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Like Buenos Aires, the larger city across the Río de la Plata, Montevideo attracted waves of mostly
Spanish and Italian immigrants in the later 19th and early 20th centuries. Some of those immigrants
brought radical political ideas, and Montevideo (like Buenos Aires) became home to an important
community of anarchists. Unlike the more traditional Marxist Left (socialists, and later
communists), many anarchists understood women’s oppression—at least in theory—as a condition
of exploitation and enslavement parallel to the exploitation of labor by capital. Anarchists during
this era were also strong proponents of “free love,” which essentially rejected traditional marriage
as an unequal institution reinforcing authoritarian ideologies and facilitating exploitation. As a
result, the anarchist press was relatively more open to feminist ideas and discourse than other print
media of this era, and a few prominent women maintained a high profile in anarchist print media
during the 1910s. In Montevideo during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, for example, the
anarchist publication Derecho a la vida (Right to life) featured articles by anarchist feminists. Given
women’s economic dependence on men under capitalism, marriage was frequently equated with
prostitution in such publications. “Only in a communist anarchist society where nobody is dying of
hunger,” explained an article from 1900, “will completely free unions be possible.”1
Movement between Uruguay and Argentina, and their respective capitals, has long been fluid and
frequent, and ideas, people, and media products (newspapers, radio broadcasts) paid little heed to
national frontiers. In 1902, Argentina’s Ley de residencia (Residence law)—legislation that
facilitated the deportation of foreign-born agitators from its shores—bolstered Montevideo’s
importance as a haven for exiles. In 1907, following a major tenants’ strike in Buenos Aires in
which anarchist women figured prominently, three leading activists, Uruguayans María Collazo and
Virginia Bolten, and Spanish Juana Rouco Buela, were expelled from Argentina under the terms of
the new law. They all took up residence in Montevideo, where they continued their political
activism and agitation. In 1909 and 1910, the three published the short-lived newspaper La Nueva
Senda (The new path). The publication lauded the struggles and defiance of proletarian women but
also expressed frustration at what they presented as women’s lack of political consciousness. By
agreeing to work for less pay than their male counterparts, and by raising their children to “earn
money” rather than to destroy capitalism, women undermined the working-class struggle, they
argued.2 Starting in 1915, Collazo founded and edited La Batalla (The battle), which published
until approximately 1927. While La Batalla did not deal exclusively with women’s issues, the
publication regularly denounced the economic and sexual exploitation of proletarian women, and
called for an end to both capitalism and bourgeois marriage as institutions that robbed women of
their human dignity. In response to reports that a young woman had committed suicide because her
employer was pressuring her to have sex with him, for example, a late 1915 article concluded that
proletarian women had only three real options: “kill yourself, prostitute yourself, or rebel.”3
Alongside the anarchists were more moderate freethinkers, anticlerical liberals who saw religion,
and especially the Catholic Church, as an obstacle to progress and a tool of women’s oppression. As
early as 1901, Asunción Lavrin reports, the anticlerical feminist Celestina Margain de León began
publishing a short-lived newspaper in Montevideo named La defensa de la mujer (Women’s
defense).4 Judging from the publication’s third issue (in June 1901), the paper faced some rather
strident attacks from elements of the mainstream press, which may in part explain why it did not
endure.5 The following year, Uruguayan freethinker María Abella de Ramírez founded the
periodical Nosotras (We women) in the Argentine city of La Plata. Nosotras, which published from
1902 to 1904, “examined a variety of ideas on the emancipation of women and acted as a forum for
the discussion of social issues affecting men, women, and the family.”6 More important to the
history of feminist print media in Uruguay are the activities of a Spanish exile, Belén de Sárraga,
who reportedly settled in Montevideo because of the climate of tolerance for anticlerical views
created by President Batlle y Ordóñez. In 1906, she founded the Association of Liberal Ladies
(Asociación de damas liberales), in part as an answer to the establishment of the Catholic Ladies’
League in the city a few months earlier. From 1908 to 1910, Sárraga edited the newspaper El
Liberal, in which she “wrote articles defending illegitimate children, secular education and the
separation of church and state.” For the Liberal Ladies, religion and religious domination were the
main cause of women’s oppression, which had left woman a “physically and morally deformed
being.”7
Conservative Catholics felt particularly embattled in secular Uruguay, and legal changes expanding
divorce, among other things, spurred conservative Catholic women to action. In 1906, the first Latin
American branch of the Liga de Damas Católicas (Catholic Ladies’ League) in Latin America was
organized in Montevideo, and the following year the first issue of the group’s official publication,
El Eco, was published. From the beginning, Liga leadership understood the importance of mass
media to getting out their pro-clerical message. A May 1908 issue stated, “We must never tire of
repeating that the only methods today for dominating public opinion are conferences and the press
… the Catholic religion has lost ground by not knowing how to use these mediums.”8 El Eco
published continuously for more than twenty-five years, and the Liga used its pages to promote its
projects, motivate its readership, and attack its enemies. Somewhat ironically, perhaps, the Catholic
Ladies’ League was the first of these political women’s groups to align themselves with the word
feminism, following the publication of a pamphlet by one of their members titled “Feminismo
Cristiano” (Christian Feminism) in 1906.
