Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Social Intelligence
The term social intelligence was first used He did acknowledge that the Picture
by Dewey (1909) and Lull (1911), but the Arrangement sub test of the W AIS might
modern concept has its origins in E. L. serve as a measure of social intelligence
Thorndike's (1920) division of intelligence because it assesses the individual's ability
into three facets pertaining to the ability to to comprehend social situations (see also
understand and manage ideas (abstract intel- Rapaport, Gill, & Shafer, 1968; Campbell
ligence), concrete objects (mechanical intel- & McCord, 1996). In his view, however,
ligence), and people (social intelligence). In "social intelligence is just general intelli-
Thorndike's classic formulation: "By social gence applied to social situations" (1958,
intelligence is meant the ability to under- p. 75). This dismissal was repeated in
stand and manage men and women, boys Matarazzo's (1972, p. 209) fifth and final
and girls - to act wisely in human rela- edition of Wechsler's monograph, in which
tions" (p. 228). Similarly, Moss and Hunt social intelligence dropped out as an index
(1927) defined social intelligence as the "abil- term.
ity to get along with others" (p. 108). Vernon
(1933) provided the most wide-ranging defi-
nition of social intelligence as the "ability to Measuring Social Intelligence
get along with people in general, social tech-
nique or ease in society, knowledge of social Defining social intelligence seems easy
matters, susceptibility to stimuli from other enough, especially by analogy to abstract
members of a group, as well as insight into intelligence. When it came to measur-
the temporary moods or underlying person- ing social intelligence, however, Thorndike
ality traits of strangers" (p. 44). (1920) noted somewhat ruefully that "con-
By contrast, Wechsler (1939, 1958) gave venient tests of social inteJligence are
scant attention to social intelligence in the hard to devise .... Social intelligence shows
development of the Wechsler Adult Intelli- itself abundantly in the nursery, on the
gence Scale (WAIS) and similar instruments. playground, in barracks and factories and
SOCIAL INTELLIGENCE s6s
salesroom [sic], but it eludes the formal stan- and ideas, that differences in social intelli-
dardized conditions of the testing labora- gence tend to be swamped by differences in
tory. It requires human beings to respond abstract intelligence" (p. z8z).
to 1 time to adapt its responses1 and face, The inability to discriminate between
voice, gesture, and mien as tools" (p. 231). social intelligence and IQ, coupled with dif-
Nevertheless, true to the goals of the ficulties in selecting external criteria against
psychometric tradition, researchers quickly which the scale could be validated, led to
translated the abstract definitions of social declining interest in the GWSIT, and indeed
intelligence into standardized laboratory in the whole concept of social intelligence
instruments for measuring individual differ- as a distinct intellectual entity. Spearman's
ences in social intelligence (for thorough g afforded no special place for social intelli-
reviews of research published before 2ooo, gence, of course; nor was social intelligence
see Kihlstrom & Cantor, 2ooo; Landy, 2oo6; included, or even implied, in Thurstone's list
Taylor, 1990; Walker & Foley, 1973). of primary mental abilities.
with respect to "feelings, motives, thoughts, of many and diverse behavioral ideas,
intentions, attitudes, or other psychological these investigators labeled these divergent-
dispositions which might affect an individ- thinking abilities creative social intelligence.
ual's social behavior" (O'Sullivan eta!., p. 4). As with the behavioral cognition abilities
They made it clear that someone' s ability to studied by O'Sullivan et al. (1965}, the very
judge individual people was not the same as nature of the behavioral domain raised seri-
his or her comprehension of people in gen- ous technical problems for test development
eral, or "stereotypic understanding" (p. 5), in the behavioral domain, especially with
and bore no a priori relation to one's abil- respect to contamination by verbal (seman-
ity to understand oneself. Apparently, these tic) abilities. As might be expected, scor-
two aspects of social cognition lie outside ing divergent productions proved consider-
the standard structure-of-intellect model. ably harder than scoring cognitions, as in the
In constructing their tests of behavioral former case there is no one best answer,
cognition, O'Sullivan et a!. (1965) assumed and subjects' responses must be evaluated
that "expressive behavior, more particu- by independent judges for quality as well
larly facial expressions, vocal inflections, as quantity. Nevertheless, a factor-analytic
postures, and gestures, are the cues from study yielded six factors clearly interpretable
which intentional states are inferred" (p. 6). as divergent production in the behavioral
While recognizing the value of assessing domain, which were essentially indepen-
the ability to decode these cues in real- dent of both divergent semantic production
life contexts with real people serving as tar- and (convergent) cognition in the behavioral
gets, economic constraints forced the inves- domain.
