BLOOMSBURY ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

POPULAR MUSIC
OF THE WORLD
VOLUMES VIII–XIII: GENRES
EDITED BY DAVID HORN AND JOHN SHEPHERD

VOLUME IX
GENRES: CARIBBEAN AND LATIN AMERICA

EDITED BY
DAVID HORN, HEIDI FELDMAN,
MONA-LYNN COURTEAU,
PAMELA NARBONA JEREZ AND
HETTIE MALCOMSON

LON DON • N E W DE L H I • N E W YOR K • SY DN EY

Encyclopedia .indb iii 1/14/2014 3:50:16 PM

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Turino, Thomas. 1993. Moving away from Silence: Music
of the Peruvian Altiplano and the Experience of Urban
Migration. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Vila, Pablo, and Pablo Semán. 2006. ‘La conflictividad
de género en la cumbia villera’ [Gender Conflict in
Cumbia Villera]. Revista Transcultural de Música
(Transcultural Musical Review) 10. Online at: http://
www.sibetrans.com/trans/trans10/vila.htm.
Wade, Peter. 1993. Blackness and Race Mixture: The
Dynamics of Racial Identity in Colombia. Baltimore:
Johns Hopkins University Press.
Wade, Peter. 2000. Music, Race and Nation: Música
Tropical in Colombia. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Zapata Olivella, Delia. 1962. ‘La cumbia: Sintesis
musical de la nación colombiana; reseña histórica
y coreográfica’ [Cumbia: a Musical Synthesis of
the Colombian Nation; An Historical and Choreo-
graphic Review]. Revista Colombiana de Folclor 3(7):
189–204.
Discographical References
Arroyo, Joe. ‘A mi Dios todo le debo.’ Grandes éxitos
de Joe Arroyo y La Verdad. Discos Fuentes 11004.
1999: Colombia.
Galán, Pacho. ‘Ay cosita linda.’ El rey del merecumbé.
Discos Fuentes 206230. 1955; 1990: Colombia.
Grupo Niche. ‘La canoa ranchaa.’ Etnia. CBS 0081719.
1996: Colombia.
La Momposina, Totó, y Sus Tambores. La candela
viva. Talento/MTM/Realworld 7260-008019. 1993:
Colombia and UK.
Rodolfo y Su Típica RA7. ‘La colegiala.’ Cumbia, cum-
bia: cumbias de oro de Colombia. World Circuit
WCD 016. 1980; 1989: UK.
Romero, Gabriel. ‘La piragua.’ Cumbia, cumbia: cum-
bias de oro de Colombia. World Circuit WCD 016.
1989: UK.
Salcedo, Pedro, y Su Conjunto. ‘La pollera colorá.’
Música tropical, vol. 7. Discos Fuentes D10172.
1962; 1992: Colombia.
Vives, Carlos. ‘Cumbia americana.’ Tengo Fe. EMI
59452. 1997: USA.
Yerba Brava. 100% villero. Leader Music Sacim LM
605457552326. 2001: Argentina.
Zumaqué, Francisco. Voces caribes. Shanachie SH
64051. 1994: USA.
Discography
30 pegaditas de Rodolfo y Gustavo Quintero. Discos
Fuentes D10757. 1998: Colombia.
Cumbia, cumbia: Cumbias de oro de Colombia. World
Circuit WCD 016. 1989: UK.
Encyclopedia .indb 253
Dancehall
Cumbia, cumbia 2: La época dorada de cumbias colom-
bianas. World Circuit WCD 033. 1993: UK.
Los Corraleros de Majagual. Fiesta con Los Corrale-
ros de Majagual. Discos Fuentes D10101. 1990:
Colombia.
Los Gaiteros de San Jacinto. Fuego de sangre pura.
Smithsonian Folkways. SFWCD40531. 2006: USA.
Tropical Sounds of Colombia. Discos Fuentes, Mango
Records CIDM 1058 846756-2. 1990: UK.