The foundation of the Uruguayan Socialist Party in 1910, the departure of Belén de Sarraga for
Chile in that same year, and the return of Batlle y Ordóñez to the presidency in 1911 combined to
move the freethinking anticlerical women into a more middle-class liberal feminist camp focused
on obtaining equal civil and political rights for women, with less attention paid to the issues of
working women or questions of sexual abuse and exploitation. In 1916, the National Women’s
Council of Uruguay—a branch of the International Council of Women—was founded under the
leadership of Paulina Luisi, Uruguay’s first female physician and its most important feminist leader.
In 1917, the council began publishing Acción Femenina (Feminine action), a mostly quarterly
magazine that appeared more or less regularly until 1925. Paulina Luisi was also a correspondent
for the Argentine socialist feminist publication Nuestra Causa (Our cause), the official publication
of the National Feminist Union in Argentina, a group headed up by noted Socialist Dra. Alicia
Moreau de Justo. A publication that defined itself as the “monthly magazine of the feminist
movement,” Nuestra Causa published between 1919 and 1921 and had a wide circulation that
included Montevideo.9
Liberal feminists were visible in the mainstream press as well. Luisi’s friend and longtime political
collaborator Fanny Carrió de Polleri penned a regular column titled “Para Nosotras” (For us
women) in the Colorado Party daily, La Mañana, from 1917 to 1921. Using the pseudonym
“Fafhm” (the first initials of her five children), Carrió de Polleri used this column to argue in favor
of women’s right to vote and to defend feminism against charges that it was anti-family or anti-
male. Another regular contributor to La Mañana, Carmen C. de Queirolo, seconded these views,
asserting in June 1919 that “to be a feminist is the most exquisite manifestation of femininity.”10
Women continued to make inroads into areas of journalism that had been exclusively male domains.
In 1933, for example, Giselda Zani became the first woman to interview a soccer player in Uruguay,
opening up what remains a very narrow space for female sportscasters in the country. During the
1920s, the anarchist movement, and by extension the anarchist feminist movement, began to fade,
and the mantle of radicalism and (somewhat tepid) support of socialist feminist ideas passed to the
Uruguayan Communist Party, created in 1921 when a majority of Socialist Party members voted to
affiliate with the Third International. The party’s official newspaper, Justicia, included a separate
women’s section. In the early 1920s, for example, Justicia publicized a Communist Party campaign
to organize domestic workers, and aired debates among party members over women’s revolutionary
capacity and other related matters.11
Following women’s acquisition of the franchise in late 1932, a coup imposed an authoritarian
regime. Feminists were divided on whether to participate in the new regime and on the best way to
make the woman’s vote most impactful. One liberal feminist, Sara Rey Alvarez—over the
objections of veteran feminists such as Paulina Luisi—founded a separate political party, the Partido
Independiente Democrático Femenino (Women’s Democratic Independent Party). The party was
skeptical of traditional political parties, whom they felt were only interested in paying lip service to
women’s issues to gain the electoral support of newly enfranchised female voters. The party’s
newspaper, Ideas y Acción (Ideas and Action), published from 1933 to 1938, with a primary goal of
educating women and preparing them to exercise their political rights.12 As Asunción Lavrin notes,
“Rey Alvarez used Ideas y Acción to argue her political program throughout the late 1930s.” The
1938 elections were the first in which women were able to vote, but because of the restraints placed
on opposition participation many political factions opted to abstain. Luisi, for her part, actually
encouraged women to sit out the 1938 elections for fear that they would be used like “sheep” by
pro-regime forces.13 The Women’s Party, however, took a different position, and the pages of Ideas
y Acción encouraged women to register to vote and complained about lack of government effort to
bring women into the electorate. The 1938 elections were an electoral disaster for the Women’s
Party; it received fewer than two hundred votes, and the party and its publication disappeared soon
afterward.