tigators to rely on photographs, cartoons, A later study by Chen and Michael (1993),
drawings, and tape recordings (the cost employing more modern factor-analytic
of film was prohibitive); verbal materials techniques, essentially confirmed these find-
were avoided wherever possible, presum- ings - although Snyder and Michael (1983)
ably to avoid contamination of social intelli- had earlier found significant correlations
gence by verbal abilities. Their study yielded between some of these tests of social intelli-
six factors clearly interpretable as cogni- gence and tests of verbal and mathematical
tion of behavior, which were not contami- ability. A similar reanalysis of the O'Sullivan
nated by nonsocial semantic and spatial abil- eta!. (1965) data by Romney and Pyryt (1999)
ities. However, echoing earlier findings with found that all the tests loaded on a sin-
the GWSIT, later studies found substan- gle factor rather than the six independent
tial correlations between IQ and scores on factors predicted by Guilford's Structure of
the individual Guilford subtests as well as Intellect theory. In neither domain is there
various composite social intelligence scores much evidence for the ability of any of these
(Riggio, Messamer, & Throckmorton, 1991; tests to predict external criteria of social
Shanley, Walker, & Foley, 1971). Still, Shan- intelligence.
ley et a!. (1971) conceded that the corre- Tests of the remaining three structure-
lations obtained were not strong enough of-intellect domains (memory, convergent
to warrant Wechsler's assertion that social production, and evaluation) had not been
intelligence is nothing more than general developed by the time the Guilford pro-
intelligence applied in the social domain. gram came to a close. Hendricks et a!.
In one of the last test-construction efforts (1969) noted that "these constitute by far
by Guilford's group, Hendricks eta!. (1969) the greatest number of unknowns in the
attempted to develop tests for coping with [Structure oflntellect] model" (p. 6). How-
other people, not just understanding them ever, O'Sullivan et a!. (1965) did sketch out
through their behavior - what they referred how these abilities were defined. Conver-
to as "basic solution-finding skills in inter- gent production in the behavioral domain was
personal relations" (p. 3). Because success- defined as "doing the right thing at the right
ful coping involves the creative generation time" (p. 5), and presumably might be tested
SOCIAL INTELLIGENCE 567
but rather what social intelligence he or she her ability to carry out the actions required
possesses- what the individual knows about to achieve control over the events in a situ-
himself or herself, other people, the situa- ation. Although Rotter (1966) proposed an
tions in which people encounter each other, individual-differences measure of internal
and the behaviors they exchange when they versus external locus of control, it would
are in them. never occur to Bandura to propose a nomo-
thetic instrument for measuring individ-
ual differences in generalized self-efficacy
The Evolution of Cognitive Views
expectations. The important consideration
of Persotullity
is not whether an individual is relatively high
The social intelligence view of personality or low in self-perceptions of competence, or
has its origins in the social-cognitive tradi- even actual competence, but rather whether
tion of personality theory, in which con- the person believes that he or she is com-
strual and reasoning processes are central to petent to perform a particular behavior in
issues of social adaptation. Thus, Kelly (1955) some particular situation.
