BLOOMSBURY ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

POPULAR MUSIC
OF THE WORLD
VOLUMES VIII–XIII: GENRES

VOLUME IX
GENRES: CARIBBEAN AND LATIN AMERICA

Encyclopedia .indb i 1/14/2014 3:50:15 PM

 BLOOMSBURY ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

POPULAR MUSIC
OF THE WORLD
VOLUMES VIII–XIII: GENRES
EDITED BY DAVID HORN AND JOHN SHEPHERD

VOLUME IX
GENRES: CARIBBEAN AND LATIN AMERICA

EDITED BY
DAVID HORN, HEIDI FELDMAN,
MONA-LYNN COURTEAU,
PAMELA NARBONA JEREZ AND
HETTIE MALCOMSON

LON DON • N E W DE L H I • N E W YOR K • SY DN EY

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 Genres: Caribbean and Latin America
Big Boy. ‘Mis ojos lloran por ti.’ In ‘Mis ojos lloran por
ti.’ Sony BMG CK 57190. 1996: USA.
Boricua guerrero. White Lion Records. 2007: Puerto
Rico.
C ! C Music Factory. Ultimate. Columbia Records
CK 67367. 1995: USA.
Calderon, Tego. El Abayarde. White Lion Records CK
09236. 2003: Puerto Rico.
Calle 13. Entren los que quieran. Sony Music CK
773431. 2010: USA.
Daddy Yankee. ‘La Gasolina.’ In Barrio Fino. Univer-
sal Music Group. 5454506392. 2004: USA.
Dancehall: Reggaespañol Compilation. Sony Music
Entertainment CK 48526. 1991: USA.
DJ Adam. Mad Jam Vol. 1. Independent release. 1995:
Puerto Rico.
DJ Baron Lopéz, with Los Locos. Bien Chevere. Strictly
Rhythm 12270. 1994: USA.
DJ Playero DJ. Vol. 37. Independent release. 1992:
Puerto Rico.
DJ Playero DJ. Vol. 38. Independent release. 1993:
Puerto Rico.
El General. ‘Muevelo con El General.’ RCA Interna-
tional CK 31902RL. 1991: USA.
Lisa Lisa & Cult Jam. Lisa Lisa & Cult Jam with Full
Force. Columbia Records CK 40135. 1985: USA.
Lisa Lisa & Cult Jam. Straight Outta Hell’s Kitchen.
Columbia Records CK 46035. 1991: USA.
The Noise. The Noise Uno: Underground Original.
Independent release. 1992a: Puerto Rico.
The Noise. The Noise Dos. Independent release. 1992b:
Puerto Rico.
Proyecto Uno. In Da House. Quad Recording Studios.
1994: USA.
Filmography
Ivy Queen: The Original Rude Girl. 2005. USA. Inter-
view/documentary by Real|Music, Inc.
MELISA RIVIERE
See also: Hip-Hop (Volume VIII, North America, and
Volume XII, International)
Huayno
The huayno – or huayño in Bolivia – is one of the most
popular musical genres in the Peruvian and Bolivian
Andes. This musical form is often represented as a
fusion of Inca and Spanish elements, although cur-
rent huaynos are also influenced by twentieth-century
media. In Peru, it is found from the department Caja-
marca in the north to the southern highlands of Puno.
In Bolivia, it is particularly present in the departments
of Cochabamba, Chuquisaca, La Paz, Oruro and
386
Encyclopedia .indb 386
Potosí. Precisely because of its wide dissemination,
the huayno exhibits great diversity in regard to both
musical characteristics and cultural contexts. For this
reason, it is only possible in the abstract to speak of
the huayno as a unified musical genre with distinct
characteristics shared in all places. It is safer to say
that the term denotes a set of independent musical
phenomena rather than one large musical form with
local variants.
