.

'/, u
r- ,,:)
'l L 1 840

THE KINYARWANDA LANGUAGE:

ITS USE AND IMPACT IN THE VARIOUS
MEDIA DURING THE PERIOD 1990 -1994

A SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDY

Dr Balinda Rwigamba
Dr Laurent Nkusi
Dr Mathias Ruzindana

March 1998
 Contents

O. INTRODUCTION 3

1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDOF THE KINYARWANDA LANGUAGE 5

1.1. Classification of the Kinyarwanda language 5
1.2. History of the Kinyarwanda language (up to the colonial period) 7

2. MODERN" KINYARWANDA 9
2.1. Borrowing a:n.d lexical creation 9
2.2. Kinyarwanda dialects 10

3. USAGE AND IMPACT OF KINYARWANDA IN THE RWANDAN

SOCIETY 13
3.1. Non-verbal language 13
3.2. Importance and usage of speech 14
3.3. Weight of silence versus speech 16

'; •...
3.4. Meaaing of secret
:,
. ~ . . .,.
~ 18

4. DEVELOPMENT AND USAd. OF CODE-WORDS 21

4.0. Introduction ~~: :.~ 21
... ~.:..... 4.1. The glossary 21

5. ANALYSIS OF THE LANGUAGE OF THE VARIOUS MEDIA 27

5.0. Introduction 27
S.l.Thematic analysis 27
5.1.1. Unity of Hutu 27
5.1.2. Diabolisation ofRPF and Tutsi 28
5.1.3. Extermination of the enemy 30
5.2. Stylistic and rhetorical aspects 30
5.2.1. Register 30
5.2.2. Stylistic aspects 31
5.2.3. Tone and intonation 34
5.3. Impact of the media speech 35

6. CONCLUSION 38

BIBLIOGRAPHy 39

APPENDIX 1: SEMANTIC AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THREE

TERMS: INKOTANYI, INYENZI, AND ICYITSO 42

APPENDIX 2 : CARICATORE SAMPLES 55

__. _ - - - - - _ . - - - _.._----_._-------_._----------_._._--_._---_.- - - - - - _._-_._._----

---------------_.__._._.__. _----------_.__ .
 r<OOb1842

o. INTRODUCTION
This sociolinguistic study was initiated by the Media Team in the Office of the
Prosecutor, ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) who contacted the
experts team, composed as follows:

- Dr Balinda Rwigamba, Ph.D. in Linguistics,

- Dr Laurent Nkusi, Doctorat d'Etat es Lettres et Sciences Humaines,
- Dr Mathias Ruzindana, Ph.D. in Applied Linguistics.

The experts held a number of preliminary working sessions with the requesting ICTR
body at ICTR Office in Kigali between November 1996 and April 1997.

The aim of the consultancy was to carry out a study on the development and
utilisation of the Kinyarwanda language before and during the 1994 genocide, to
include, among other things:
.
~·i~_.l. Historical background of the Kinyarwanda language,
'. ." '. 2~' Modem Kinyarwanda,
3., Usage and impact of the Kinyarwanda language,
4:" Development and use of"code:-'Y~.i',

..
5. Implct and effectiveness of v~~tiIWfediaduring the period 1990 - 1994.

Sociolinguistics thus constitutes' the theoretical framework of this study.

Sociolinguistics studies language and speech ' 'f:lftf. in-their social, regional, and cultural
~9Jltexts. P: Trudgill (1983) po~nts out that sociolinguistics is that part of linguistics
which studies language as a SOCIal and cultural phenomenon.

A sociolinguistic analysis normally focuses on the following:

* Semantics, which studies meanin~ of speech utterances. The word "meaning" itself
can have several, distinct interpretations, among which:
- explicit content, i.e. denotative meaning (stable and objective
meaning);
- implicit content, i.e, connotative meaning, comprising subj ective and
variable semantic features, which are user- and context- dependent;
- contextual meaning, etc.

* Sociolinguistic code(s), which consist(s) of cultural (or social) rules applying

selectively towhat is being uttered ( and also to why, when, who, where of the
utterance) and which shape meaning, determine speech form, lexical choice, etc.

* Speech act partners (addresser and addressee), their relationship, social distance,
also known as proxemics, intentions, etc.).

* Lexical choice, which depends on the message to be transmitted, the addresser's

intent, political and social environment, etc.

3
 r:OUS1843

* The choice of style, which also depends on the message, the addresser's intent, and
the general context.

* Various language variations (regional and social).

It is the sociolinguistic principles described above which constituted the main
framework of the present study. The information provided in the chapters dealing with
the historical background and usage of the Kinyarwanda language is based on existing
literature. As for the study of code-words and the analysis of media language, it is
based on an analysis of a considerable amount of material, including numerous issues
of the extremist newspapers such as Kangura, Zirikana, Umurwanashyaka, Le
Courrier du Peuple, La Medaille.Nyiramacibiri, etc. during the period 1990 - 1994.
We extensively used the transcripts of RTLM (Radio-Television des MUles Collines)
and Radio Rwanda broadcasts (covering mainly the period 1993 -1994) provided by
the ICTR Media Team.

This study also includes two appendices, namely:

1. A detailed study of the usage of three key words, namely Inkotanyi, Inyenzi, and
lcyitso an4~~umerous illustrative uses drawn from various hate media such as Kangura
andRTLM.
•
. - ..
_, .~..
. f '·I'r.·~,-
...
.'.. •
• 2. A sarnp'le-.:of caricatures illustrating some of the themes developed in the
extsemist media.'~·· ·0 .
'>.:;..:1

4
 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE KINYARWANDA
LANGUAGE

1.1. Classification of Kinyarwanda.

The language of Rwanda, called ikinyarwanda, or, in the French form without a pre-
prefix, Kinyarwanda, is a Bantu language of the interlacustrine zone. In the scientific
literature, this language is sometimes referred to as rwanda. At the beginning of this
century, two glossonyms were in competition: ikinyarwanda and urunyarwanda. In
fact, we know that the most commonly used prefixes to indicate the names of
languages in the Bantu sphere are: -ld- (probably referring to the word for thing), the
prefix -ru- (referring to the word for language) and the prefix -ma- (referring to the
word for words). Etymologically, Kinyarwanda could thus mean the thing of
Rwanda, the thing that belongs to Rwanda. Since the morpheme -nya- means
"belonging to", the meaning is quite close to what J. Dubois and al. (1994:186) call
an ethnic adjective, i.e. "an adjective derived from the name of a country or region
evoking an affiliation to that country or region (by origin or location), or the
possession of certain characteristics prop~r to their inhabitants." • ,~~
• • .;,~ ,':., .,•. ':- ",'.. .# " '~
" ,." •• ' ,'" _,,'ii!t,. •
In Bantu languages, the g~~fix...:lq~· ...", tefers to "lifestyle" or to "place". Thus
I11any
.
thdexpression kubaho kinyarwandameans. H'to live the Rwandan style» or "to live like
the Rwandan people." Therefore, Kinyarwanda means more than Just the language.•
.
It also refers to the Rwandan culture, to the habits and customs of the country. To
know Kinyarwanda, for a Rwandan, is not only just knowing the language and
mastering its grammatical structures; it is also knowing its history, the art of living
with fellow citizens (linguistic, social and moral behaviour).

In order to classify Kinyarwanda among the African languages, we need to refer to J.

Greenberg (1963) in his book called Languages ofAfrica where Kinyarwanda is made
part of the Congo-Kordofan family, Niger-Congo, Benoue-Congo, Bantoid, Bantu.
Kinyarwanda is well known in the scientific literature because, as early as 1948, the
English comparative linguists had located it in area 61 of the D zone. Guthrie
introduced the notion of zone in order to group languages which share a large number
of linguistic features. He classifies some of the eastern Africa languages as follows:

ZoneD
D60
D61 nyarwanda
D62 rundi

D63 fuliro

D64 shubi
D65 hangaza

D66 ha
D67 vinza

5
 ZoneE
E10

Ell nyoro

E12 tooro

E13 nyankore

E14 ciga

E15 ganda, sese

.' ,"j.
{.-itt:~
E16 soga

E20
E21 nyambo

E22 haya

E23 dzindza

E24 kerebe ..

E25 jita

E30
E31 masaba
E32 hanga

E33 nyore

Further research by the Lolemi programme of the MUSEE ROYAL DE L'AFRIQUE

CENTRALE at Tervuren in Belgium grouped the languages in D and E linguistic
zones into one interlacustrine zone named J. Researchers like Nkiko Munya Rugero,
quoted (in J.B. Murekezi 1984:27), subdivide that zone in "western protolacustrine":
- nande, konzo, hunde,
- viira, havu, tembo, shi,
-jwanda, rundi, ha

and "eastern protolacustrine'':

- hema, nkore, tooro, kerebe, haya,
- ganda, soga, hihya, masaaba.

6
Likewise, F. Jouannet (1991 :202) brings some amendments to the genetic relations of
the interlacustrine J group:

Thanks to our friend G. Philippson's sound documents on shubi, hangaza, vinza dialects, which he
kindly allowed us to hear, it appears that there is as much resemblance between these three
varieties and Kinyarwanda as there is between the latter and Kirundi. He thus envisaged not to put
these dialects in tiers but to group them instead in one category: J 60 (as was for the sub-
category J 61, known as the "rwanda-rundi-ha"), In order to avoid an awkward lengthening of
the language list, a specific designation could be assigned to the group. We suggest the name of
"central interlacustrine group".

It is worth stressing that the "rwanda / rundi / han varieties constitute a linguistic
continuum. Kinyarwanda is a part of a zone enjoying shared intelligibility extending
beyond Rwanda's present political borders. Rwandophones can be found in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire), in the North and South Kivu
(ikinyamurenge and ikinyabwisha varieties), in the Bufumbira region of Uganda;
Kinyarwanda is well understood in the entire Burundi and one would not be surprised
that the Voice ofAmerica broadcasts in "Kinyarwanda and Kirundi" with speakers
originating from the two countries without encountering any communication
difficulty between themselves and their listeners.

It should finally be noted that the Great Lakes Region has for long constituted a
migration territory for Rwandans for historical, economic, and political reasons
(expansion of interlacustrine kingdoms, new territorial borders following British /
Belgian colonisation, labour migration, political upheavals, and population exile).

1.2. History of the Kinyarwanda language (up to the colonial period)

E. Ntezimana in Histoire, culture et conscience nationale: le cas du Rwanda des
origines a1900 (inaugural lesson UNR, 1986-1987) writes:
The Kinyarwanda language, prior to the foundation ofURwanda, prior to Abanyarwanda (people
I nation) has rather favoured its germination, its birth and its blossoming; the opposite action took
place only later and only partially. Before the territorial expansion and the political unification,
the language and arts, habits and customs, constituted, as I already said, a common, indestructible
substratum.

Other researchers have raised the question of knowing whether the Kinyarwanda
language existed before the creation of the Rwandan state. Thus, T. Ntaweza states
that «as long as the Rwandan country did not exist, the name ikinyarwanda referring
to the language of the country was also unknown» (quoted in L. Munyakazi, 1984:
42)

Very little is known about the states which existed prior to the contemporary era of
the Kinyarwanda language, which is characterised by oral tradition as is the case for
most African languages. According to Houis (1980: 14), a civilisation of oral tradition
is characterised by:
- vectors and features of oral communication,
- a socialised memory,
- a certain conception of speech,
- oral texts marked with structured rhythm.

7
Nevertheless, the analysis of the Kinyarwanda rich literature reveals notably dynastic,
war and pastoral poems which exhibit archaic lexical features and grammatical
constructions known as urunyacyirima, named after King Cyirima Rujugira (1731 -
1769). Some of these archaic forms are still in use in some regional speeches.
Example:
- itiro : sleep (archaic form)
- ibitotsi: sleep (modem form)

The Kinyarwanda language, like any other language, has evolved with time. Even
when studied in a synchronic way [i.e. limited to a specific period], some sediments
of its history can be discovered. In fact, synchrony is somewhat dynamic. Without
going as far back as to the Proto-Bantu [ = the mother Bantu language], certain
regional variants can be justified by the fact that one lexeme [ = word] or another has
remained close to the etymon [= original word]. Thus, Kirera is closer to the Proto-
Bantu than to central Kinyarwanda which has introduced for instance in nominal
class lOa palatal articulation

- byiri / -biri two

- shatu / -tatu three
- nye / - ne four
..
Before it came into contact with foreign languages at the beginning of this century,
the Kinyarwanda language comprised regional variants whose unity was achieved in
the form of a common language form,

8
 2. THE MODERN KINYARWANDA (FROM THE COLONIAL
PERIOD TO 1994)

2.1. Borrowing and lexical creation

With colonisation, Kinyarwanda has made contact with foreign languages. The
German language left few traces in the vocabulary (the word ishuri ("school") can be
noted here). The most important number of loans have been supplied by KiswahiIi,
the lingua-franca of East Africa, and also by French and English.