characterized people as naive scientists gen- The immediate predecessor to the social-
erating hypotheses about future interper- intelligence view of personality is Mischel's
sonal events based on a set of personal con- (1968, 1973) cognitive social-learning recon-
structs concerning self, others, and the world ceptualization of personality. Although
at large. These constructs were idiographic sometimes couched in behaviorist language,
with respect to both content and organiza- an emphasis on the subjective meaning of the
tion. Individuals might be ranked in terms situation marked even Mischel's 1968 theory
of the complexity of their personal con- as cognitive in nature. Since that time, Mis-
struct systems, but the important issue for chel has broadened his conceptualization of
Kelly was knowing what the individual's personality to include a wide variety of dif-
personal constructs were. Beyond complex- ferent constructs, some derived from the
ity, the idiosyncratic nature of personal con- earlier work of Kelly, Rotter, Bandura, and
struct systems precluded much nomothetic others reflecting the importation into per-
comparison. sonality theory of concepts originating in the
While Kelly's theory was somewhat icon- laboratory study of human cognitive pro-
oclastic, similar developments occurred in cesses. From Mischel's (1973) point of view,
the evolution of social learning theories of the most important product of cognitive
personality. The initial formulation of social development and social learning is the indi-
learning theory (Miller & Dollard, 1941), a vidual's repertoire of cognitive and behav-
combination of Freudian psychoanalysis and ioral construction competencies -the ability to
Hullian learning theory, held that person- engage in a wide variety of skilled, adaptive
ality was largely learned behavior and that behaviors, including both overt action and
understanding personality required under- covert mental activities. These construction
standing the social conditions under which competencies are as close as Mischel gets to
it was acquired. However, the slow rise the ability view of social (or, for that matter,
of cognitive theories of learning soon lent nonsocial) intelligence.
a cognitive flavor to social learning the- On the other hand, the importance of
ory itself (Bandura & Walters, 1963; Rotter, perception and interpretation of events in
1954). Bandura (1973) argued for the acqui- Mischel's system calls for a second set of
sition of social knowledge through precept person variables, having to do with encod-
and example rather than the direct experi- ing strategies governing selective attention
ence of rewards and punishment, and later and personal constructs - Kelly-like cate-
(1986) he distinguished between the out- gories that filter people's perceptions, mem-
come expectancies emphasized by Rotter ories, and expectations. Then, of course,
and expectancies of self-efficacy - the indi- following Rotter and Bandura, Mischel
vidual's judgment or belief concerning his or also stresses the role of stimulus-outcome,
SOCIAL INTELLIGENCE 575
behavior-outcome, and self-efficacy expect- into how people form impressions of per-
ancies. Also in line with Rotter's theory, sonality. Research on person perception, in
Mischel notes that behavior will be gov- turn, led to an inquiry into the implicit the-
erned by the subjective values associated with ories of personality that provide the cogni-
various outcomes. A final set of relevant tive basis for impression formation. Specifi-
variables consists of self-regulatory systems cally, Cronbach argued that one's implicit
and plans, self-imposed goals and conse- theory of personality consisted of his or
quences that govern behavior in the absence her knowledge of "the generalized Other"
(or in spite) of social monitors and exter- (1955, p. 179) - a mental list of the impor-
nal constraints. These variables are more tant dimensions of personality and estimates
in line with the knowledge view of social of the mean and variance of each dimen-
intelligence. sion within the population, as well as esti-
mates of the covariances among the several
dimensions. Cronbach argued that this intu-
Social Intelligence as Social Knowledge
itive knowledge might be widely shared and
Following Winograd (1975) and Anderson could be acquired as a consequence of social-
(1976), Cantor and Kihlstrom (1987) clas- ization and acculturation processes; but he
sified social intelligence into two broad also assumed that there would be individual
categories: declarative social knowledge, and cultural differences in this knowledge,
consisting of abstract concepts and specific leading to individual and group differences
memories, and procedural social knowledge, in social behavior. Studies of impression
consisting of the rules, skills, and strategies formation, implicit personality theory, and
by which the person manipulates and trans- later, causal attributions1 social categories,
forms declarative knowledge and translates scripts, and person memories provided
knowledge into action. Following Tulving the foundation for the social-intelligence
(1983), the individual's fund of declarative analysis of personality structures and
social knowledge, in turn, can be broken processes.