However, producers and consumers usually imag-
ine the huayno as a homogeneous genre with a uni-
fied history. The genre is often presented in concerts
and commented upon in conferences. Although its
earliest historical documentation dates from less than
400 years ago, there is much talk about the ancestral
and ancient nature of huayno. Equally ingrained is
the idea that the huayno was a very important genre
during the Inca Empire. The desire to provide the
huayno with an antiquity and a glorious past is proof
of its enormous symbolic importance as both a cul-
tural expression and a factor in the construction of an
Andean cultural identity.
History
Until the last decade of the nineteenth century
indigenous music from the Andes did not attract
much attention from music scholars in Bolivia and
Peru. Therefore, writings about the history of the
huayno began rather late, when the transformation
processes of its different variants were already quite
advanced. Historical documentation of the huayno is
scarce. The earliest evidence can be found in diction-
aries of old indigenous languages, written by Spanish
priests during the colonial period. Both Ricardo and
González Holguín mention the word ‘huayñucuni’ in
their respective Quechua dictionaries, Ricardo trans-
lating it as ‘he or she asks someone to a dance hand
in hand’ ([1586] 1951, 51), and González Holguín as
‘dance hand in hand’ ([1610] 1989, 194). The word
was used in the same way by Aymara groups on the
banks of Lake Titicaca (Bertonio [1612] 1984, II, 157).
Although these sources do not say anything about the
musical form itself, one can conclude that this pre-
Hispanic indigenous dance was the starting point of
a musical exchange that generated the current forms
of huayno when it assimilated elements of the musical
practices of the Spanish Conquerors. Huayno fused
with ecclesiastical and secular musical forms includ-
ing villancicos and coplas of the Catholic Church and
Spanish dances such as seguidillas, pasacalles and
zarabandas.
The presence of the huayno only in dictionaries
and not in the chronicles of the Conquest is revealing.
1/14/2014 3:50:45 PM

While the chronicles repeatedly mention other genres
as a musical part of public and religious ceremonies,
the huayno is not even mentioned by Garcilaso de la
Vega or Guaman Poma, who, as ‘native chroniclers,’
knew indigenous music better than the Spaniards did.
Roel Pineda has for this reason concluded that, during
the Inca era, the huayno was a minor musical form for
private contexts, not a major genre played in public
spaces. According to Roel Pineda, it was exactly this
private character that saved the huayno from per-
secution by the Catholic Church and allowed it to
adapt new musical elements from Spain (Roel Pineda
1990, 67).
Not only did the huayno itself change over time,
but also the perception of the huayno by Peruvian
and Bolivian intellectuals evolved. Whereas until ca.
1920 the huayno was, for the Peruvian urban elite, an
‘abhorrent music’ (Gibson 1920, 15) or the quintes-
sential expression of a bucolic life (Alviña 1929, 320),
since the mid-twentieth century the huayno has been
a cultural icon of Andean identity in Peru, mostly due
to the monumental work of anthropologist and writer
José María Arguedas. Arguedas launched a campaign
to establish an image of the huayno as a dignified cul-
tural product with historical value:
In the huayno has remained all the life, every
moment of pain, of joy, of terrible struggle, and all
these moments in which the people found the light
and the access to the big world. ... The Indio and the
Mestizo, as a hundred years ago, still found today
in this music the whole expression of their spirit
and all their emotions. (1977, 7, translation by the
author)
Hence, Arguedas regarded the huayno as a meta-
phor for his ideal of the Peruvian nation, proposing
it as an emblem of cultural hybridity that combined
Andean and Spanish musical elements but was domi-
nated by Andean values. In this sense, the huayno
according to Arguedas ceased to be something ‘primi-
tive’ or ‘archaic’ for Peruvian intellectuals and became
a symbol of an ‘ancestral’ Andean culture (Mendívil
2004, 47).