PETER WADE
Dancehall
Dancehall (known as ragga in some places in the
Caribbean and in Britain) is a style of music that
emerged in the urban ghettos of Kingston, Jamaica,
during the late 1970s. Dancehall is distinctively differ-
ent from its predecessor, reggae, mainly in its lyrical
content and tempo. The genre is characterized by a
thumping beat and a singer, singjay (a vocalist who
blends singing and toasting in a manner that resem-
bles jazz scatting) or DJ who expresses everyday issues
that arise in the inner city. Singjaying, which was first
pioneered by DJ Big Youth in the song ‘Hit the Road
Jack,’ allowed for the emergence of a new group of art-
ists who had been unable to break into the music busi-
ness during reggae’s peak. The ability of the populace
to relate to the socioeconomic currency and political
potency of the lyrical content, as well as to the hard-
hitting beats over which the dancehall vocalists per-
formed, led to the emerging genre’s rapid eclipse of
reggae as the style of preference among the island’s
youth population.
As opposed to reggae, which relied on lyrics about
love and protest, and which employed arrangements
with horns, guitars, percussion and harmonies,
the new dancehall music had none of these embel-
lishments. Interestingly, dancehall’s boom in local
popularity occurred simultaneously with the rising
acceptance of Jamaican reggae on the international
stage. While reggae expressed resistance, liberation
and Rastafari religious beliefs, dancehall lyrics were
mundane and parochial, describing the everyday lives
of ordinary people living in poverty and oppression.
Early dancehall beats were created by recycling back-
ing tracks derived from previously recorded songs
to create what was referred to in the Kingston music
scene as ‘riddims.’ Riddims are identified by name
and a given riddim may be used as the backing track
in numerous songs, resulting in an entire compila-
tion album of recordings that utilize the same back-
ing track or accompaniment. In dancehall the tempo
and pace of the ‘riddim’ was significantly faster than
that of reggae, reflecting the renewed energy of the
253
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 Genres: Caribbean and Latin America
music scene. Sound system selectors developed a
style of using the faders on their mixers to match the
rhythmic patterns of the sound system vocalist, which
was known as mixing. This made the music tempo
increase. Coupled with elements of dub, this practice
was soon emulated by producers, engineers and musi-
cians in the recording studios of Kingston to create
the distinctive sound of analogue dancehall. ‘Under
Mi Sensi’ by Barrington Levy and ‘Under Pressure’ by
Super Cat are examples of this style.
Dancehall’s popularity emerged from a particular
set of circumstances, most important of which was the
ability of its previously voiceless and relatively unseen
audiences, primarily young, black, low-income Jamai-
cans, to identify readily with the commentary of the
early DJs who shared similar socioeconomic charac-
teristics. The performers thus held credence, which
allowed them to maintain an emotional relationship
and appeal with their core audience. Dancehall was
also able to sustain the interest of the masses through
the lyrical content of the DJs that appears to have
made it easier for art to imitate life, as well as for life
to imitate art, as evidenced by the major themes of the
dancehall and the subculture that emerged within it.
Perhaps the most potent factor that gave rise to the
popularity of dancehall was the fact that the genre did
not rely on traditional means of reaching its audience.
Dancehall heroes typically emerged from within the
‘dancehall’ space. Over time, dancehall was no longer
simply a space, but an indigenous Jamaican genre and
a lifestyle that included the space/venue, fashion, lan-
guage and behavior.
Dancehall: The Venue
Dancehall derived its name from the space in
which its fan base could easily access the emerging
genre. In fact, prior to the 1980s the term ‘dancehall’
(or dance hall) simply described the venues for music
and dance that have been integral to Jamaican popular
music since the 1950s. There were two distinct types
of dance halls. In the 1950s–1970s dance halls were
formal buildings, where big bands such as the Gran-
ville Williams Orchestra and the Sonny Bradshaw
Orchestra performed live to middle-class audiences
who danced on well-prepared dance floors made of
polished oak. Among the more popular dance hall
venues located in Kingston were The Glass Bucket,
Bournemont and Silver Slipper.