down further into context-free semantic Following Kelly (1955) and Mischel (1973),
social knowledge about the social world in Cantor and Kihlstrom ( 1987) accorded social
general and episodic social memory for the concepts a central status as cognitive struc-
particular events and experiences that make tures of personality. If the purpose of per-
up the person's autobiographical record. ception is action, and if every act of per-
Similarly, procedural knowledge can be sub- ception is an act of categorization (Bruner 1
classified in terms of cognitive and motoric 1957), the particular categories that orga-
social skills. These concepts, personal mem- nize people's perception of the social world
ories, interpretive rules1 and action plans assume paramount importance in a cogni-
are the cognitive structures of personality. tive analysis of personality. Some of these
Together, they constitute the expertise that concepts concern the world of other people
guides an individual's approach to solving and the places we encounter them: knowl-
the problems of social life. edge of personality types, social groups, and
The cognitive architecture of social intel- social situations. Other concepts concern
ligence will be familiar from the literature on the intrapersonal world: the kinds of peo-
social cognition (for an overviews, see Fiske ple we are, both in general and in par-
& Taylor, 2007)- a literature that, interest- ticular classes of situations, and our the-
ingly, had its beginnings in early psychome- ories of how we got that way. Some of
tric efforts to measure individual differences these conceptual relations may be univer-
in social intelligence. For example, Vernon sal, and others may be highly consensual
(1933) argued that one of the characteristics within the individual's culture; but, as Kelly
of a socially intelligent person was that he (1955) argued, some may be quite idiosyn-
or she was a good judge of personality - a cratic. Regardless of whether they are shared
proposition that naturally led to inquiries with others, the individual's conceptual
576 JOHN F. KIHLSTROM AND NANCY CANTOR
knowledge about the social world forms a or wrong: Are smart people also friendly?
major portion of his or her declarative social How do you know when a person is happy
knowledge. or sad? Is it proper to laugh at a funeral?
Another important set of declara- In this way, it is possible, at least in princi-
tive social knowledge structures represents ple, to evaluate the accuracy of the person's
the individual's autobiographical mem- social knowledge and the effectiveness of his
ory (Kihlstrom, 2009). In the context of or her social behaviors. However, as noted at
social intelligence, autobiographical mem- the outset, the social intelligence approach
ory includes a narrative of the person's own to personality abjures such rankings of peo-
actions and experiences, but it also includes ple (Cantor, zoo3). Rather than asking how
what he or she has learned through direct socially intelligent a person is, compared
and vicarious experience about the actions to some norm, the social intelligence view
and experiences of specific other people, and of personality asks what social intelligence
the events that have transpired in particular a person has, which he or she can use
situations. In addition, every piece of con- to guide his or her interpersonal behav-
scious autobiographical memory is linked to ior. In fact, the social intelligence approach
a mental representation of the self as the to personality is less interested in assessing
agent or patient of some action, or the stimu- the individual's repertoire of social intelli-
lus or experiencer of some state (Kihlstrom, gence than in seeking to understand the gen-
Beer, & Klein, zooz). eral cognitive structures and processes out
On the procedural side, a substantial por- of which individuality is constructed, how
tion of the social intelligence repertoire con- these develop over the life course of the indi-
sists of interpretive rules for making sense vidual, and how they play a role in ongoing
of social experience: for inducing social social interactions. For this reason, Cantor
categories and deducing category member- and Kihlstrom (1987, 19B9; Kihlstrom & Can-
ship, making attributions of causality, infer- tor, 1989) have not proposed any individual-
ring other people's behavioral dispositions differences measures by which the person's
and emotional states, forming judgments of social intelligence can be assessed.
likability and responsibility, resolving cog- Although the social intelligence view of
nitive dissonance, encoding and retrieving personality diverges from the psychometric
1
memories of our own and other people s approach to social intelligence on the matter
behavior, predicting future events, and test- of assessment, it agrees with some contem-
ing hypotheses about our social judgments. porary psychometric views that intelligence
Some of these procedures are algorithmic is context-specific. Thus, in Sternberg's
in nature, while others may entail heuristic (1988) triarchic theory, social intelligence
shortcuts (Nisbett & Ross, 1980). Some are is part of a larger repertoire of knowledge
enacted deliberately, while others may be by which the person attempts to solve the
evoked automatically, without much atten- practical problems encountered in the phys-
tion and cognitive effort on our part (Bargh, ical and social world. According to Cantor
1997; but see also Kihlstrom, zooS). They are and Kihlstrom (1987), social intelligence is
all part of our repertoire of procedural social specifically geared to solving the problems
knowledge. of social life, and in particular managing the