As in Peru, until the late nineteenth century the
Bolivian elite considered huayño music as primi-
tive. Historical documents report, however, that the
huayño was very popular among lower-class mestizos
and cholos (Rossells 1995, 49). (In Peru and Bolivia
cholo refers to indigenous people with Western influ-
ence and has been used in a pejorative sense. In recent
years, though, Andean migrants in urban contexts
including La Paz and Lima define themselves as cho-
los, giving the term positive connotations.) Thanks to
Encyclopedia .indb 387
Huayno
Mauro Nuñez from Chuquisaca, the huayño gained
cultural prestige in Bolivia during the late 1950s and
early 1960s. Nuñez introduced classic guitar tech-
niques for charango styles and made the huayño
more socially acceptable for an urban audience (Cés-
pedes 1984, 218). Also the group Los Jairas played an
important role in this process. Los Jairas, composed
of virtuoso musicians such as Ernesto Cavour, Edgar
Jofré and the Swiss flautist Gilbert Favre, recorded
traditional huayños with a style akin to the demands
of a Western-oriented middle class and popularized
them in peñas folklóricas, locations at which urban
intellectuals and students consumed rural popular
music (Céspedes 1984, 225; Leichtman 1989, 32). A
final recognition of huayño as a cultural resource,
however, first took place with the enormous success
of the group Los Kjarkas in the 1980s. Los Kjarkas
converted huayño into Bolivian national music
(Céspedes 1993, 97).
Musical Characteristics of the Huayno
Over Time
The huayno is a type of indigenous or mestizo song
with a binary rhythm and strophic structure. Melodi-
cally, the huayno is characterized by the use of penta-
tonic scales of pre-Hispanic (Inca) origin. In the early
twenty-first century, its common form consists of
three or four stanzas in Quechua, Spanish or a mix-
ture of both, an instrumental repetition of the stanza,
an interlude, which in some regions is also called codo
(elbow), and a kind of coda called fuga or zapateo in
Bolivia, which has a different melody from the tune
of the strophe and is played faster or with a sharper
accentuation. Each stanza of the huayno is made up
of short musical sections (AABB, AAAB, ABB or
AABBCC, for example). According to Turino, these
sections consist of two or more short phrases (Turino
2008, 64–5). Another characteristic is its rhythmic
pattern, often represented in the literature as an
eighth and two sixteenth notes. Vásquez and Vergara
propose a notation of the pattern as a sixteenth note
triplet with one note of the triplet extended to nearly
an eighth note value (Vásquez and Vergara 1990,
149). Many authors have stressed the bimodal char-
acter of the huayno. Vasquez and Vergara note, for
example, that huaynos ‘start clearly in minor, go to its
relative major and develop the melody in this mode
to finish once again in minor’ (Vásquez and Vergara
1990, 142).
These musical characteristics do not hail from a
mythical time, as Arguedas imagined. Quite the con-
trary, huayno performers learned to adapt European
influences that arrived with the Spaniards. They
387
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 Genres: Caribbean and Latin America
incorporated musical instruments including the vio-
lin and harp and other plucked chordophones such
as the guitar and the vihuela; they inserted European
harmonies and adapted the meter to the requirements
of the Spanish language; and most significantly, they
blended the huayno with local music traditions. But
nothing had more impact on the transformation of
the huayno than capitalist music production, which
converted it into a commodity, creating a popular
and commercial version in the twentieth century. José
María Arguedas, after great effort, convinced record-
ing companies to record the huayno for commercial
purposes in the late 1950s. In a very short time the
huayno accounted for 50 percent of annual record
sales in Peru. At the same time the huayno began to
be broadcast on the radio, which allowed local forms
to suddenly acquire a nationwide impact (Lloréns
Amico 1983, 121). This mediated form of huayno
necessitated some concessions to the demands of
the recording industry. Recording technology modi-
fied the huayno’s structure and reduced the length
to three minutes in order to fit on a 78 (or later 45)
rpm record. Such records were the most widespread
commercial formats until the arrival of the cassette in
the 1980s and later the CD during the 1990s, both of
which abandoned the time constraints of the record
and allowed for longer recordings, which resulted in a
new song structure with 4 or 5 stanzas and an instru-
mental repetition of the fuga.