In order to adapt to modernity, Kinyarwanda resorts to:

* the creation of new words, by derivation or composition

Example: "indorerwamo": mirror, from the verb -ror: to see, + applicative -ir , +
post suffix indicating the place "moll

* the use of existing words with semantic specifications

Example: "ibuye": stone (battery); "umuriro": fire (electricity)

* borrowing ...~
Example: "ishati" from English" "shirt" ': yi~ Swahili ('shati'); "minisitiri" from
French "ministre" (minister); "uburingiti"..t.~hi· English "blanket" via Swahili.

.
·411
"~ A mixture of languages is ' evid~c~t~~ay that proves the importance of foreign
languages in Rwanda. Some go as far as distinguishing between the "old days speech"
(ikinyarwanda cya kera), which is supposed to be "purer", and today's speech
iikinyarwanda cy'ubu), more eroded, often used by the youth or city dwellers. It is
important to note that a language develops continuously without the users' being
aware of it and over a long period except sometimes in times of violent political
mutations. Although language mutations in this case are mostly of the lexical type,
syntactic structures are often affected as well. Thus, the plural form of "their
maj esty" was unknown in the old Kinyarwanda and even when addressing the king,
he was referred to in the singular form. ~cf. the vous/tu distinction in French).

9
 1<Gdh1849

2.2. Kinyarwanda dialects

Research in dialectology has shown that virtually all languages exhibit regional
(dialects) and / or socio-cultural (sociolects) variations. The major difficulty lies in
distinguishing between the concepts of language and dialect. In this regard, L. Polak
(1980) writes:
From the linguistic point of view, rwanda, rundi and ha can be considered as dialects of one
language (which has no specific name), although rwanda and rundi are national languages... Let
us not forget that the language/dialect distinction is not always clear-cut and that there is no
absolute objective criteria; the criteria of mutual intelligibility, often referred to, should be used
with the greatest precaution.

M. Houis (1980 :74) summarises the differences between a language and a dialect as
in the following chart:

Levels Language Dialect

Linguistic geography convergent uses, considered as territorial variant

such by the speakers.
Political geography political, cultural, and economic a minority speech, economically
entity, resulting from a certain dependent to whom all national

Linguistic policy
history
a set in which the convergence of
nrestize is denied
anormative speech
.,.
uses is ensured through a '.:~~~.~::~~.
normative valorisation "

Descriptive linguistics a system of principles underlying

effective realisations of the
speech acts in a given dialect language in a context of
convergence of uses
Comparative linguistics an entity of meta-systematic differential realisations projectable
(Dialectology) nature, drawn out, by on a map
comparison, from systems
underlying dialects

In this regard, dialectology is a part of sociolinguistics, which, according to J.

Fishman (1971:20), is "the study of the characteristics of linguistic varieties, their
functions and their speakers, taking into consideration the fact that all three elements
are in constant interplay, changing and modifying one another in the midst of a
linguistic 'community'",
This could be the reason why he opts for the use of the word "variety" which is a
"technical objective, and neutral word". He does not indicate any particular linguistic
standpoint, only certain differences in comparison to other varieties (quoted by
J.Garmadi 1981:28).

From the sociolinguistic point ofview, and within the Rwandan national territory, we
can roughly say: one country, one language. Rwanda is a unilingual country and that
is a rare fact in the sub-Saharan Africa, except for Lesotho, Botswana, Burundi,
Madagascar and Somalia. If Rwanda, as A. Verdoot would say, is "a country by

10
 excellence", it does not mean that the way of speaking is the same. Kinyarwanda is
both unique and diverse and there are minority languages in the country the users of
which can perfectly speak Kinyarwanda as well.

In editing a collection of oral literature texts, P. Smith (1975:122,123) writes:

Region-related dialectal differences regarding as much the pronunciation as certain syntactic
constructions along with certain elements of the vocabulary, have not been systematically brought
to the norm which seems to be imposed by the speakers of Central Rwanda. These speakers, who
are in frequent contact with all of the regions' inhabitants, will not be surprised by those
differences which they well know about and designate by the verb gushyoma "to speak patois".
Those differences are mainly encountered in the northern regions: Bugoyi, Mulera, Rukiga.

Essentially spurred on by. the National University of Rwanda's Faculty of Arts,

dialectology studies have been conducted on kirera (G.Mudeenge, 1985), rushobyo
(E. Nsanzabiga, 1988), kigoyi (J. Mukeshimana, 1993), kiyaaka (C. Musabyimana,
1993), on peripheral languages such as kikiga (lB. Murekezi, 1984 ; F.X.
Bangamwabo 1986), sociolects as well, like the research ofP.C. Kayumba (1989) on
Batwa's way of speaking or P. Hakiz;1:mal;l~ (1981) on urucuzi. L. Munyakazi, In his
postgraduate thesis, Munyakazi (1984) exposes the sociolinguistic situation of
• ~'.;,~Iar;?~~i~.itstle~docen~c ~n~ exocentric" aspects•. It is ho:we~er the. national team
.. of the ~A~AC project "Linguistic Atlas of Central Africa" WhICh In particular presents
the linguistic geography of Rwanda in detail.

To better grasp the Rwandan dialectology, we will briefly examine it from the
regional and socio-cultural angles. The "Kinyarwanda" linguistic group comprises
mutually intelligible varieties which are essentially based on tonal differences, minor
syntactic differences and some lexical items. We will not detail the linguistic aspects
of these varieties. The inquisitive reader might want to consult the works listed in the
previous paragraph.
We can mention:
- Kinyarwanda called central, whose epicentre can be located in the historical
region of Nduga, and which can be considered as a standard since it is used in all
schoolbooks and generally the mass media and political speeches.
- Kigoyi, a dialect spoken in the Gisenyi prefecture, historical region of Bugoyi, a
region which contains many dialects (gitinywa, rushobyo, kiyaka, etc.).
- Kirera, a dialect spoken in Gisenyi and Ruhengeri prefectures.

Sometimes kigoyi and kirera are called "igikiga", i.e. the speech of mountain people.
This designation is also applied to the speech of the people in the mountain regions of
Gikongoro in contrast with the speech on the plateaux.

It is important to point out that users of those dialects assert that they are all speaking
Kinyarwanda, the element of their social identification. However, for self-assertion
purposes, the non-standard dialect speakers might develop tonal and phonetic
differences in order to contrast with kinyanduga speakers. As L.Munyakazi writes
(1984:151):
When the barera speak their dialect, they are not aware of using kirera, but Kinyarwanda
instead. (in the general meaning of the language of Rwanda). It is only when confronted with
speakers of other regiolects that they would realise that they are speaking kirera. They then take
advantage of the occasion to affirm their regional identity by means of the language.

11
With the aggravation of regional tensions (Bakiga/Banyenduga) under Habyarimana's
regime, it became fashionable for northerners to speak the dialect of their region,
emphasizing its phonetic and tonal differences.

Besides Kinyarwanda, minority languages at border areas; these are home languages
like the ikirashi-urunyambo / olukiga-igihima language, spoken near the Ugandan and
Tanzanian borders. The amashi-igihavu language, spoken around lake Kivu,
especially on the Nkombo island.

Other languages or Kinyarwanda dialects like gisozo, gishobyo, kiyaka, considerably

in minority, are dying out. There are no demolinguistic studies to determine with
precision the number of speakers of these languages and dialects.

From the socio-cultural viewpoint, it has to be said straight away, there is no

correlation in Rwanda between language,ethnicity, and culture because Kinyarwanda
is spoken by the three human groups which are traditionally presented, with too much
simplicity, as "Bahutu farmers", "Batutsi shepherds" and "Batwa potters". From a
synchronic point of view, all three "ethnic groups" speak the same language, i.e.
Kinyarwanda. There is no diachronic or synchronic evidence that ethnicity-based
linguistic differences are or were ever attested. •
.....
•
In this regard, it is worth quotingP. Alexandre (in Martinet 1968:138):

It must be repeated. It is necessary. It will certainly be necessary for yet some time. Let us repelt
it then: there is no Bantu race. Nor is there a Bantu civilisation, or Bantu customs, or Bantu art...
There exist only Bantu languages, just like Semitic or Indo-European languages. "Bantu" is a
linguistic technical term introduced by linguists for technical purposes and which can occasionally .
be utilised in social anthropology and never in physical anthropology.
(...) There is no "Bantu" race: Bantu languages are spoken by both dolichocephalic and
brachycephalic, small and tall people. There exist farmers who speak a Bantu language, cattle
keepers breeders who speak a Bantu language, hunters who speak a Bantu language, both on hills
and costal plains, rain forests and presteppic savannahs.

A. Coupez and T. Kamanzi (1962: ) write: "If all Twa have some phonological
particularities (mainly in the anticipation of the anterior toneme, exclusively
represented by its preparation), the language of Hutu is different from the Tutsi's in
an insignificant measure". "Theinsignificant measure" mentioned by these authors
originates rather from the stylistic register since, as indicated above, the three ethnic
groups speak the same language. Courtiers often used an elevated linguistic style as
part of their code of conduct at. the royal court. However contrary to a widespread
opinion, the dynasty poets were not recruited from the only Tutsi ethnic group, as A.
Kagame's works rightly show.

It is important to note that there also exist secret languages, like urucuzi, blacksmiths'
language, gifefeko , a kind of slang where young people switch around word syllables
as well as urukonjo, which is a language used in the rituals of kubandwa.

12
3. THE USE AND IMPACT OF KINYARWANDA IN THE
RWANDAN SOCIETY: BEYOND LANGUAGE

3.1. Non-verbal language

In addition to the verbal vocal code, Rwandans, like other peoples, have developed a
non-verbal vocal code made of vocal sounds, not included in the verbal language
system, but which are nevertheless significant. Those sounds are hard to write down.
For instance, a bilabial click expressing regret, kwimyoza, a dental click expressing
interdiction, a nasalized vocal sound that shows the interlocutor's interest to
communication. There are plenty of sounds meant to express disapproval, joy,
suffering and sadness, shaking, etc... It is important to decode those sounds in order to
grasp the entire global meaning of the message.

There is also what can be called "kinetic" code such as body language, facial
expressions, gestures that can go with or replace speech. Body language in
Kinyarwanda is termed guca amarenga. Artaud, (quoted in J. Kristeva 1969:29) notes
that "besides the culture through words, there is culture through gestures. There are
other languages in the world outside our western speech which has opted for
terseness, for the dryness of ideas and where ideas are presented to us in a lifeless
state without shattering, in the way, a whole system of natural analogies as in the
oriental languages." And linguistics adds: "Reduced to an extreme poverty in our
verbal civilisation, gestuality is established in cultures outside the Greek-Jewish-
Christian culture. The study of that gestuality, with the help of models and
civilisations in which they appear, will give us, on the other hand, new means to think
out our own culture". It is evident that non-linguistic communication exists
everywhere and as R. L. Birdwhistell (1970) writes "no matter what you do, whether
you are sitting, walking, folding your anus or raising your eyebrows, you're saying
something in "body language".

Non-linguistic communication resorts to not only the human body, but also to objects
of our environment. That is the case for clothing and ornaments. Thus, in 1994, some
of the militias or killers wore banana leaves while running after their victims, which
is how the traditional warriors and hunters dressed (see A.Coupez, 1962:28). In
addition to the codes and channels used in interactive communication, one should
mention the relevance of proxemic [distance] and chronemic [time] factors. E. Hall
(1971) develops a new theory concerning man's use of space as a specific cultural
product and distinguishes the intimate distance, the personal distance, the social
distance and the public distance. From that fact, it is possible to note the
communicative features proper to a political meeting, to a secret meeting of
conspiring people, to a refuge where tracked people hide from the enemy,
etc...Chronemy, in itself, regards the way partners in communication use temporal
factor as a significant element of the communication process (suitable time for
communication, time that the interlocutor takes before replying, etc...).

13
 ~OOS1853

3.2. Importance and usage of speech in the Rwandan culture.

Another element that allows us to identify the importance of Kinyarwanda is the

analysis of the social conditions under which speech acts were considered and
distributed in the traditional Rwandan culture.

The importance of speech or, more precisely, the speech/silence dialectics, is attested
in Rwandan proverbs. In reality, there is a certain kind of speech eugenics [ == rules,
principles] because we do not speak to say anything anyhow to anyone. In order to
better comprehend how Rwandans consider speech, we can list three proverbs
(proverbs are highly valued in Rwanda).