life tasks, current concerns (Klinger 1977), or
personal projects (Little, zoos) that people
Sodal Intelligence in Life Tasks
select for themselves, or that other people
It should be clear that from the knowledge impose on them from outside. Put another
view of social intelligence, the assessment way, one's social intelligence cannot be eval-
of social intelligence has quite a different uated in the abstract but only with respect
character than it does from the ability view. to the domains and contexts in which it is
From a psychometric point of view, the exhibited and the life tasks it is designed
questions posed have answers that are right to serve. And even in this case, 11 adequacy"
SOCIAL INTELLIGENCE 577
cannot be judged from the viewpoint of the autobiographical memory. They also formu-
external observer but must come from the late specific plans for action and monitor
point of view of the particular person whose their progress toward their goals, taking spe-
life tasks are in play. cial note of environmental factors that stand
Life tasks provide an integrative unit in the way and determining whether the
of analysis for studying the interaction actual outcome meets their original expecta-
between the person and the situation (Can- tions. Much of the cognitive activity in life-
tor & Fleeson, 1994; Cantor & Harlow, 1994; task problem solving involves forming causal
Cantor, Kemmelmeier, Basten, & Prentice, attributions about outcomes and in sur-
2002; Cantor & Langston, 1989; Cantor & veying autobiographical memory for hints
Malley, 1991}. They may be explicit or about how things might have gone differ-
implicit, abstract or circumscribed, univer- ently. Particularly compelling evidence of
sal or unique, enduring or stage-specific, the intelligent nature of life-task pursuit
rare or commonplace, poorly defined or well comes when, inevitably, plans go awry or
defined. Whatever their features, they give some unforeseen event frustrates progress.
meaning to the individual's life and serve to Then, the person will map out a new path
organize his or her daily activities. They are toward the goal or even choose a new goal
defined from the subjective point of view compatible with a superordinate life task
of the individual: They are the tasks that Intelligence frees us from reflex, tropism,
the person perceives himself or herself as and instinct in social life as in nonsocial
"working on and devoting energy to solv- domains.
ing during a specified period in life" (Cantor
& Kihlstrom, 1987, p. 168). First, life tasks are
articulated by the individual as self-relevant, QUO VADIS?
time-consuming, and meaningfuL They pro- It is possible that the concept of social intel-
vide a kind of organizing scheme for the ligence has outlived its usefulness and will be
individual's activities, and they are embed- supplanted by emotional intelligence. Alter-
ded in the individual's ongoing daily life. natively, it is possible that neuroscientific
And they are responsive to the demands, analyses will give new life to the study of
structure, and constraints of the social envi- social intelligence, as they promise to do
ronment in which the person lives. Life in other areas of psychology. On the other
tasks are often willingly undertaken, but hand, perhaps we should abandon the "abil-
they can also be imposed on people from ity" model of social intelligence completely,
outside, and the ways in which they are along with its psychometric emphasis on
approached may be constrained by socio- developing instruments for the measuring of
cultural factors. Unlike the stage-structured individual differences in social competencies
views of Erikson and his popularizers, how- of various sorts- tests intended to rank peo-
ever, the social-intelligence view of person- ple, and on which some people must score
ality does not propose that everyone at a high and others must score low. Instead of
particular age is engaged in the same sorts focusing on how people compare, perhaps we
of life tasks. Instead, periods of transition, should focus on what people know, and how
when the person is entering into new insti- they bring their social intelligence to bear
tutions, are precisely those times when indi- on their interactions with other people, on
vidual differences in life tasks become most the tasks life has set for them, and on the
apparent. tasks they have set for themselves. In this
The intelligent nature of life-task pur- way, we would honor the primary idea of the
suit is clearly illustrated by the strategies cognitive view of social interaction, which
deployed in its service. People often begin to is that interpersonal behavior is intelligent,
comprehend the problem at hand by simu- based on what the individual knows and
lating a set of plausible outcomes, relating believes - no matter how smart or stupid
them to previous experiences stored in it may appear to other people.
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The Cambridge Handbook
of Intelligence
Edited by
ROBERT J. STERNBERG
Oklahoma State University
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
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A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.
The Cambridge Handbook of Intelligence I [edited by] Robert]. Sternberg, Scott Bany Kaufman.
p. em.- (Cambridge Handbooks in Psychology)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978~o-521~518o6~z -ISBN 978-0-521-739ll-5 (pbk.)
1. Intellect. 2. Human information processing.
L Sternberg, Robert J. (Robert Jeffrey), 1949- II. Kaufman, Scott Barry, 1979- III. Title. IV. Series.
BF431.Cz6837 2011
153·9-dC22 2010049730
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