In the early twenty-first century the huayno forms
an important segment of the Peruvian and Boliv-
ian music industry. Since most major international
record companies ignore it, numerous local entrepre-
neurs have founded independent labels to produce
and sell huayno music (Turino 2008, 109–10). Clearly
refuting the Adornian thesis of a negative interfer-
ence of the media in traditional music (see Chalena
Vásquez 1983), Tucker argues that these independent
labels have had a strong influence on the formation
of regional styles and contributed very actively to
the production of the current diversity of the huayno
(Tucker 2010, 153).
The Diversity of the Peruvian Huayno
Based on the map proposed by the Montoyas
(1987, 22–3) for the Quechua song in Peru, one can
outline a tentative atlas of seven huayno areas in Peru:
(1) Cuzco with indigenous (Qorilazo) and mestizo
traditions, (2) Puno with an Aymara influence, (3)
Huamanga with a style known as estilo ayacuchano
(style from Ayacucho) or chanca, (4) the central val-
ley of Mantaro with a style known as huanca, (5)
Callejón de Huaylas in Ancash, (6) the Norte Chico
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Encyclopedia .indb 388
(Near North), covering the Lima highlands (Huacho,
Chancay and Cajatambo) and finally (7) Cajamarca in
northern Peru. Within these areas, ethnic and social
differences can also determine differences between
huayno types. For example, the Montoyas differenti-
ate between indigenous and mestizo types:
Both share a language and a common space but dif-
fer from each other in the instruments they play,
the type or types of songs, the style of singing, the
dancing mode and the thematic. These differences
are very deep and are fully displayed throughout
all regions. (Montoya 1987, 20, translation by the
author)
The mestizo huayno from Cuzco can be defined as
a rather slow pentatonic song, sometimes in the form
of two-part melodic verses. It is also a dance genre,
suitable for parties and private meetings (Roel Pineda
1990, 109–11). Professional musicians play it with
instruments including the violin, accordion and cha-
rango – a stringed instrument of five double strings
(usually tuned E’-A-E-C-G), widespread in southern
Peru and Bolivia. The indigenous huayno in this area
usually has a more intense rhythm and uses tradi-
tional indigenous instruments including the bamboo
flute (quena) and the duct wooden flute (pinkullo), as
well as harp, violin, mandolin, charango with metal
strings and a frame drum called tinya. Los Bohemios,
Los Campesinos and Julio Benavente are reliable rep-
resentatives of the mestizo huayno from Cusco. The
Conjunto Acomayo Condemayta is one of the few
indigenous groups that has achieved national and
international impact in Peru and Bolivia.
In the area of Puno, the indigenous huayno – also
called huayño due to the region’s geographical and
cultural proximity to Bolivia – is played by panpipe
emsembles called tropas de sikuri (Acevedo Raymundo
2003, 24; Turino 1993, 51) or by brass bands. Among
mestizos, the most popular ensembles are called pan-
dillas, consisting of mandolin, charango, accordion,
guitar and a guitarrón (a huge acoustic bass guitar).
A characteristic feature of the huayno pandillero is the
use of a bass line with chromatic steps accompany-
ing the pentatonic melody as a kind of counterpoint
(González Ríos n.d., 18–19).
The mestizo huayno or señorial from Ayacucho
is known for its stylistic finesse, a product of salon
music culture. Raúl García Zárate on guitar and Jaime
Guardia on charango have developed a solo style rem-
iniscent of European concert music. In southern Aya-
cucho, it is notable that the Coracora style employs
bel canto vocal style, which differs from the natural
timbre of indigenous singers. Vásquez and Vergara
1/14/2014 3:50:45 PM

have also stressed the importance of the guitar in the
huayno mestizo from Huamanga, which sometimes
uses different tunings (e.g., one called baulin: E-C-G-
D-Bb-G). Using this tuning, the guitar plays both the
bass line and the melody at the same time (Vásquez
and Vergara 1990, 158–9). In contrast, the guitar is
almost absent from the indigenous music of this area.