- Amagambo adakonyaguwe ntakwirwa mu ruhago.

Unbroken words.cannot fit in the pocket.
Comment: consideration of speech as a jewel, a work of consciousness and perfection
not a mere flow of words.

- Kuyavuga si ko kuyamara.
Saying words is not exhausting them.
Comment: consideration of speech as a vast warehouse wherefrom the speaker draws
out without ever emptying it.

- Nyirururimi rubi yatanze umurozi gupfa.

He who failed to withhold his tongue died before the poisoner.
Comment: a bad word is worse than a bad action.

In order to speak well, one has to be in a good mood; one should not "eat tongues"
(kurya indimi) or speak "tiny languages" (kuvuga uburimi) i.e, to stammer.

-Ujya gusaba ntasobanya.

He who goes to ask for something should not interlace words.

- Ukize inkuba arayiganira.

He who survived lightning talks about it.

- Ubuze icyo avuga agira ngo umwami arabyibushye.

He who has nothing to say states that the king is healthy.

- Ukubwiye ubusa umusubiza ubundi.

To banalities, banalities are answered.

Speech tum-taking is made according to parameters which match those of the social
actors.

* Word / Silence
* Man/Woman

14
 * Rich/Poor :< Gi) b 1854
* Adult / Child
Examples:

a) The woman has no right to speak or, rather, her word is a symbol of indiscretion
and gossip:

-lnkokokazi ntibika isake ihari.

The hen does not crow when the rooster is there.

-lnkokokazi iteteza nk'izindi ngo ngiyo gakunguzi.

A hen shouts like the others, and is said to be a bad omen.

- Agahugu k'abagore ntikabura amazimwe.

The land of women never lacks gossip.

Many tales and myths present the woman as the origin of all of man's misfortunes
(death, poverty, etc.). It is an old woman, for example, who hides death in her
..garment (in her vagina), which then invades the world.

b) While rich people, the elders, abakuru, are wisdom holders, the weak, and the
lower classes have no right to speak.

- Uwambaye injamba ntagira ijambo.

He who is wearing rags has no right to speak:.

- Ntawe uburana n'umuhamba.

You cannot negotiate with your gravedigger.

- Umwera uvuye ibukuru urakwira

A bad habit from above spreads fast.

-ljambo ry'umworo rishirira muri henga mvuge.

The word of the poor man ends while he is still saying "Hold on, I 'm going to
speak".

Thus, it appears that the use of speech is a kind of parameter for social hierarchy
which shows intersubjective relationships. Before speaking to somebody, one asks
oneself the following question:
'who am I to speak to them and who are they to speak to me so'?

- Indirimbo nyir'urugo ateye ni yo wikiriza.

You have to sing the song which is being sung by the master of the house.

- Uko zivuze ni ko zitambirwa.

They are danced the way they are played (the sounds of drums).

15
 3.3. The weight of silence versus speech

We can first talk about silence, which is not really such since it is rather a kind of
indirect speaking, as has been indicated above.

- N'uhigimye aha avuze.

Even the one who coughs a little has spoken.

- N'itabiye iba ishaka iyayo.

Even the cow that does not moo is looking for its calf.

Gestures thus replace speech, through laughter, frowning, winking, beckoning, finger
snapping, etc.

- Bavuga ibigoramye umuhoro ukarakara.

When they talk about bent objects, the billhook gets angry.

• - Babwiye umugabo bati kuki ukandagira imigondoro ati aho ga birenge ni wowe ubwirwa.
.',.
When a man. walking on bean seedlings was rebuked, he said to his own feet
"listen feet, they are talking to you" .

One can keep silent in order to:

* listen to the interlocutor. An essential quality in conversation is to pay attention
to the other person and to know how to listen to him.

- Urujya kwica imbwa ruyiziba amatwi.

The death that will kill the dog makes it deaf.

- Impfubyi yumvira mu rusaku.

The orphan hears in a lot of noise.

* reduce damage and avoid futile and often dangerous discussions.

- Urugo ruragutuka warusubiza ukarusenya.

If you reply to your wife's insults, you may ruin your marriage.

- Ujya impaka n'impeshyi aba azi ibigega aciye.

Who argues with the dry season knows how much lofts he owns.

* express resignation since worst pains are contained.

- Amaganya y'inkoko amenywa n 'inkike yatoye mo.

The misfortune of the hen is.known by the side of the compound where it pecked
its food.

- Hataka nyir'ubukozwemo, naho nyir'ubuteruranywe n 'akebo ntakoma.

You complain when a little of your millet is taken from you, but when all of the
millet with its basket is taken away you keep quiet.

16
 In all cases, ostentatious words or words that denigrate the other person are avoided.

- Umugabo aca urubanza ntaca urubazi;

A man settles a dispute not an endless talk.

- Uruvuga undi ntirugorama.

Words are always available to gossip about the other person.

* express disdain vis-a-vis the interlocutor or simply rudeness.

- U Rwanda ni rugali haba n'urutaramukanya.

Rwanda is vast, there is even somebody who would not respond to greetings.

* express fear, carefulness, slyness or interest. This is known as " hiding in the
stomach".

- Uhishe mu nda imbwa ntimwiba.

He who hides in the stomach cannot be robbed by the dog.

- Nta cyo mvuze ntiteranya.

"1did not say anythipg' .do~;~Qt disunite,

- Akarenze umunwa karushya ihamagara.

What has come out of the mouth is hard to call back.
'. :'~4f~
If he uses the indirect word, does the Munyarwanda necessarily use a false word? ~, Of
course, the lie exists and is represented by the tale ch~~cter Semuhanuka, who isliar •
par excellence. We just want to assert that in all culunes, a prudent word is preferred
to a loose-tongue word. And as. the Bible says: i\:'''He who talks much will sin, but
whoever controls his lips is a careful man" (prov . 10, 19).

In this case we think about the Rwandan category of ubwenge (intelligence). Coupez
and Kamanzi (1970:19) remark: "It is a particular kind of intelligence, which aims at
earning material and social advantages regardless of the means used. It could be
defined as being "cunning" if this word did not have a pejorative connotation since
ubwenge connotes admiration". P. Crepeau (1973:38) in his essay writes:

Ubwenge is neither cunning nor cheating, it is basically a quality ofthe mind that
causes admiration. This admiration may be tinged with regret or reproach for the
victim of unscrupulous ubwenge, it can also be manipulated by someone for his
own advantage. In fact, ubwenge is purely and simply envisaged at the
intellectual and aesthetic level without any reference to the ethical order.

We can thus rehabilitate a certain mental category, ubwenge, which has been
confused with treachery. Ubwenge which is neither a social class nor a certain ethnic
group's privilege, cannot be envisaged at the ethical level. It is first of all a certain
praxis, practical intelligence for attaining success in life, following the example of the
hare in popular tales. A question arises though. Does ubwenge use genuine, false or
oblique speech? We can reply using two "contradictory" proverbs.

17
 - Uko umutima ubtzi si ko umunwa ubivuga.
The mouth does not tell it the way the heart knows it.

- Akuzuye umutima gasesekara ku munwa.

What fills the heart overflows into the mouth.

The issue here is not whether ubwenge consists in telling the truth or not. Concerning
this particular point, proverbs are quite clear.

- Ubwenge bw'umwe burayobera.

Ubwenge of one individual can induce in error.

- Ikinyoma gihira bake.

A lie profits to a few.

It is better to stick to reality by asking and learning from more experienced people.

- Utazi ubwenge ashima ubwe. . .: . '~ . ~. :1.

He who lacks in ubwenge praises his own (ub-J~$ge).:
•
3.4. The meaning of secret

In Kinyarwanda, the word for "secret" is ibanga. To divulge a secret is said kumena
ibanga, literally "to pour down the .secret'', somewhat like a liquid poured on the
ground and which cannot be picked up again. Ibanga is something sacred and
respected, and which one should gukikira, that is, to jealously keep by revealing
everything surrounding it but never the real thing. Likewise, to avoid showing off or
revealing oneself too much is said kwiha akabanga: literally "to give oneself a secret".
The housing configuration reflects that desire to hide one's own intimacy from others:
the house and the fence surrounding it, the shape of the house, etc. As it is commonly
said, amazu arahishira, literally, "homes have a lot to hide". In the morphology of
the hill, the side of the hill is called ibanga ry'umusozi which means, "the secret of the
hill".

Finally the word ibanga can also mean "task. For example the expression "Abantu
basangiye ibanga
"literally means "people who share the same task". Thus, there is a secret uniting
blacksmiths, soothsayers, healers, etc. Peter Boutang has shown that people can only
commune when they have common interests (communicate et munust.
lbanga is evidenced in the Rwandan daily life and the following words by J. Jamin
can be recalled: "In particular, all questions which would tend to lay emphasis on
health, intelligence, and prosperity are considered as being dangerous, because they
could incite to jealousy, envy and thus lead to evil practices and witchcraft" . That is
why a Rwandan will never tell anybody how many children he has. Nor would he
the number of his cows. Ni uduhushi tubili: "I only have two little stunted cows!"
Ask him where he is going, he will reply: Ni aho ngiye. Literally:: "I am going
somewhere" Sinzi aho ngiye. Literally : "I don't know where I am going". Ngiye
ahantu. Literally:: "I am going to a place". Ask him information about judicial

18
investigation, he will answer: Sinakubeshya. Literally: "I would not lie to you",
which is a way of refusing to give an answer.

As usual, women bear the brunt of divulging secrets. It is the wife in the tale who told
her husband akari imurori (an expression indicating the most secretive secret) and as
a consequence had her children turned into wild animals.

Ibanga is also seen in the exercise of power. Thus, all the esoteric [= secret) code of
the nyiginya dynasty was kept secret. Akari mu nda y'ingoma kamenywa n'umwiru na
nyirayo: "Only the ritual master umwiru and the king know what is inside the drum".
Ibanga is evidenced in religious practices, notably in kubandwa (a traditional
religious ritual) where a secret language, called urukonjo is used. The initiation to the
secret imandwa is done in an awesome way; for instance, a piece of rock, called
ikinanira for the occasion, usually used as a millstone, is given to the initiate and he is
asked to break it with his teeth. Since he evidently does not succeed, the master tells
him: uko bikunaniye kumena ikinanira, ariko bizakubera urutare kumena ibanga
ry'imandwa: "May it be as hard for you to reveal the secret of imandwa as it is for you
to break down the rock ikinanira. In the same fashion he is unable to break up a spear
with his teeth, he cannot tell what he saw and heard, either to his parents or to his
friends, and obviously not to his enemies. Thus, the capacity to reveal a secret is
taken away from the initiate.

The observations above allow us to better grasp the impact of the media speech used
during the genocide. The identification of social and political actors is either full of
praises or full of disparagement, whether they talk about themselves or about
opponents, somewhat in the warlike poetry.

A bakombozi: the saviours, denomination for the Democratic Social Party's

youth.
Inkuba: the thunder, denomination for the MDR youth.
Inkotanyi: fierce warriors, name given to the RPF army.
Inyenzi: cockroaches, a name given to Inkotanyi by Interahamwe.
Inzoka: snakes, a name given to Tutsi by Hutu extremists.
Ikinani: the invincible, name of courage self-given by the President
Habyarimana.
Marius the Plebeian: nickname given to the author of an article published in
Zirikana 2, Oct 1992; allusion to the opposition between the rabbles
and the aristocracy (cf. also Sebahinzi (fanner's son).
The use of metaphors, metonymies and other suggestive or indirect imagery:
GpeI(: ~I.A k art> "to work" i.e, "to kill"
A~e: If KA Z t..l "the little house" i.e. a group of civil and military authorities
originating from the same region as the President Habyarimana.
* Newspapers cover pages: Kangura" Wake somebody up"; Kanguka: "Wake up";
Zirikana: "be conscious"; Ijisho rya rubanda: "the people's eye";
Igisabo: "the chum" an image used by the journalist V. Bemeriki to designate the
President of the Republic.

The use of proverbs, word of authority, and the importance of a word coming from
above, as a means for convincing the population, according to the saying Umwera
uvuye ibukuru urakwira (i.e. vices from above spread fast).

19
The use of loan words since, as F. Jouannet (1986:33) points out, " Strange speech
embodies charms of a different linguistic and social world. The exotic speech is
fascinating because it evokes a world remote from the public. And the more remote
that public is from that language, the more it yearns to hear it, its presence or
reference". The popularity of the term power, unknown to the public until 1993, with
which F. Karamira galvanised the crowd in his meetings in Kigali, some time before
the genocide, can thus be accounted for.

These observations were meant to show the important role of ethnography,

communication and sociolinguistic studies in comprehending the overall meaning of
the message.