In contrast, the poorer classes danced at a num-
ber of lodge halls with music echoing from the huge
boxes of the mobile turntable/speaker assemblies
known as sound systems. Popular sound systems
included Sir Coxsone’s Downbeat, , , Thompson
254
Encyclopedia .indb 254
Hi Fi, Tom the Great Sebastian, Duke Reid and
V. Rocket. Among the more famously affordable
early dance hall venues used by these pioneers in
Kingston were The Success Club, Foresters Hall and
Chocomo Lawn.
By the 1970s however, many more informal out-
door halls were introduced. These venues were mainly
open-air with basic facilities such as a bar counter and
a makeshift kitchen area for curried goat and goat
soup known as ‘manish water,’ the staple food and hot
beverage of these dances. Controversially, dancehall’s
popularity emerged from the autonomy and indepen-
dence provided by the dance hall venues. The popula-
tion of urban youth was drawn to the sound in a space
not dependent on the traditional mass media. Thus,
dancehall artists were not dependent on conventional
means of exposure. Their popularity emerged from
the nightly parties, hosted in dance hall venues easily
accessed by the lower classes in search of affordable
entertainment. Dancehall thus did not require the
popularity of a studio-produced single or album to
gain public acclaim. This phenomenon resulted in a
rapid democratization of the Jamaican music industry
and eroded the status of reggae as the most popular
indigenous genre during that period. In these spaces
the toasters/DJs were able to appropriately pique
and sustain the interest of younger, less conservative
Jamaican masses, by echoing the content of their daily
lives and experiences against the backdrop of con-
stantly changing ‘riddims.’
The broadcast rules governing conservative main-
stream media challenged the ability of these emerging
dancehall artists to be heard. The dominant themes
of dancehall tended to reflect a subcultural lifestyle
that many would have preferred to dismiss. Yet these
dominant themes reflected the interest of the com-
mon Jamaican citizen.
Dancehall Genre: Origins and Musical
Developments
Despite its undeniable presence and force, dance-
hall as a genre is problematic to define, partly due to
its many stylistic changes since the 1980s. In order
to simplify this effort, it is instructive to differentiate
between the discrete analogue and digital periods of
the genre. The early analogue period (1979–85) was
decisively marked by the reuse of old reggae and rock
steady backing tracks. Among the most famous rid-
dims used during this period were the ‘Real Rock,’
‘Full Up,’ ‘Heavenless,’ ‘Answer’ and ‘Far East.’ Origi-
nal riddims were also created during this period
and studio bands such as High Times, the Revolu-
tionaries and Roots Radics were responsible for this
1/14/2014 3:50:36 PM

output, working with producers including Henry
‘Junjo’ Lawes, George Phang, Jah Thomas and Jo-Jo
Hookim.
The early analogue period eventually gave way to a
digital period in the mid-1980s. One of the most nota-
ble songs of that period was ‘Under Mi Sleng Teng’ by
Wayne Smith, produced by legendary producer and
sound system man Lloyd ‘King Jammys’ James. While
generally regarded as the start of the digital period, the
recordings were not actually digital (digital recording
began in the Kingston music scene in 1988 with the
operation of studios such as New Name Music). How-
ever, the use of digital sequencers and drum machines
gave the music a hard, robotic signature which differ-
entiated it from the warm sound of live instruments.
Introduced in 1983, the first popular drum machine
of dancehall was the Oberheim DX, which featured 18
sounds and allowed for 6-sound polyphony and had
a 4-digit, 7-segment display. This was used by musi-
cians/producers Steelie and Cleavie on the famous
riddims of digital dancehall for producers including
King Jammy and Redman. The machine created ‘rid-
dims’ such as ‘Punany,’ ‘Chinatown,’ ‘Soap’ and ‘Duck’
(see YouTube listings).