The most characteristic instruments used in the area’s
indigenous music are harp, violin and pinkullo (Mon-
toya 1987, 15). Another characteristic feature is the
preference for high-pitched female voices.
The huayno from the Mantaro Valley in Junín is
a product of the modernization of the area during
the first half of the twentieth century and has gained
great prestige all over the country due to its danceable
character. Although in some remote communities one
can still hear huaynos played with pinkullos, harp and
violin, the most popular format in Mantaro Valley in
general are large orchestras with saxophones, clari-
nets, harp and violin. Víctor Alberto Gil Malma (Pica-
flor de los Andes) and Leonor Chávez (Flor Pucarina)
were legendary interpreters of this kind of huayno,
which is also known as estilo huanca (Llórens 1983,
137; Romero 2001, 118).
The mestizo huayno ancashino is, according to Den
Otter, a happy tune, based on Andean pentatonic
scales, consisting of three stanzas and a fuga with
verses from six to ten syllables and common themes
of love, rural life and the landscape of the region
(Den Otter 1985, 131). The indigenous huayno from
this area is performed either with cylindrical drums
(a pair of cajas) and a duct flute with two finger-holes
called roncadora, or with harp and violin. Among
mestizos one commonly finds ensembles with que-
nas, accordion and string instruments such as the
guitar (sometimes with the tuning E-B-G#-D-B-E),
the violin and the mandolin. Two icons of Andean
music come from Ancash: Pastorita Huaracina and
Jilguero del Huascarán, the latter remembered for his
prolific production as a composer of huaynos with
political content, but also for incorporating elements
of modern genres such as the guaracha, cumbia and
rock ’n’ roll.
The style from the area called ‘Norte chico’ is usually
described as a mix of pentatonic huaynos with harp
accompaniment. This style is actually one of the most
famous in the Peruvian music landscape. Singer Mina
González and harpist Totito de Santa Cruz were suc-
cessful performers for a long time; however, during the
1980s, this kind of huayno became a nationwide craze
when young players including Zósimo Sacramento,
Elmer de la Cruz and Hermanos Pacheco began to
assimilate influences from the slow genre balada,
Encyclopedia .indb 389
Huayno
which is widespread in Spain and Latin America, as
well as from disco music. These artists also started
using well-known rock music effects such as delay
and reverb. This huayno style continues to enjoy great
popularity due to the success of singers including
Dina Paucar and Abencia Mesa (Romero 2007, 33),
who also use electric bass guitar and electronic drum
effects and incorporate elements from chicha music, a
modern genre resulting from the mixture of huayno
and Colombian cumbia.
Cajamarca also has a longstanding tradition
of huayno music. In rural areas, it is common for
two voices to sing in intervals of a fourth, and the
use of instruments such as the antara – a single
panpipe – and the tinya is widespread. Yet, mestizo
interpreters such as the Indio Mayta and Los Reales
de Cajamarca have acquired national prestige with
humorous huaynos played with guitar, violin and
flute accompaniment.
The Huayño in Bolivia
Although not as prevalent as the huayno in Peru,
huayño, along with cueca and saya, is one of the most
popular genres of Andean music in Bolivia. Its musi-
cal form has three or four stanzas and a fuga or zapa-
teo. The huayño uses both pentatonic and diatonic
scales and the same rhythmic patterns as its Peruvian
homonym. The Bolivian huayño also manifests great
diversity and includes both indigenous and mestizo
traditions. Among the mestizo traditions, two differ-
ent styles can be distinguished: the mestizo or cholo
and the folklórico.
Raoul and Marguerite D’Harcourt refer to the indig-
enous huayño in Bolivia as a dance of lively and cheer-
ful character with diatonic or pentatonic melodies
(D’Harcourt 1959, 84). This kind of huayño is com-
monly performed by sicuris, or panpipe ensembles.