Primary Sources
Archivo Paulina Luisi, Biblioteca Nacional de Uruguay, Montevedio, Uruguay.Find this resource:
Arévalo, Julia. El congreso mundial de mujeres y nuestra patria. Montevideo, Uruguay: Partido
Comunista del Uruguay, 1946.Find this resource:
Morán, Cristina. Desde estos ojos. Montevideo, Uruguay: Fin de Siglo, 1994.Find this resource:
Pinto, Mercedes, Rogelio Martínez, and Alicia Cagnasso. Crónica del exilio de Mercedes Pinto en
Uruguay. Montevideo, Uruguay: Ediciones Bergamin, 2007.Find this resource:
El Eco de la Liga de Damas Católicas del Uruguay. Montevideo, Uruguay, 1906–1934. Held at the
Uruguayan National Library in Montevideo.Find this resource:
Programa Oficial de estaciones de radio del Uruguay (POEUR). Montevideo, Uruguay, 1931–
1939. Held at the National Library in Montevideo.Find this resource:
Further Reading
Acree, William Garrett. Everyday Reading: Print Culture and Collective Identity in the Río de la
Plata, 1780–1910. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2011.Find this resource:
Arkinstall, Christine. Spanish Female Writers and the Freethinking Press, 1879–1926. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2014.Find this resource:
Barbero, Raúl. De la galena al satélite: Crónica de 70 años de radio en el Uruguay, 1922–1992.
Montevideo, Uruguay: Ediciones de la Pluma, 1995.Find this resource:
Barbero, Raúl. Por Siempre Carve. Montevideo: Raúl Barbero, 1999.Find this resource:
Campodónico, Miguel Ángel. Cristina Morán: Entre la soledad y los aplausos. Montevideo,
Uruguay: Aguilar, 2014.Find this resource:
Ehrick, Christine. The Shield of the Weak: Women, Feminism and the State in Uruguay, 1903–1933.
Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005.Find this resource:
Ehrick, Christine. “Beneficient Cinema: State Formation, Elite Reproduction, and Silent Film in
Uruguay, 1910s–1920s.” The Americas 63.2 (October 2006): 205–224.Find this resource:
Ehrick, Christine. Radio and the Gendered Soundscape: Women and Broadcasting in Argentina and
Uruguay, 1930–1950. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015.Find this resource:
Gallo, Rosalía, ed. Periodismo politico femenino: Ensayo sobre las revistas feministas en la
primera mitad del: Siglo XX. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial Dunken, 2013.Find this resource:
Gumucio, Rafael. “Belén de Sárraga, librepensadora, anarquista y feminista.” Polis: Revista
Latinoamericana 9 (2004): 2–20.Find this resource:
Lavrin, Asunción. Women, Feminism and Social Change in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay, 1890–
1940. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995.Find this resource:
Leibner, Gerardo. Camaradas y compañeras: Una historia política y social de los comunistas del
Uruguay. Tomo I La era Gómez, 1941–1955. Montevideo, Uruguay: Trilce, 2011.Find this resource:
Lobato, Mirta. La prensa obrera: Buenos Aires y Montevideo, 1890–1958. Buenos Aires, Argentina:
Edhasa, 2009.Find this resource:
Maronna, Mónica and Ernesto Beretta Garcia. Historia, cultura y medios de comunicación:
enfoques y perspectivas. Montevideo, Uruguay: Biblioteca Nacional, 2012.Find this resource:
Matallana, Andrea. “Locos por la radio”: Una historia social de la radiofonía en la Argentina,
1923–1947. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Prometeo Libros, 2006.Find this resource:
Molyneux, Maxine. “No God, No Boss, No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Century
Argentina.” Latin American Perspectives 13.1 (Winter 1986): 119–145.Find this resource:
Sapriza, Gabriela. Memorias de rebeldía: Siete historias de vida. Montevideo, Uruguay: Puntosur,
1988.Find this resource:
Notes:
(1.) Gabriela Sapriza, Memorias de rebeldía: Siete historias de vida (Montevideo, Uruguay:
Puntosur, 1988), 43.