The shift to drum machines and synthesizers was
characterized by a minimalist approach to musical
accompaniment and production. The measure moved
from emphasis on the second and fourth beat of rock-
steady and on the third beat of the measure of reggae
to an emphasis on the first and the third beats, with
the kick drum and bass guitar on the first beat and the
snare on the third. Examples include ‘Punany’ (Admi-
ral Bailey) and ‘Anytime’ (Bounty Killer). Chord
progressions were also limited to a basic one- or two-
chord beat, and it was the beat or riddim, not the lyr-
ics, that became the central component of the record-
ings. Many Jamaicans refer to the ‘riddim’ of dancehall
as evoking an almost involuntary response, and they
state that they respond to the sounds without paying
much attention to the lyrics.
At first, the new music flourished in dance halls all
over Jamaica. These venues were different from the old
dance halls of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. The new
halls were mainly open lots in the inner city where
500–2,000 people could gather and enjoy listening to
their favorite singers, singjays and DJs. Some of the
emerging stars included Barrington Levy, Half Pint,
Michael Palmer, Tenor Saw, Little John, Yellow Man,
Peter Metro, Josie Wales, General Trees, Super Cat,
Frankie Paul, Burro Banton, Rankin Joe and Brigadier
Jerry. Some reggae stars became dancehall kings too,
including Sugar Minott (one of the founding fathers of
dancehall), Johnny Osbourne and Tony Tuff. In fact,
Encyclopedia .indb 255
Dancehall
Sugar Minott recorded two seminal dancehall tunes:
‘Dancehall We Deh’ (We Are at the Party), which paid
homage to the new dancehall venues with the lyrics
‘Dancehall we deh, an we a play reggae,’ as well as
the quintessential dancehall anthem ‘Inna Dancehall
Style,’ an ode to the new style emerging among inner
city youth.
‘Inna Dancehall Style’ had all the elements of the
new genre, and a great hook, but the verses were lines
from old songs and nursery rhymes. These verses
were not repeated in some sections of the song.
Minott continued to realize his mission of promot-
ing the new music with another song for producer
George Phang called ‘Riddim,’ which states, ‘you play
de riddim riddim riddim and then yu choose the
dancehall king.’
Influential Sound Systems
The evolution of the dancehall phenomenon began
with the explosion of several new sound systems in
the early 1980s. Without the dancehall and sound sys-
tems the genre would not survive, as it gave exposure
and prominence to a host of performers who were not
provided with radio exposure. Among the most popu-
lar were Youth Man Promotion, Stur Gav, Lee’s Unlim-
ited Kilimanjaro, Jah love Music, Black Scorpio, Metro
Media, Stereo One, Volcano and King Jammys.
In the 1980s Youth Man Promotion was one of
the biggest sound systems to spread early dancehall
music throughout the island, spearheaded by veteran
reggae crooner, Sugar Minott. Minott may also be
credited with having developed and recorded the first
dancehall crew of artists that toured with the sound
system. This trend over time was to become a char-
acteristic trait of dancehall sound systems. Among
the Youth Man Promotion Crew were dancehall icons
Junior Reid, Michael Palmer, Tenor Saw, Yami Bolo
and Steve Harper, Minott’s set developed a large fan
base in the inner city and had the reputation of giving
young ‘wannabees’ a chance to ‘buss,’ which was the
new term for becoming popular. Minott later reflected
that the name of his sound system reflected his per-
sonal ambition to give ghetto youth a chance to be as
successful in music as he was (Minott 2000).
Yet another remarkable sound system owner who
also wore the hat of producer was Henry ‘Junjo’
Lawes. His Volcano sound system was one of the big-
gest of the 1980s. Junjo employed major DJs includ-
ing Barrington Levy, Coco T., John Holt, Tony Tuff,
Frankie Paul, Michigan and Smiley, Eek a Mouse and
Yellowman. They, too, performed on his sound system
at nightly dances at venues in the inner city and the
countryside.