Thorrez López has analyzed such huayños from La
Paz and Oruro. While the pan flutes play the melody,
the drums play the rhythmic pattern: an eighth and
two sixteenth notes (Thorrez López 1977, 61). Other
styles are also characteristic of the indigenous tradi-
tions in Potosi. Stobart describes ‘wayñus’ played with
pinkillu flutes as ‘highly formulaic’ (AABB), whereas
guitar wayñus ‘consist of a single melodic phrase
repeated in its entirety (rather than several sections
with internal repeats)’ (Stobart 2006, 108). Luzmila
Carpio has achieved international prestige with tradi-
tional huayños from Potosí, played with instruments
such as pinkillu, charango or kitarra (an Indian gui-
tar). Other representatives such as the Grupo Norte
Potosi have also achieved fame with Indian huayños
on guitars and charangos with steel strings.
389
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 Genres: Caribbean and Latin America
The huayño is strongly rooted in the traditions of
the cholos. In Bolivia, huayño brass bands are com-
mon among these groups. This is a musical practice
that goes back to the early twentieth century, when
military bands were established in Bolivia (Rossells
1996, 54). Jones noted that huayños almost exclu-
sively form the repertoire of cholo ensembles in
Cochabamba (Jones 2007, 42). Cholo performances of
huayño in Cochabamba are usually a combination of
vocals, charango, guitar and bajo (acoustic bass gui-
tar). Characteristic of this style, which is known as
calampeado, is a syncopated strumming accompany-
ing the voice (Ibid., 36). Performers including Agus-
tina Barahona, Alberto Aguilar, Miguelina Mendoza,
Flora Vásquez and especially Alberto Arteaga are
famous interpreters of this type of huayño. Alberto
Arteaga’s song ‘El minero’ is almost a second national
anthem for Bolivians.
Huayños are also performed by grupos folklóricos.
Céspedes characterizes the folklórico style as urban
music, which blends ‘some styles of indigenous music
into a new, metamorphosed idiom, that reflects ... a
process of cultural integration’ (Céspedes 1984, 218).
Inspired by the group Los Jairas, mestizo interpret-
ers such as Jaime Junaro, Zulma Yugar and groups
like Amaru, Savia Andina, Proyección, Kollawara
and especially Los Kjarkas from Cochabamba have
emphasized the use of traditional instruments includ-
ing quena, charango, bombo and panpipes. Vocals in
huayños folklóricos often have a polyphonic charac-
ter, which is not common in other types of huayños,
and show a direct influence of the Argentinian and
Chilean nueva canción (Leichtman 1989, 47). Particu-
larly interesting is the group Los Kjarkas that attained
commercial success during the 1980s by modern-
izing the huayño’s harmonic structure and changing
its melodies to include elements from the balada or
canción romántica. Despite all these changes, Gonzalo
Hermosa, the leader of Los Kjarkas, insists on the
unchanged character of the huayño: ‘Some things
have remained pure. For example Huayño. Huayño
has remained the purest of all’ (quoted in Cespedes
1993, 64).
New forms of huayños have emerged in recent
decades. Artists such as Betzabé Iturralde recorded
huayños as dance music in the 1980s, usually with
saxophones and keyboards. Julia Irigoyen records
huayños in Cochabamba style, but with e-drums,
electric bass, overdubs and other elements from
cumbia. There is also a highly stylized version of
huayño played in public concerts by groups includ-
ing the orchestra Música de maestros led by Rolando
Encinas, who aims at fusing Andean melodies with
390
Encyclopedia .indb 390
a harmony akin to European art music (Bigenho
2002, 97).
The Bolivian huayño has achieved an interna-
tional impact. Peruvian groups including Hermanos
Gaitán Castro demonstrate a clear influence from
the Bolivian grupos folklóricos such as Los Kjarkas
(Tucker 2010). Thanks to groups including Inti-
illimani, Illapu, Los Incas and Los Calchakis, who
have recorded huaynos from Bolivia and Peru, huay-
nos have become relatively popular in countries like
Chile and Argentina – where they are known as car-
navalitos – and even in Europe, but without forming
music scenes such as those in Bolivia and Peru (Ríos
2008, 145–89).