20
4. DEVELOPMENT AND USAGE OF CODE WORDS DURING
THE PERIOD 1990-1994

4.0. Introduction

In all languages, the meaning of words is dynamic: it varies over time and space. But
since language as a tool of communication is a code or convention between the
addresser (speaker or writer) and the addressee (listener or reader), semantic variation
cannot be expected to be effected at random. Otherwise, semantic coherence may be
ruptured and comprehension disrupted. Code words, which can be considered as
words having a semantic extension restricted to a particular group of language users,
abide to this principle of semantic coherence.

Very often, code words are used by the group members in closed communication for
secretive reasons, i.e. to exclude non-group members. As such, their use relates to
what pragmatists often call antilanguage (see for example M.A.K. Halliday (1978).

During the period 1990 ..1994, most of the words presented in the glossary below
were not necessarily being used as code words as defined above. Thus for example,
while the Hutu extremists were communicating between themselves through the
various media (radio, newspapers), it can also be argued that their aim was to mobilise
even the moderate Hutu, who could be considered as the outsiders. Therefore, if
secrecy was envisaged, this was obviously between the extremists and their victims
who were to be taken unawares, and also the outside world which, if informed, might
have disturbed the genocide planners.

The glossary also contains words which were being used as euphemisms, metaphors;
and others which can help an "outsider" to better grasp the socio-political context in
which these words were being u s e d . ' : '

The various meanings of the terms were identified on the basis of 1) the experts' own
knowledge of Kinyarwanda, 2) the dictionary of Kinyarwanda, and 3) the analysis of
a wide range of illustrative oral and written material.

4.1. The glossary

ABAGOGWE (Sing. * Inhabitants ofBigogwe (name of an area in Gisenyi)

UMUGOGWE)
* A Tutsi-related group of cattle keepers who live in an area
situated in and between the prefectures of Ruhengeri, Gisenyi,
and Kibuye. The members of this group were massacred by
Hutu extremists in 1991 (and also during the 1994 genocide)

ABAKOMBOZI (sing. * The liberators (from Swahili: mkombozi: saviour)

UMUKOMBOZI)

21
 ~Gf)~)1861

* The partisan youth of the Social Democratic Party (PSD).

* By extension, any PSD member.

BARNER! * Road block. (from French barriere)

* During the war, road blocks were erected supposedly to stop

the movements of RPF agents. During the genocide they
served as arrest points for anyone considered as an "enemy".

CDR! UMUSEDERI CDR: Coalition pour fa Defense de la Republique: Coalition

for the Defence of the Republic. A political party founded in
1992. The CDR party was Hutu dominated and anti-Tutsi.
The members often referred to it as "the party for the majority
people" (ishyaka rya rubanda-nyamwinshij d>~:.

Umusederi originally meant the member of the CDR party.

'!II! However, the word has come to also mean a Hutu extremist.
°1' " !:,,t. tl
o

FPR / INKOTANYI Front Patriotique Rwandais: Rwandese Patriotic Front. See

appeqgix.2 •
-:~:.:;~~~
° • • •'

GUKORA, (AKAZI, * Gukora: to work (and the derived words akazi: work;
IBIKORESHO) ibikoresho: tools (singular: igikoresho)

* The above words were used euphemistically during the

bloody events of the 60' s and 1994 to mean ''to kill or
massacre the Tutsi" (or the weapons/tools used to that effect).

EXAMPLES:

1. The authorities should let us work (Umurwanashyaka 20,

April 92, p. 1)

2. ...all the youths of the parties and all the volunteers who
are at the roadblocks and who are working- (RTLM, June 5
1994)

* Igikoresho is also used to refer to someone who is used as a

puppet or a slave.
HUTU * A member of one of the so-called ethnic groups that live in
Rwanda.

* Before the 1959 Revolution, Hutu also meant "vassal", a

term which then bore no ethnic overtone. An example of this

22
 usage is as in the old expression sindi umuhutu wawe (I'm
not your servant)

NB. A Hutu is also occasionally called mweme Sebahinzi (son

of the fanner)
ICYITSO An accomplice. See appendix 1.

IKINANI * The invincible

* A eulogistic name given to President Habyarimana by
himselfin a public rally in Ruhengeri on the IS th of November
1992. On the same occasion the President told the meeting
that he would "come down" with his Interahamwe and
soldiers.

* A difficult or impossible person. ( cf. Kwigira ikinani = to

become impossible or difficult) Used as a derogatory term.
It is in this negative sense that the opposition press used the
nickname ikinani to refer to President Habyarimama.

IMPUZAMUGAMBI A compound word from guhuza ("unite") and umugambi

("plan", "objective"), hence
* People who share a common objective or plan.

* The name of the CDR partisan youth.

,,* ;to._
* By extension, any member. of
the CDR Party. The CDR
members were also designated as abasederi (i.e, those who
belong to CDR) by outsiders; a word which came to mean the
same as "Hutu extremists". Cf. Interahamwe, PAWA.

INKUBA * Thunder.
* The name of the MDR. (Mouvement Democratique
Republicain) partisan youth, also known as JDR -Inkuba.
(JDR: Jeunesse Democratique Republicaine), The Inkuba and
the Interahamwe were often at loggerheads.

INKOTANYI See appendix 1.

INTERAHAMWE A compound word from gutera (' aim', "put", "attack") and
hamwe ("together") hence .
* People who aim at the same target, the same objective.
* The name of the MRND partisan youth. The Interahamwe
were created in 1992 to crush the opposition. Most of them
had received military training and were dreaded by the
opposition parties for their violence.

23
 * By extension, any Hutu extremist, in particular, such as
those who perpetrated the 1994 genocide.

INYENZI See appendix 1.

INZOKA * The snake.

* By extension, the word is used abusively to describe a Tutsi
who is supposed to be as pitiless as a snake, in particular the
viper. Rwandans have the mania of killing snakes and calling
a Tutsi a snake is almost synonymous to condemning him to
death.

EXAMPLE
" A Tutsi should never be assisted. On the other hand, when
you 40~'t~Jlt snake it will return and bite you. (Kangura 46
July 1993;"i.16).

IRONDO * The patrol. Probably from the English round

•. '!~~) .•

* The patrol carried out by civilian's fluting the 1990-1994 war

1IO'. ' .. ....~,,·f
,'."
. in order to fight against the RPF lllfiltraters, as they were
'lif,; ....
~.
0·.
.\,

calling them, during the nights. . During the genocide these

patrols only blocked the Tutsi from escaping. .
....
KANGURA * The word Kangura means "wake up" in the causative sense:
* It is also the name of a newspaper published by Hassan
Ngeze which first appeared in May 1990, notorious for its
anti-Tutsi extremism. As the front cover states, the paper was
supposed to be "the voice which seeks to awaken and defend
the majority people"( elsewhere defined as Hutu).

With its marked anti-Tutsi extremism, Kangura became for

the newspapers what RTLM became for radio and television
broad casting.

* Kangura has come to symbolise any incendiary paper, in

particular, of a racist or ethnicist nature.

KUBOHOZA * To cause to liberate.

* At the time when political parties began their activities in
1992, the word meant also convincing or forcing someone to
join your political party. (Kubohora (to liberate) is sometimes
used in a similar sense)

24
 * .During and after the genocide the word meant illegal
seizure of other people's property and/or raping ( women)

MDR. PARMEHUTU * MDR. (Republican Democratic Movement). This political

party was founded in 1959 on 9th October. It was also known
as PARMEHUTU (Hutu Emancipation Movement Party).
It was founded by Gregoire Kayibanda and others .

* Was often referred to by Hutu extremists as being the

leitmotiv for the unity of'Hutu, this old party being considered
as the founder of the Revolution.

* Umuparmehutu is used to refer to a member of the

PARMEHUTU Party, and occasionally to a Hutu extremist.

MRND The National Revolutionary Movement for Development was

a political party founded by the President of Rwanda Juvenal
th
Habyarimana on 5 July 1975. It was the only party in power
since it's foundation up to 1991 when newly founded political
parties were starting to participate in the government.
th
On the 5 July 1991 MRND was re-edited and maintaining
the same initials was called National Movement for
Democracy and Development.

PAWA * From English "power". This word constitutes a slogan

invented by KARAMIRA Froduald and was used for the first
time in a demonstration in October 1993, in Kigali:

(F.K = Froduald KARAMlRA)

(DEM = DEMONSTRATORS)
FK = MDR POWER!
DEM : - POWER! POWER! POWER
FK : - CDR POWER
DEM : -Power l Power! Power.
FK : - PL POWER
OEM: - Power! Power! Power!
DEM : -Power! Power! Power.
This word was then used together with other political parties'
names. The aim was to emphasise the anti-Tutsi extremist
tendency.

* Abapawa (those who have or belong to "power" designates

those members of the party wings which sided with MRND
against Inkotanyi. Hence: MDR pawa, PL pawa, PSD pawa,
The word is occasionally used in the same sense as
interahamwe, abasederi, etc.

PL * The Liberal Party.

25
 th
It was founded on the 14 July 1991 by Justin Mugenzi .
* According to Hutists, this party was the internal RPF wing
and its members were often persecuted, being called ibyitso
(accomplices)

REVOLUSIYO * From French, revolution. A Movement which led to the

abolition of the monarchy in 1961 following violent turmoil
which killed many Tutsi and led others into exile.

The extremists quickly linked the RPF Inkotanyi attacks with

the 1959 Revolution in order to attempt a "unification" of
Hutu.

RTLM The Radio-Television Libre des milles collines, was a station

created in April 1993 although the idea was conceived in July
1992. It started its transmission on 8th July 1993.

According to Kangura 46 (July 1993, p.13),

''This is the very radio and television station that will help
Kangura to fulfil Hutu's objectives... Let this station be a
Hutu symbol of collaboration" .

• RUBANDA * Majority people. .~.. '~7tJ;," ..:/it

•• • '1J't,<;}~
NYAMWINSm
* Fo~ Hutu extremists" the phrase was· synonymous WithIl~~1)
ethnic group ". " . . <, .' ·~'''7~i~

rurs I * Is a member of one of the ethnic groups that live in Rwanda,

main target of the genocide perpetrators.

* Whoever happened to have many cows and as thus became

rich in the ancient Rwanda.

UMWANZI * The enemy

* The RPF -Inkotanyi, and by extension, any RPF
sympathiser, a Tutsi.

UNAR * UNAR means (Union Nationale Rwandaise). The National

Rwandese Union was founded on the 3rd September 1959.

* Hutu extremists have always associated UNAR with

feudalism and targeted its members and Tutsi, who were also
associated with this party.

* The word umurunari is sometimes used to refer Tutsi.

26
5. ANALYSIS OF LANGUAGE OF VARIOUS MEDIA AND
THEIR IMPACT DURING THE PERIOD 1990 - 1994

5.0. Introduction
In the foreword to J. Chretien's (1995) Medias du Genocide, Rene Degui-Segui
writes:

The choice of media to analyse the genocide is irrefutably judicious, because these constitute the
transmitting vector of the terrible poison of racist ideology. This poison is all the more efficacious
that apparently, the Rwandan peasant has a radio culture, holding in one hand his radio at earside
and in his other hand his machete, waiting for orders broadcast by RTLM (Radio-Television of
thousand hills). The consultation of media, written or broadcast, which have conditioned spirits at
the<'point of transforming in criminals against humanity, at unthinkable scale, innocent people
etymologically speaking, points to the planned nature of the extermination.

The present analysis is a study of content, in the framework of the analysis of texts
under the sociolinguistic approach of certain extremist media, from essentially
extremists newspapers such as Kangura, Zirikana, Umurwanashyaka, the listening of
some cassettes (tapes) of Radio-Rwanda and Radio RTLM and from graphic
transcripts of broadcast programmes of these radios produced by the ICTR team.

.•..•... ".
"

5.1. Thematic analysis .."

At the thematic level, the transmitted message by media of hatred is around three
intimately connected axis:
- the unity of Hutu
- the diabolisation ofR.P.F.
- the extermination of the enemy

5.1.1. The unity of Hutu

With ethnic demarcations, this implies the accentuation of divisions within the
Rwandan community. The leitmotiv of rubanda nyamwinshi (majority people)
resulted in the concept of Hutu Power which will injected the poison of genocide of
Tutsi as the following shows:

" Kangura, the newspaper edited by Hassan Ngeze, bears in subtitle: the voice that
aims to defend the majority people.

• Kangura has privileged connections with RTLM, the latter being, according to the
journalist Valerie Bemeriki, the voice of "rubanda nyamwinshi" [majority people).