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 Genres: Caribbean and Latin America
King Jammy Super Power was a dominant force
in the dancehalls in the 1980s. Starting out as Prince
Jammy, this behemoth’s crew included dancehall
favorites such as Tonto Irie, Chaka Demus, Admiral
Bailey, Tulloch T., Pampido, Colin Roach and Wayne
Smith. The popular Kilimanjaro sound system uti-
lized Super Cat, Burro Banton and Nicodemus; while
Stur Gav sound system employed Charley Chaplin,
Josie Wales and Inspector Willy. Peter Metro, Tonto
Metro, Danny Dread and Jimmy Metro led the Metro
Media sound system, while Stereo One sound system
employed the likes of Lieutenant Stitchie, and Lee’s
Unlimited sound system relied on Yellowman. These
sound systems and DJs charted a path for early dance-
hall. Indeed, their tireless efforts arguably resulted in
dancehall’s status as a major social force and popular
contemporary genre.
Dancehall: Jamaican Politics
The advent of dancehall music in the 1980s occurred
amidst political changes sweeping the world, includ-
ing the decline of Communism and the rise of free
market ideology. Throughout the decade of the 1970s
supporters of the island’s two main political parties
engaged in violent ideological clashes resulting in the
loss of nearly 1,000 lives in the period preceding the
1980 election. The Jamaican Labour Party (JLP), led
by Edward Seaga, was ushered into power advocating
free market capitalism, fully supported by the United
States.
As the new political directorate brought hope to
the country’s middle class, Jamaican music, in con-
trast, echoed the challenges faced by the socially and
economically disenfranchised poorer classes. The
pervasive violence also significantly influenced the
changing sound of Jamaican music. The black con-
sciousness and nationalistic themes of 1970s reg-
gae were no longer relevant, and they were stoutly
denounced at the political level. Ironically, reflecting
the mood of the country’s more economically dis-
engaged social classes, who were far less optimistic
about their future prospects under the regime change,
the music shifted to express their general feelings of
discontent and despair. Thus, the ‘black conscious’
message of iconic reggae artists was rapidly replaced
by a far more aggressive style of lyrical delivery that
reflected the overarching dissatisfaction of the lower
classes.
As is common among disaffected groups across
the globe, song themes grew pervasively more mate-
rialistic as artists sought to highlight all that was
thought to represent a better life. Despite their expe-
rience of relative poverty, the spirit of materialism
256
Encyclopedia .indb 256
seemingly grew with the corresponding increasing
availability of consumer goods from the United
States for those who could afford it. The message of
the DJs also changed to correspond to the demo-
graphic shifts and taste preferences in the society.
Ace DJs who remained topical were headline acts at
popular dances. Their fresh style of chanting seem-
ingly struck a chord with the populace through lyr-
ics that touched on all the dominant aspects of life in
inner-city Jamaica.
Dancehall: Themes
DJs have addressed issues relating to poverty
and economic opportunity, police brutality, gang
violence, abortion, definitions of sexuality, sexual
prowess, infidelity, promiscuity and sex appeal.
They also commonly advocate for the legalization of
marijuana. Sexuality is one of the most central and
repeated themes represented in dancehall, along with
an emphasis on hetero-normative sexuality. Many
dancehall artists have advocated for the rejection of
homosexuality and its practices. Lyrics that promote
homophobia, misogyny and the glorification of guns
and gangsters have earned the genre much criticism
both in Jamaica (e.g., by journalist Ian Boyne) and
internationally (by organizations such as Gay and
Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation or GLAAD),
evidenced in the controversy and protests by inter-
national gay rights organizations surrounding Buju
Banton’s 1992 hit, ‘Boom Bye Bye,’ a song with lyr-
ics promoting violence against homosexuals. Many
major dancehall stars, including Shabba Ranks,
Beenie Man, Buju Banton and Sizzla, have experi-
enced career setbacks due to opposition mainly from
gay rights groups, who have advocated banning per-
formances by these acts in cities around the world.