The Huayno in the Twenty-first Century
The huayno in the early twenty-first century is a
popular music genre in the sense that it is music pro-
duced for mass consumption. While other forms of
huayno are still produced in traditional contexts, by
far the most prevalent production is for commercial
purposes. The huayno can be both a dance genre at
private parties and a concert form for public or pri-
vate listening pleasure. In the early twenty-first cen-
tury, huaynos show strong influence from the balada,
both in Bolivia and in Peru. Attempts to fuse the
huayno with modern genres such as rock and techno
music have been presented by groups including El
Polen, Miki González and Uchpa in Peru and Wara
and Atajo in Bolivia, although without great impact
in either country. Because of their enormous pres-
ence in the mass media and in social life, the Peruvian
huayno and the Bolivian huayño remain an important
cultural resource and a strong element of cultural
identity in the Andes.
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lution from the Inca Era to Our Days]. Revista Uni-
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JULIO MENDÍVIL
Huella
Huella is a traditional dance and song from Argen-
tina, which according to the classification created by
Carlos Vega (1952, 43) is positioned between dances
of free-moving couples and those of a mischievous
character. The first known documentation of the
genre is that of Ventura Lynch (1883, 29–30); it offers
392
Encyclopedia .indb 392
a brief description of the dance and a transcription
of a musical number for voice and guitar. However,
to analyze the themes of the texts collected in his
research, many of which concern various incidents
in the civil wars between Unitarians and Federalists,
Vega (1952, 273–4) determined that the huella was a
genre that existed in the country during the second
or third decade of the nineteenth century and that its
popularity extended to most of the territory, in par-
ticular to the Pampa region.
The melody of the huella unfolds generally in
the minor scale range and in 6/8 time. When sung,
the texts are structured poetically with stanzas in the
form of a seguidilla, that is in quatrains with alternat-
ing seven- and five-syllable lines. It can also appear
as a six-syllable quatrain. One of the most traditional
coplas makes reference to a moment in the choreog-
raphy and says: ‘A la huella, huella, dense las manos,
como se dan la pluma, los escribanos’ [‘ To the huella,
huella, hold your hands, like the scriveners hold their
quill’].
Around the end of the nineteenth century the
huella started to decline in the rural setting, but
in 1897 the actor and composer Antonio D. Podestá
composed a huella for a circus show that gained
notable success, enabling the genre to achieve a
new popularity and circulation. It was also accepted
in the urban guitar circles where arrangements of
traditional rural musical genres were interpreted.
Among them, the versions by Juan Alais (ca. 1888)
and Julio Sagreras (ca. 1900) merit being singled out.
For his part, the composer Eduardo García Lalanne
introduced it as a number in his lyrical sainete (or
farce) Gabino el Mayoral, premiered in Buenos Aires
in 1897. From the first years of the twentieth century
on, the huella served as inspiration to various cre-
ators of academic music belonging to the nationalist
school. Among them were Alberto Williams, José
André, Luis Gianneo, Felipe Boero, Luis Sammar-
tino, Gilardo Gilardi, José Agustín García Estrada
and Isidro Maistegui, who composed huellas for
piano, for song and piano, for string trios and cham-
ber and symphonic orchestras. But the work that
spread the huella internationally was ‘Huella,’ opus
49 by Julián Aguirre, originally written for piano,
which became well known through the orchestra-
tion created by the Swiss conductor Ernest Anser-
met in 1925.
Even if huella is no longer practiced spontaneously
as a dance, the genre has been a stimulus for diverse
composers of traditional and popular urban music,
among which the most distinguished are Atahualpa
Yupanqui with ‘Huella huellita’ (1961), Hugo Giménez
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