• Thus, Kangura 46 announces the "birth" ofRTLM in these terms:

27
 Union makes force. The Bahutu have achieved their best wish. It is more than one
year, since it was announced that the Bahutu would create an independent radio-
television. Now it is there. Numerous are the Bahutu who ask themselves why the
Inyenzi are the only ones who should occupy that space (audio-visual). Also many
Hutu have thought of creating an independent radio-television. Throughout days,
various groups appeared which wished to rapidly create that radio...
These are the radio and the television which will help Kangura to finalise Bahutu 's
objectives. On the battlefield, Rwandan armed forces have won the war, at the press
level, Kangura has won, and today, it is our radio-television that wins. It has, besides,
been called the Radio ofthose who fight for the defence ofthe Republic. You who do
not accept the Republic, the RTLM and Kangura will show you where you belong...
RTLM, be for us the voice that awakens and defend the majority people.

• In Kangura 36, (February 1992: 6), Immaculee Barahinyura writes:

To our Hutu brothers, the objective of Inyenzi is clear, you should break away from
them in order to fight together with the other Hutu.

On RTLM 12 June 1994, Hassan Ngeze states:

As you can see, these Inkotanyi who come and kill many Hutu, they cannot
exterminate them. In fact, they don't think, I see that they don't think. The war of
Inkotanyi could finish and they will realise that they had fought in order that the
country would be the country ofHutu, even if Hutu will die... If, therefore they want
lit.•
that amoflg,,/heirs; t?nJ.y some descendants will remain, I shall talk of descendants,
to
t~e)1·tJhould. cease jig'!!.,
f~

• is
This unity of Hutu often envisaged at a regional level where there is opposition
between people called Bantu and those called Hamites who dream of creating a
Hima-Tutsi empire. Gahigi Gaspard declares on RTLM 1 June 94:
That's Museveni's pretext, that's what is in his mind, it is to set up a Hima- Tutsi
regime in our region.

5.1.2. The diabolisation ofRPF and of Tutsi in general

• We say "Tutsi in general", since very often in the extremist media, there is
equivalence between Tutsi, Inyenzi, Inkotanyi:
The Tutsi have been Inyenzifor a long time and we know that even the attacks that the
Tutsi launched on Rwanda during the years J960, 1963 and 1967, we know that, in
truth, there has never been a cease-fire. If the Inyenzi have resumed the war on the 1st
October J990, it means that it is the same war which has started again, they are the
same Inyenzi who are only Tutsi. (RTLM 14 June 1994).

• The Tutsi is depicted as being the main enemy of the Hutu, The 10 Hutu
"commandments" which appeared in Kangura 6 December 90, pp. 6 and 8 are
well known:
... Hutu must stop showing mercy to Tutsi.
... Hutu have to be firm and vigilant against their common enemy: the Tutsi.

• The Tutsi is politically presented as a feudo-monarchist:

28
 ;{Cflh1868

The Tutsi minority, which still longs for the five centuries of absolute feudal reign,
always refuses to share power with the other ethnic groups. (Zirikana 5 January 93,
p.6)
The Inkotanyi and the Tutsi want to reintroduce the system of vassality and maintain
Hutu in forced labour (Zirikana 4, December 92, p.17).

• There is "animalisation" of RPF members and Tutsi who are called

"cockroaches" (inyenzi) or "snakes" (inzoka): Sometimes, the Inkotanyi are said to
bark, not like dogs, but in their special way.

• Hutu are depicted as victims of a genocide committed by Tutsi whose cruelty is

well known and this justifies the genocide committed against the latter. This
"victimisation" of Hutu calls for a popular mobilisation (Chretien 1995: 289) and
according to Valerie Bemeriki "the cruelty of Inyenzi can be cured only by their
total extermination" (RTLM, 3 June 1994).

...Inkotanyi's killing procedures consist of torturing the victim. Inkotanyi kill

someone by mutilating him and removing some body organs such as the heart, liver
and stomach. (Valerie Bemeriki, RTLM, 14 June 1994)

• The RPF members are described as·beih!JPruel as well as cannibals:

... besie/js there is no doubt because 'one couldn't explain what they do with all those
"'o-J!~:parts which they take from' their victims. It. is- because they are cannibals. The
inyenzi are cannibals and it is difficult for us to think that''ih~ dead bodies [those of
the bishops killed at Kabgayi] will be given back to us. . (Valerie Bemeriki, RTLM 14
June 1994)

This RPF Inkotanyi wh~'ch is rather an association ofcriminals a gang of.bandits.s ~,

(George Ruggiu, RTLM, 14 June 1994)

It is because of that you have seen katiouchas, bombs that wound and kill anybody
without distinction of race, religion or political parties. That proves that the
wickedness ofInkotanyi is immeasurable. (Kantano Habimana, RTLM 24 May 1994)

Concerning the Inkotanyi 's programme today the 15th, all the country should have a
bloodbath... (Noel Hitimana, RTLM, 15 March 1994)

They [Hutu] gathered in a centre at Musha, where the Sanatorium accommodations

are built. All the population present was massacred. (J.M.V. Rutagengwa, former
bourgmestre of Muhazi Commune, talking to Ananie Nkurunziza. RTLM 9 June
1994)

The Gikoro Commune has been ravaged. .. everyone has been killed. Everywhere you
sit, it is near a corpse. And everybody was killed in the same manner: hands tied
behind the broken head. (J.M.V. Rutagengwa, former bourgmestre of Muhazi
Commune, talking to Gaspard Gahigi, RTLM 9 June 1994)

Gahigt and I yesterday talked about the extreme wickedness of Tutsi (of this tiny
group ofHima-Tutsi) .. (Ananie Nkurinziza, RTLM 9 June 1994).

29
5.1.3. The extermination of the enemy
The extermination of the enemy, which is a cherished theme in the extremist media,
serves as a harbinger to the imminent genocide. Normally, in a war situation, one talks
of winning the war, not exterminating the enemy. As can be seen from the examples
below, the preoccupation of the Hutu extremists was to exterminate Tutsi.

Tutsi can't exterminate Hutu but Hutu can exterminate all Tutsi (Ijambo 62,
November 93, p. 10)

We are going to exterminate all Inkotanyi all the more that they constitute a single
race. One can recognise them by their height and their physiognomy. with a little nose
that must be broken. (Kantano Habimana, RTLM, 5 June 1994)

Concerning the Inkotanyi's programme today the l Sth, all the country should have a
bloodbath but their programme has been discovered in time. Now, they have changed
their mind, they say that they won't put the programme into practice, otherwise all
Tutsi ofthis country would be exterminated. (Noel Hitimana, RTLM 15 March 94)

That's why our armed forces and the young people who are with them in the fighting
areas, firmly hold their positions by killing all Inyenzi like white ants. (Gaspard
Gahigi, RTLM 1 July 1994)

Our armed forces are holding firm on their positions, chasing Inyenzi and
exterminating them. (Valerie Bemeriki, RTLM 4 June 1994)

If armed forces advance exterminating Inkotanyi, we militants, young boys and girls,
can be given arms so that we can eliminate survivals. (Valerie Bemeriki talking to a
Hutu peasant, RTLM 4 June 1994)

5.2. Stylistic and rhetorical aspects

5.2.1. Register

• The language used on RTLM is generally of the common register and one may
deduce that listeners are common Rwandan people, including the youth who
constitute the majority of the militias.

• At times "code switching" is used with the introduction of Luganda or Kirundi

expressions to remind the listeners that Inkotanyi are not fully Rwandan.

Do you know, my dear, we are going to be exterminated. We didn't know that things
would be like this. Why did I come from Kamenge ? It is a pity for that young man
who was studying at BUjumbura. All those children, nobody is left. But everybody was
killed. We mustbe careful, my dear! (RTLM, 23 November 1993)

Of course the Kirundi language is perfectly intelligible for Kinyarwanda speakers /

listeners.

30
• To attract listeners' attention, popular and trendy Zairian music was broadcast
regularly. In mid June 1994, Kantano Habimana sang, echoing a well known
Rwandan song:

Friends, let's rejoice, Inkotanyi have been exterminated.

Let's rejoice us
God is just...
J.P. Chretien (1995: 341-342) has shown the richness of the poetic lyrics of
Bikindi's songs:
... The sons of the Father offarmers is a long composition which alternates, on a
captivating poetic rhythm influenced by the Zairian beat, choral songs and solo songs
mixed with passages, notably in the long reconstitution of a divination scene. That
Rwandan cantata with its expressions is continually backed up with instrumental
music.

• This particular aspect of a journalist who wants to capture the listener's interest
can be noticed even in French broadcasts of G. Ruggiu who, in spite of being a
foreigner, speaks ofFAR (Rwandan Army Forces) as our army.

5.•2.2. Stylistic aspects

But the use of common language does not exclude stylistic procedures which give a
particular tone to the language of media of genocide.

3. The repetition

Through constant repetition of themes and facts, the speaker ensures that these are
better understood and retained as being truthful. More generally, repetition is a well
known rhetorical device used for insistence.

Here is the true face of the RPF. the atrocious face, the horrible face. the barbarous
face. the scandalous face.... the (ace ofthese barbaric, bloody butchers... (G. Ruggiu,
RTLM 20 June 1994)

In fact, the Virgin Mary is with us, we are with her, she knows that we are innocent
victims, because she knows that we are innocent victims, she will encourage us. (Y.
Bemeriki, RTLM, 20 May 1994)

They first of all killed a Hutu. the main Hutu. the Hutu that we all loved, the Hutu
that we estimated as our chief. (V. Bemeriki, RTLM 20 May 1994)
NB. Hutu here refers to President Habyarimana

b. Metaphor

She (the Virgin Mary) told them about her churn, look they have broken it, they have
broken it when that churn contained milk that has nourished many people, but those
who were nourished with that milk will regret the absence ofthe churn (...). There are
those who long for the churn while they caused it to break it.

31
 ,/ r- (1 L 1 871
:! \ ) ' . . )

(Y. Bemeriki, RTLM, 20 May 1994)

N.B.: chum = J. Habyarimana

Milk = Habyarimana's good deeds

c. Hyperbole or exaggeration of facts

1. At Amahoro Stadium and King Faycal Hospital all Hutu have been exterminated
(Kantano Habimana, RTLM, 16 May 1994)

2. The alarmist terms are very common:

gutsemba
kurimbura } to massacre, to exterminate
gutikiza
Examples:

Tutsi can't exterminate Hutu but Hutu can exterminate all Tutsi (Ijambo 62,
November 93, p. 10)

We are going to exterminate all Inkotanyi all the more that they constitute a single
race. One can recognise them by their height and their physiognomy, with a little nose
that must be broken. (Kantano Habimana, RTLM, 5 June 1994)

d. Irony and humour

• I haven't yet been at Gitarama where there are many coward people. (K.
Habimana, RTLM, 28 May 1994)

• We are giving them [inkotanyi] a feast, (G.Ruggiu, RTLM, 5 June 1994)

• Many caricatures of an obscene and or sadistic nature are abundant in the written
press. (See some illustrations in Appendix 2 and in J.P. Chretien 1995).

e. Use of proverbs and maxims

Examples: o

He who kills wicked people kills also good ones. (K. Habimana, RTLM, 16 May
1994)

Big ears full ofmilk don't listen. (K.Habimana, RTLM, 29 May 1994)

Those who displease people will meet with misfortune. (K. Habimana, RTLM 18
January 1994)

It is worth pointing out that the study of proverbs has shown that these are formally
very variable while their meaning is multi-levelled and context-dependent. Thus, from
a common proverb such as

32
 Aha umutindi yanitse ntiriva: 'the sun does not shine where a poor man spreads his
things to dry " the extremist media has produced:
Aha umututsi yanitse ntiriva: 'the sun does not shine where a Tutsi spreads his things
to dry'. The creation of the 'new' proverb is facilitated by the homophony of the first
syllables and the following consonant: umut(indi) / umut(utsi) and the semantic
assimilation between the Tutsi and an unfortunate person.