The music has been branded by participants and crit-
ics alike with labels such as ‘slackness’ (‘Punanay’ by
Admiral Bailey), ‘gun tunes’ (‘Bloodstain’ by Ward
21) and ‘murder music’ (‘Log On [Chi Chi Man]’ by
Elephant Man). However, some academics, includ-
ing Carolyn Cooper and Donna Hope, have argued
that the themes and ideas expressed within dance-
hall are specific to the region and its culture and are
to be viewed within the context created. This line of
argument defends the genre against its critics, both
nationally and internationally.
Patriarchy can also be considered synonymous
with the genre, as topics such as sexuality and other
themes have, for the most part, been expressed from a
male’s perspective. Often, the woman is portrayed as
the giver, while the male is identified as the taker and
the dominant figure. However, DJs such as Lady Saw
1/14/2014 3:50:36 PM

and Patra along with countless others have helped
to redefine this relationship, establishing the woman
in a role of power and presenting some form of gen-
der balance. The genre itself can be characterized by
its dynamism. By the early 1990s, the emergence of
performers such as Garnet Silk and Tony Rebel intro-
duced a blend of roots stylings. This allowed for a
shift in dancehall’s sound along with the emergence of
more philosophical themes, although X-rated content
still retains its popularity.
Despite the difficulty of gaining middle-class
acceptance in its embryonic years, dancehall rapidly
became the charge of the youth movement and qui-
etly garnered popularity through live performances
over riddim tracks in the dance hall spaces. The pop-
ularity of the new sound, with its socially conscious
commentators chanting emotionally charged lyrics
about sexuality, power, X-rated topics, braggadocio,
opulence, gangster and gun glorification, resonated
so profoundly with the Jamaican masses that by the
beginning of the 1990s dancehall had firmly estab-
lished itself as the most popular indigenous Jamaican
genre, at least on the island.
Dancehall Styles and Culture
The acceptance of the genre by major show promot-
ers and the media led to the evolution and acceptance
of an entire subculture defined not only by the music
but also by fashion, food and lifestyle. The newly
developing dancehall lifestyle, in contrast to reggae’s
roots style, was flashy and outrageous, symbolized
by big bikes, fancy cars, lots of jewelery and osten-
tatious living, usually associated with the very rich.
This style evolved from the high fashion sense that
had been part of popular music culture since the days
of ska and rock steady. The style was heightened by
the return of Jamaicans from England and the United
States, sporting big gold chains and fancy designer
clothes. This trend was manifested through dancehall
figures including Henry Lawes, who drove BMW and
Mercedes Benz sedans and Honda Ninja motorbikes.
With the development of the Jamaican transatlantic
drug trade, there was also a parallel rise in the lifestyle
of the dancehall.
The style and language of dancehall was developed
by DJs who adopted slang and words they heard in
their communities. In so doing they popularized
many of these words and phrases in songs. ‘Boops’
(sugar daddy), ‘matie’ (mistress), ‘bowcat’ (oral sex),
‘mud up’ (messed up), ‘mampie’ (obese), ‘dash wey
belly’ (abortion) and ‘bush to de bone’ (elegant) are
just some of the slang expressions popularized by
dancehall.
Encyclopedia .indb 257
Dancehall
Dancehall in the International Arena
Like reggae, dancehall has emerged as a global
commodity with a rising fan base in Europe, Japan
and Africa, spawning several new genres outside
Jamaica including reggaeton in Latin America, dub-
step and grime in Britain and kwaito in South Africa.
A major issue in defining and representing Jamaican
music is that many aspects have not yet been formal-
ized and institutionalized. In many cases, nomencla-
tures have developed that are endemic to Jamaica.
Hence what is described in international music cir-
cles may be defined differently in Jamaica. In some
cases multiple and contradictory perspectives and
definitions coexist, varying according to the individ-
ual’s background in the music and constituency. This
lack of consensus among the various sectors related
to Jamaican music, national and international, can
result in confusion.
