
When an essay is rejected by reviewers or criticized by readers, it
denotes a negotiation process based on this epistemic trust, where
social functioning requires epistemic cooperation. This epistemic coop-
eration requires trust (Daukas 2006). Every testimonial situation
involves strong bonds of trust between the speaker and the hearer
(Harris 2012; Origgi 2004).
Trust is an internalizing norm that determines what degree of confi-
dence is appropriate to have in others under certain circumstances
(Daukas 2006). Given the intrinsic value of sincerity, certain norms of
trust are internalized in social practices, and such norms are preserved
and sustained by corresponding psychological mechanisms. Trust, as a
modality of action requiring a commitment to act in the absence of evi-
dence concerning its outcome, involves both emotional apprehension
and emotional engagement (James 1956). Trust represents a meta-
emotion in a situation where information is absent or not readily acces-
sible. According to Barbalet (2011), trust requires a positive feeling of
expectation regarding another persons future actions.
Trust involves an internal attribution (Luhmann 1990). Broken trust
reflects not only on the trust breaker but principally on the judgment
of the trust giver (Barbalet 2011). Trust is in the middle of a relation
between the trust giver and the trust taker, and it is an explicitly nonre-
gulated emotion, generated and constructed from a consequent itera-
tion between subjects. Latour (2013) suggests that we cannot place our
trust at any given moment in an institution, and yet we know that we
can also rely on it. For Latour, if we agree not to separate ourselves for
a second from the continuous flow of scripts, being-as-other ends up
also being an excess of attention to, vigilance of, and precaution in our
relationship of trust in institutions.
Emotional closure allows us to connect with others from the proper
perspective. Many times when we would like to share “something” with
others, it means “putting this something in common” (Larsson 1997,
11). The meta-emotion of trust is the right way to allow putting some-
thing in common with the other. Its the first step of a social
Conclusion
Jasper (2011) suggests that as social scientists we need to build on
natural-language labels of people but also need to make better analytic
distinctions about them. In emotion research, we need to consider
meta-emotions in order to construct a complete theory of emotions.
The complexity of the study of emotions comes from taking into
account communication and language as a rich source of data. Meta-
emotions are the structure of emotional experiences in narratives. We
agree with Harre (2000) that language is the main instrument through
which such creations and modifications come to be. The narratives of
our lives are fundamentally perspectival, and they can deeply distort
reality, truth, objectivity, and our ideas of what it is to be a person
(Goldie 2012). Moreover, emotion is a work in progress, as we build
emotion simultaneously with our use of language to refer to emotional
states (Wilce 2014).
In recent years, researchers have focused on the regulation factors of
emotions. Meta-emotion research allows an understanding of how emo-
tion regulation and emotion management generate collateral emotions.
We have presented trust as a meta-emotion, which explains this process.
There are few concepts that are as present in our everyday lives as trust
is, and as difficult to treat.
The central aspects of trust are emotional and epistemic. Trust as a
meta-emotion constitutes an epistemic space for people sharing knowl-
edge. Trust is not only needed to gain access to knowledge, it is essential
to becoming a socially situated self, to engaging in public conversations
with others. Trust as a meta-emotion is internalized through social prac-
tices, in our discourses and in our practices. In the model we have used,
we have observed how trust is essential to becoming a socially situated
self. Without trust, the subject feels negative emotions.
Although trust and distrust are fundamental to the construction of
social ties, we still need to understand how they work or how to figure
out their nuances and distinctions. Trust becomes a meta-emotion that
brings the future onto the horizon of the expected, of that which we
count on, of that which we feel more or less sure about. Trust contrib-
utes to narrowing the horizons of the expectable so that our social life
becomes possible. The construction and maintenance of the emotion
and bond of trust appears to be crucial in our daily relationships, and
we dare to suggest that it appears as a crucial issue far beyond the sys-
tem of intimacy. We depend on narratives to take decisions, and trust
is the basis of these decisions. In our analysis, this meta-emotion forges
the bond between subjects, from which an emotional constellation is
produced by the emotional tie.
We defined how trust works in ones narratives and how it is an
internalized and dialogical process. We suggest that future research
take this model to analyze different contexts where testimony is rele-
vant, such as trust in institutions.
Simone Belli
School of Social Sciences and Innovation
Yachay Tech, Hacienda San Jose
100115 Urcuquı
Ecuador
sbelli@yachaytech.edu.ec
Fernando Broncano
Department of Philosophy
Charles III University of Madrid
Calle Madrid, 12628903 Getafe
Spain
fernando.broncano@uc3m.es
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