As was indicated earlier, the use proverbs and maxims lends authority and credibility
to speech since these rhetorical devices emanate from popular wisdom.

f. Insults and vulgar language

Journalists use depreciative or derogatory language in order to vilify and to debase
the "enemy":

Thos~~adventurers (ibyihebe) fight vainly, they will come to nothing, they will
never take Kigali and even they won't kill all Hutu who are there. (K. Habimana,
,D ..
RTLM, 2 July 1994)

• When you obse!"Ve the Inkotanyi now, you notice that their ugly hair and beard
swarm
with lice so that they look like wild animals. (K. Habimana, RTLM, 2 July 1994)

It isn't comprehensible how a click ofrecalcitrant and desperate people could come
to seize power and to chase away the majority. (K. Habimana, RTLM, 29 May 1994)

They [Inkotanyi] are shelling, the mother-shellers ( K. Habimana, RTLM, 5 June

1994)

Nobody will allow this [M.G. Paul Kagame] murderer, this highway bandit, this
exceptional executioner, to come and have his tea here (G. Ruggiu, RTLM, 20 June
1994)

g. Use of code-words (see previous chapter)

• These code-words are easily understood by Kinyarwanda listeners:
Examples:
Rubanda nyamwtnshi : Hutu (majority people)
Mwene Sebahinzi : Hutu (son ofa farmer)
Umwanzi : Tutsi (enemy)
Gukora : to kill (travaiIler)

• The use of this vocabulary (in some contexts Inkotanyi means RPF fighters, in
other contexts Tutsi in general ) is one of the features characterising
communication in Rwanda: the use of hints. In some cases, this allows the speaker
to try to deny what he states so clearly elsewhere without appearing self-
contradictory:

33
 Example:

I deny that RTLM ever told Hutu to kill Tutsi or Tutsi to kill Hutu. That I deny in the
name ofRTLMfor I am its editor in chief I maintain that on the waves ofthis radio,
no one has told Hutu to kill Tutsi. (G. Gahigi, RTLM, 31 May 1994)

h. Use of vague language (on purpose) and expressive language

- Imprecise terms:
• Speakers (journalists) use imprecise tenus in order to exaggerate

A while ago, they [Inkotanyi] launched 4 bombs on the market killing many. many.
uncountable persons and wounding others (K. Habimana, RTLM, 02 July 1995)

At Amahoro Stadium and at King Faycal Hospital all people were massacred.
(K. Habimana, RTLM, 15 May 1994)

Everyone knows that P.L. party is Mugenzi J. 's property K. Habimana, 9 January
1994)

• The speaker aims at imprecision, globalisation, and exaggeration of events.

,.
..,.
- Expressive terms
which incite to hatred, to division between Hutu and Tutsi and which stir up self
defence mechanisms by eliminating the other side.
Examples:

That's why we have to stand up in order to exterminate wicked persons, that race of
wicked persons, the race called 1nkotanyi... I say that the race called Inkotanyi are
badpeople. Thus, such people must be eliminated since there is no other alternative.
(K. Habimana, RTLM, 02 July 1994)

After having exterminated them [Inkotanyi], we will give it [drug] up.(K. Habimana,
RTLM, 29 May 1994)

5.2.3. Tone and intonation

The tone varies in function of the persons being referred to. It can be marked by
sadism when it describes scenes of killing innocent victims; it is threatening towards
inkotanyi, mocking or scoffing towards Hutu who took refuge in Gitarama shunning
the battlefield.

34
 ~on~1874

Thus, lucid inkotanyi should go back because this counter-attack is terrible (...) I
think the inkotanyi's end is approaching. (K. Habimana, RTLM, 29 May 1994)

Other examples:

When V. Bemeriki announces the massacre of a certain Tutsi family she is jubilant:
You boys of Nyamirambo, you are indeed very courageous. I've heard the work
you've done, you have served as a good example to all the youth. It was necessary to
kill those persons and you have killed them well. It wasn't necessary to shoot the
father in the head, you should've cut him into small pieces. (RTLM, 15 June 1994)

In spite of his disarray, K. Habimana plays down the significance of the fall of
Kanombe Military Camp into RPF hands:

When Inkotanyi tell that they have taken Kanombe Military Camp... an important
military camp! Well, ifyou've taken it, do you feel at ease with your wife and children
? Are you cooking? Can you calmly have a glass ofbeer ? What if it was to take the
military camp to then go back to trenches? Hein ? Can you put down a mattress and
lie whereas you are waiting for a counter-attack ? And mines, have you finished
defusing them yet ? To take over a deserted military camp is like to take a rotten
marrow... Pouh! You can't cook it, but when you see it, it looks like a marrow... but
which is useless...! ., •
... the Kanombe Camp has .been , leit'itc~;})fJ1)Inkotanyi who will betaken like
rats...Kanombe military haven'( left:· the' camp, they have accompanied the
population.: (RTLM, 23 May 1994)

5.3. The impact of the media speech: the RTLM example

A philosopher of language once said that words are like charged pistols and popular
wisdom says that language can kill more persons than a sword. The language analysed
here shows how incendiary speech has sensitised of one section of the Rwandan
population to kill the other section while at the same time trying to justify it.

According to the Canadian ambassador Lucie Edwards (quoted in Broadcasting

Genocide 84),

The question of Radio Mille Collines propaganda is a difficult one. There were so many
genuinely silly things being said on the station, so many obvious lies, that.it was hard to take
seriously. It was like relying on the National Enquirer (a US supermarket tabloid) to
determine your policy in outer space.

But the editors of Broadcasting Genocide rightly add (page 84):

Allegations that RTLM constantly flaunted gory details of the killings during the genocide
have led some observers to conclude that the station was simply morbid, and must have been
is.
so from its inception. This an inaccurate and simplistic portrayal of a radio station which
was far more subtle, and less direct, than most observers have acknowledged

The contradiction in the two quotations above is superficial. In fact, RTLM skilfully
made recourse to the use of several registers in order to get its messages across.
RTLM was a communication tool which relayed Radio Rwanda, by addressing its
messages to Rwandans in general, and the Hutu ethnic group in particular, who were

35
 being instructed to unite and fight the "enemy". As Chretien (1995:304) remarks, the
RTLM took some initiatives which devolved to the Government such as mobilising
people for fighting, explaining war tactics, identifying RPF people, calling on the
weak and indifferent to join the' struggle, encouraging others, etc. RTLM went as far
as expressing admonitions to the Government based in Gitarama.

It is not entirely true to say that "RTLM broadcasters spent airtime joking around,
rather than presenting serious programme" (Broadcasting Genocide: 85). In fact, as
Gahigi (quoted in Broadcasting Genocide, page 85) observes, "Rwandans were poorly
informed because the official media ... retained its traditional rhetoric". There was
therefore a role for a radio such as RTLM which claimed to broadcast "hot news"
(amakuru ashyushye), a claim which was not always exaggerated as the following
example shows:

Unidentified persons are now reportedly attacking with grenades the house of a
certain Jean Claude Ndamiye in Kiyovu. (RTLM, May 30 1994)

The above example shows that RTLM could broadcast events "live" as it were. It is
also worth pointing out that it was RTLM which broke the news of the downing of
President Habyarimana's plane, which Radio Rwanda reported some eight hours
later.
..
. ...~~.~~.. .: .,.,. •

During the genocide, RTLM also gave instructions to roadblocks, and information
.", allowing militias to track escapees as the edit~rs of Broadcasting Genocide (page
124) correctly observe:
. i:·.', fit,
J;. RTLM provided a sigIiific.ant amount of information as to the whereabouts of specific
individuals who were trying to hide from the militias and security forces and encouraged
listeners to phone in with any details they has about RPA soldiers and their "accomplices". It
also played an important role in directing militias to places of refuge, where larger numbers of
people were located.

There was thus direct and immediate interaction between RTLM and its listeners.
The apparent "down-to-earth" approach used by the radio was meant to capture the
interest and confidence of the ordinary person. Other strategies were described above
such as the repetition of the same messages in order to hammer them home, catchy
and trendy songs, jokes, phone-in programmes, etc. Similarly, influential personalities
were interviewed on the radio, in order to enhance credibility. These include
administrative authorities such as bourgmestres and leaders of political parties.
Likewise, ordinary citizens and allegedly captured RPA soldiers were interviewed. It
is worth pointing out that RTLM always shunned contradictory debates in order to
enhance the "truth" of its preachings. As a matter of fact, RTLM always claimed to
tell nothing but the truth:

The independent RTLM Radio, broadcasting from Kigali, the voice ofthe people which tells
you the truth and which even tells you the secret truth. (RTLM April 14 1994).

36
We can recall here the myth of a radio supposed to hold the troth addressing a non-
educated population which tends to believe every thing said on it, in particular by
higher administrative authorities. According to M. Bakhtine (quoted in Shimamungu
1996:5),

...the listener who receives and understands the (linguistic) meaning of a speech
spontaneously adopts an active and responsive attitude vis-a-vis the speech: either he agrees
or disagrees (totally or partially); he completes, adapts, or gets ready to implement, etc.; the
listener's attitude is, from the start, and sometimes from the first word uttered by the speaker
in constant development during the listening and comprehension process.

We can therefore conclude that RTLM carried strong influence on its listeners since it
had managed to build an image of an interesting and well-informed radio.

It is interesting to note the thematic similarities between politicians' speeches, some

of whom were interviewed on RTLM, the speech used by the hate media in general
and the information it channelled, and the reaction of the public which implemented
genocide often alluded to by the media since the initial RPF assaults. Thus, the
extremist media played a decisive role in the preparation and execution of genocide
by sensitising and mobilising people, and also by clearing genociders of their crimes,
i.e. through depicting genocide as a patriotic act, reversing the roles of the victim and
his executioner, or advancing the thesis of a double genocide, etc.

In fact, 1) before the genocide, media set the terrain for genocide by preaching ethnic
division and by vilifying the enemy, i.e. the member of the other ethnic group.

2) During the implementation of the genocide, the RTLM, the majority people's radio
contributed to the war effort by denouncing the inyenzi and their accomplices
wherever they were hiding. These had to uncovered and subjected to popularjustice.

3) At the same time, the RTLM accounted for the genocide which was being
perpetrated by trying to ease the killers' conscience and by presenting the victims as
being the executioners. The RTLM would indicate that the Virgin Mary had
appeared to President Habyarimana's daughter and that the heaven backed the right
battle conducted by the Hutu against the feudal Tutsi who wanted to exterminate
Hutu, etc. This has undoubtedly led to the views currently held in some quarters
which contend that no genocide happened or that there has been a double genocide
(Hutu against Tutsi and vice-versa)

37
 6. CONCLUSION

Inthis sociolinguistic study, wehave shown that the Kinyarwanda language may be
understood in the framework of socio-cultural interaction, using several codes of
language communication (verbal code, vocal non-verbal code, kinetic code, and
proxemic code).

Besides the importance of social conditions in speech, the relevance of silence, and
the meaning of secret in speech communication has been stressed.

In spite of being a homogeneous language, Kinyarwanda has several dialects and

some sociolects. However, these dialects allow mutual intelligibility. Even the
development and use of code-words during the period 1990 - 1994 did not affect
intelligibility between the various Kinyarwanda users.

Also, it was pointed out that the three ethnic groups inhabiting Rwanda (commonly
known as Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa) share the same language, Kinyarwanda, ethinicity-
based differences being quite negligible.

It was shown that the language of the various extremist media during the period 1990
- 1994, owing to the frequency of the hate themes it preached and the explicitness of
.~ jts anti-Tutsi animosity influenced the mental and physical preparation and execution
,(J genocide and massacres. As is often said, bad words are like charged pistols, they
cart'
... !
....
i:;'- '.
, ;:,"fI#
kill.

•
'.

38
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NTEZIMANA, Eo, 19.87,
."

, '. . y

REYNTJENS, P., 1994, L' Afrique des Grands lacs en crise, Rwanda-Burundi.
1988-19994, Karthala, Paris.

SHIMAMUNGU, E.M., 1996, Evolution des stereotypes dans la communication

potitique au Rwanda, Memoire de DEA, Lille.

SMITH, P., 1975, Le recit populaire au Rwanda, Armand Colin, Paris.