Conclusion: Dancehall’s Success Story
At its peak, through collaboration with international
major record companies in the 1990s, dancehall acts
such as Shabba Ranks, Cobra and Patra (utilizing a
fusion aesthetic that combines traditional local forms
and international soundscapes) rose to international
prominence and sold millions of records. Later, pop-
influenced acts such as Shaggy and Sean Paul achieved
multiplatinum success. Shaggy sold 10 million copies
worldwide of his album Hotshot. Since the beginning
of the twenty-first century the Kingston music scene
has transformed the dancehall sound and aesthetic. A
new sound that fuses many styles, including dance-
hall, reggae, ska, hip-hop, pop and R&B (one beat) is
on the rise to takes its place among the many genres of
popular music emerging from Kingston.
Bibliography
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Discographical References
Admiral Bailey. ‘Punany.’ Jammys Records. 1986:
Jamaica.
Big Youth. ‘Hit the Road Jack.’ Trojan Record TRO
7977-A. 1976: England.
Bounty Killer. ‘Anytime.’ Xtra Large. 1999: Jamaica.
Buju Banton. ‘Boom Bye Bye.’ Shang Records SHG –
4385. 1992: Jamaica.
Elephant Man. ‘Log On (Chi Chi Man).’ 2 Hard
Records SHAR 0063. 2001: Jamaica.
Levy, Barrington. ‘Under Mi Sensi.’ Time One TR005.
1984: Jamaica.
Shaggy. Hotshot. MCA Records 112 565-2. 2000:
USA.
Smith, Wayne. ‘Under Mi Sleng Teng.’ Jammys
Records. 1985: Jamaica.
Sugar Minott. ‘Dancehall We Deh.’ Midnight Rock.
MSC 328119. 1982: Jamaica.
Sugar Minott. ‘Inna Dancehall Style.’ Black Roots.
1983: Jamaica.
Sugar Minott. ‘Riddim.’ Powerhouse. 1984: Jamaica.
Super Cat. ‘Under Pressure.’ Powerhouse. 1984: Jamaica.
Ward 21. ‘Bloodstain.’ Mentally Disturbed. 2000:
Jamaica.
Discography
Anthony Red Rose. ‘Tempo.’ Firehouse. 1985:
Jamaica.
Beenie Man. ‘Worl Dance.’ Shocking Vibes Records.
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Elephant Man. ‘Pon The River.’ Q 45 Records. 2003:
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DENNIS HOWARD
Dande
The dande (dan-day) is a New Year’s greeting in the
Caribbean island of Aruba with musical accompa-
niment performed by groups of traveling musicians
who are also called ‘dandes.’ A form unique to Aruba,
with roots stretching back into the nineteenth cen-
tury, it has connections with the music of Christmas
and New Year celebrations elsewhere in the Carib-
bean region. After a period of decline, dande was
revived in the last decades of the twentieth century
and became an important sign of Aruban national
identity.
Description
During New Year festivities in Aruba, after mid-
night many families receive a visit by a dande group.
Traditionally, the dandes visit a specific household
because they wish to do so, and to show respect for
those live there. The leader, who is responsible for
deciding where and at what time to begin the ‘revel’
(paranda in Papiamento, parranda in Spanish),
approaches family and friends in advance to find out
if they would like to receive the dande (a visit would
be inappropriate in a home that is in mourning, e.g.).
Families may also approach the dandes to request a
visit. The leader then obtains the names of the family
members expected to be present in the home at mid-
night. Before New Year’s Eve, a dande singer (usually a
male) will seek information on family events that have
taken place over the preceding year. This knowledge
will be included in the greetings the leader composes
to each individual and is evidence that the musicians
are part of a specific community and familiar with a
family’s everyday lives.
On New Year’s Eve during the Catholic midnight
mass, dande groups arrive at church to serenade the
congregation and to thank God for the New Year.
Around the island, as fireworks are exploding, dande
groups begin their ‘sweep,’ or ‘dandering’ (Orman
1996), visiting as many as 20 houses throughout
the night. Formerly, extended families lived in the
same neighborhood and dandes would visit homes
on foot; but today the dandes travel in trucks since
people now often live at considerable distances
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