(2.) Juana Buela, “A las mujeres: Necesidad de organizarse,” La Nueva Senda 14 (January 1910): 3.
(3.) “La solución: Prostituirse, suicidarse o rebelarse,” La Batalla 11 (December 1915): 2.
(4.) Asunción Lavrin, Women, Feminism and Social Change in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay,
1890–1940 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995), 324.
(5.) One issue of La defensa de la mujer (No. 3, 1901) is available at Universidad de la República
Uruguay.
(6.) Lavrin, Women, Feminism and Social Change, 322.
(7.) Christine Ehrick, The Shield of the Weak: Women, Feminism and the State in Uruguay, 1903–
1933 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), 55.
(8.) “Las conferencias de la Liga,” El Eco 12 (May 15, 1908): 1.
(9.) Rosalía Gallo, ed. Periodismo politico femenino: Ensayo sobre las revistas feministas en la
primera mitad del: Siglo XX (Buenos Aires, Argentina): Editorial Dunken, 2013, 35–46.
(10.) Ehrick, Shield of the Weak, 140–141.
(11.) Ehrick, Shield of the Weak, 189–193.
(12.) “Manifiesto al país.” Ideas y acción, año 1, no.11 (November 5, 1933): 1.
(13.) Sapriza, Memorias de rebeldía, 100.
(14.) Christine Ehrick, “Beneficient Cinema: State Formation, Elite Reproduction, and Silent Film
in Uruguay, 1910s–1920s,” The Americas 63.2 (October 2006): 205–224.
(15.) Gustavo Remedi, “Escrituras no tan en el aire: El campo de la radio en el Uruguay,” in
Industrias culturales en el Uruguay, eds., Ronaldo País and Claudio Rama, Industrias culturales en
el Uruguay (Montevideo, Uruguay: Arca, 1992).
(16.) Andrea Matallana, “Locos por la radio”: Una historia social de la radiofonía en la Argentina,
1923–1947 (Buenos Aires, Argentina: Prometeo Libros, 2006), 36.
(17.) Programa oficial de estaciones uruguayas de radio (POEUR), Año 1 No. 1, 8 August 1931.
Mundo Uruguayo was published by Capurro and Co. in Montevideo from 1919 to about 1966. In
addition to the Uruguayan National Library in Montevideo, the University of Florida has a nearly
complete collection of the magazine’s early years (from 1919 to 1938).
(18.) Raúl Barbero, Por Siempre Carve (Montevideo, Uruguay: Raúl Barbero, 1999).
(19.) “Estación Radio Jackson,” El Eco 270 (April 1932): 3315.
(20.) Christine Ehrick, Radio and the Gendered Soundscape: Women and Broadcasting in
Argentina and Uruguay, 1930–1950 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 70–101.
(21.) Ehrick, Radio and the Gendered Soundscape, 105–115.
(22.) The inaugural (July 1949) issue of the Boletín de Información de Unión Femenina del
Uruguay is available at Universidad de la República Uruguay.
(23.) Gerardo Leibner, Camaradas y compañeras: Una historia política y social de los comunistas
del Uruguay. Tomo I La era Gómez, 1941–1955 (Montevideo, Uruguay: Trilce, 2011), 262.
(24.) Cristina Morán, Desde estos ojos (Montevideo, Uruguay: Fin de Siglo), 37.
(25.) Available at Red de Historia de Los Medios.