41
Appendix 1

SEMANTIC AND SOCIOLINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THREE

TERMS: INKOTANYI, INYENZl, AND ICYITSO

1. AIMS

For the three terms under study, to determine:

1.1. The basic (denotative) meaning

1.2. The extended (connotative ladded) meaning(s)
1.3. The semantic relationship

2. SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

2.1. INKOTANYI

2.1.1 BASIC MEANING: The Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF). Named after one
of King Rwabugili's warrior groups. - .~

2.1.2. EXTENDEDMEANINGS:
a. = Tutsi ethnic group

EXAMPLES:

...even it these people [Inkotanyi] could win the war, they represent no
more than 15%. And then, what would they gain? (Kantano Habimana,
RTLM, 2 July, 1994)

I don't think the RPF canfrighten Rwandans, trying to make them believe
that it will win the war... If we, united Rwandans, are 80 - 90% of all
Rwandans, how would we fail to win against 20 or 10 % of these
Rwandans? (Stanislas Mbonampeka, RTLM, 21 April 1994)

The Inkotanyi of Bujumbura blocked government action. A situation

similar to that of Rwanda, aiming at oppressing rubanda nyamwinshi
[majority people] (Kantano Habimana, RTLM, 2 July 1994)

b. = any RPF sympatbiser

EXAMPLES:

Since then, he changed his behaviour and became inkotanyifrom head

to toe (ZIRIKANA 4, December 1992,p.19)

42
 Although we were still tolerating the Belgian, this time it is all over. It is
finished. He [the Belgian] is going to be treated as an enemy in this
country, an inkotanyi (RTLM~ quoted in African Right's Rwanda, Death,
Despair and Defiance, p. 82)

2.2. INYENZI

2.2.1. BASIC MEANING: Literally, cockroach. Term of abuse for Inkotanyi.

Introduced in the early 60's to refer to the group of refugees
who attempted a comeback.

eXAMPLES:

... a gang of Tutsi extremists who called themselves inkotanyi while they
are no more than inyenzi (Ananie Nkurunziza, RTLM, 20 April, 1994)

... Don't call them inkotanyi, they are true inyenzi (Leon Mugesera, Public
Rally Speech, Kabaya, November 1992)

2.2.2. EXTENDED MEANING: as inkotanyi (see above)

EXAMPLES:

The. RPF (inyenzi-inkotanyi) and. CDR: .(majority Hutu people) are

enemies, not brothers. (Zirikana 5, January 93~ p.l8)

The inyenzi is a Tutsi, we how' that.":" (Valerie Bemeriki, RTLM 14 June

1994) . ·

No inyenzi (cockroach) can beget a butterfly. We wouldn't be wrong ifwe

said that inyenzi begets another inyenzi (Editor, Kangura 40, February
1993, p.l?)

... this Rwandan delegation [to the Arusha negotiationsJ they tell you
about does not represent Rwanda at all. It represents the inyenzi instead,
and its members are themselves lnyenzi.: (Leon Mugesera, Public Rally
Speech, Kabaya, November 22, 1992).

2.3. ICYITSO

2.3.1. BASIC MEANING: Literally, accomplice. RPF sympathiserl accomplice

2.3.2. EXTENDED MEANING:

43
 '~\ r' i)
,) . r,. 1 18 8 3
a. = Tutsi ethnic group

EXAMPLES:

The ibyitso ofNyamata [area in rural Kigali] continue to provoke the Hutu
(Editor, Kangura 29, January 1992, p.3)

When the war started, Hutu talked openly about the Tutsi, or referred to
them indirectly calling them ibyitso (Editor, Kangura 45, July 1993, p.3)

NB.
1. Many sources contain the phrase "inyenzi/inkotanyi" in a context
which depicts them as a group fighting against "rubanda-nyamwinsbi"
(majority people = Hutu).

2. Several other words are occasionally used by the extremist media to

designate Tutsi and/or Inkotanyi. Examples include: umwanzi (enemy),
inyangarwanda (literally, "those who hate Rwanda", Gashakabuhake
(literally, the one who wants slavery: a term used by Radio Rwanda
journalists to mean South African white rulers under the apartheid era),
etc.

2.4. OTHER EXAMPLES

44
 r: 'J,"~
l(
hut 1884

45
A. INKOTANYI OR INYENZI = The Tutsi ethnic group

REFERENCE AUTHOR TEXT

UMURWANA- Gaspard Gahigi Most people affirm that Inkotanyi have some relationship with
SHYAKA 24 the Inyenzi who attacked Rwanda from its independence till
August 1992 1967. Both Inyenzi and Inkotanyi aim at taking power. Tutsi
p.4 have never accepted to be ousted from power that they had
held for more than 400 years.
ZIRIKANA 00 Bonaparte Ndekezi (ZIRIKANA) is not against the fusion of Inkotanyi soldiers
p.4 into our army despite the way we know the 1960 Inyenzi and
today's Inkotanyi, and their sole purpose of annexing Rwanda
and exterminating all Hutu without any exception.
ZIRlKANA 00 Editor Then, you Hutu, think about all the calamities and troubles
p.18 caused by this war of Inkotanyi and all those wars of Inyenzi
(...). And you Tutsi, think about all those wars brought about
by your brothers....
ZIRIKANA 2 Editor All Hutu, think about the fact that all Tutsi know how to use
October 10, 1992 guns and posses them thanks to Inkotanyi...
P.3
ZIRlKANA 2 Editor ...So that you can please the Tutsi-Inyenzi-Inkotanyi .
October 19, 1992
p.3
ZIRIKANA 2 Editor . .. Are they not children and grand-children of the 1960's
Tutsi-Inyenzi who are attacking us today? .
If Inkotanyi is a newly obtained name, that cannot prevent
them from being called Inyenzi because even experts in
Zoology affirm that an Inyenzi gives birth to another Inyenzi
(...). Unless Tutsi have now become those caterpillars which
aive birth to butterflies.
ZIRIKANA 2 Marius the We are not so gullible- Pasteur Bizimungu does not represent
October 19~ 1992 Plebeian the RPF, a Tutsi terrorist organisation. But he is typical man
p. 18 that the RPF needed in order to have a good appearance and
get rid of the inherent ethnic stamp which characterises it. The
Inkotanvi could not have found a better puppet.
KANGURA 12 Annonciata Those who know how to analyse things have found that the
March 1991, Nyirabirori invasion of the Inyenzi-Inkotanyi was planned in order to
p.9 disunite Hutu so that amid that division, the Inyenzi-Inkotanyi
and their accomplices can take back power and then
r=
exterminate the majority Hutu].
KANGURA21 Moustapha Today, Ngeze Hassan, Chief Editor of Kangura, who fights for
August 1991 Baranyeretse the rightsof the majority by finding and denouncing the tactics
p.9 and the wickedness of the Inyenzi-Inkotanyi, is now in Kigali
prison. For that reason, the Inkotanyi accomplices' news-
papers are rejoicing and showing it in their writings

46
KANGURA27 Anastase Makuza The Tutsi-Inyenzi government was to be established on
December 1991 January 1, 1964
p.ll
KANGURA27 Editor As long as the Tutsi will defend the Inyenzi's cause, the latter's
December 1991 attacks will always constitute a Damocles' sword meant to
p.l4 exterminate them.
KANGURA 29 Editor ... I say this because Hutu are in danger of atrocious death
January 1992 prepared by Tutsi who give birth to Inyenzi-Inkotanyi.
p.2

KANGURA 29 Anastase Makuza All Hutu, wherever you are get up and fight against Inyenzi
January 1992 wherever they are.
0.4
KANGURA 31 S. Simbizi Inkotanyi fight for power in order to subdue Hutu descendants
February 19Q2 by arms
p.l2

KANGURA 31 S. Simbizi .:~·Inyenzi will kill and exterminate all Hutu, even foetuses, as
February 1992 . 'happens in war areas such as Butaro and Muvumba
p.13 ',' ' . . . communes.

KANGURA 32 Immaculate ... Our fellow Hutu see the aim of Inyenzi, therefore, they
February 1992 Barahinyuza should withdraw from Inyenzi and help to fight them with the
p.6 other Hutu ...
KANGURA 36 Silas Nduwayezu I wish Hutu could win this war and all others that will be
May 1992 provoked by Inyenzi.
p.12
KANGURA 40 Hassan Ngeze Then, hear how Inyenzi are ready to return home and coexist
February 1993 with Hutu to whom they did wrong, and how they want to
p.3 exterminate them. Considering how Hutu are dying and Tutsi
feasting, it foreshadows what Rwanda will be in the future.
KANGURA 40 Issa Nyabyenda We are fed up with this war we fight against Inkotanyi, which
February 1993 has lasted more than two years. And negotiations between the
p.3 Rwandan Government and RPF-Inkotanyi are and will be
sterile. Then, it is high time we tried to be frank instead of
wasting time at Arusha. The Rwandan problem, i.e. this war
we are experiencing, it is a war between Hutu and Tutsi; it is
not recent, but it started very long ago.
KANGURA 40 Issa Nyabyenda We would like to remind Inyenzi-Inkotanyi that, if they do not
February 1993 give up their arrogance and insolence or their stubbornness, the
pA majority will create an army of Hutu. This will have a mission
of countering the refractory sons of Inyenzi. We should not
waste time.
KANGURA 40 Editor Inyenzi attacks should make Hutu unite .. And I know that if
February 1993 I or any other Hutu became President of the Republic, Inyenzi-
p.6 Inkotanyi would always oppose his rule (but this is a secret
between us!).
KANGURA 40 Editor Another thing we should know is that, if the country fell in
February 1993 Inkotanyi's hands, they would not discriminate betweenHutu
p.12 of Gitarama; those of Butare, Ruhengeri, Gisenyi or Byumba.
All Hutu would be hanged.

48
I.:

KANGURA40 Editor No cockroach gives birth to a butterfly. We would not be

February 1993 wrong to say that an Inyenzi gives birth to another. I started
p.l7 saying that no cockroach gives birth to a butterfly, and that is
true. He who denies it is not mine. The Rwandan history shows
us that the Tutsi is always the same, that he has never
changed.
KANGURA41 Issa Nyabyenda Inyenzi or Inkotanyi, whatever they are called, can't help be
March 1993 children of Tutsi (snakes) or grand-children of the UNAR
pA members who fled the 1959 Revolution which banned their
lie.
KANGURA 41 Bonaparte If RPF-INYENZI-Inkotanyi-Tutsi were wise, they should
March 1993 Ndekezi immediately stop the war they started and their overt crimes
p.11 which are going on.

KANGURA41 Editor But when you observe Inyenzi corpses, you recognise them by
March 1993 their tallness and their long noses.
p.18
KANGURA44 Hassan Ngeze What is thll':'~~sence of CDR? It was created as a party
June 1993 representing the majority, meant to show Inyenzi that they can'
pJ
. never take Rwanda by force and that, even if Hutu died, some
ofthem would still survive.
KANGURA44 Editor No democracy can be brought about by the minority ethnic
June 1993 group, which constitutes the Inyenzi-Inkotanyi front and their
p.l9 accomplices because during elections, their vote would be
insignificant
KANGURA45 Editor ,.. And then the war has taken a different tum. When Inkotanyi
July 1993 pass, nobody will be able to tell a Tutsi from an Inkotanyi.
p.3

KANGURA46 Editor You, Hutu who recovered your property in 1959 when Inyenzi
July 1993 had just fled Rwanda, give it up (property) since Inyenzi are
p. 14 coming to take it back as the Arusha agreement stipulates.

KANGURA48 Hassan Ngeze ...(that) Inyenzi accepted that elections will take place and that
August 1993 power will be given back to the majority after the transition
p.2 period.
KANGURA49 Editor Then, Habyarimana should not go to Burundi to thank Tutsi for
September 1993 their support to Inkotanyi. But he should go there to teU
p.lO Burundian Hutu to remain vigilant, so that Tutsi can never
bring them under their yoke any more.
RTLM Kantano Inyenzi-Inkotanyi, a minority ethnic group which challenges
May 31, 1994 Habimana the majority, want to commit suicide.
RTLM Valerie Bemeriki And Inyenzi are Tutsi , that's been known since long ago...
June 14, 1994 they are the old Inyenzi then ...

RTLM Kantano Habimana The Inkotanyt of Bujumbura have prevented the Government
July 2, 1994 from functioning. It is like in Rwanda, because the aim is to
oppress the majority. I'm talking about Burundian Tutsi,
extremist Tutsi.

49
B. INKOTANYI or INYENZI = Hutu I Tutsi, etc. (- Sympathiser)

REFERENCE AUTHOR TEXT

KINYAMATEKA L. Niyongira He [the head of a sector, Alexandre KARANGWA]

1358 explained to those who were present that all started when
November 1991 three political parties-MDR, PL, and PSD, had a march. It is
p.l l reported that, on their way home, the marchers arrived at
Giti cy'Inyoni in the evening when people started pointing at
them saying 'the P.L. Inkotanvi are coming'.

ZIRIKANA2 Only CDR can discover the wickedness of RPF and its
October 19,1992 accomplices who are among MDR leaders.
p.8

ZIRIKANA 2 The 'editor If you make an attentive observation" ~ou will realise that
October 19,1992 Tutsi do not want democracy and this' il the reason why
p.12 lnyenzi and their associate Nsengiyaremye and his
government...
ZIRIKANA2 The editor They must not be manipulated by Pasteur Bizimungu that
October 19,1992 greedy Inkotanyi...
p.13

ZIRIKANA4 A reader of Zirtkana ... (He) left tpe Republic and its militants to the enemy i.e.
December 20,1992 lnyenzi-Inkq({lnyi and their accomplices mostly found in the
p.7 ,"_ political parties' which went to Brussels to sign an agreement
with him. .
ZIRIKANA4 Bonaparte Ndekezi ... To replace him will not be difficult for PL will not lack a
December 20, 1992 Tutsi or Inkotanyi to be appointed...
p.S

ZIRIKANA 5 Bonaparte Ndekezi PL and RPF, lnkotanyi parties

January 30,1993
p.5

RTLM Valerie Bemeriki People ought not to believe all kinds of rumours (...) If
June 2,1994 someone tells you rumours, ask him to show you where he
got them from, check whether you can find their true source,
ifnot. the rumourmonzer will be an Invenzi • Inkotanvi.

RTLM Valerie Bemeriki Those who are buying it (petrol) are Inyenzi, they are the
June 2,1994 accomplices of lnyenzi - Inkotanyi. They are the
collaborators, their followers who are buying that petrol to
facilitate them move on.
RTLM Valerie Bemeriki The greatest Inyenzi, Museveni...
June 9,1994

50
RTLM Valerie Bemeriki ... they are led by a Hutu Inyenzi Pasteur Bizimungu...
June 9,1994

RUM Valerie Bemeriki Inyenzi are Inyenzi, it is Inyenzi that I see, it is a Hutu-
June 14,1994 Inyenzi, a Hutu who betrays other Hutu.

51
c. ICYITSO - The Tutsi ethnic group (accomplice)

REFERENCE AUTHOR TEXT

KANGURA27 Anastase Makuza ... I cannot deny that there is one prefecture among those ten
December 1991 in which the accomplices of Inyenzi have intensified their
p.11 infiltration and provocation.
KANGURA29 The editor The accomplices ofNy amata go on provoking Hutu
January 1992 In addition to (sending) Tutsi children to join Inkotanyi on
p.3 the battlefield, those accomplices are now planting mines to
kill the authorities of Nyamata.
KANGURA43 Hassan Ngeze ... We found it necessary to point the finger at them showing
June 1993 the population that the accomplices were still among
p.6 ourselves and since then they have borne grudges against us.
The accomplices were captured and when they were
released, they intensified meetings.
KANGURA45 The editor When the war was launched, Hutu began to talk publicly
July 1993 about Tutsi or when they did not want to use that name they
p.3 preferred Ibyitso.

KlNYAMATEKA Thaddee Also inside the country, there are people who support their
1338 Bagaragaza relatives - refugees and who are determined to help them in
January II~ 1991 their plan to overthrow the. Republic. This is shown in the -
p.lO way they hastened to be the accomplices of Inyenzi'l

52
D. ICYITSO = Tutsi / Hutu (Sympathisers)

REFERENCE AUTHOR TEXT

KANGURA40 The editor ... The attack of the accomplices was triggered by the chaos
February 1993 that Inyenzi and their accomplices like Nsengiyaremye had
p.11 for long created.

KANGURA41 The editor ... But that Inyenzi did not know that the last Inyenzi would
March 1993 be on the border if the accomplice government of
p.IS Nsengiyaremye did not stop the fight.

RWANDA- Gonzague ... Suddenly, I heard someone saying 'your father is in jail
RUSHYA 20 Kabera and we will kill you, too. We will get your mouths closed
March IT, 1992 and see what will become of you, Inyenzi, you bastards
p.?

RTLM Valerie Bemeriki Among the population there are the accomplices who really
June 14,1994 collaborated with Inyenzi -Inkotanyi ( ) They are there, they
are visible and have been uncovered But we wonder, are
the accomplices only found in the population. What about
the national army? The question is difficult...
If there are Hutu who devoted themselves to Tutsi the
accomplices who guide the Invenzi
KANGURA42 Omar Serudaba ... the leaders of that party [PDI] have changed it into the
May 1993 Inyenzi's satellite
p. 19

ZIRIKANA 00 Banaparte And what about the accomplices? Why don't they ever try to
p.4 Ndekezi be logical and tell their relatives that they'd better lay down
their weapons. On the contrary, it is Inyenzi-Inkotanyi who
will die to the last. But there will not be the last because all
will have perished while the great majority's fighters will
still be eager to find another lob.

ZIRIKANA4 A reader of ... And thus it [the government] would prepare other
December 1992 ZIRIKANA negotiations with their accomplices who are inside the
p.? 4 country, too ...

ZIRlKANA 4 A reader of ... Be ready to fight against the offspring of Inyenzi and their
December 1992 ZIRIKANA accomplices...
p.8
RTLM L. Ntahontuye ... When he decides to kill like Inyenzi, he also is an Inyenzi
June 9,1994 Those we call accomplices collaborate with Inkotanyi.

53
 i; 0(I !; 1893

E. OTHER MEANING OF ICYITSO ORINYENZI

REFERENCE AUTHOR TEXT

KANGURA40 The editor The fact that he is called 'snake' in our language is itself
February 1993 sufficient. It means a lot. A Tutsi is that kind of person
p.l8 who is sweet-tongued while his wickedness is
immeasurable.
KANGURA44 The editor Belgians continue to spoil our relations. We witnessed their
June 1993 bad character when they refused to send us the bullets we
p.ll had bought while their Inyenzi-relatives launched an attack
on the 1st of October, 1990.
KANGURA 56 Hassan Ngeze Before waging another war the Inkotanyi should tell first
February 1994 Tutsi to flee. Otherwise, fate will tell. Pasteur Bizimungu
p.10 and his Inkotanyi relatives may be short-sighted. If fighting
resumed Tutsi wouldbe killed en masse.
KINYAMATEKA Paul Mbaraga Le Volcan a great Inkotanyi is said to be an instrument of
1338 Gahiga, one of the richest Rwandans living in Zaire.
January 11, 1991
p.8
ZIRIKANA 00 Students partisan of ...Would dare to think about the fusion of Tutsi Inyenzi
p.3 CDR in Belgium army created to bring back the feudal system in Rwanda.
July 17, 1992
",.. :' :co.·'
... " .

54
 Appendix 2

Caricature samples

1. Introduction
J.P. Chretien (1995 - 361) has shown how the use of caricatures in the Rwandan press
contributed to the reinforcement of what he calls a culture of violence through words
and lies: « ... the inevitable simplification and the search for effect which underlie the
making of the satirical drawings give them a special power of expression»

By definition, a caricature is a drawing which represents physical features by

distorting them but in a such a way that the decoder easily identifies the identity of the
person depicted. As in strip cartoons, the caricature is often accompanied with a text
which specify the message of the visual image. Thus, it targets a large audience,
including an illiterate section, quite happy with the picture alone.

According to Encyclopaedia Universalis (Vol. 3, p. 956),

The success of caricatures depends on their reception by daily or weekly readers. Thus, the artist tends
to rely on a system of references which reflects deeply rooted prejudices. Faithful to his ability to
distort, he knows how to aim his blows against the outside enemy when the established authority
oppresses him. As a professional distorter, he often opts for a lie rather than abstention.

In the case of Rwanda, the hate media, working in collusion with the regime, made
recourse to caricatural pictures in order to illustrate and reinforce their cherished
themes such as:

- the unity of the majority people,

- the RPF's cruelty'
- the Tutsi' ingratitude.

The caricatures produced below are but a small sample of the effect sought through
... the use o~pictures. For decency reasons, those which the authors of the present study
judged to be too obscene ot<1Scatological were.not included..

2. Illustrations

55
 _ •. _-~--..:._ ....... ......
~ ~..... ....

1. RTLM, the Voice of the Hutu.

a) May the RTLM be a sign of cooperation among the Hutu,

b) May the RTLM be the Voice of thosewho defend the majority peopleand
may it go against the enemies of the Republic.

c) Dear listeners of the RTLM t goodmorning! Keep strong !

d) May the RTLM be the venue ofthe Hutu intellectuals who work for the
majority people's welfare.

e) The television/radio of those who fight for the Republic.

(Kangura, 46)

S6
2. The inauguration of the RTLM,

a) Dear listeners of the Radio belonging to those who fight for the sovereignity
of the Republic, are you on the alert? It's NgezeHassan inviting you to fight
for your unity.
We're broadcasting in FM on 106 Mhz in the studios of our radio.
b) Thanks to the force of the majoritypeople, we've been able to set up the
RTLMradio. This is Hitimana Noel. Good morning! !

c) TelevisionlRadio of thosewho fight for the Republic.

(Kangura, 46)

57
 'JW. RIOAMIJE GUKANGURA NO
~ 1 KuneNGEAA RUBANDA
"/ NVAMW'NSHI.

I
tit !
..,)
I.
'

I
l
: , I
J
"''.; i
I
J
•

3. Kagame's despair, Hutu's Unity

a) Kangura
Voiceaimingat awakening and defending the majority people.
b) It's the so-called MajorKagame, That tomb near my elderbrotherRwigema
awaitsme beforethe repatriation'6ftheTutsi. EvenBisengimana Rwema, a
Tutsi who used to provide us with arms, has died. Now we are shelterless...

c) In Zaire, a lot ofTutsi are goingto be speared to death following the death of
the Inkotanyi Bisengimana.

d) In Burundi, political parties will soon help the Hutu to come to power.

e) Long live the unity of Hutu in a united and peaceful country

(Kangura, 32)

S8
--_.~---_.

; ..

lo'

4. The former President G. Kayibanda mobilizes people

a) Hutu! Act in self-defense using all possible arms for the Inyenzi don't
want to give up.
b) I know when the Hutu get angry, it's our time to suffer a misfortune.

(Kangura,40)

59
 ~on~1899
._-_ ....•.. -_.,.- - .

S. Butu's unity everywhere

a) I agree to the electionssince the Hutu will win. They are the majority.
I've begged them to forget about the past. May they not take reprisals.
b) Power should pass into the hands ofthe majoritypeople.

c) Why do you give them power while the Hutu will exterminate us?

(Kangura, 40)

60
 '9 aAHUTU MURAMENYE MWITONOERESYO 3IZUtliEREZI ....

6. Mobilization of the Hutu,

a) You, Hutu, be careful with those beautiful ladies.

b) Well, we will get them using alcohol and our ladies.

(Zirikana, S)

61
 KGn~1901
--- ----
I ARUSHA NTIZABATUNGURE·I ~
.~

7. The Arusha Accords as seen by the extremist media

a) Do not be surprised by the Arusha Accords

b) Take and eat all of you, and if you feel happy, give me back Rwanda of Musinga
and Rudahigwa, which Kigeli should lead.

c) It does not matter even if you take the whole country! It can't be otherwise, but
don't forsake us.
d) How long shall I carry my worries: bribery, famine, turmoils, demonstrations,
grenades, liberating.

e) You, wait, demonstrate while we are negotiating peace for you.

f) The RPF funds

(Le Courrier du Peuple, 02)

62
 ---------_._-----. __ ._--_..._--------~
------
~.inyenzi nta kindi cyazishobora usibye kugwa inyumav'lgihugu. 0/ ---
-1'~::~n9abO z'igihugu turi maso, umuti w'lnyenzi n'lbyitso byazo turawufite. tp

'flO
#y. .f ...'" ,7 ~tJ'
.. ",+to
.~ .;.
~~
.sf:"
•~+
+~
.,
!Vi=
tJ-+
.. t*i!
t-~
~4.
+
-t
-0+

8. Support to Rwandan Armed Forces.

a) Theonlycure forthe Inyenzi is to die outside thecountry.

b) We, Rwandan Armed Forces are on the a]
and their accomplices.' ert and we have the cure for the Inyenzi
(Kangura,32)

63
 !\ OOb 1 ~03

, .

9. Tuui's ingratitude

Q.j Go forward until you reachKigali.

-9 I have done all I could to makeYOUt the Tutsi, happy.

9 Who has charged you to do so ? ! !

(Kangura Special, 53)

64
 :'
.
~.I

..
~ •
. .-.'
' '

.,
..
.:

.' ~

.
~,

.•....
• r,

.
10. RPF's wickedness towards the displaced people

a) Stop crying, stop crying,stop crying, stop crying. Keep quiet.

b) I want some food, I want somewater... food, water... Mum, food...

c) Our Lord, why are we so treated? Wherever we take refuge, we are

attacked!
Can't you speak for us and tell these Inyenzi to leave us alone? Aren't our
husbands, our wives and our children that they have already killed many
enough to satisfytheir hunger?
They will end by killing you as well.

d) Since the time that NSENGIMAS openly declared that he is an lnyenzi, the
Tutsi have already killed over 23,000 Hutu, Doesn't he realise that his nose is
bigger than KAGUTA's! Does he not realise that Kanyarengwe who has
alreadyexterminated his brothers and sisterswill not pity the survivors 11
Oh miserable Rwanda!
(La MedailJe Nytramacibtri, 13)

6S
--_..- .. , ------

KOi:~. ;1905

-----------------_.----
0.)
_SATUTSI
aWOKO BW'IMANA

I;

1t. Echoes of the 1959Revolution

a) Tutsi, God's race

b) Whichweapons shall we use to win the war against the "cockroaches" once for all?

(Kangura,35)

66